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correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
0
| 7
|
https://dbpedia.org/page/Edda_G%25C3%25B6ring
|
en
|
About: http://dbpedia.org/resource/Edda
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DBpedia
|
http://dbpedia.org/resource/Edda_G%C3%B6ring
|
An Entity of Type: Thing, from Named Graph: http://dbpedia.org, within Data Space: dbpedia.org
|
|||||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 62
|
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/13/obituaries/edda-goering-dies.html
|
en
|
Edda Goering, Unrepentant Daughter of Hermann, Dies at 80
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Daniel E. Slotnik"
] |
2019-03-13T00:00:00
|
The only daughter of the leader of the Luftwaffe and Hitler’s potential successor, she defended her father’s legacy after his death.
|
en
|
/vi-assets/static-assets/favicon-d2483f10ef688e6f89e23806b9700298.ico
|
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/13/obituaries/edda-goering-dies.html
|
Edda Goering was practically a princess of the Third Reich. As the only daughter of Hermann Goering, the leader of the Luftwaffe and Adolf Hitler’s right-hand man and potential successor, Ms. Goering was a national celebrity from the day she was born.
Her early childhood resembled a fairy tale. She grew up in Carinhall, an estate in the countryside replete with priceless works of art and a child-size play palace. Hitler was her godfather, and her birthday inspired national celebrations.
Her youthful idyll ended when the Allies defeated Germany in 1945. Goering, who had been convicted of war crimes and other charges at Nuremberg, committed suicide with a cyanide capsule in his cell hours before he was to be executed in 1946. Edda was 8 at the time.
Ms. Goering, who defended her father’s legacy for the rest of her life, died on Dec. 21 in Munich. She was 80. A spokesman for the municipal administrative authority for the City of Munich confirmed the death only this week. He provided no other details. German news reports said that only a few close associates had been informed of her death.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 37
|
https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/2276/psychology-at-nuremberg/
|
en
|
Psychology at Nuremberg
|
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"Admin Assistant",
"Emil Stern",
"AJ Berkovitz",
"Adam Kirsch",
"Joseph Epstein"
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2016-09-26T18:45:52+00:00
|
Both Kelley and Gilbert believed they could make a broad psychosocial argument despite the limited sample size, inconclusive tests, infighting, and lack of clear standards and definitions.
|
en
|
Jewish Review of Books
|
https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/2276/psychology-at-nuremberg/
|
On May 10, 1941, Rudolf Hess, the deputy führer of Nazi Germany, surreptitiously piloted a plane from Augsburg, Germany to a small homestead in Scotland. Upon being discovered by a farmer, he exclaimed, “I have an important message for the Duke of Hamilton.” Hess had come to make a peace offer to Britain without Hitler’s knowledge, reasoning that Germany’s true enemy was the Soviet Union. It was so odd and surprising that a joke began to make the rounds: Churchill, cigar in mouth, said to Hess, “So you’re the madman are you?” And Hess replied, “Oh, no, only his deputy.”
This joke, popular in Germany, reflected a prevalent view: Only a psychopath would appoint a deputy like Hess; only a madman would attempt to conquer the world. This conclusion was shared by President Roosevelt, who called Hitler “a nut” and a “wild man.” Indeed, officials in the United States and Great Britain committed significant resources to exploring Nazi psychiatric pathology during the war. For instance, Walter Langer, an American psychoanalyst, studied propaganda and Hitler’s psyche under the auspices of the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS).
Fascination with the Nazi mind persisted into the Nuremberg trials of November 1945, where chief prosecutors and judges from Great Britain, France, the United States, and the USSR put the captured Nazi high command on trial for war crimes, crimes against humanity, wars of aggression, and crimes against peace. At the trials, psychologists and psychiatrists furiously rushed to understand their high-profile Nazi prisoners. Mental health experts could finally examine and interview the alleged madmen up close and answer the question, were the Nazis insane?
In The Anatomy of Malice: The Enigma of the Nazi War Criminals, Joel Dimsdale, a professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of California, San Diego, tells the story of Douglas Kelley, a U.S. army psychiatrist, and Gustave Gilbert, a psychologist, who interviewed the prisoners about the war, politics, family life, and the Nazi rise to power. Kelley and Gilbert also gave their prisoners Rorschach exams, presenting them with the famous ink-blot cards and asking the standard questions, “What does this card remind you of?” and “Can you point out what parts of the card made you say that?” At the time, these tests were considered to be among the most valuable of psychodiagnostic exams. For instance, patients who saw more movement in the pictures were thought more likely to be creative and intelligent. Subjects who saw plants and nature within the blots were evaluated as more “isolated interpersonally.”
With Rorschach results and interview notes in hand, did Kelley and Gilbert solve the enigma of Nazi pathology, or, at least, provide the materials for such a solution? Or, to put the question even more modestly, what did their investigations teach us about what Dimsdale calls “the anatomy of malice”?
Of the more than 20 defendants at the first Nuremberg trial, Dimsdale concentrates on four “whose malice,” he writes, “was rooted in different soils”: Robert Ley, Julius Streicher, Rudolf Hess, and Hermann Göring.
Ley, who was the head of the German Labor Front, created a slave labor force to support the Nazi war effort, and his view of Jews was uncompromising:
Degenerate to their very bones, . . . nauseatingly corrupt, and cowardly like all nasty creatures—such is the aristocratic clique which the Jew has sicked [sic] on National Socialism. . . . We must exterminate this filth, extirpate it root and branch.
This anti-Semitism was matched only by his impulsivity. An alcoholic, he drove the Duke and Duchess of Windsor around Munich while drunk, eventually plowing through locked gates and nearly running over several workers. At a dinner party, he ripped his second wife’s clothing off so that the guests could admire her body. Dr. Kelley wrote that Ley “was totally unable to carry on a coherent conversation” without shouting and ranting. Surprisingly enough, Ley requested “if at all possible . . . to have a Jewish person as my defense counsel.” Before he could be sentenced, however, he had hung himself with his towel, stuffing his underpants into his mouth to mute any involuntary sounds he might make.
Kelley’s psychiatric assessment of Ley was fairly straightforward: He had poor judgment and was emotionally unstable, likely due to frontal lobe damage from several accidents. When Ley’s brain was shipped to the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology in Washington, D.C., Dr. Webb Haymaker, a neuropathologist, did find atrophy of the frontal lobes and “chronic encephalopathy of sufficient duration and degree to have impaired Dr. Ley’s mental and emotional faculty,” though he thought that these were more likely to have been due to alcohol abuse than trauma.
Kelley and Gilbert came to different conclusions about Julius Streicher, the founder and publisher of Der Stürmer, the virulently anti-Semitic Nazi publication. Streicher refused every attorney offered to him because, as Dimsdale explains, “all the names on the list sounded Jewish and he wanted an anti-Semite as his defense counsel.” And yet, three psychiatrists from Russia, France, and the United States found him fit for trial:
It being the unanimous conclusion of the examiners that Julius Streicher is sane, he is for that reason capable of understanding the nature and quality of his acts during the period of time covered by the Indictment.
Gilbert concluded that Streicher was paranoid and had an “apathetic obsessive quality.” Kelley thought that Streicher was essentially rational but obsessed by the Jewish question: He “had a systemized series of beliefs . . . which were founded purely on his own emotions and prejudices and not on known facts.” As for Streicher’s Rorschach, it merely revealed, according to Kelley, a normal personality with strong markers of depression.
Unlike Streicher, Rudolf Hess, Hitler’s deputy who made that strange and ill-advised sojourn to Great Britain, befuddled the psychiatrists. Throughout his imprisonment he complained of insomnia, constipation, and an upset stomach, though physicians could find no organic cause for his complaints. Paranoia gripped the prisoner as well. He thought his captors had drugged his cocoa and injected poison into his apples.
Hess also claimed to have lost his memory. An international team of seven physicians, including neurologists, internists, psychoanalysts, and Winston Churchill’s personal doctor, came to examine Hess to evaluate his fitness for trial. The committee found that Hess was indeed psychologically fit for trial: “Hess is not insane, has no disorder of consciousness, understands the nature of the proceedings against him . . . A part of the memory loss is simulated.” During a hearing on his fitness to stand trial, the defendant proved the physicians right, standing up and shouting, “Henceforth my memory will again respond to the outside world. The reasons for simulating loss of memory were of a tactical nature. Only my ability to concentrate is, in fact, somewhat reduced. But my capacity to follow the trial, to defend myself, to put questions to witnesses, or to answer questions myself is not affected thereby.”
Kelley, unsure of what to make of Hess, wrote both that he had “no evidence of psychopathology” and that he was “insane.” He concluded that “diagrammatically, if one considers the street as sanity and the sidewalk as insanity, then Hess spent the greater part of his time on the curb.” Gilbert, too, had a difficult time assessing Hess. The Rorschach test didn’t make matters any clearer. In Kelley’s interpretation, Hess was competent with no evidence of psychopathology, but he added that Hess suffered from a “basic paranoid personality.”
Hermann Göring was a more straightforward patient. As commander of Germany’s air force, the Luftwaffe, the famous WWI pilot threw lavish parties at his mansion with pet lions, miniature airplanes, and cowboy and Indian movies. When he arrived at Nuremberg as a prisoner, he managed to bring along twenty thousand paracodeine pills, semi-synthetic opioid painkillers, to feed his addiction. Göring’s oddities didn’t end there. He was just as capricious with his racial views. When he appointed a field marshal who allegedly had some Jewish ancestry, Göring said, “In Germany, a Jew is whoever I say is a Jew.” He told Dr. Leon Goldensohn, another psychiatrist who interviewed him during the trials, “If I really felt that the killing of Jews meant . . . winning of the war, I would not be too bothered by it . . . I revere women and I think it unsportsmanlike to kill children . . . [I]f I had found out what was going on regarding the mass murders, it would simply have made me feel bad and I could do very little to prevent it anyway.”
Kelley and Gilbert “agreed that Göring was venal, corrupt, and brutal.” Gilbert described him as an “aggressive psychopath with an insatiable lust for power, titles, wealth, food, . . . and ostentatious display, ready to murder, steal, or stage frameups to gain his ends; the camouflage of the amiable extrovert and humorist.” And the Rorschach tests? According to Kelley, they revealed Göring’s intelligence, aggression, ambition, and egocentricity. Gilbert interpreted the test slightly differently, finding Göring to be of average intelligence and a coward in spite of his bravado and aggression.
Dimsdale admits that “Kelley and Gilbert spoke with great assurance, ignoring the fact that they were extrapolating on the basis of a small sample.” This is not to speak of the fact that these members of the Nazi high command were imprisoned, demoralized, and on trial for their lives. Under such harrowing circumstances any clear appraisal of a patient’s psychiatric condition is difficult. Nor can one extrapolate from members of the Nazi high command to other perpetrators, such as the concentration camp guards who corralled Jews to their deaths or the soldiers in the field who massacred Jews, Eastern Europeans, and Soviet citizens.
Moreover, as Dimsdale demonstrates, psychiatry was a very different field in the 1940s than it is today. Freudian ideas, which now lie on the fringes of acceptability, still held sway in many circles. But even Freud’s ideas were not applied in a unified manner. “[E]xperts,” Dimsdale writes, “lacked a common psychiatric vocabulary in Nuremberg in 1945 and 1946.” Thus, even simply interpreting Kelley and Gilbert’s assessments can be confusing. Nor do the Rorschach tests help. In the 1970s, Dr. Molly Harrower, a revered Rorschach expert, took the Rorschachs performed on a group of Unitarian ministers and psychiatric outpatients and combined them with those from the Nazis. She then gathered 10 Rorschach experts, asking them to identify the Nazi responses. They couldn’t, and further studies did no better.
Finally, Kelley and Gilbert’s partnership was a “collaboration from hell.” When Kelley left Nuremberg, Gilbert accused him of stealing his notes. Meanwhile, Kelley was already negotiating with publishers to write a book about Nuremberg. When he wrote Gilbert asking for “more interviews and transcripts from the trial,” Gilbert declined. Kelley continued to promote himself upon his return to the United States, giving interviews to the gossip-hungry press about his experience with the Nazis. As Gilbert stewed, both worked on competing books and fought over the data, such as it was. Kelley threatened to sue Gilbert if he used Kelley’s Rorschach materials for a book, while Gilbert accused Kelley of doctoring the records. And so on.
Nevertheless, both Kelley and Gilbert believed they could make a broad psychosocial argument despite the limited sample size, inconclusive tests, infighting, and lack of clear standards and definitions. Kelley argued that “Nazism is a socio-cultural disease. I had at Nuremberg the purest known Nazi-virus cultures—22 flasks as it were—to study . . . They can be found anywhere in the country—behind big desks deciding big affairs.” Gilbert, conversely, found that the Nazis were not on the continuum of normal human behavior. They were, as Dimsdale puts it, in “a unique category of psychopathology.”
According to Dimsdale, Kelley’s idea that there is darkness in every person and Gilbert’s conclusion that the Nazis had a unique darkness were “both right.” Nonetheless, as his own careful study shows, there is no psychiatric trend that stands out among the defendants at Nuremberg. Thus, at the end of this fascinating, disturbing book, the reader is left with questions—enduring questions to be sure—but no answers. Is it possible that there is no unifying psychopathology, no unique anatomy of malice?
In The Nuremberg Interviews, the historian Robert Gellately reproduced Dr. Leon Goldensohn’s (Kelley and Gilbert’s colleague) interviews with the Nuremberg defendants, and the conversations are revealing. Walter Funk, the German minister of economics from 1937 to 1945, told Goldensohn that “there was too high a percentage of Jews in the law, in the theater, and in the economic and cultural life of our Reich . . . But I was not a radical. I did not foresee the mass murders.” Franz von Papen, Hitler’s ambassador to Austria, expressed similar views:
Hitler didn’t strive for the annihilation of the Jews . . . Hitler merely said at the beginning that Jewish influence was too great . . . You see, after 1918, when the war was lost, we had an influx of Jews from the East. This overflow was absolutely abnormal in Germany . . . We thought that this should be corrected.
Alfred Rosenberg, the German minister of the occupied territories, said that the Jews “spat at German culture” by controlling “the theater, publishing, the stores, and so on.” How bizarre that even as they stood before the gallows denying responsibility for the mass murders for which they were being tried, these men could not bring themselves to repudiate anti-Semitism’s most basic premise, that there was “a Jewish problem”!
Nazi Germany fell under the malignant grip of a political pathology, not a psychological one. In this respect it was extreme but hardly unique. After all, one can observe the pathology of anti-Semitism not only in a mid-century deputy führer, but in a modern-day liberal arts professor, a Middle Eastern religious fanatic, and members of the British Labour Party, to name just a few contemporary instances. This may not be the generalized anatomy of malice for which Dimsdale was searching when he undertook this study, but it is a specific contagion with a recognizable anatomy.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 19
|
https://www.biography.com/political-figures/hermann-goring
|
en
|
Death, Nazi & Hitler
|
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2014-04-02T04:38:09
|
Hermann Göring was a leader of the Nazi Party. He was condemned to hang as a war criminal in 1946 but took his own life instead.
|
en
|
/_assets/design-tokens/biography/static/images/favicon.3635572.ico
|
Biography
|
https://www.biography.com/political-figures/hermann-goring
|
(1893-1946)
Who Was Hermann Göring?
Hermann Göring was a leader of the Nazi Party. He played a prominent role in organizing the Nazi police state in Germany and established concentration camps for the "corrective treatment" of individuals. Indicted by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg in 1946, Göring was condemned to hang as a war criminal, but he took cyanide the night he was to be executed.
Early Life, Nazi Party and World War I
Hermann Göring was born in Rosenheim, Germany, on January 12, 1893. He was trained for a career in the military and received his commission in 1912, serving Germany as a pilot during World War I. After the war, Göring worked as a commercial pilot in Denmark and Sweden, where he met Swedish baroness Carin von Kantzow, who promptly divorced her husband and married Göring in February 1923.
Two years earlier, Göring had met Adolf Hitler and had joined the emerging National Socialist German Workers' (Nazi) Party, and as a former military officer, he was given command of Hitler's stormtroopers (the "SA"). In November 1923, Göring took part in the failed Beer Hall Putsch, during which Hitler attempted to seize control of the German government by spearheading a revolution with the help of the SA.
During the putsch, Göring was severely wounded in the groin and, after his escape into Austria, was given morphine for the pain. As a result, Göring developed a severe drug addiction that would follow him for his entire life and twice lead him into a treatment center. After the putsch failed, Hitler was imprisoned (and released in 1924), and Göring remained in exile until he was granted amnesty in 1927. He then returned to Germany and was readmitted to the Nazi Party.
Göring's wife died in 1931, and the following year Göring rose to the presidency of the Reichstag (parliament) when the Nazi Party won the majority of seats in the July election. Hitler was named German chancellor on January 30, 1933, and before long a bill giving him dictatorial powers was passed. Hitler allowed Göring to create the Gestapo, or secret political police, and to establish concentration camps in which to imprison the Nazis' political opponents. He married his second wife Emma “Emmy” Sonnemann in 1935 with whom he had a daughter.
World War II
In 1934, Göring's Gestapo and the Nazis' parliamentary regiments, also known as "Schutzstaffel" or the "SS," carried out what has become known as the "Night of the Long Knives," in which 85 members of the political opposition were assassinated, thus consolidating Nazi power and quieting any further dissent. Göring's association with Hitler helped him rise to power alongside the Führer and, in 1935, he took command of the German air force—a position he held until the end of World War II.
In 1939, Hitler declared Göring his successor. The following year, he bestowed upon Göring the special rank of marshal of the empire. By April 1945, however, with the Allies moving in, Göring attempted to assume Hitler's powers in accordance with the pronouncements of 1939, as he considered Hitler to be pinned down and virtually helpless in Berlin. Convinced that this was an act of treason, Hitler stripped Göring of his offices and titles, and placed him under house arrest. By April 1945, the situation for the Nazis had become dire, and on April 30, 1945, Hitler and wife Eva Braun committed suicide. Göring was freed from prison, and he immediately sought out American troops and surrendered.
Trial and Death
While awaiting trial as a war criminal, Göring finally was able to break his morphine addiction, and he defended himself before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg. Göring denied any involvement in the regime's more monstrous activities but was condemned to death nonetheless. He pleaded to be shot instead of hanged, but the tribunal refused his request.
On October 15, 1946, the night that his execution was ordered — and a year and a half after Hitler had committed suicide in his own bunker — Göring took a cyanide capsule and died in his cell.
QUICK FACTS
Name: Hermann Wilhelm Goring
Birth Year: 1893
Birth date: January 12, 1893
Birth City: Rosenheim
Birth Country: Germany
Gender: Male
Best Known For: Hermann Göring was a leader of the Nazi Party. He was condemned to hang as a war criminal in 1946 but took his own life instead.
Industries
World War I
Crime and Terrorism
World War II
Politics and Government
Astrological Sign: Capricorn
Nacionalities
German
Death Year: 1946
Death date: October 15, 1946
Death City: Nuremberg
Death Country: Germany
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CITATION INFORMATION
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The First Trial at Nuremberg
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2016-08-02T12:00:00+00:00
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Learn about the international tribunal that tried and sentenced German leaders at the end of World War II.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Facing History & Ourselves
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https://www.facinghistory.org/resource-library/first-trial-nuremberg
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What these men stand for we will patiently and temperately disclose. We will give you undeniable proofs of incredible events. . . . They took from the German people all those dignities and freedoms that we hold natural and inalienable rights in every human being. The people were compensated by inflaming and gratifying hatreds toward those who were marked as “scapegoats.” Against their opponents, including Jews, Catholics, and free labor, the Nazis directed such a campaign of arrogance, brutality and annihilation as the world has never witnessed since the pre-Christian ages. They excited the German ambition to be a “master race,” which of course implies serfdom for others. They led their people on a mad gamble for domination. They diverted social energies and resources to the creation of what they thought to be an invincible war machine. They overran their neighbors. To sustain the “master race” in its war-making, they enslaved millions of human beings and brought them into Germany, where these hapless creatures now wander as “displaced persons.”
Jackson went on to say,
Unfortunately, the nature of these crimes is such that both prosecution and judgment must be by victor nations over vanquished forces. The worldwide scope of the aggressions carried out by these men has left but few real neutrals. . . . We must never forget that the record on which we judge these defendants today is the record on which history will judge us tomorrow. To pass these defendants a poisoned chalice is to put it to our own lips as well. We must summon such detachment and intellectual integrity to our task that this Trial will commend itself to posterity as fulfilling humanity’s aspirations to do justice.
Of the 22 men brought to trial, five were military leaders and the rest were prominent German government or Nazi Party officials. The following is a list of the defendants and their positions in the Third Reich.
Defendants in the First Nuremberg Trial Name Title/position Martin Bormann (tried in absentia) Head of the Nazi Party Chancellery and Hitler’s private secretary Karl Dönitz Supreme Commander of the Navy (1943) and German Chancellor after Hitler’s suicide Hans Frank Governor General of Occupied Poland Wilhelm Frick Minister of the Interior Hans Fritzsche Head of the Radio Division of the Propaganda Ministry Walther Funk President of the Reichsbank (1939) and Reich Minister for Economic Affairs Hermann Göring Reich Marshall and Hitler’s chosen successor Rudolf Hess Deputy Führer Alfred Jodl Chief of the Operations Staff of the Armed Forces Ernst Kaltenbrunner Chief of the Security Police and the Reich Security Main Office Wilhelm Keitel Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces Konstantin von Neurath Minister of Foreign Affairs (1932–1938) and Reich Protector of Bohemia and Moravia [regions of Czechoslovakia controlled by Germany] (1939–1943) Franz von Papen
Chancellor of Germany (1932)
Erich Raeder Supreme Commander of the Navy (1928–1943) Joachim von Ribbentrop Reich Foreign Minister (1938–1945) Alfred Rosenberg Party Philosopher and Reich Minister for the Eastern Occupied Area Fritz Sauckel Plenipotentiary [Ambassador] for Labor Allocation Hjalmar Schacht Minister of Economics and President of the Reichsbank (1933–1939) Baldur von Schirach Führer [Leader] of the Hitler Youth Arthur Seyss-Inquart Minister of the Interior and Reich Governor of Austria Albert Speer Minister of Armaments and War Production Julius Streicher A Nazi Party leader and the founder of Der Stürmer, an antisemitic newspaper
The Nuremberg trials addressed all German crimes associated with World War II together, not the Holocaust in particular. In fact, at the time, the concept of the Holocaust as we now know it did not yet exist. The targeting for annihilation of specific groups, such as Jews, Sinti, and Roma, was not yet recognized as the specific crime of genocide (see reading, Raphael Lemkin and the Genocide Convention in Chapter 11); therefore, what we now understand as the Holocaust was addressed at Nuremberg more broadly under the category of “crimes against humanity,” which included inhumane acts against any civilians.
As the trials proceeded, much of the evidence of the defendants’ crimes was provided by the Germans themselves, who had kept careful records of the war and the mass murders of Jews and others in reports, which were read in court. The final transcript of the proceedings was about 17,000 pages long. In addition, films of the killing centers and camps made by their Allied liberators were shown to the defendants and the tribunal judges.
All of the defendants, however, submitted pleas of not guilty, and throughout the trial, they vehemently denied responsibility for the crimes. They argued either that they had simply followed orders (although that defense had already been rejected in Article 8 of the tribunal’s charter) or that whatever actions they had carried out were done with no knowledge or awareness that they were contributing to the mass killings.
On October 1, 1946, after months of testimony, examination and cross examination of the defendants, and deliberation by the judges from the four Allied powers who presided over the trials, the verdicts were announced. Twelve defendants received the death sentence (Bormann, Frank, Frick, Göring, Jodl, Keitel, Kaltenbrunner, Ribbentrop, Rosenberg, Sauckel, Seyss-Inquart, and Streicher). Three were sentenced to life in prison (Hess, Funk, and Raeder). Four received prison terms ranging from 10 to 20 years (Dönitz, von Neurath, Schirach, and Speer). In general, the decisions for prison sentences rather than execution were made because the judges felt either that certain circumstances surrounding a defendant’s actions warranted a more lenient punishment or that the evidence was not strong enough to support a death penalty. The sentences were carried out with two exceptions: Göring died by suicide shortly before he could be executed, and Bormann remained missing.
Three of the defendants were acquitted—Schacht, von Papen, and Fritzsche. Schacht, who had been minister of economics, had played an important role in German rearmament in the 1930s, but there was no evidence that he had done so with the specific intention of waging war. There was no proof that von Papen, who had been the German chancellor before Hitler came to power, knew of Hitler’s intentions and his plans to wage aggressive wars. Fritzsche, who had worked under Goebbels in the propaganda ministry, had helped arouse popular sentiment in support of Hitler and the war, but that in itself was not considered to be a war crime. All three were released when the trials ended.
The conviction and death sentence for Julius Streicher was particularly noteworthy. Streicher was convicted neither of planning the war nor of war crimes but only on the charge of crimes against humanity. In issuing the verdict, the president of the tribunal explained how he and the other judges had determined Streicher’s guilt:
For his twenty-five years of speaking, writing, and preaching hatred of the Jews, Streicher was widely known as “Jew-Baiter Number One.” In his speeches and articles, week after week, month after month, he infected the German mind with the virus of antisemitism and incited the German people to active persecution. Each issue of Der Stürmer [the newspaper Streicher edited], which reached a circulation of 600,000 in 1935, was filled with such articles, often lewd and disgusting.
. . . As early as 1938 he began to call for the annihilation of the Jewish race. Twenty-three different articles of Der Stürmer between 1938 and 1941 were produced in evidence, in which the extermination [of Jews] “root and branch” was preached. . . . Other articles urged that only when world Jewry had been annihilated would the Jewish problem have been solved, and predicted that fifty years hence the Jewish graves “will proclaim that this people of murderers and criminals has after all met its deserved fate.” . . .
As the war in the early stages proved successful [in] acquiring more territory for the Reich, Streicher even intensified his efforts to incite the Germans against the Jews. In the record are twenty-six articles from Der Stürmer, published between August, 1941 and September, 1944, twelve by Streicher's own hand, which demanded annihilation and extermination in unequivocal terms. . . .
Streicher's incitement to murder and extermination at the time when Jews in the East were being killed under the most horrible conditions clearly constitutes persecution on political and racial grounds in connection with war crimes as defined by the Charter, and constitutes a crime against humanity.
The pronouncement of the sentences ended the trial. Twelve more trials, involving 190 defendants, were held at Nuremberg. But the first trial and the principles of international law that it established remained the most important. Judge Charles Wyzanski (see reading, Establishing the Nuremberg Tribunal), writing immediately after the trial ended, concluded:
[T]he outstanding accomplishment of the trial which never could have been achieved by any more executive action, is that it has crystallized the concept that there is inherent in the international community a machinery both for the expression of international criminal law and for its enforcement.
Connection Questions
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https://germanhistorydocs.org/en/nazi-germany-1933-1945/werner-von-blomberg-hermann-goering-werner-von-fritsch-and-adolf-hitler-at-the-reich-party-rally-for-work-nuremberg-september-1937
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Werner von Blomberg, Hermann Göring, Werner von Fritsch, and Adolf Hitler at the “Reich Party Rally for Work,” Nuremberg (September 1937)
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At the end of 1937, Hitler believed that Germany’s economic and military-strategic situation would soon permit the launching of a successful war of conquest. But when he shared his plans with the most important representatives of the military leadership at a secret conference on November 5, 1937, Hitler met with skepticism, not enthusiasm. Foreign Minister Konstantin von Neurath, Commander-in-Chief of the Army Werner von Fritsch, and Minister of War Werner von Blomberg were all of the opinion that Hitler’s war plans were dangerously premature. Contrary to Hitler’s conviction, they believed that Great Britain and France could not be kept out of the conflict and that in any case Germany lacked the resources and military strength for a war on several fronts. Hitler, who was convinced of the absolute necessity of “conquering living space” [Lebensraumeroberung], decided to rid himself of these conservative skeptics in the army and foreign ministry. In early 1938 he used Blomberg’s marriage to a former prostitute and Fritsch’s alleged homosexuality as pretexts for removing both of them from office. Moreover, Hitler used the “Fritsch-Blomberg Affair” to carry out a profound restructuring and reorganization of the military and foreign policy leadership. He dissolved the Ministry of War and took personal control of the armed forces, which were now led and coordinated by the new High Command of the Wehrmacht [Oberkommando der Wehrmacht or OKW] under General Wilhelm Keitel. He named Walther von Brauchitsch as Fritsch’s successor and dismissed or transferred sixty high-ranking officers. Foreign Minister Neurath was replaced by Joachim von Ribbentrop, and Walther Funk became Minister of Economics. By March 1938, Hitler had thus achieved complete control over the military leadership and the country’s foreign and economic policy. From the point of view of domestic politics, his war plans no longer faced any obstacles.
The photograph shows Blomberg, Göring, Fritsch, and Hitler at the “Reich Party Rally for Work” in Nuremberg in September 1937, two months before the secret conference that marked the beginning of the end of the military careers of Blomberg and Fritsch.
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https://archive.org/stream/exemplaryjustice/Exemplary%2520Justice%2520-%2520Allen%2520Andrews_djvu.txt
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Exemplary Justice Allen Andrews : Allen Andrews : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive
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https://archive.org/services/img/exemplaryjustice
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https://archive.org/services/img/exemplaryjustice
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TO ALL PRISONERS OF WARThe escape from prison camps is no longer a sport.This notice was posted up in all prison camps after the escape in 1944, of...
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Internet Archive
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https://archive.org/details/exemplaryjustice
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Search the history of over 866 billion web pages on the Internet.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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0
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https://happyhappybirthday.net/en/age/hermann-gring-person_sulag
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en
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Hermann Göring: Birthday & Death (1893
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German Nazi politician, military leader, and convicted war criminal – Hermann Göring was born in Rosenheim (Town in Bavaria, Germany) on January 12th, 1893 and died in Nuremberg Court Prison (Prison building) on October 15th, 1946 at the age of 53. Today Hermann Göring would be 131 years old.
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en
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Happy Happy Birthday
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https://happyhappybirthday.net/en/age/hermann-gring-person_sulag
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German Nazi politician, military leader, and convicted war criminal – Hermann Göring was born in Rosenheim (Town in Bavaria, Germany) on January 12th, 1893 and died in Nuremberg Court Prison (Prison building) on October 15th, 1946 at the age of 53. Today Hermann Göring would be 131 years old.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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3
| 43
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https://holocaust.com.au/resources/supplementary-material/hermann-goering/
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en
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Hermann Goering
|
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2018-07-19T06:13:10+00:00
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en
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The Holocaust
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https://holocaust.com.au/resources/supplementary-material/hermann-goering/
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Hermann Goering (1893-1946) served as a leading pilot in the German air force in World War I. After the war he joined the Nazi Party (NSDAP). He was wounded in 1923 during the failed Nazi coup, known as the Beer Hall Putsch. He became addicted to morphine as a result of his injuries. Goering was one of Hitler’s inner circle as a result of the support he gave Hitler in the latter’s rise to power. He established the Gestapo (Secret State Police) in 1933, and in due course handed its command over to Himmler. Goering was given the rank of Field Marshall and appointed Commander-in-Chief of the German Luftwaffe (air force), a rank he held until the end of World War II.
In 1936 Goering was appointed as the head of Hitler’s Four-Year Plan, an economic program aimed at rapidly strengthening the German army and boosting the German economy in anticipation of war. Consequently, Goering was given wide-ranging powers within the German economic sphere. One of his responsibilities was the confiscation of assets owned by Jews.
When war broke out, Hitler designated Goering as his successor. In July 1941, shortly after the commencement of the German military campaign against the Soviet Union, Goering was ordered by Hitler to set in motion the process that culminated in the Final Solution of the Jewish Question (the mass murder of 6 million Jews). Goering appointed Reinhard Heydrich to implement this order.
By 1942, Goering had fallen out of Hitler’s favour. Goering’s Luftwaffe had lost the Battle of Britain in 1940 and 1941 and had failed to protect Germany itself from aerial attack by Allied planes. The German war effort was stalling on both the eastern and western fronts. Goering retreated from public life, and spent the rest of the war on his estate focusing on appropriating the property and artwork of Jews who had been deported. In the last days of the war, learning that Hitler intended to commit suicide, Goering informed Hitler of his intention of assuming control of the Reich. Considering this an act of treason, Hitler removed him from all his positions, and ordered his arrest. Goering was convicted of war crimes at the Nuremberg Trials. He received a death sentence, but committed suicide by ingesting cyanide, hours before his scheduled execution.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/hermann-goering-key-dates
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en
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Hermann Göring: Timeline
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/favicon.ico
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/favicon.ico
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Hermann Göring held many positions of power and leadership within the Nazi state. Learn about key dates in the life of Hermann Göring.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/hermann-goering-key-dates
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January 12, 1893
Hermann Göring is born in Marienbad, in the German state of Bavaria.
1905–1911
Göring attends military academy.
1915–1918
Göring serves in the German air force as a fighter pilot. Both wounded and decorated, by the end of the war, he is one of the best-known German air force war heroes.
Summer 1921
Göring begins university studies in history and political science in Munich.
November 1922
Göring meets Adolf Hitler at a Nazi Party rally and will subsequently join the Nazi Party.
November 9, 1923
Göring marches with Hitler during the Beer Hall Putsch against the German government. He is seriously wounded in the hip during the putsch.
1923–1927
Göring's wife, Carin, smuggles the wounded Göring out of Germany via Austria to Italy. In 1925, Göring and his wife go to Sweden to live with her family. After the German government declares a general amnesty for political refugees in 1927, Göring will return to Germany.
1928
Göring becomes one of 11 Nazis to obtain a parliamentary seat in the Reichstag (German Parliament) after the Nazis receive 2.6% of the vote in the parliamentary elections.
September 1930
Hitler appoints Göring as his political representative in Berlin, choosing him to lead the Nazi Party Reichstag delegation.
October 1931
Göring's wife, Carin, dies of a heart attack.
July 1932
Göring becomes president of the Reichstag after the second Nazi electoral surge makes the Nazi Party the largest in Germany.
January 1933
The Nazis obtain control of the German state with the appointment of Adolf Hitler as Chancellor.
Göring receives a cabinet post (Minister without Portfolio) in the Nazi-Nationalist coalition government). Göring is also appointed acting commissar for the Prussian Ministry of the Interior.
February 1933
Göring authorizes the appointment of SA (Sturmabteilungen; Assault Detachments) and SS (Schutzstaffel; Protection Squadrons) personnel as auxiliary police personnel.
April 11, 1933
Göring persuades Hitler to confirm him as permanent Minister-President and Minister of the Interior of Prussia.
April 26, 1933
Göring announces the formation of the Gestapo (Geheime Staatspolizei; Secret State Police).
May 5, 1933
Hitler appoints Göring Reich Minister for Aviation.
April 1934
Göring negotiates an alliance with Reichsführer-SS (SS chief) Heinrich Himmler. Göring gives up control over the Gestapo and supports SS independence from the SA in July 1934, in return for SS help in removing SA chief of staff Ernst Röhm.
May 1934
The Prussian Ministry of the Interior is incorporated into the Reich Ministry of the Interior.
December 1934
A secret Hitler decree secures Göring's position as successor to Hitler in the event of Hitler's death or inability to carry out his duties.
March 1935
Göring becomes commander-in-chief of the new German Air Force (Luftwaffe). Göring will hold this position until April 29, 1945.
April 10, 1935
Göring marries the theater actress Emmy Sonnemann.
April 4, 1936
Hitler appoints Göring Commissar for Raw Materials and Foreign Currency.
October 18, 1936
Göring becomes Commissioner for the Four-Year Plan. This appointment, as well as that of Commissar for Raw Materials and Foreign Currency, gives Göring a great deal of influence over the German economy. Between 1937 and 1941, Göring exercises nearly absolute power over the country's economy.
March 1, 1938
Hitler promotes Göring to Field Marshal General (Generalfeldmarschall).
November 9-10, 1938
The Nazi Party leadership uses the excuse of the murder of a German diplomat in Paris by a Jewish youth to unleash a nationwide pogrom (Kristallnacht; Night of Broken Glass) against Jews in the German Reich. During the pogrom, the Nazis and some of their followers burn synagogues, loot Jewish homes and businesses, and kill at least 91 Jews.
November 12, 1938
Göring calls a conference of Nazi government officials and SS and police leaders in the Air Force Ministry. Subjects discussed include the imposition of a one billion Reichsmark fine on the Jewish communities of the Reich as "punishment" for the murder of the German diplomat and the future course of legislation aimed at removing the Jews from the German economy.
January 24, 1939
Göring, acting in his capacity as chief of the Four-Year Plan, authorizes Reinhard Heydrich to establish a national and central Agency for Jewish Emigration in Berlin to accelerate the "solution" to the Jewish "question" in the Reich through emigration and expulsion.
August 30, 1939
Hitler appoints Göring Chairman of the Reich Defense Council.
July 19, 1940
After the German victory in France, Hitler names Göring Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich (Reishmarschall des großdeutschen Reiches).
Summer 1940
Göring's reputation with his colleagues in the Nazi regime is tarnished after the German Air Force fails to defeat the British Royal Air Force in the Battle of Britain.
July 31, 1941
Göring authorizes Reinhard Heydrich to coordinate resources of the Reich for a "solution of the Jewish Question" throughout Europe.
November 1941
Hitler begins to harshly criticize the German Air Force's failure to completely eliminate the Soviet air force and to adequately supply troops engaged deep in the Soviet Union.
December 19, 1941
Hitler takes direct control over the German Armed Forces. The German Air Force is subsequently reduced to a support service for the Army.
March 1943
Hitler blames Göring when the British offensive creates extensive damage and destruction in the Ruhr industrial region of Germany.
April 23, 1945
When Hitler is cut off in Berlin as Soviet troops encircle the capital, Göring sends a telegram to Hitler requesting authorization to take over as Hitler's successor. Hitler denounces Göring as a traitor, strips him of all his offices, and orders his arrest.
May 7, 1945
Germany surrenders to the Allies. Göring is arrested by US troops southeast of Salzburg, Austria.
October 1, 1946
The judges of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg sentence Göring to death by hanging.
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https://www.britannica.com/video/180249/Overview-Nurnberg-trials
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en
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Examining the Nuremberg Trials for Nazi War Criminals
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Learn about the Nürnberg (Nuremberg) trials, held by the International Military Tribunal after World War II to try former leaders of Nazi Germany for crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.
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en
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/video/180249/Overview-Nurnberg-trials
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Transcript
NARRATOR: Nuremburg, November, 1945 - The ceremonial birthplace of the Nazi party is in ruins. Now it is the showplace of an international tribunal against the crimes of the Nazi regime. Twenty-four major war criminals are put on trial. Barely anyone admits his guilt, let alone claims to have known about the crimes. The Allied military tribunal and the American chief prosecutor want to showcase the injustice of the Nazis. The accusation: crimes against humanity.
ROBERT JACKSON: "The wrongs which we seek to condemn and punish have been so calculated, so malignant, and so devastating that civilization cannot tolerate their being ignored."
NARRATOR: Few symbolize the crimes of the regime like Hermann Göring – Hitler's second in command. He is responsible for waging wars of aggression and constructing the first concentration camp. But he shows no remorse.
HERMANN GORING: "In the sense of these charges, not guilty."
WHITNEY HARRIS: "Because here was the leader of the group of defendants and here was the man who was going to defend Hitler, Hitlerism, Nazism, the whole debacle."
GORING: "I have never expressed my agreement that one race should be designated as master over another."
NARRATOR: A harrowing moment in the trial - the Soviet counsel presents film footage of the horrors of the Auschwitz concentration camp.
RICHARD SONNENFELDT: "The effect of this film was terrible. It was terrible on everybody in the courtroom. Some openly wept, averted their faces, refused to see them. And when the lights came on, Göring said in a loud voice, 'Well, this is just a piece of propaganda like Goebbels could have made.'"
NARRATOR: Only one shows remorse: Albert Speer, Hitler's architect and Minister of Armaments. But he denies his own guilt. Not even his involvement in the use of concentration camp prisoners and forced laborers.
GITTA SERENY: "He sensed his worst and saddest guilt in his endorsement of the murder of hundreds of thousands of Jews. But, of course, if he had said this in Nuremberg, he would have been hanged."
NARRATOR: After almost a year of proceedings, the judgments. For Hermann Göring, General Keitel and 10 other defendants: death by hanging. Hitler's Deputy Leader Rudolf Hess receives life imprisonment. The judges pronounce a milder sentence on Albert Speer: 20 years imprisonment. In 1966 he is free. Hermann Göring eludes conviction by committing suicide. Many collaborators and accomplices of the Nazi regime will never go to trial. But the Allied powers show the world that such crimes against humanity will not be condoned.
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correct_death_00048
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https://www.thoughtco.com/the-nuremberg-trials-1779316
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en
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The Nuremberg Trials
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2013-11-17T10:15:40-05:00
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The Nuremberg Trials, which lasted from 1945-1948, were an attempt to bring the major war criminals of WWII to justice.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
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ThoughtCo
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https://www.thoughtco.com/the-nuremberg-trials-1779316
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The Nuremberg Trials were a series of trials that occurred in post-World War II Germany to provide a platform for justice against accused Nazi war criminals. The first attempt to punish the perpetrators was conducted by the International Military Tribunal (IMT) in the German city of Nuremberg, beginning on November 20, 1945.
On trial were 24 of Nazi Germany’s major war criminals, including Hermann Goering, Martin Bormann, Julius Streicher, and Albert Speer. Of the 22 that were ultimately tried, 12 were sentenced to death.
The term “Nuremberg Trials” would eventually include this original trial of Nazi leaders as well as 12 subsequent trials that lasted until 1948.
The Holocaust & Other War Crimes
During World War II, the Nazis perpetrated an unprecedented reign of hatred against Jews and others deemed undesirable by the Nazi state. This time period, known as the Holocaust, resulted in the deaths of six million Jews and five million others, including Roma and Sinti (Gypsies), the handicapped, Poles, Russian POWs, Jehovah’s witnesses, and political dissidents.
Victims were interned in concentration camps and also killed in death camps or by other means, such as mobile killing squads. A small number of individuals survived these horrors but their lives were changed forever by the horrors inflicted upon them by the Nazi State.
Crimes against individuals deemed undesirable were not the only charges being levied against the Germans in the post-war era. World War II saw an additional 50 million civilians killed throughout the war and many countries blamed the German military for their deaths. Some of these deaths were part of the new “total war tactics,” yet others were specifically targeted, such as the massacre of Czech civilians in Lidice and the death of Russian POWs at the Katyn Forest Massacre.
Should There Be a Trial or Just Hang Them?
In the months following liberation, many military officers and Nazi officials were held in prisoner of war camps throughout the four Allied zones of Germany. The countries that administrated those zones (Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States) began to discuss the best way to handle the post-war treatment of those who were suspected of war crimes.
Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of England, initially felt that all those who were alleged to have committed war crimes should be hanged. The Americans, French, and Soviets felt that trials were necessary and worked to convince Churchill of the importance of these proceedings.
Once Churchill assented, a decision was made to move forward with the establishment of the International Military Tribunal that would be convened in the city of Nuremberg in the fall of 1945.
The Major Players of the Nuremberg Trial
The Nuremberg Trials officially began with the first proceedings, which opened on November 20, 1945. The trial was held in the Palace of Justice in the German city of Nuremberg, which had played host to major Nazi Party rallies during the Third Reich. The city was also the namesake of the infamous 1935 Nuremberg race laws levied against Jews.
The International Military Tribunal was composed of a judge and an alternate judge from each of the four main Allied Powers. The judges and alternates were as follows:
United States – Frances Biddle (Main) and John Parker (Alternate)
Britain – Sir Geoffrey Lawrence (Main) (President Judge) and Sir Norman Birkett (Alternate)
France – Henri Donnedieu de Vabres (Main) and Robert Falco (Alternate)
Soviet Union –Major General Iona Nikitchenko (Main) and Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Volchkov (Alternate)
The prosecution was led by U.S. Supreme Court Justice, Robert Jackson. He was joined by Britain’s Sir Hartley Shawcross, France’s Francois de Menthon (eventually replaced by Frenchman Auguste Champetier de Ribes), and the Soviet Union’s Roman Rudenko, a Soviet Lieutenant-General.
Jackson’s opening statement set the somber yet progressive tone for the trial and its unprecedented nature. His brief opening address spoke of the importance of the trial, not only for the restoration of Europe but also for its lasting impact on the future of justice in the world. He also mentioned the need to educate the world about the horrors perpetrated during the war and felt that the trial would provide a platform to accomplish this task.
Each defendant was permitted to have representation, either from a group of court-appointed defense attorneys or a defense attorney of the defendant’s choosing.
Evidence vs. The Defense
This first trial lasted a total of ten months. The prosecution built its case largely around evidence compiled by the Nazis themselves, as they had carefully documented many of their misdeeds. Witnesses to the atrocities were also brought to the stand, as were the accused.
The defense cases were primarily centered around the concept of the “Fuhrerprinzip” (Fuhrer principle). According to this concept, the accused were following orders issued by Adolf Hitler, and the penalty for not following those orders was death. Since Hitler, himself, was no longer alive to invalidate these claims, the defense was hoping that it would carry weight with the judicial panel.
Some of the defendants also claimed that the tribunal itself had no legal standing due to its unprecedented nature.
The Charges
As the Allied Powers worked to gather evidence, they also had to determine who should be included in the first round of proceedings. It was ultimately determined that 24 defendants would be charged and put on trial beginning in November 1945; these were some of the most notorious of Nazi’s war criminals.
The accused would be indicted on one or more of the following counts:
1. Crimes of Conspiracy: The accused was alleged to have participated in the creation and/or implementation of a joint plan or conspired to assist those in charge of executing a joint plan whose goal involved crimes against the peace.
2. Crimes Against the Peace: The accused was alleged to have committed acts that including planning for, preparation of, or initiation of aggressive warfare.
3. War Crimes: The accused allegedly violated previously established rules of warfare, including the killing of civilians, POWs, or malicious destruction of civilian property.
4. Crimes Against Humanity: The accused was alleged to have committed acts of deportation, enslavement, torture, murder, or other inhumane acts against civilians before or during the war.
Defendants on Trial and Their Sentences
A total of 24 defendants were originally slated to be put on trial during this initial Nuremberg trial, but only 22 were actually tried (Robert Ley had committed suicide and Gustav Krupp von Bohlen was deemed unfit to stand trial). Of the 22, one wasn’t in custody; Martin Bormann (Nazi Party Secretary) was charged in absentia. (It was later discovered that Bormann had died in May 1945.)
Although the list of defendants was long, two key individuals were missing. Both Adolf Hitler and his propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels, had committed suicide as the war was coming to an end. It was decided that there was enough evidence regarding their deaths, unlike Bormann’s, that they were not placed on trial.
The trial resulted in a total of 12 death sentences, all of which were administered on October 16, 1946, with one exception -- Herman Goering committed suicide by cyanide the night before the hangings were to take place. Three of the accused were sentenced to life in prison. Four individuals were sentenced to jail terms ranging from ten to twenty years. An additional three individuals were acquitted of all charges.
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FactBench
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https://www.dw.com/en/nuremberg-trials-a-warning-to-war-criminals-and-dictators/a-55634256
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en
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Nuremberg trials: A warning to war criminals – DW – 11
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2020-11-20T05:35:36.510000+00:00
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Seventy-five years ago, the Nuremberg War Crimes Trial brought Nazi leaders to justice. It was a long, historic trial that punished monstrous crimes, and still influences international criminal law today.
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en
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/images/icons/favicon-16x16.png
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dw.com
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https://www.dw.com/en/nuremberg-trials-a-warning-to-war-criminals-and-dictators/a-55634256
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Nuremberg 1945: The second-largest city in Bavaria largely lay in ruins. After almost six years of the Second World War, Germany had surrendered unconditionally on May 8. Now Nuremberg, where the National Socialist German Workers' Party once celebrated pompous rallies, was to become the scene of the party's reckoning before the law: For wars of aggression, mass murders and twelve years of dictatorship. The victorious powers — the USA, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and France — are setting up an International Military Tribunal for this purpose.
Read more: How Germany confronted its Nazi past
The main war crimes trial against 24 close followers of the dictator Adolf Hitler began on November 20. Powerful Nazi leaders who once dreamed of world domination were sitting on the wooden benches in courtroom 600 of the city's Palace of Justice, largely chosen because it was one of the few unscathed buildings large enough, and with its own prison facility, to host such a trial. The defendants included Reich Marshal and Luftwaffe Commander-in-Chief Hermann Göring, Hitler's temporary deputy Rudolf Hess and Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.
They were accused of crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanity and conspiracy. Nazi organizations such as the Schutzstaffel SS or the Gestapo Secret State Police were also indicted — as "criminal organizations." But the worst perpetrators were not on trial: Adolf Hitler, SS chief Heinrich Himmler and Reich propaganda leader Joseph Goebbels had committed suicide at the end of the war.
Justice instead of revenge
But the significance of the trial was vital: For the first time in human history, states with different forms of government and constitutions were holding leading representatives of a defeated enemy accountable for violations of international law.
In his opening speech, the US Chief Prosecutor Robert H. Jackson emphasized the historical dimension: "That four great nations, flushed with victory and stung with injury stay the hand of vengeance and voluntarily submit their captive enemies to the judgment of the law is one of the most significant tributes that power has ever paid to reason."
The Allies also broke new ground with their definition of the charges. The concept of war crimes had already been established in the Geneva Conventions of 1864, but "crimes against humanity or the crime of war of aggression — crimes against peace, as it was still called in Nuremberg — had not existed before in that sense," Christoph Safferling, professor for international law at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, told DW. "These criminal offenses were born in Nuremberg."
A shock for all trial observers
There was an oppressive atmosphere during the trial. "Everyone was feeling tense. The atmosphere was very serious, quiet, and oppressive. You could hear the translators, you could feel the atmosphere loaded with shame," said Renate Rönn, who accompanied her father Alfred Thoma, one of the defense attorneys, during the trial as his secretary.
Rönn told DW that at first, no one had known the dimension of the atrocities. But the evidence presented changed that. The court showed films of mountains of corpses from concentration camps like Auschwitz. "It was a shock," remembers Rönn. "One could not imagine that such horrible atrocities could be committed in Central Europe and by a cultured people."
None of the defendants would admit their personal guilt. Hardly anyone showed remorse or admitted knowing about massacres and extermination camps. Göring even claimed he never ordered a murder, nor ordered or condoned other cruelties where he'd had the power and knowledge to prevent them.
Almost all of the defendants denied the court's authority, accusing it of being no more than "victor's justice." Even parts of the German population felt it was unjust, and there was criticism that Allied war crimes remained unpunished.
Suicide shortly before the execution
But these reservations do not make "the prosecution of German crimes illegitimate," says Safferling. Moreover, would the Germans, liberated as much as they were defeated, have been either practically or morally capable of judging their compatriots?
Eyewitness Rönn doubts this since many Nazis had remained in official positions after the war. "I do not know how these trials would have gone in a German court. With these Nazi leaders, who all still knew each other, who had appeared at the Reich Party Congress and had all shouted 'Sieg Heil.' ['Sieg Heil' was a Nazi greeting, Eds.] There was a certain relief: The victorious powers took the responsibility from us."
In terms of organization, the trial surpassed everything that had ever been possible before: In 218 trial days, the court heard 240 witnesses and examined more than 300,000 affidavits. The minutes of the hearing comprised 16,000 pages. On October 1, 1946, the mammoth trial ended with the pronouncement of 12 death sentences, seven prison sentences and three acquittals. Sixteen days later, just hours before his execution, Göring committed suicide with poison.
Read more: How 100-year-old Ben Ferencz spent a lifetime making legal history
Twelve more trials took place before US military tribunals against 185 other selected Nazis. Some 24 of those were sentenced to death. The last trial ended in April 1949.
The legacy
Verdicts were passed. But was justice done? In the light of the sheer scale of the crimes committed, it's a question that would fundamentally overtax any justice system. But the Nuremberg trial was certainly of groundbreaking significance. Without it, the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia(1993 - 2017), the UN genocide tribunal for Rwanda (1994 - 2016), and the International Criminal Court ICC in The Hague (from 2002) would have hardly been conceivable.
Read more: Will the EU stand up for the ICC?
Crimes against humanity are currently being prosecuted worldwide by the ICC, an international court serving international law. And UN tribunals have been set up for individual situations, while many international crimes can now be prosecuted at the national level,via authorities such as Germany's federal prosecutor in Karlsruhe.
Meanwhile, two of the former organizers of the Nuremberg trials, the US and Russia, still refuse to cooperate with the International Criminal Court, as does China. Nils Melzer, Swiss international law expert and UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, said that he sees a "worldwide erosion of human rights." "If the US of all countries is not prepared to be held responsible for war crimes for which there is evidence that is not even questionable, then we have a big problem," he told DW.
On the other hand, Safferling believes that international criminal law has played a thoroughly relevant role in global politics since the establishment of the ICC. "Perhaps sometimes it takes a bit too long. But no dictator in the world can be sure that an international criminal justice system will not strike at some point," says Safferling. "This in turn would not have been possible without the Nuremberg trials of 1945."
This article was translated from German.
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https://geniuses.club/genius/thomas-cranmer
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en
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Thomas Cranmer
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"Thomas Cranmer genius Biography"
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Thomas Cranmer genius Biography
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en
|
https://geniuses.club/genius/thomas-cranmer
|
What the heart loves, the will chooses and the mind justifies.
Thomas Cranmer was a leader of the English Reformation and Archbishop of Canterbury during the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI and, for a short time, Mary I. He helped build the case for the annulment of Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon, which was one of the causes of the separation of the English Church from union with the Holy See. Along with Thomas Cromwell, he supported the principle of royal supremacy, in which the king was considered sovereign over the Church within his realm.
During Cranmer's tenure as Archbishop of Canterbury, he was responsible for establishing the first doctrinal and liturgical structures of the reformed Church of England. Under Henry's rule, Cranmer did not make many radical changes in the Church, due to power struggles between religious conservatives and reformers. He published the first officially authorised vernacular service, the Exhortation and Litany.
When Edward came to the throne, Cranmer was able to promote major reforms. He wrote and compiled the first two editions of the Book of Common Prayer, a complete liturgy for the English Church. With the assistance of several Continental reformers to whom he gave refuge, he changed doctrine or discipline in areas such as the Eucharist, clerical celibacy, the role of images in places of worship, and the veneration of saints. Cranmer promulgated the new doctrines through the Prayer Book, the Homilies and other publications.
After the accession of the Catholic Mary I, Cranmer was put on trial for treason and heresy. Imprisoned for over two years and under pressure from Church authorities, he made several recantations and apparently reconciled himself with the Catholic Church. While this would have normally absolved him, Mary wanted him executed, and, on the day of his execution, he withdrew his recantations, to die a heretic to Catholics and a martyr for the principles of the English Reformation. Cranmer's death was immortalised in Foxe's Book of Martyrs and his legacy lives on within the Church of England through the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-Nine Articles, an Anglican statement of faith derived from his work.
Origins
Cranmer was born in 1489 at Aslockton in Nottinghamshire, England. He was a younger son of Thomas Cranmer by his wife Agnes Hatfield. Thomas Cranmer was of modest wealth but was from a well-established armigerous gentry family which took its name from the manor of Cranmer in Lincolnshire. A ledger stone to one of his relatives in the Church of St John of Beverley, Whatton, near Aslockton is inscribed as follows: Hic jacet Thomas Cranmer, Armiger, qui obiit vicesimo septimo die mensis Maii, anno domini. MD centesimo primo, cuius animae propicietur Deus Amen "here lies Thomas Cranmer, Esquire, who died on the 27th day of May in the year of our lord 1601, on whose soul may God look upon with mercy". The arms of the Cranmer and Aslockton families are displayed. The figure is that of a man in flowing hair and gown, and a purse at his right side. Their oldest son, John Cranmer, inherited the family estate, whereas Thomas and his younger brother Edmund were placed on the path to a clerical career.
Early years 1489–1527
Today historians know nothing definite about Cranmer's early schooling. He probably attended a grammar school in his village. At the age of fourteen, two years after the death of his father, he was sent to the newly created Jesus College, Cambridge. It took him eight years to reach his Bachelor of Arts degree following a curriculum of logic, classical literature and philosophy. During this time, he began to collect medieval scholastic books, which he preserved faithfully throughout his life. For his master's degree he studied the humanists, Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and Erasmus. He finished the course in three years. Shortly after receiving his Master of Arts degree in 1515, he was elected to a Fellowship of Jesus College.
Sometime after Cranmer took his MA, he married a woman named Joan. Although he was not yet a priest, he was forced to forfeit his fellowship, resulting in the loss of his residence at Jesus College. To support himself and his wife, he took a job as a reader at Buckingham Hall later reformed as Magdalene College. When Joan died during her first childbirth, Jesus College showed its regard for Cranmer by reinstating his fellowship. He began studying theology and by 1520 he had been ordained, the university already having named him as one of their preachers. He received his Doctor of Divinity degree in 1526.
Not much is known about Cranmer's thoughts and experiences during his three decades at Cambridge. Traditionally, he has been portrayed as a humanist whose enthusiasm for biblical scholarship prepared him for the adoption of Lutheran ideas, which were spreading during the 1520s. A study of his marginalia reveals an early antipathy to Martin Luther and an admiration for Erasmus. When Cardinal Wolsey, the king's Lord Chancellor, selected several Cambridge scholars, including Edward Lee, Stephen Gardiner and Richard Sampson, to be diplomats throughout Europe, Cranmer was chosen to take a minor role in the English embassy in Spain. Two recently discovered letters written by Cranmer describe an early encounter with the king, Henry VIII of England: upon Cranmer's return from Spain, in June 1527, the king personally interviewed Cranmer for half an hour. Cranmer described the king as "the kindest of princes".
In the service of Henry VIII 1527–1532
Henry VIII's first marriage had its origins in 1502 when his elder brother, Arthur, died. Their father, Henry VII, then betrothed Arthur's widow, Catherine of Aragon, to the future king. The betrothal immediately raised questions related to the biblical prohibition in Leviticus 18 and 20 against marriage to a brother's wife. The couple married in 1509 and after a series of miscarriages, a daughter, Mary, was born in 1516. By the 1520s, Henry still did not have a son to name as heir and he took this as a sure sign of God's anger and made overtures to the Vatican about an annulment. He gave Cardinal Wolsey the task of prosecuting his case; Wolsey began by consulting university experts. From 1527, in addition to his duties as a Cambridge don, Cranmer assisted with the annulment proceedings.
In mid-1529, Cranmer stayed with relatives in Waltham Holy Cross to avoid an outbreak of the plague in Cambridge. Two of his Cambridge associates, Stephen Gardiner and Edward Foxe, joined him. The three discussed the annulment issue and Cranmer suggested putting aside the legal case in Rome in favour of a general canvassing of opinions from university theologians throughout Europe. Henry showed much interest in the idea when Gardiner and Foxe presented him this plan. It is not known whether the king or his new Lord Chancellor, Thomas More, explicitly approved the plan. Eventually it was implemented and Cranmer was requested to join the royal team in Rome to gather opinions from the universities. Edward Foxe coordinated the research effort and the team produced the Collectanea Satis Copiosa "The Sufficiently Abundant Collections" and The Determinations, historical and theological support for the argument that the king exercised supreme jurisdiction within his realm.
Cranmer's first contact with a Continental reformer was with Simon Grynaeus, a humanist based in Basel, Switzerland, and a follower of the Swiss reformers, Huldrych Zwingli and Johannes Oecolampadius. In mid-1531, Grynaeus took an extended visit to England to offer himself as an intermediary between the king and the Continental reformers. He struck up a friendship with Cranmer and after his return to Basel, he wrote about Cranmer to the German reformer Martin Bucer in Strasbourg. Grynaeus' early contacts initiated Cranmer's eventual relationship with the Strasbourg and Swiss reformers.
In January 1532, Cranmer was appointed the resident ambassador at the court of the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V. As the emperor travelled throughout his realm, Cranmer had to follow him to his residence in Regensburg. He passed through the Lutheran city of Nuremberg and saw for the first time the effects of the Reformation. When the Imperial Diet was moved to Nuremberg, he met the leading architect of the Nuremberg reforms, Andreas Osiander. They became good friends, and during that July Cranmer took the surprising action of marrying Margarete, the niece of Osiander's wife. He did not take her as his mistress, as was the prevailing custom with priests for whom celibacy was too rigorous. Scholars note that Cranmer had moved, however moderately at this stage, into identifying with certain Lutheran principles. This progress in his personal life was not matched in his political life as he was unable to persuade Charles, Catherine's nephew, to support the annulment of his aunt's marriage.
Appointed Archbishop of Canterbury 1532–1534
While Cranmer was following Charles through Italy, he received a royal letter dated 1 October 1532 informing him that he had been appointed the new Archbishop of Canterbury, following the death of archbishop William Warham. Cranmer was ordered to return to England. The appointment had been secured by the family of Anne Boleyn, who was being courted by Henry. When Cranmer's promotion became known in London, it caused great surprise as Cranmer had previously held only minor positions in the Church. Cranmer left Mantua on 19 November and arrived in England at the beginning of January. Henry personally financed the papal bulls necessary for Cranmer's promotion to Canterbury. The bulls were easily acquired because the papal nuncio was under orders from Rome to please the English in an effort to prevent a final breach. The bulls arrived around 26 March 1533 and Cranmer was consecrated as a bishop on 30 March in St Stephen's Chapel, by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln; John Vesey, Bishop of Exeter; and Henry Standish, Bishop of St Asaph. Even while they were waiting for the bulls, Cranmer continued to work on the annulment proceedings, which required greater urgency after Anne announced her pregnancy. Henry and Anne were secretly married on 24 or 25 January 1533 in the presence of a handful of witnesses. Cranmer did not learn of the marriage until 14 days later.
For the next few months, Cranmer and the king worked on establishing legal procedures on how the monarch's marriage would be judged by his most senior clergy. Several drafts of the procedures have been preserved in letters written between the two. Once procedures were agreed upon, Cranmer opened court sessions on 10 May, inviting Henry and Catherine of Aragon to appear. Gardiner represented the king; Catherine did not appear or send a proxy. On 23 May Cranmer pronounced the judgement that Henry's marriage with Catherine was against the law of God. He even issued a threat of excommunication if Henry did not stay away from Catherine. Henry was now free to marry and, on 28 May, Cranmer validated Henry and Anne's marriage. On 1 June, Cranmer personally crowned and anointed Anne queen and delivered to her the sceptre and rod. Pope Clement VII was furious at this defiance, but he could not take decisive action as he was pressured by other monarchs to avoid an irreparable breach with England. On 9 July he provisionally excommunicated Henry and his advisers which included Cranmer unless he repudiated Anne by the end of September. Henry kept Anne as his wife and, on 7 September, Anne gave birth to Elizabeth. Cranmer baptised her immediately afterwards and acted as one of her godparents.
It is difficult to assess how Cranmer's theological views had evolved since his Cambridge days. There is evidence that he continued to support humanism; he renewed Erasmus' pension that had previously been granted by Archbishop Warham. In June 1533, he was confronted with the difficult task of not only disciplining a reformer, but also seeing him burnt at the stake. John Frith was condemned to death for his views on the eucharist: he denied the real presence. Cranmer personally tried to persuade him to change his views without success. Although he rejected Frith's radicalism, by 1534 he clearly signalled that he had broken with Rome and that he had set a new theological course. He supported the cause of reform by gradually replacing the old guard in his ecclesiastical province with men who followed the new thinking such as Hugh Latimer. He intervened in religious disputes, supporting reformers to the disappointment of religious conservatives who desired to maintain the link with Rome.
Under the vicegerency 1535–1538
Cranmer was not immediately accepted by the bishops within his province. When he attempted a canonical visitation, he had to avoid locations where a resident conservative bishop might make an embarrassing personal challenge to his authority. In 1535, Cranmer had difficult encounters with several bishops, John Stokesley, John Longland, and Stephen Gardiner among others. They objected to Cranmer's power and title and argued that the Act of Supremacy did not define his role. This prompted Thomas Cromwell, the king's chief minister, to activate and to take the office of the vicegerent, the deputy supreme head of ecclesiastical affairs. He created another set of institutions that gave a clear structure to the royal supremacy. Hence, the archbishop was eclipsed by Vicegerent Cromwell in regards to the king's spiritual jurisdiction. There is no evidence that Cranmer resented his position as junior partner. Although he was an exceptional scholar, he lacked the political ability to outface even clerical opponents. Those tasks were left to Cromwell.
On 29 January 1536, when Anne miscarried a son, the king began to reflect again on the biblical prohibitions that had haunted him during his marriage with Catherine of Aragon. Shortly after the miscarriage, the king started to take an interest in Jane Seymour. By 24 April, he had commissioned Cromwell to prepare the case for a divorce. Unaware of these plans, Cranmer had continued to write letters to Cromwell on minor matters up to 22 April. Anne was sent to the Tower of London on 2 May, and Cranmer was urgently summoned by Cromwell. On the very next day, Cranmer wrote a letter to the king expressing his doubts about the queen's guilt, highlighting his own esteem for Anne. After it was delivered, Cranmer was resigned to the fact that the end of Anne's marriage was inevitable. On 16 May, he saw Anne in the Tower and heard her confession and the following day, he pronounced the marriage null and void. Two days later, Anne was executed; Cranmer was one of the few who publicly mourned her death.
The vicegerency brought the pace of reforms under the control of the king. A balance was instituted between the conservatives and the reformers and this was seen in the Ten Articles, the first attempt at defining the beliefs of the Henrician Church. The articles had a two-part structure. The first five articles showed the influence of the reformers by recognising only three of the former seven sacraments: baptism, eucharist, and penance. The last five articles concerned the roles of images, saints, rites and ceremonies, and purgatory, and they reflected the views of the traditionalists. Two early drafts of the document have been preserved and show different teams of theologians at work. The competition between the conservatives and reformers is revealed in rival editorial corrections made by Cranmer and Cuthbert Tunstall, the bishop of Durham. The end product had something that pleased and annoyed both sides of the debate. By 11 July, Cranmer, Cromwell, and the Convocation, the general assembly of the clergy, had subscribed to the Ten Articles.
In late 1536, the north of England was convulsed in a series of uprisings collectively known as the Pilgrimage of Grace, the most serious opposition to Henry's policies. Cromwell and Cranmer were the primary targets of the protesters' fury. Cromwell and the king worked furiously to quell the rebellion, while Cranmer kept a low profile. After it was clear that Henry's regime was safe, the government took the initiative to remedy the evident inadequacy of the Ten Articles. The outcome after months of debate was The Institution of a Christian Man informally known from the first issue as the Bishops' Book. The book was initially proposed in February 1537 in the first vicegerential synod, ordered by Cromwell, for the whole Church. Cromwell opened the proceedings, but as the synod progressed, Cranmer and Foxe took on the chairmanship and the co-ordination. Foxe did most of the final editing and the book was published in late September.
Even after publication, the book's status remained vague because the king had not given his full support to it. In a draft letter, Henry noted that he had not read the book, but supported its printing. His attention was most likely occupied by the pregnancy of Jane Seymour and the birth of the male heir, Edward, that Henry had sought for so long. Jane died shortly after giving birth and her funeral was held on 12 November. That month Henry started to work on the Bishops' Book; his amendments were sent to Cranmer, Sampson, and others for comment. Cranmer's responses to the king were far more confrontational than his colleagues' and he wrote at much greater length. They reveal unambiguous statements supporting reformed theology such as justification by faith or sola fide faith alone and predestination. His words did not convince the king. A new statement of faith was delayed until 1543 with the publication of the King's Book.
In 1538, the king and Cromwell arranged with Lutheran princes to have detailed discussions on forming a political and religious alliance. Henry had been seeking a new embassy from the Schmalkaldic League since mid-1537. The Lutherans were delighted by this and they sent a joint delegation from various German cities, including a colleague of Martin Luther, Friedrich Myconius. The delegates arrived in England on 27 May 1538. After initial meetings with the king, Cromwell, and Cranmer, discussions on theological differences were transferred to Lambeth Palace under Cranmer's chairmanship. Progress on an agreement was slow partly due to Cromwell being too busy to help expedite the proceedings and partly due to the negotiating team on the English side, which was evenly balanced between conservatives and reformers. The talks dragged on with the Germans becoming weary despite the Archbishop's strenuous efforts. The negotiations were fatally neutralised by an appointee of the king. Cranmer's colleague, Edward Foxe, who sat on Henry's Privy Council, had died earlier in the year. The king chose as his replacement Cranmer's conservative rival, Cuthbert Tunstall, who was told to stay near Henry to give advice. On 5 August, when the German delegates sent a letter to the king regarding three items that particularly worried them compulsory clerical celibacy, the withholding of the chalice from the laity, and the maintenance of private masses for the dead, Tunstall was able to intervene for the king and to influence the decision. The result was a thorough dismissal by the king of many of the Germans' chief concerns. Although Cranmer begged the Germans to continue with the negotiations using the argument "to consider the many thousands of souls in England" at stake, they left on 1 October having made no substantial achievements.
Reforms reversed 1539–1542
Continental reformer Philipp Melanchthon was aware that he was very much admired by Henry. In early 1539, Melanchthon wrote several letters to Henry criticising his views on religion, in particular his support of clerical celibacy. By late April another delegation from the Lutheran princes arrived to build on Melanchthon's exhortations. Cromwell wrote a letter to the king in support of the new Lutheran mission. The king had begun to change his stance and concentrated on wooing conservative opinion in England rather than reaching out to the Lutherans. On 28 April 1539, Parliament met for the first time in three years. Cranmer was present, but Cromwell was unable to attend due to ill health. On 5 May the House of Lords created a committee with the customary religious balance between conservatives and reformers to examine and determine doctrine. The committee was given little time to do the detailed work needed for a thorough revision. On 16 May, the Duke of Norfolk noted that the committee had not agreed on anything, and proposed that the Lords examine six doctrinal questions—which eventually formed the basis of the Six Articles. They affirmed the conservative interpretation of doctrines such as the real presence, clerical celibacy, and the necessity of auricular confession, the private confession of sins to a priest. As the Act of the Six Articles neared passage in Parliament, Cranmer moved his wife and children out of England to safety. Up until this time, the family was kept quietly hidden, most likely in Ford Palace in Kent. The Act passed Parliament at the end of June and it forced Latimer and Nicholas Shaxton to resign their dioceses given their outspoken opposition to the measure.
The setback for the reformers was short-lived. By September, Henry was displeased with the results of the Act and its promulgators; the ever-loyal Cranmer and Cromwell were back in favour. The king asked his archbishop to write a new preface for the Great Bible, an English translation of the Bible that was first published in April 1539 under the direction of Cromwell. The preface was in the form of a sermon addressed to readers. As for Cromwell, he was delighted that his plan of a royal marriage between Henry and Anne of Cleves, the sister of a German prince was accepted by the king. In Cromwell's view, the marriage could potentially bring back contacts with the Schmalkaldic League. Henry was dismayed with Anne when they first met on 1 January 1540 but married her reluctantly on 6 January in a ceremony officiated by Cranmer. The marriage ended in disaster as Henry decided that he would request a royal divorce. This resulted in Henry being placed in an embarrassing position and Cromwell suffered the consequences. His old enemies, including the Duke of Norfolk, took advantage of the weakened Cromwell and he was arrested on 10 June. He immediately lost the support of all his friends, including Cranmer. As Cranmer had done for Anne Boleyn, he wrote a letter to the king defending the past work of Cromwell. Henry's marriage to Anne of Cleves was quickly annulled on 9 July by the vice-gerential synod, now led by Cranmer and Gardiner.
Following the annulment, Cromwell was executed on 28 July. Cranmer now found himself in a politically prominent position, with no one else to shoulder the burden. Throughout the rest of Henry's reign, he clung to Henry's authority. The king had total trust in him and in return, Cranmer could not conceal anything from the king. At the end of June 1541, Henry with his new wife, Catherine Howard, left for his first visit to the north of England. Cranmer was left in London as a member of a council taking care of matters for the king in his absence. His colleagues were Lord Chancellor Thomas Audley and Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford. This was Cranmer's first major piece of responsibility outside the Church. In October, while the king and queen were away, a reformer named John Lascelles revealed to Cranmer that Catherine engaged in extramarital affairs. Cranmer gave the information to Audley and Seymour and they decided to wait until Henry's return. Afraid of angering the king, Audley and Seymour suggested that Cranmer inform Henry. Cranmer slipped a message to Henry during mass on All Saints Day. An investigation revealed the truth of the marital indiscretions and Catherine was executed in February 1542.
Support from the King 1543–1547
In 1543, several conservative clergymen in Kent banded together to attack and denounce two reformers, Richard Turner and John Bland, before the Privy Council. They prepared articles to present to the council, but at the last moment, additional denunciations were added by Stephen Gardiner's nephew, Germain Gardiner. These new articles attacked Cranmer and listed his misdeeds back to 1541. This document and the actions that followed were the basis of the so-called Prebendaries' Plot. The articles were delivered to the Council in London and were probably read on 22 April 1543. The king most likely saw the articles against Cranmer that night. The archbishop appeared unaware that an attack on his person was made. His commissioners in Lambeth dealt specifically with Turner's case where he was acquitted, much to the fury of the conservatives.
While the plot against Cranmer was proceeding, the reformers were being attacked on other fronts. On 20 April, the Convocation reconvened to consider the revision of the Bishops' Book. Cranmer presided over the sub-committees, but the conservatives were able to overturn many reforming ideas, including justification by faith. On 5 May, the new revision called A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man or the King's Book was released. Doctrinally, it was far more conservative than the Bishops' Book. On 10 May, the reformers received another blow. Parliament passed the Act for the Advancement of True Religion, which abolished "erroneous books" and restricted the reading of the Bible in English to those of noble status. From May to August, reformers were examined, forced to recant, or imprisoned.
For five months, Henry took no action on the accusations against his archbishop. The conspiracy was finally revealed to Cranmer by the king himself. According to Cranmer's secretary, Ralph Morice, sometime in September 1543 the king showed Cranmer a paper summarising the accusations against him. An investigation was to be mounted and Cranmer was appointed chief investigator. Surprise raids were carried out, evidence gathered, and ringleaders identified. Typically, Cranmer put the clergymen involved in the conspiracy through immediate humiliation, but he eventually forgave them and continued to use their services. To show his trust in Cranmer, Henry gave Cranmer his personal ring. When the Privy Council arrested Cranmer at the end of November, the nobles were stymied by the symbol of the king's trust in him. Cranmer's victory ended with two second-rank leaders imprisoned and Germain Gardiner executed.
With the atmosphere in Cranmer's favour, he pursued quiet efforts to reform the Church, particularly the liturgy. On 27 May 1544 the first officially authorised vernacular service was published, the processional service of intercession known as the Exhortation and Litany. It survives today with minor modifications in the Book of Common Prayer. The traditional litany uses invocations to saints, but Cranmer thoroughly reformed this aspect by providing no opportunity in the text for such veneration. Additional reformers were elected to the House of Commons and new legislation was introduced to curb the effects of the Act of the Six Articles and the Act for the Advancement of True Religion.
In 1546, the conservatives in a coalition including Gardiner, the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, and the bishop of London, Edmund Bonner, made one last attempt to challenge the reformers. Several reformers with links to Cranmer were targeted. Some such as Lascelles were burnt at the stake. Powerful reform-minded nobles Edward Seymour and John Dudley returned to England from overseas and they were able to turn the tide against the conservatives. Two incidents tipped the balance. Gardiner was disgraced before the king when he refused to agree to exchange episcopal estates, and the son of the Duke of Norfolk was charged with treason and executed. There is no evidence that Cranmer played any part in these political games, and there were no further plots as the king's health ebbed in his final months. Cranmer performed his final duties for the king on 28 January 1547 when he gave a reformed statement of faith while gripping Henry's hand instead of giving him his last rites. Cranmer mourned Henry's death and it was later said that he demonstrated his grief by growing a beard. The beard was also a sign of his break with the past. Continental reformers grew beards to mark their rejection of the old Church and this significance of clerical beards was well understood in England. On 31 January, he was among the executors of the king's final will that nominated Edward Seymour as Lord Protector and welcomed the boy king, Edward VI.
Foreign divines and reformed doctrines 1547–1549
Under the regency of Seymour, the reformers were now part of the establishment. A royal visitation of the provinces took place in August 1547 and each parish that was visited was instructed to obtain a copy of the Homilies. This book consisted of twelve homilies of which four were written by Cranmer. His reassertion of the doctrine of justification by faith elicited a strong reaction from Gardiner. In the "Homily of Good Works annexed to Faith", Cranmer attacked monasticism and the importance of various personal actions involved in liturgical recitations and ceremonies. Hence, he narrowed the range of good works that would be considered necessary and reinforced the primacy of faith. In each parish visited, injunctions were put in place that resolved to, "...eliminate any image which had any suspicion of devotion attached to it."
Cranmer's eucharistic views, which had already moved away from official Catholic doctrine, received another push from Continental reformers. Cranmer had been in contact with Martin Bucer since the time when initial contacts were made with the Schmalkaldic League. Cranmer and Bucer's relationship became ever closer due to Charles V's victory over the League at Mühlberg, which left England as the sole major nation that gave sanctuary to persecuted reformers. Cranmer wrote a letter to Bucer now lost with questions on eucharistic theology. In Bucer's reply dated 28 November 1547, he denied the corporeal real presence and condemned transubstantiation and the adoration of the elements. The letter was delivered to Cranmer by two Italian reformed theologians, Peter Martyr and Bernardino Ochino who were invited to take refuge in England. Martyr also brought with him an epistle written allegedly by John Chrysostom now regarded as a forgery, Ad Caesarium Monachum, which appeared to provide patristic support against the corporeal real presence. These documents were to influence Cranmer's thoughts on the eucharist.
In March 1549, the city of Strasbourg forced Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius to leave. Cranmer immediately invited the men to come to England and promised that they would be placed in English universities. When they arrived on 25 April, Cranmer was especially delighted to meet Bucer face to face after eighteen years of correspondence. He needed these scholarly men to train a new generation of preachers as well as assist in the reform of liturgy and doctrine. Others who accepted his invitations include the Polish reformer, Jan Łaski, but Cranmer was unable to convince Osiander and Melanchthon to come to England.
Book of Common Prayer 1548–1549
As the use of English in worship services spread, the need for a complete uniform liturgy for the Church became evident. Initial meetings to start what would eventually become the 1549 Book of Common Prayer were held in the former abbey of Chertsey and in Windsor Castle in September 1548. The list of participants can only be partially reconstructed, but it is known that the members were balanced between conservatives and reformers. These meetings were followed by a debate on the Eucharist in the House of Lords which took place between 14 and 19 December. Cranmer publicly revealed in this debate that he had abandoned the doctrine of the corporeal real presence and believed that the Eucharistic presence was only spiritual. Parliament backed the publication of the Prayer Book after Christmas by passing the Act of Uniformity 1549; it then legalized clerical marriage.
It is difficult to ascertain how much of the Prayer Book is Cranmer's personal composition. Generations of liturgical scholars have been able to track down the sources that he used, including the Sarum Rite, writings from Hermann von Wied, and several Lutheran sources including Osiander and Justus Jonas. More problematic is determining how Cranmer worked on the book and with whom he worked. Despite the lack of knowledge of who might have helped him, he is given the credit for the editorship and the overall structure of the book.
The use of the new Prayer Book was made compulsory on 9 June 1549. This triggered a series of protests in Devon and Cornwall where the English language was not yet in common usage, now known as the Prayer Book Rebellion. By early July, the uprising had spread to other parts in the east of England. The rebels made a number of demands including the restoration of the Six Articles, the use of Latin for the mass with only the consecrated bread given to the laity, the restoration of prayers for souls in purgatory, and the rebuilding of abbeys. Cranmer wrote a strong response to these demands to the King in which he denounced the wickedness of the rebellion. On 21 July, Cranmer commandeered St Paul's Cathedral where he vigorously defended the official Church line. A draft of his sermon, the only extant written sample of his preaching from his entire career, shows that he collaborated with Peter Martyr on dealing with the rebellion.
Consolidating gains 1549–1551
The Prayer Book Rebellion and other events had a negative effect on the Seymour regency. The Privy Council became divided when a set of dissident Councillors banded together behind John Dudley in order to oust Seymour. Cranmer and two other Councillors, William Paget, and Thomas Smith initially rallied behind Seymour. After a flurry of letters passed between the two sides, a bloodless coup d'état resulted in the end of Seymour's Protectorship on 13 October 1549. Despite the support of religiously conservative politicians behind Dudley's coup, the reformers managed to maintain control of the new government and the English Reformation continued to consolidate gains. Seymour was initially imprisoned in the Tower, but he was shortly released on 6 February 1550 and returned to the council. The archbishop was able to transfer his former chaplain, Nicholas Ridley from the minor see of Rochester to the diocese of London, while John Ponet took Ridley's former position. Incumbent conservatives were uprooted and replaced with reformers.
The first result of co-operation and consultation between Cranmer and Bucer was the Ordinal, the liturgy for the ordination of priests. This was missing in the first Prayer Book and was not published until 1550. Cranmer adopted Bucer's draft and created three services for commissioning a deacon, a priest, and a bishop. In the same year, Cranmer produced the Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, a semi-official explanation of the eucharistic theology within the Prayer Book. It was the first full-length book to bear Cranmer's name on the title-page. The preface summarises his quarrel with Rome in a well-known passage where he compared "beads, pardons, pilgrimages, and such other like popery" with weeds, but the roots of the weeds were transubstantiation, the corporeal real presence, and the sacrificial nature of the mass.
Although Bucer assisted in the development of the English Reformation, he was still quite concerned about the speed of its progress. Both Bucer and Fagius had noticed that the 1549 Prayer Book was not a remarkable step forward, although Cranmer assured Bucer that it was only a first step and that its initial form was only temporary. By late 1550, Bucer was becoming disillusioned. Cranmer made sure that he did not feel alienated and kept in close touch with him. This attention paid off during the vestments controversy. This incident was initiated by John Hooper, a follower of Heinrich Bullinger who had recently returned from Zürich. Hooper was unhappy with Cranmer's Prayer Book and Ordinal and he particularly objected to the use of ceremonies and vestments. When the Privy Council selected him to be the Bishop of Gloucester on 15 May 1550, he laid down conditions that he would not wear the required vestments. He found an ally among the Continental reformers in Jan Łaski who had become a leader of the Stranger church in London, a designated place of worship for Continental Protestant refugees. His church's forms and practices had taken reforms much further than Cranmer would have liked. Bucer and Peter Martyr, while they sympathised with Hooper's position, supported Cranmer's arguments of timing and authority. Cranmer and Ridley stood their ground. This led to Hooper's imprisonment and he eventually gave in. He was consecrated on 8 March 1551 according to the Ordinal and he preached before the king in his episcopal garments. Cranmer's vision of reform through careful steps under the authority of the government was maintained.
Final reform programme 1551–1553
Cranmer's role in politics was diminishing when on 16 October 1551 Seymour was arrested on charges of treason. In December Seymour was put on trial and although acquitted of treason, he was judged guilty of felony and put to death on 22 January 1552. This was the beginning of the breach between Cranmer and Dudley. It was aggravated during the year by the gradual appropriation of ecclesiastical property by the regency. Even throughout this political turmoil, Cranmer worked simultaneously on three major projects in his reform programme: the revision of canon law, the revision of the Prayer Book, and the formation of a statement of doctrine.
The original Catholic canon law that defined governance within the Church clearly needed revision following Henry's break with Rome. Several revision attempts were made throughout Henry's reign, but these initial projects were shelved as the speed of reform outpaced the time required to work on a revision. As the reformation stabilised, Cranmer formed a committee in December 1551 to restart the work. He recruited Peter Martyr to the committee and he also asked Łaski and Hooper to participate, demonstrating his usual ability to forgive past actions. Cranmer and Martyr realised that a successful enactment of a reformed ecclesiastical law-code in England would have international significance. Cranmer planned to draw together all the reformed churches of Europe under England's leadership to counter the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church's response to the Protestant Reformation. In March 1552, Cranmer invited the foremost Continental reformers, Bullinger, John Calvin, and Melanchthon to come to England and to participate in an ecumenical council. The response was disappointing: Melanchthon did not respond, Bullinger stated that neither of them could leave Germany as it was riven by war between the Emperor and the Lutheran princes, and while Calvin showed some enthusiasm, he said he was unable to come. Cranmer acknowledged Calvin and replied stating, "Meanwhile we will reform the English Church to the utmost of our ability and give our labour that both its doctrines and laws will be improved after the model of holy scripture." One partial manuscript of the project survived that was annotated with corrections and comments by Cranmer and Martyr. When the final version was presented to Parliament, the breach between Cranmer and Dudley was complete and the regent effectively killed the canon law bill in the House of Lords.
As in the first Prayer Book, the origins and participants in the work of its revision are obscure, but it was clear that Cranmer led the project and steered its development. It had begun as early as the end of 1549 when the Convocation of Canterbury met to discuss the matter. Late in 1550, the opinions of Martyr and Bucer were sought on how the liturgy might be improved and they significantly influenced the revision. The spiritual presence view was clarified by the use of entirely different words when the communicants are offered the bread and the wine. New rubrics noted that any kind of bread could be used and any bread or wine that remained could be used by the curate, thus disassociating the elements from any physical presence. The new book removed any possibility of prayers for the dead, as such prayers implied support for the doctrine of purgatory. The Act of Uniformity 1552, which authorised the book's use, specified that it be exclusively used from 1 November. The final version was officially published at nearly the last minute, due to Dudley's intervention. While travelling in the north of the country, he met the Scots reformer, John Knox, then based in Newcastle. Impressed by his preaching, Dudley selected him to be a royal chaplain and brought him south to participate in the reform projects. In a sermon before the king, Knox attacked the practice of kneeling during communion. On 27 September 1552, the Privy Council stopped the printing of the new Prayer Book and told Cranmer to revise it. He responded with a long letter using the argument that it was for Parliament with the royal assent to decide any changes in the liturgy. On 22 October, the council decided to keep the liturgy as it is and add the so-called Black Rubric, which explained that no adoration was intended when kneeling at communion.
The origins of the statement that eventually became the Forty-Two Articles are equally obscure. As early as December 1549, the archbishop was demanding from his bishops subscription to certain doctrinal articles. In 1551 Cranmer presented a version of a statement to the bishops, but its status remained ambiguous. Cranmer did not devote much effort into developing the articles, most likely due to work on the canon law revision. He became more interested once the hope for an ecumenical council began to fade. By September 1552, draft versions of the articles were being worked on by Cranmer and John Cheke, his scholarly friend who was commissioned to translate them into Latin. When the Forty-Two Articles were finally published in May 1553, the title-page declared that the articles were agreed upon by the Convocation and were published by the authority of the king. This was not in fact the case and the mistake was likely caused by miscommunications between the archbishop and the Privy Council. Cranmer complained about this to the council, but the authorities responded by noting that the articles were developed during the time of the Convocation—hence evading a direct answer. The council gave Cranmer the unfortunate task of requiring subscription to the articles from the bishops, many of whom opposed them and pointed out the anomaly of the title-page. It was while Cranmer was carrying out this duty that events unfolded that would render the subscriptions futile.
Trials, recantations, execution 1553–1556
Edward VI became seriously ill from tuberculosis and the councillors were told that he did not have long to live. In May 1553, the council sent several letters to Continental reformers assuring them that Edward's health was improving. Among the letters was one addressed to Melanchthon inviting him to come to England to take up the Regius Chair in Cambridge which was vacant since the death of Martin Bucer in February 1551. Both Henry VIII and Cranmer had previously failed to convince Melanchthon to come; this time the council made a serious effort by sending him an advance to cover his travel expenses. Cranmer sent a personal letter urging him to take the offer. Despite his plea, Melanchthon never made the voyage to England. While this effort to shore up the reformation was taking place, the council was working to convince several judges to put on the throne Lady Jane Grey, Edward's cousin and a Protestant, instead of Mary, Henry and Catherine of Aragon's daughter and a Catholic. On 17 June 1553 the king made his will noting Jane would succeed him, contravening the Third Succession Act. Cranmer tried to speak to Edward alone, but he was refused and his audience with Edward occurred in the presence of the councillors. Edward told him that he supported what he wrote in his will. Cranmer's decision to support Jane must have occurred before 19 June when royal orders were sent to convene the Convocation for the recognition of the new succession.
By mid-July, there were serious provincial revolts in Mary's favour and support for Jane in the council fell. As Mary was proclaimed queen, Dudley, Ridley, Cheke, and Jane's father, the Duke of Suffolk were imprisoned. No action was taken against the archbishop. On 8 August he led Edward's funeral according to the rites of the Prayer Book. During these months, he advised others, including Peter Martyr, to flee England, but he himself chose to stay. Reformed bishops were removed from office and conservative clergy, such as Edmund Bonner, had their old positions restored. Cranmer did not go down without a fight. When rumours spread that he authorised the use of the mass in Canterbury Cathedral, he declared them to be false and said, "ll the doctrine and religion, by our said sovereign lord king Edward VI is more pure and according to God's word, than any that hath been used in England these thousand years." Not surprisingly, the government regarded Cranmer's declaration as tantamount to sedition. He was ordered to stand before the council in the Star Chamber on 14 September and on that day he said his final goodbye to Martyr. Cranmer was sent straight to the Tower to join Hugh Latimer and Nicholas Ridley.
On 13 November 1553 Cranmer and four others were brought to trial for treason, found guilty, and condemned to death. Numerous witnesses testified that Cranmer had encouraged heresy and had written heretical works. Throughout February 1554 Jane Grey and other rebels were executed. It was now time to deal with the religious leaders of the reformation, and so on 8 March 1554 the Privy Council ordered Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer to be transferred to Bocardo prison in Oxford to await a second trial for heresy. During this time Cranmer was able to smuggle out a letter to Martyr who had fled to Strasbourg, the last surviving document written in his own hand. He stated that the desperate situation of the church was proof that it will eventually be delivered and wrote, "I pray that God may grant that we may endure to the end!" Cranmer remained isolated in Bocardo prison for seventeen months before the trial started on 12 September 1555. Although it took place in England, the trial was under papal jurisdiction and the final verdict would come from Rome. Under interrogation, Cranmer admitted to every fact that was placed before him, but he denied any treachery, disobedience, or heresy. The trial of Latimer and Ridley started shortly after Cranmer's but their verdicts came almost immediately and they were burnt at the stake on 16 October. Cranmer was taken to a tower to watch the proceedings. On 4 December, Rome decided Cranmer's fate by depriving him of the archbishopric and giving permission to the secular authorities to carry out their sentence.
In his final days Cranmer's circumstances changed, which led to several recantations. On 11 December, Cranmer was taken out of Bocardo and placed in the house of the Dean of Christ Church. This new environment was very different from that of his two years in prison. He was in an academic community and treated as a guest. Approached by a Dominican friar, Juan de Villagarcía, he debated the issues of papal supremacy and purgatory. In his first four recantations, produced between the end of January and mid-February, Cranmer submitted himself to the authority of the king and queen and recognised the pope as head of the church. On 14 February 1556, he was degraded from holy orders and returned to Bocardo. He had conceded very little and Edmund Bonner was not satisfied with these admissions. On 24 February a writ was issued to the mayor of Oxford and the date of Cranmer's execution was set for 7 March. Two days after the writ was issued, a fifth statement, the first which could be called a true recantation, was issued. Cranmer repudiated all Lutheran and Zwinglian theology, fully accepted Catholic theology including papal supremacy and transubstantiation, and stated that there was no salvation outside the Catholic Church. He announced his joy of returning to the Catholic faith, asked for and received sacramental absolution, and participated in the mass. Cranmer's burning was postponed, and under normal practice of canon law he should have been absolved. Mary decided that no further postponement was possible. His last recantation was issued on 18 March. It was a sign of a broken man, a sweeping confession of sin. Despite the stipulation in canon law that recanting heretics be reprieved, Mary was determined to make an example of Cranmer, arguing that "his iniquity and obstinacy was so great against God and your Grace that your clemency and mercy could have no place with him", and pressed ahead with his execution.
Cranmer was told that he would be able to make a final recantation but this time in public during a service at the University Church. He wrote and submitted the speech in advance and it was published after his death. At the pulpit on the day of his execution, he opened with a prayer and an exhortation to obey the king and queen, but he ended his sermon totally unexpectedly, deviating from the prepared script. He renounced the recantations that he had written or signed with his own hand since his degradation and he stated that, in consequence, his hand would be punished by being burnt first. He then said, "And as for the pope, I refuse him, as Christ's enemy, and Antichrist with all his false doctrine." He was pulled from the pulpit and taken to where Latimer and Ridley had been burnt six months before. As the flames drew around him, he fulfilled his promise by placing his right hand into the heart of the fire while saying "that unworthy hand". His dying words were, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit ...; I see the heavens open and Jesus standing at the right hand of God."
Aftermath and legacy
The Marian government produced a pamphlet with all six recantations plus the text of the speech Cranmer was to have made in the University Church. His subsequent withdrawal of his recantations was not mentioned, though what actually happened soon became common knowledge, undermining the effectiveness of Marian propaganda. Similarly, the Protestant party had difficulty in making use of the event, given Cranmer's recantations. The exiles' propaganda concentrated on publishing various specimens of his writings. Eventually John Foxe put Cranmer's story to effective use in 1559, and it features prominently in his Acts and Monuments when it was first printed in 1563.
Cranmer's family had been exiled to the Continent in 1539. It is not known exactly when they returned to England, but it was soon after the accession of Edward VI in 1547 that Cranmer publicly acknowledged their existence. Not much is known about the early years of the children. His daughter, Margaret, was likely born in the 1530s and his son, Thomas, came later, probably during the reign of Edward. Around the time of Mary's accession, Cranmer's wife, Margarete, escaped to Germany, while his son was entrusted to his brother, Edmund Cranmer, who took him to the Continent. Margarete Cranmer eventually married Cranmer's favourite publisher, Edward Whitchurch. The couple returned to England after Mary's reign and settled in Surrey. Whitchurch also negotiated for the marriage of Margaret to Thomas Norton. Whitchurch died in 1562 and Margarete married for the third time to Bartholomew Scott. She died in the 1570s. Both of Cranmer's children died without issue and his line became extinct.
When Elizabeth I came to power she restored the Church of England's independence from Rome under the Elizabethan Religious Settlement. The church that she re-established represented, in effect, a snapshot of the Edwardian Church from September 1552. Thus the Elizabethan Prayer Book was basically Cranmer's 1552 edition but without the "Black Rubric". In the Convocation of 1563 the Forty-Two Articles which were never adopted by the Church were altered in the area of eucharistic doctrine to form the Thirty-Nine Articles. Most of the exiles returned to England and resumed their careers in the Church. To some like Edmund Grindal, an Archbishop of Canterbury during Elizabeth's reign, Cranmer provided a shining example whose work should be upheld and extended.
Cranmer's greatest concerns were the maintenance of the royal supremacy and the diffusion of reformed theology and practice. Scholars note that he is best remembered for his contribution to the realms of language and of cultural identity. His prose helped to guide the development of the English language, and the Book of Common Prayer is a major contribution to English literature that influenced many lives in the Anglophone world. It guided Anglican worship for four hundred years.
Catholic biographers sometimes depict Cranmer as an unprincipled opportunist, a Nicodemite, and a tool of royal tyranny. For their part, hagiographic Protestant biographers sometimes appear to overlook the times that Cranmer betrayed his own principles. Both sides can agree in seeing Cranmer as a committed scholar whose life showed the strengths and weaknesses of a very human and often under-appreciated reformer. The Anglican Communion commemorates him as a Reformation Martyr on 21 March, the anniversary of his death.
Screen portrayals
On film and television Thomas Cranmer has been portrayed by:
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Brief overview of the charges against Hermann Göring, highest ranking Nazi official tried during the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg.
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/hermann-goering
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Hermann Göring (1893–1946) was the highest-ranking Nazi official tried during the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. A decorated fighter pilot during World War I, Göring joined the Nazi party in 1922 after hearing a speech by Adolf Hitler. He eventually found his way into the inner circles of Nazi power.
After Hitler's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1933, Göring took on many positions of power and leadership within the Nazi state: Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe (German Air Force), Director of the Four Year Plan in the German economy, and, at the outbreak of war in Europe, Hitler's acknowledged successor. It was Göring who ordered Security Police chief Reinhard Heydrich to organize and coordinate a "total solution" to the "Jewish question."
The International Military Tribunal charged Göring on all four counts (crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and conspiracy to commit crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity). He was convicted and sentenced to death. On the eve of his scheduled execution, he committed suicide in his prison cell.
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https://www.dw.com/en/nuremberg-trials-a-warning-to-war-criminals-and-dictators/a-55634256
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Nuremberg trials: A warning to war criminals – DW – 11
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Seventy-five years ago, the Nuremberg War Crimes Trial brought Nazi leaders to justice. It was a long, historic trial that punished monstrous crimes, and still influences international criminal law today.
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dw.com
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https://www.dw.com/en/nuremberg-trials-a-warning-to-war-criminals-and-dictators/a-55634256
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Nuremberg 1945: The second-largest city in Bavaria largely lay in ruins. After almost six years of the Second World War, Germany had surrendered unconditionally on May 8. Now Nuremberg, where the National Socialist German Workers' Party once celebrated pompous rallies, was to become the scene of the party's reckoning before the law: For wars of aggression, mass murders and twelve years of dictatorship. The victorious powers — the USA, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and France — are setting up an International Military Tribunal for this purpose.
Read more: How Germany confronted its Nazi past
The main war crimes trial against 24 close followers of the dictator Adolf Hitler began on November 20. Powerful Nazi leaders who once dreamed of world domination were sitting on the wooden benches in courtroom 600 of the city's Palace of Justice, largely chosen because it was one of the few unscathed buildings large enough, and with its own prison facility, to host such a trial. The defendants included Reich Marshal and Luftwaffe Commander-in-Chief Hermann Göring, Hitler's temporary deputy Rudolf Hess and Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.
They were accused of crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanity and conspiracy. Nazi organizations such as the Schutzstaffel SS or the Gestapo Secret State Police were also indicted — as "criminal organizations." But the worst perpetrators were not on trial: Adolf Hitler, SS chief Heinrich Himmler and Reich propaganda leader Joseph Goebbels had committed suicide at the end of the war.
Justice instead of revenge
But the significance of the trial was vital: For the first time in human history, states with different forms of government and constitutions were holding leading representatives of a defeated enemy accountable for violations of international law.
In his opening speech, the US Chief Prosecutor Robert H. Jackson emphasized the historical dimension: "That four great nations, flushed with victory and stung with injury stay the hand of vengeance and voluntarily submit their captive enemies to the judgment of the law is one of the most significant tributes that power has ever paid to reason."
The Allies also broke new ground with their definition of the charges. The concept of war crimes had already been established in the Geneva Conventions of 1864, but "crimes against humanity or the crime of war of aggression — crimes against peace, as it was still called in Nuremberg — had not existed before in that sense," Christoph Safferling, professor for international law at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, told DW. "These criminal offenses were born in Nuremberg."
A shock for all trial observers
There was an oppressive atmosphere during the trial. "Everyone was feeling tense. The atmosphere was very serious, quiet, and oppressive. You could hear the translators, you could feel the atmosphere loaded with shame," said Renate Rönn, who accompanied her father Alfred Thoma, one of the defense attorneys, during the trial as his secretary.
Rönn told DW that at first, no one had known the dimension of the atrocities. But the evidence presented changed that. The court showed films of mountains of corpses from concentration camps like Auschwitz. "It was a shock," remembers Rönn. "One could not imagine that such horrible atrocities could be committed in Central Europe and by a cultured people."
None of the defendants would admit their personal guilt. Hardly anyone showed remorse or admitted knowing about massacres and extermination camps. Göring even claimed he never ordered a murder, nor ordered or condoned other cruelties where he'd had the power and knowledge to prevent them.
Almost all of the defendants denied the court's authority, accusing it of being no more than "victor's justice." Even parts of the German population felt it was unjust, and there was criticism that Allied war crimes remained unpunished.
Suicide shortly before the execution
But these reservations do not make "the prosecution of German crimes illegitimate," says Safferling. Moreover, would the Germans, liberated as much as they were defeated, have been either practically or morally capable of judging their compatriots?
Eyewitness Rönn doubts this since many Nazis had remained in official positions after the war. "I do not know how these trials would have gone in a German court. With these Nazi leaders, who all still knew each other, who had appeared at the Reich Party Congress and had all shouted 'Sieg Heil.' ['Sieg Heil' was a Nazi greeting, Eds.] There was a certain relief: The victorious powers took the responsibility from us."
In terms of organization, the trial surpassed everything that had ever been possible before: In 218 trial days, the court heard 240 witnesses and examined more than 300,000 affidavits. The minutes of the hearing comprised 16,000 pages. On October 1, 1946, the mammoth trial ended with the pronouncement of 12 death sentences, seven prison sentences and three acquittals. Sixteen days later, just hours before his execution, Göring committed suicide with poison.
Read more: How 100-year-old Ben Ferencz spent a lifetime making legal history
Twelve more trials took place before US military tribunals against 185 other selected Nazis. Some 24 of those were sentenced to death. The last trial ended in April 1949.
The legacy
Verdicts were passed. But was justice done? In the light of the sheer scale of the crimes committed, it's a question that would fundamentally overtax any justice system. But the Nuremberg trial was certainly of groundbreaking significance. Without it, the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia(1993 - 2017), the UN genocide tribunal for Rwanda (1994 - 2016), and the International Criminal Court ICC in The Hague (from 2002) would have hardly been conceivable.
Read more: Will the EU stand up for the ICC?
Crimes against humanity are currently being prosecuted worldwide by the ICC, an international court serving international law. And UN tribunals have been set up for individual situations, while many international crimes can now be prosecuted at the national level,via authorities such as Germany's federal prosecutor in Karlsruhe.
Meanwhile, two of the former organizers of the Nuremberg trials, the US and Russia, still refuse to cooperate with the International Criminal Court, as does China. Nils Melzer, Swiss international law expert and UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, said that he sees a "worldwide erosion of human rights." "If the US of all countries is not prepared to be held responsible for war crimes for which there is evidence that is not even questionable, then we have a big problem," he told DW.
On the other hand, Safferling believes that international criminal law has played a thoroughly relevant role in global politics since the establishment of the ICC. "Perhaps sometimes it takes a bit too long. But no dictator in the world can be sure that an international criminal justice system will not strike at some point," says Safferling. "This in turn would not have been possible without the Nuremberg trials of 1945."
This article was translated from German.
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https://princeton.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.23943/princeton/9780691140421.001.0001/upso-9780691140421-chapter-002
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Hermann_Goering
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New World Encyclopedia
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Hermann Wilhelm Göring
President of the Reichstag
In office
1932 – 1945 President Paul von Hindenburg
Adolf Hitler Preceded by Paul Löbe Succeeded by none
Minister President of the Free State of Prussia
In office
April 10, 1933 – April 24, 1945 Preceded by Franz von Papen Succeeded by Prussia abolished
Reichsstatthalter of Prussia
In office
1935 – 1945 Prime Minister Himself Preceded by Adolf Hitler Succeeded by Prussia abolished
Reich Minister of Aviation
In office
April 1933 – April 1945 President Paul von Hindenburg
Adolf Hitler Preceded by Position established Succeeded by N/A
Reich Minister of Forestry
In office
July 1934 – April 1945 President Paul von Hindenburg
Adolf Hitler Preceded by Position established Succeeded by N/A
Reich Minister of Economics
In office
November 1937 – January 1938 President Adolf Hitler Preceded by Hjalmar Schacht Succeeded by Walther Funk Born January 12, 1893
Rosenheim, Kingdom of Bavaria, German Empire Died October 15, 1946 (aged 53)
Nuremberg, Germany Political party NSDAP Spouse Karin von Kantznow (1923–1931, deceased)
Emmy Sonnemann (1935–1946) Children 4
Hermann Wilhelm Göring (also spelled Goering) (January 12, 1893 – October 15, 1946) was a German politician, military leader and a leading member of the Nazi Party. Among many offices, he was Hitler's designated successor and commander of the Luftwaffe (German Air Force). He was a veteran of the First World War with twenty-two confirmed kills as a fighter pilot, and recipient of the coveted Pour le Mérite ("The Blue Max"). He was the last commander of Manfred von Richthofen's famous Jagdgeschwader 1 air squadron (Red Baron).
Goering was one of the central figures in the Nazi regime that was responsible for some of the worst atrocities committed in the twentieth century, including but not limited to the Holocaust.
Following the end of the Second World War, Göring was convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity at the Nuremberg Trials. He was sentenced to death by hanging, but committed suicide the night before he was due to be hanged.
Family background and relatives
Göring was born at the sanatorium Marienbad in Rosenheim, Bavaria. His father Heinrich Ernst Göring (October 31, 1839 – December 7, 1913) had been the first Governor-General of the German protectorate of South West Africa (modern day Namibia)[1] having formerly served as a cavalry officer and member of the German consular service. Göring had among his patrilineal ancestors Eberle/Eberlin, a Swiss-German family of high bourgeoisie.
Göring was a relative of such Eberle/Eberlin descendants as the German aviation pioneer Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin; German romantic nationalist Hermann Grimm (1828–1901), an author of the concept of the German hero as a mover of history, whom the Nazis claimed as one of their ideological forerunners; the industrialist family Merck, the owners of the pharmaceutical giant Merck; one of the world's major Catholic writers and poets of the 20th century German Baroness Gertrud von LeFort, whose works were largely inspired by her revulsion against Nazism; and Swiss diplomat, historian and President of International Red Cross, Carl J. Burckhardt.
In an historical coincidence, Göring was related via the Eberle/Eberlin line to Jacob Burckhardt (1818–1897), a great Swiss scholar of art and culture who was a major political and social thinker as well an opponent of nationalism and militarism, who rejected German claims of cultural and intellectual superiority and predicted a cataclysmic 20th century in which violent demagogues, whom he called "terrible simplifiers," would play central roles.[2]
Göring's mother Franziska "Fanny" Tiefenbrunn (1859 - July 15, 1923) came from a Bavarian peasant family. The marriage of a gentleman to a woman from lower class (1885) occurred only because Heinrich Ernst Göring was a widower. Hermann Göring was one of five children; his brothers were Albert Göring and Karl Ernst Göring, and his sisters were Olga Therese Sophia Goring and Paula Elisabeth Rosa Göring, the last of whom were from his father's first marriage.[3] While anti-Semitism became rampant in Germany of that time, his parents were not anti-Semitic.
Hermann Göring had an older brother Karl Goring, who migrated to the United States. Karl's son, Werner G. Göring, became a Captain in the Army Air Force and piloted B-17s on bombing missions over Europe. Göring's younger brother Albert Göring was opposed to the Nazi regime, and helped Jews and other dissidents in Germany during the Nazi era. He is said to have forged his brother Hermann's signature on transit papers to enable escapes, among other acts.
Early life and Ritter von Epenstein
Göring later claimed his given name was chosen to honor the Arminius who defeated the legions of Rome at Teutoburg Forest. However the name was possibly to honor his godfather, a Christian of Jewish descent[4] born Hermann Epenstein. Epenstein, whose father was an army surgeon in Berlin, became a wealthy physician and businessman and a major if not paternal influence on Göring's childhood. Much of Hermann's very early childhood, including a lengthy separation from his parents when his father took diplomatic posts in Africa and in Haiti (climates ruled too brutal for a young European child), was spent with governesses and with distant relatives. However, upon Heinrich Göring's retirement ca. 1898 his large family, supported solely on Heinrich's civil service pension, became for financially practical reasons the houseguests of their longtime friend and Göring's probable namesake, a man whose minor title (acquired through service and donation to the Crown) made him now known as Hermann, Ritter von Epenstein.
Ritter von Epenstein purchased two largely dilapidated castles, Burg Veldenstein in Bavaria and Schloss Mauterndorf near Salzburg, Austria, whose very expensive restorations were ongoing by the time of Hermann Göring's birth. Both castles were to be residences to the Göring family, their official "caretakers" until 1913. Both castles were also ultimately to be his property. In 1914 he tried to commit suicide; however, he was found by his mother,and was sent to the hospital. He survived after cutting his wrist and was soon sent back home. In 1915 he joined the army and fought in the Battle of the Somme.
According to some biographers of both Hermann Göring and his younger brother Albert Göring, soon after the family took residence in his castles, von Epenstein began an adulterous relationship with Frau Göring[5] and may in fact have been Albert's father. (Albert's physical resemblance to von Epenstein was noted even during his childhood and is evident in photographs.) Whatever the nature of von Epenstein's relationship with his mother, the young Hermann Göring enjoyed a close relationship with his godfather. Göring was unaware of von Epenstein's Jewish ancestry and birth until, as a child at a prestigious Austrian boarding school (where his tuition was paid by von Epenstein), he wrote an essay in praise of his godfather and was mocked by the school's anti-Semitic headmaster for professing such admiration for a Jew. Göring initially denied the allegation, but when confronted with proof in the "Semi-Gotha",[6] a book of German heraldry (Ritter von Epenstein had purchased his minor title and castles with wealth garnered from speculation and trade and was thus included in a less than complimentary reference work on German speaking nobility), Göring, to his youthful credit, remained steadfast in his devotion to his family's friend and patron so adamantly that he was expelled from the school. The action seems to have tightened the already considerable bond between godfather and godson.
Relations between the Göring family and von Epenstein became far more formal during Göring's adolescence (causing Mosley and other biographers to speculate that perhaps the theorized affair ended naturally or that the elderly Heinrich discovered he was a cuckold and threatened its exposure). By the time of Heinrich Göring's death, the family no longer lived in a residence supplied by or seemed to have much contact at all with von Epenstein (though the family's comfortable circumstances indicate the Ritter may have continued to support them financially). Late in his life, Ritter von Epenstein wed a singer, Lily, who was half his age, bequeathing her his estate in his will, but requesting that she in turn bequeath the castles at Mauterndorf and Veldenstein to his godson Hermann upon her own death.
First World War
Göring was sent to boarding school at Ansbach, Franconia and then attended the cadet institutes at Karlsruhe and the military college at Berlin Lichterfelde. Göring was commissioned in the Prussian army on 22 June 1912 in the Prinz Wilhelm Regiment (112th Infantry), headquartered at Mulhouse as part of the 29th Division of the Imperial German Army.
During the first year of World War I, Göring served with an infantry regiment in the Vosges region. He was hospitalized with Rheumatism resulting from the damp of trench warfare. While he was recovering, his friend Bruno Loerzer convinced him to transfer to the Luftstreitkräfte. Göring's application to transfer was immediately turned down. But later that year Göring flew as Loerzer's observer in Feldflieger Ableilung (FFA) 25; Göring had arranged his own transfer. He was detected and sentenced to three weeks' confinement to barracks. The sentence was never carried out: by the time it was imposed Göring's association with Loerzer had been regularized. They were assigned as a team to the 25th Field Air Detachment of the Crown Prince's Fifth Army–"though it seems that they had to steal a plane in order to qualify."[7] They flew reconnaissance and bombing missions for which the Crown Prince invested both Göring and Loerzer with the Iron Cross, first class.
On completing his pilot's training course he was posted back to Feldflieger Ableilung (FFA) 2 in October 1915. Göring had already claimed two air victories as an Observer (one unconfirmed). He gained another flying a Fokker EIII single-seater scout in March 1916. In October 1916 he was posted to Jagdstaffel 5, but was wounded in action in November. In February 1917 he joined Jagdstaffel 26. He now scored steadily until in May 1917 he got his first command, Jasta 27. Serving with Jastas 5, 26 and 27, he claimed 21 air victories. Besides the Iron Cross, he was awarded the Zaehring Lion with swords, the Karl Friedrich Order and the House Order of Hohenzollern with swords, third class, and finally in May 1918 (despite not having the required 25 air victories) the coveted Pour le Mérite.[8] On July 7, 1918, after the death of Wilhelm Reinhard, the successor of The Red Baron, he was made commander of Jagdgeschwader Freiherr von Richthofen, Jagdgeschwader 1.
In June 1917, after a lengthy dogfight, Göring shot down an Australian pilot named Frank Slee. The battle is recounted in The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering. Göring landed and met the Australian, and presented Slee with his Iron Cross. Years after, Slee gave Göring's Iron Cross to a friend, who later died on the beaches of Normandy on D-Day. Also during the war Göring had through his generous treatment made a friend of his prisoner of war Captain Frank Beaumont, a Royal Flying Corps pilot. "It was part of Goering's creed to admire a good enemy, and he did his best to keep Captain Beaumont from being taken over by the Army."[9]
Göring finished the war with twenty-two confirmed kills.
Because of his arrogance[10] Göring's appointment as commander of Jagdgeschwader 1 had not been well received. Though after demobilization Göring and his officers spent most of their time during the first weeks of November 1918 in the Stiftskeller, the best restaurant and drinking place in Aschaffenburg,[11] he was the only veteran of Jagdgeschwader 1 never invited to post-war reunions.
Göring was genuinely surprised (at least by his own account) at Germany's defeat in the First World War. He felt personally violated by the surrender, the Kaiser's abdication, the humiliating terms, and the supposed treachery of the post-war German politicians who had "goaded the people [to uprising] [and] who [had] stabbed our glorious Army in the back [thinking] of nothing but of attaining power and of enriching themselves at the expense of the people."[12] Ordered to surrender the planes of his squadron to the Allies in December 1918, Göring and his fellow pilots intentionally wrecked the planes on landing. This endeavour paralleled the scuttling of surrendered ships. Typical for the political climate of the day, he was not arrested or even officially reprimanded for his action.
Postwar
He remained in flying after the war, worked briefly at Fokker, tried "barnstorming," and in 1920 he joined Svenska Lufttrafik. He was also listed on the officer rolls of the Reichswehr, the post-World War I peacetime army of Germany, and by 1933 had risen to the rank of Generalmajor. He was made a Generalleutnant in 1935 and then a General in the Luftwaffe upon its founding later that year.
Göring as a veteran pilot was often hired to fly businessmen and others on private aircraft. On a winter's day in 1920 Count Eric von Rosen, a widely-known and intrepid explorer, arrived at an aerodrome in Sweden and requested a flight to his estate at Rockelstad near Sparreholm.[13] It was a short journey by air and as it was snowing it seemed a flight would be the quick way home. The count relished the challenge of flying through snow if a brave enough pilot could be found. With only one or two hours of daylight left, Göring readily agreed to make the journey. After take-off they got lost as the aircraft pitched and plunged over trees and valleys; the count was violently airsick. They finally touched down on the frozen Lake Båven near Rockelstad Castle. It was too late for Göring to go back that day so he accepted the count and countess's invitation to stay overnight at the castle.[14]
The medieval castle, with its suits of armor, paintings, hunting relics and exploration trophies was suited to romance. It may have been here that Göring first saw the swastika emblem, a family badge which was set in the chimney piece around the roaring fire.[15]
This was also the first time Göring saw his future wife. A great staircase led down into the hall opposite the fireplace. As Göring looked up he saw a woman coming down the staircase as if toward him. The count introduced his sister-in-law Baroness Karin von Kantzow (née Freiin von Fock, 1888–1931) to the 27-year-old Göring.[16]
Carin was a tall, maternal, unhappy, sentimental woman five years Göring's senior, estranged from her husband and in delicate health. Göring was immediately smitten with her. Carin's eldest sister and biographer claimed that it was love at first sight. Carin was carefully looked after by her parents as well as by Count and Countess von Rosen. She was also married and had an eight year old son Thomas to whom she was devoted. No romance other than one of courtly love was possible at this point.[17]
First marriage
Carin divorced her estranged husband, Niels Gustav von Kantzow, in December 1922. She married Göring on 3 January 1923 in Stockholm. Von Kantzow behaved generously. He provided a financial settlement which enabled Carin and Göring to set up their first home together in Germany. It was a hunting lodge at Hochkreuth in the Bavarian Alps, near Bayrischzell, some 50 miles from Munich.
Early Nazi
Göring joined the Nazi Party in 1922 and took over the SA leadership as the Oberste SA-Führer. After stepping down as SA Commander, he was appointed an SA-Gruppenführer (Lieutenant General) and held this rank on the SA rolls until 1945. Hitler later recalled his early association with Göring thus:
I liked him. I made him the head of my S.A. He is the only one of its heads that ran the S.A. properly. I gave him a disheveled rabble. In a very short time he had organized a division of 11,000 men.[18]
At this time Carin, who liked Hitler, often played hostess to meetings of leading Nazis including her husband, Hitler, Hess, Rosenberg and Röhm.
Göring was with Hitler in the Beer Hall Putsch in Munich on 9 November 1923. He marched beside Hitler at the head of the SA. When the Bavarian police broke up the march with gunfire, Göring was seriously wounded in the groin.
Addiction and exile
Stricken with pneumonia, Carin arranged for Göring to be spirited away to Austria. Göring was in no fit state to travel and the journey may have aggravated his condition, although he did avoid arrest. Göring was x-rayed and operated on in the hospital at Innsbruck. Carin wrote to her mother from Göring's bedside on December 8, 1923 describing the terrible pain Göring was in: "… in spite of being dosed with morphine every day, his pain stays just as bad as ever."[19] This was the beginning of his morphine addiction. Meanwhile in Munich the authorities declared Göring a wanted man.
The Görings, acutely short of funds and reliant on the goodwill of Nazi sympathizers abroad, moved from Austria to Venice then in May 1924 to Rome via Florence and Siena. Göring met Benito Mussolini in Rome. Mussolini expressed some interest in meeting Hitler, by then in prison, upon his release.[20] Personal problems, however, continued to multiply. Göring's mother had died in 1923. By 1925 it was Carin's mother who was ill. The Görings with difficulty raised the money for a journey in spring 1925 to Sweden via Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and the Free City of Danzig. Göring had become a violent morphine addict and Carin's family were shocked by his deterioration when they saw him. Carin, herself an epileptic, had to let the doctors and police take full charge of Göring. He was certified a dangerous drug addict and placed in the violent ward of Långbro asylum on 1 September 1925.[21]
The 1925 psychiatrist's reports claimed Göring to be weak of character, a hysteric and unstable personality, sentimental yet callous, violent when afraid and a person who deployed bravado to hide a basic lack of moral courage. "Like many men capable of great acts of physical courage which verge quite often on desperation, he lacked the finer kind of courage in the conduct of his life which was needed when serious difficulties overcame him."[22]
At the time of Göring's detention all doctors' reports in Sweden were in the public domain. In 1925, Carin sued for custody of her son. Niels von Kantzow, her ex-husband, used a doctor's report on Carin and Göring as evidence to show that neither of them was fit to look after the boy, and so von Kantzow kept custody. The reports were also used by political opponents in Germany.
Politics and Nazi electoral victory
Göring returned to Germany in autumn 1927, after the newly elected President von Hindenburg declared amnesty for participants in the 1923 Putsch. Göring resumed his political work for Hitler. He became the 'salon Nazi', the Party's representative in upper class circles. Göring was elected to the Reichstag in 1928. In 1932, he was elected President of the Reichstag, which he remained until 1945.
His wife Carin died on October 17, 1931, aged 42, of tuberculosis.
Hitler became Chancellor on January 30, 1933, striking a deal with the conservative intriguer Franz von Papen. Only two other Nazis were included in the cabinet. One was Göring, who was named minister without portfolio. It was understood, however, that he would be named minister of aviation once Germany built up an air force. At Hitler's insistence, Göring also was appointed interior minister of Prussia under Papen, who doubled as Vice Chancellor of the Reich and minister-president of Prussia. (Prussia at this time, though a constituent state of Germany, included over half of the country.)
Although his appointment as Prussian interior minister was little noticed at the time, it made Göring commander of the largest police force in Germany. He moved quickly to Nazify the police and use them against the Social Democrats and Communists. On February 22, Göring ordered the police to recruit "auxiliaries" from the Nazi party militia, and to cease all opposition to the street violence of the SA. New elections were scheduled for March 5, and Göring's police minions harassed and suppressed political opponents and rivals of the Nazis. He also detached the political and intelligence departments from the Prussian police and reorganized them as the Gestapo, a secret police force.
On February 28, 1933, the Reichstag building was gutted by fire. The Reichstag fire was arson, and the Nazis blamed the Communists. Göring himself met Hitler at the fire scene, and denounced it as "a Communist outrage," the first act in a planned uprising. Hitler agreed. The next day, the Reichstag Fire Decree suspended civil liberties.
Göring ordered the complete suppression of the Communist party. Most German states banned party meetings and publications, but in Prussia, Göring's police summarily arrested 25,000 Communists and other leftists, including the entire Party leadership, save those that escaped abroad. Hundreds of other prominent anti-Nazis were also rounded up. Göring told the Prussian police that "…all other restraints on police action imposed by Reich and state law are abolished…."
On March 5, the Nazi-DNVP coalition won a narrow majority in the election; on March 23, the Reichstag passed the Enabling Act, which effectively gave Hitler dictatorial powers. As part of the anti-Communist campaign, in the first executions in the Third Reich, Göring declined to commute the August 1933 death sentences passed against Bruno Tesch and three other Communists for their alleged role in the deaths of two SA members and 16 others in the Altona Bloody Sunday (Altonaer Blutsonntag) riot, an SA march on July 17, 1932.[23][24].
Second marriage
During the early 1930s Göring was often in the company of Emmy Sonnemann (1893–1973), an actress from Hamburg. He proposed to her in Weimar in February 1935. The wedding took place on April 10, 1935 in Berlin and was celebrated like the marriage of an emperor. They had a daughter, Edda Göring (born June 2, 1938) who was then thought to be named after Countess Edda Ciano, eldest child of Benito Mussolini. Actually, Edda was named after a friend of her mother.[25]
Nazi potentate
Göring was one of the key figures in the process of "forcible coordination" (Gleichschaltung) that established the Nazi dictatorship. For example, in 1933, Göring promulgated the ban on all Roman Catholic newspapers in Germany as a means of removing not only resistance to National Socialism but also to deprive the population of alternative forms of association and means of political communication.
In the Nazi regime's early years, Göring served as minister in various key positions at both the Reich (German national) level and other levels as required. In the state of Prussia, Göring was responsible for the economy as well as re-armament.
His police forces included the Gestapo, which he converted into a political spy force. But in 1934 Hitler transferred the Gestapo to Himmler's SS. Göring retained Special Police Battalion Wecke, which he converted to a paramilitary unit attached to the Landespolizei (State Police), Landespolizeigruppe General Göring. This formation participated in the Night of the Long Knives, when the SA leaders were purged. Göring was head of the Forschungsamt (FA), which secretly monitored telephone and radio communications, The FA was connected to the SS, the SD, and Abwehr intelligence services.
After Hjalmar Schacht was removed as Minister of Economics, Göring effectively took over. In 1936, he became Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan for German rearmament. The vast steel plant Reichswerke Hermann Göring was named after him. He gained great influence with Hitler (who placed a high value on rearmament). He never seemed to accept the Hitler Myth quite as much as Goebbels and Himmler did, but remained loyal nevertheless.
In 1938, Göring forced out the War Minister, Field Marshal von Blomberg, and the Army commander, General von Fritsch. They had welcomed Hitler's accession in 1933, but then annoyed him by criticizing his plans for expansionist wars. Göring, who had been best man at Blomberg's recent wedding to a 26-year-old typist, discovered that the young woman was a former prostitute, and blackmailed him into resigning. Fritsch was accused of homosexual activity, and though completely innocent, resigned in shock and disgust. He was later exonerated by a "court of honor" presided over by Göring.
Also in 1938, Göring played a key role in the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria. At the height of the crisis, Göring spoke on the telephone to Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg. Göring announced Germany's intent to march into Austria, and threatened war and the destruction of Austria if there was any resistance. Schuschnigg collapsed, and the German army marched into Austria without resistance.
Göring and Foreign Policy
The German diplomatic historian Klaus Hildebrand in his study of German foreign policy in the Nazi era noted that besides for Hitler’s foreign policprogramme that there existed three other rival foreigprogramses held by fractions in the Nazi Party, whom Hildebrand dubbed the agrarians, the revolutionary socialists and the Wilhelmine Imperialists[26]. Göring was certainly an ardent Nazi and utterly loyal to Hitler. But his preferences in foreign policy were different. Göring was the most prominent of the "Wilhelmine Imperialist" group in the Nazi regime. This group wanted to restore the German frontiers of 1914, regain the pre-1914 overseas empire, and make Eastern Europe Germany's exclusive sphere of influence. This was a much more limited set of goals than Hitler's dream of Lebensraum seized in merciless racial wars. By contrast, Göring and the "Wilhelmine Imperialist" fraction were more guided by traditional Machtpolitik in their foreign policy conceptions.[27].
Furthermore, the "Wilhelmine Imperialists" expected to achieved their goals within the established international order. While not rejecting war as an option, they preferred diplomacy, and sought political domination in eastern Europe rather than the military conquests envisioned by Hitler. And they rejected Hitler's mystical vision of war as a necessary ordeal for the nation, and of perpetual war as desirable. Göring himself feared that a major war might interfere with his luxurious lifestyle.
Göring's advocacy of this policy led to his temporary exclusion by Hitler for a time in 1938-39 from foreign policy decisions. Göring'unwillingnessss to offer a major challenge to Hitler prevented him from offering any serious resistance to Hitler's policies, and the "Wilhelmine Imperialists" had no real influence.[28][29][30]
Complicity in the Holocaust
Göring was the highest figure in the Nazi hierarchy to issue written orders for the "final solution of the Jewish Question," when he issued a memo to Heydrich to organize the practical details. This resulted in the Wannsee Conference. Göring wrote, "submit to me as soon as possible a general plan of the administrative material and financial measures necessary for carrying out the desired final solution of the Jewish question." It is almost certain however that Hitler issued an oral order to Göring in late 1941 to this effect.
Head of the Luftwaffe
When the Nazis took power, Göring was Minister of Civil Air Transport, which was a screen for the build-up of German war aviation, prohibited by the Treaty of Versailles. When Hitler repudiated Versailles, in 1935, the Luftwaffe was unveiled, with Göring as Minister and Oberbefehlshaber (Supreme Commander). In 1938, he became the first Generalfeldmarschall (Field Marshal) of the Luftwaffe this promotion also made him the highest ranking officer in Germany. Göring directed the rapid creation of this new branch of service. Within a few years, Germany produced large numbers of the world's most advanced military aircraft.
In 1936, Göring at Hitler's direction sent several hundred aircraft along with several thousand air and ground crew, to assist the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War this became known as the Condor Legion.
By 1939 the Luftwaffe was the most advanced and one of the most powerful air forces in the world. On 9 August 1939, Göring boasted "The Ruhr will not be subjected to a single bomb. If an enemy bomber reaches the Ruhr, my name is not Hermann Göring: you can call me Meier!" ("I want to be called Meier if …." is a German idiom to express that something is impossible. Meier (in several spelling variants) is the second most common surname in Germany.) By the end of the war, Berlin's air raid sirens were bitterly known to the city's residents as "Meier's trumpets," or "Meier's hunting horns."
Göring's private army
Unusually, the Luftwaffe also included its own ground troops, which became Göring's private army. German Fallschirmjäger (parachute and glider) troops were organized as part of the Luftwaffe, not as part of the Army. These formations eventually grew to over 30 divisions, which almost never operated as airborne troops. About half were "field divisions," that is, plain infantry.
There was even a Fallschirm-Panzer Division 1 Hermann Göring, which had originally been the special police battalion mentioned above. Many of these divisions were led by officers with little or no training for ground combat, and performed badly as a result. In 1945, two Fallschirmjäger divisions were deployed on the Oder front. Göring said at a staff meeting "When both my airborne divisions attack, the entire Red Army can be thrown to hell." But when the Red Army attacked, Göring's 9th Parachute Division collapsed.
Second World War
Göring was skeptical of Hitler's war plans. He believed Germany was not prepared for a new conflict and, in particular, that his Luftwaffe was not yet ready to beat the British Royal Air Force (RAF). His personal luxuries might be endangered, too. So he made contacts through various diplomats and emissaries to avoid war.
However, once Hitler decided on war, Göring supported him completely. On 1 September 1939, the first day of the war, Hitler spoke to the Reichstag at the Kroll Opera House. In this speech he designated Göring as his successor "if anything should befall me."
Initially, decisive German victories followed quickly one after the other. The Luftwaffe destroyed the Polish Air Force within two weeks. The Fallschirmjäger seized key airfields in Norway and captured Fort Eben-Emael in Belgium. German air-to-ground attacks served as the "flying artillery" of the panzer troops in the blitzkrieg of France. "Leave it to my Luftwaffe" became Göring's perpetual gloat.
After the defeat of France, Hitler awarded Göring the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross for his successful leadership. By a decree on 19 July 1940, Hitler promoted Göring to the rank of Reichsmarschall (Marshal of Germany), the highest military rank of the Greater German Reich. Reichsmarschall was a special rank for Göring, which made him senior to all other Army and Luftwaffe Field Marshals.
Göring's political and military careers were at their peak. Göring had already received the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross on 30 September 1939 as Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe.[31]
Göring promised Hitler that the Luftwaffe would quickly destroy the RAF, or break British morale with devastating air raids. He personally directed the first attacks on Britain from his private luxury train. But the Luftwaffe failed to gain control of the skies in the Battle of Britain. This was Hitler's first defeat. And Britain withstood the worst the Luftwaffe could do for the eight months of "the Blitz."
However, the damage inflicted on British cities largely maintained Göring's prestige. The Luftwaffe destroyed Belgrade in April 1941, and Fallschirmjäger captured Crete from the British army in May 1941.
The eastern front
If Göring was skeptical about war against Britain and France, he was absolutely certain that a new campaign against the Soviet Union was doomed to defeat. After trying, completely in vain, to convince Hitler to give up Operation Barbarossa, he embraced the campaign. Hitler still relied on him completely. On June 29, Hitler composed a special 'testament', which was kept secret till the end of the war. This formally designated Göring as "my deputy in all my offices" if Hitler was unable to function, and his successor if he died. Ironically, Göring did not know the contents of this testament, which was marked "To be opened only by the Reichsmarschall," until after leaving Berlin in April 1945 for Berchtesgaden, where it had been kept.
The Luftwaffe shared in the initial victories in the east, destroying thousands of Soviet aircraft. But as Soviet resistance grew and the weather turned bad, the Luftwaffe became overstretched and exhausted.
Göring by this time had lost interest in administering the Luftwaffe. That duty was left to incompetent favorites such as Udet and Jeschonnek. Aircraft production lagged. Yet Göring persisted in outlandish promises. When the Soviets surrounded a German army in Stalingrad in 1942, Göring encouraged Hitler to fight for the city rather than retreat. He asserted that the Luftwaffe would deliver 500 tons per day of supplies to the trapped force. In fact no more than 100 tons were ever delivered in a day, and usually much less. While Göring's men struggled to fly in the savage Russian winter, Göring had his usual lavish birthday party.
Göring was in charge of exploiting the vast industrial resources captured during the war, particularly in the Soviet Union. This proved to be an almost total failure, and little of the available potential was effectively harnessed for the service of the German military machine.
The bomber war
As early as 1940, British aircraft raided targets in Germany, debunking Göring's assurance that the Reich would never be attacked. By 1942, the bombers were coming by hundreds and thousands. Entire cities such as Cologne and Hamburg were devastated. The Luftwaffe responded with night fighters and anti-aircraft guns. Göring was still nominally in charge, but in practice he had little to do with operations.
Göring's prestige, reputation, and influence with Hitler all declined, especially after the Stalingrad debacle. Hitler could not publicly repudiate him without embarrassment, but contact between them largely stopped. Göring withdrew from the military and political scene to enjoy the pleasures of life as a wealthy and powerful man. His reputation for extravagance made him particularly unpopular as ordinary Germans began to suffer deprivation.
The end of the war
In 1945, Göring fled the Berlin area with trainloads of treasures for the Nazi alpine resort in Berchtesgaden. He was presented with Hitler's testament, which he read for the first time. On 23 April, as Soviet troops closed in around Berlin, Göring sent a radiogram to Hitler, suggesting that the testament should now come into force. He added that if he did not hear back from Hitler by 10 PM, he would assume Hitler was incapacitated, and would assume leadership of the Reich.
Hitler was enraged by this proposal, which Bormann portrayed as an attempted coup d'état. On April 25, Hitler ordered the SS to arrest Göring. On April 26, Hitler dismissed Göring as commander of the Luftwaffe. In his last will and testament, Hitler dismissed Göring from all his offices and expelled him from the Nazi Party. On April 28, Hitler ordered the SS to execute Göring, his wife, and their daughter (Hitler's own goddaughter). But this order was ignored.
Instead, the Görings and their SS captors moved together, to the same Schloß Mauterndorf where Göring had spent much of his childhood and which he had inherited (along with Burg Veldenstein) from his godfather's widow in 1937. (Göring had arranged for preferential treatment for the woman, and protected her from confiscation and arrest as the widow of a wealthy Jew.)
Capture, trial, and death
Göring surrendered on May 9, 1945 in Bavaria. He was the third-highest-ranking Nazi official tried at Nuremberg, behind Reich President (former Admiral) Karl Dönitz and former Deputy Führer Hess. Göring's last days were spent with Captain Gustave Gilbert, a German-speaking American intelligence officer and psychologist (and a Jew), who had access to all the prisoners held in the Nuremberg jail. Gilbert classified Göring as having an IQ of 138, the same as Dönitz. Gilbert kept a journal which he later published as Nuremberg Diary. Here he describes Göring on the evening of April 18, 1946, as the trials were halted for a three-day Easter recess.
Sweating in his cell in the evening, Göring was defensive and deflated and not very happy over the turn the trial was taking. He said that he had no control over the actions or the defensee of the others, and that he had never been anti-Semitic himself, had not believed these atrocities, and that several Jews had offered to testify on his behalf.[32]
Despite claims that he was not anti-Semitic, while in the prison yard at Nuremberg, after hearing a remark about Jewish survivors in Hungary, Albert Speer reported overhearing Göring say, "So, there are still some there? I thought we had knocked off all of them. Somebody slipped up again."[33] Despite his claims of non-involvement, he was confronted with orders he had signed for the murder of Jews and prisoners of war.
Though he defended himself vigorously, and actually appeared to be winning the trial early on (partly by building popularity with the audience by making jokes and finding holes in the prosecution's case) he was sentenced to death by hanging. The judgment stated that:[34]
There is nothing to be said in mitigation. For Goering was often, indeed almost always, the moving force, second only to his leader. He was the leading war aggressor, both as political and as military leader; he was the director of the slave labour program and the creator of the oppressive program against the Jews and other races, at home and abroad. All of these crimes he has frankly admitted. On some specific cases there may be conflict of testimony, but in terms of the broad outline, his own admissions are more than sufficiently wide to be conclusive of his guilt. His guilt is unique in its enormity. The record discloses no excuses for this man.[35]
Göring made an appeal, offering to accept the court's death sentence if he were shot as a soldier instead of hanged as a common criminal, but the court refused.
Defying the sentence imposed by his captors, he committed suicide with a potassium cyanide capsule the night before he was to be hanged. Where Göring obtained the cyanide, and how he concealed it during his entire imprisonment at Nuremberg, remains unknown. It has been claimed that Göring befriended U.S. Army Lieutenant Jack G. "Tex" Wheelis, who was stationed at the Nuremberg Trials and helped Göring obtain cyanide which had been hidden among Göring's personal effects when they were confiscated by the Army.[36] In 2005, former U.S. Army Private Herbert Lee Stivers claimed he gave Göring "medicine" hidden inside a gift fountain pen from a German woman the private had met and flirted with. Stivers served in the 1st Infantry Division's 26th Regiment, who formed the honor guard for the Nuremberg Trials. Stivers claims to have been unaware of what the "medicine" he delivered actually was until after Göring's death. Regardless of his suicide, his dead body was hanged.
After his death, the bodies of Göring and the other executed Nazi leaders were cremated in the crematorium of the Dachau concentration camp, which had been re-lit exclusively for them. His ashes were scattered in the Conwentzbach in Munich, which runs into the Isar river.
Legacy
Hermann Goering's legacy cannot be separated from the legacy of Adolf Hitler and Nazism, which includes the Holocaust and millions of other casualties. He was able to use his position to benefit himself. The confiscation of Jewish property gave Göring great opportunities to amass a personal fortune. Some properties he seized himself, or acquired for a nominal price. In other cases, he collected fat bribes for allowing others to grab Jewish property. He also took kickbacks from industrialists for favorable decisions as Four Year Plan director.
Göring was also noted for his patronage of music, especially opera. He entertained frequently and lavishly. Most infamously, he collected art, looting from numerous museums (some in Germany itself), stealing from Jewish collectors, or buying for a song in occupied countries.
When Göring was promoted to the unique rank of Reichsmarschall, he designed an elaborate personal flag for himself. The design included a German eagle, swastika, and crossed marshal's batons on one side, and on the other Großkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes ("Grand Cross of the Iron Cross") between four Luftwaffe eagles. He had the flag carried by a personal standard-bearer at all public occasions.
Standard, on display at the Musée de la Guerre in the Invalides
Notes
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
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Block, Maxine and E. Mary Trow (1971). Current Biography: Who's News and Why 1941. New York: H.W. Wilson. OCLC 16655369
Brandenburg, Erich (1995). Die Nachkommen Karls Des Grossen. Neustadt/Aisch: Degener. ISBN 3768651029.
Butler, Ewan (1951). Marshall Without Glory. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 84-87. OCLC 1246848.
Fellgiebel, Walther-Peer (1986). Die Trager Des Ritterkreuzes Des Eisernen Kreuzes, 1939–1945. Friedberg: Podzun-Pallas. ISBN 3790902845.
Fest, Joachim (2004). Inside Hitler's Bunker. New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. ISBN 0374135770.
Franks, Norman (1993). Above the Lines. City: Grub Street. ISBN 0948817739.
Frischauer, Willi (1951). The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering. Ballantine Books. OCLC 30233850
Gilbert, G. (1995). Nuremberg Diary. New York: Da Capo Press. ISBN 0306806614.
Göring, Hermann (1934). Germany Reborn. London: E. Mathews & Marrot. OCLC 570220. Excerpt from Germany Reborn
Gritzbach, Erich (1939). Hermann Goering: The Man and His Work. London: Hurst & Blackett. OCLC 58964284.
Hildebrand, Klaus (1973). The Foreign Policy of the Third Reich. London: Batsford Press. ISBN 0520025288.
Hitler, Adolf (1988). Hitler's Table Talk, 1941–1944. Oxford Oxfordshire: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0192851802.
Irving, David (1989). Göring: A Biography. New York: Morrow. ISBN 0688066062.
Leffland, Ella (1990). The Knight, Death and the Devil. New York: Morrow. ISBN 0688058361.
Manvell, Roger (2006). Goering. London: Greenhill Books. ISBN 1853676128.
Maser, Werner (2000). Hitlers janusköpfiger Paladin: die politische Biographie. ISBN 3861245094.
Mosley, Leonard (1974). The Reich Marshal: A Biography of Hermann Goering. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. ISBN 0385049617.
Overy, Richard (2000). Goering. London: Phoenix Press. ISBN 1842120484.
Paul, Wolfgang (1983). Wer War Hermann Goring: Biographie. City: Bechtle, 33. ISBN 3762804273.
Speer, Albert (1997). Inside the Third Reich. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684829495.
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All links retrieved July 16, 2024.
Germany Reborn by Hermann Goring
Hermann Göring at the Internet Movie Database the Internet Movie Database
Preceded by:
Hans Ulrich Klintzsche Leader of the SA
1923 Vacant
Title next held by
Franz Pfeffer von Salomon Military offices New Title
Luftwaffe re-established Commander-in-Chief of the Luftwaffe
1935–1945 Succeeded by: Robert Ritter von Greim Political offices Preceded by:
Franz von Papen
(Reichskomissar) Prime Minister of Prussia
1933–1945 Prussia abolished
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War Crimes on Trial: The Nuremberg and Tokyo Trials
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[
"From the Collection to the Classroom",
"The Nuremberg Trials",
"Tokyo War Crimes Trial",
"The End of World War II 1945",
"Immediate Aftermath of World War II"
] | null |
[
"malloryk"
] |
2020-11-23T18:00:00
|
Following victory, the Allies turned to the legal system to hold Axis leaders accountable. In an unprecedented series of trials, a new meaning of justice emerged in response to war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by both the Germans and the Japanese throughout the war.
|
en
|
/themes/nwwiim/favicon.ico
|
The National WWII Museum | New Orleans
|
https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/nuremberg-and-tokyo-war-crimes-trials
|
While roughly 200 Nazi leaders faced charges in the Nuremberg Trials, the trial of the 22 leading Nazi officials featured prominently in American newspapers and magazines, turning the trial into an international spectacle. Several of the Nazis on trial unsuccessfully attempted to cite Befehlsnotstand, a German legal idea that one was exempt from justice if they committed the acts under orders.
Presided over by judges from the four Allied powers and headed by Chief Prosecutor and US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson, the Nuremberg Trials changed the enforcement of justice across the globe forever. As noted in Justice Jackson’s Final Report to President Harry Truman, the trial lasted 216 days and included examination of over 100,000 German documents, over 25,000 photographs, and extensive film footage of Nazi atrocities. Altogether, the transcript of the trial was over 17,000 pages in length. By the trial’s end, 12 Nazi leaders were sentenced to death, three were sentenced to life imprisonment, and four were sentenced to prison for a period of 10-20 years, with three being acquitted. The executions occurred on October 16, 1946, although the highest ranking Nazi official tried, Hermann Goering, committed suicide in his cell hours before the scheduled time of his execution.
Tokyo War Crimes Trial
The trials held in Nuremberg became the model for the trials that followed in Tokyo. Ordered on January 19, 1946, by General Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP), the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) convened on April 29, 1946, to put leaders from the Empire of Japan on trial for joint charges of conspiracy to start and wage war. Additional judges from countries outside of the Allied Powers presided over this trial in response to criticism charging the Allies with enforcing a “victor’s justice” over the defeated Axis powers at Nuremberg. Still, the United States initiated the arrests of 28 Japanese leaders and led the subsequent trials from May 3, 1946, to November 12, 1948. Arrested Japanese leaders faced charges of war crimes, crimes committed against prisoners of war, and crimes against humanity.
The decision to prevent Japanese Emperor Hirohito from going on trial was a part of the negotiations with Truman at Potsdam, and it affected the nature of the Tokyo Trial from the start. Both SCAP and Japanese officials worked to ensure no testimony implicated the Emperor, and MacArthur went further, calling for the censorship of numerous topics in Japanese media that included any criticism directed toward the Imperial government or against SCAP itself. Historians have argued that MacArthur’s actions had a profound effect on distorting the Japanese public’s general understanding about the war. In a contrast to the trials at Nuremberg, in which photographs and videos of Nazi atrocities were put on public display, the Tokyo Trial was characterized by limited discussions of details. Also unlike Nuremberg, the Tokyo Trial did not receive near as much attention from the American press or citizenry. Reduced and restricted media coverage inadvertently led to questions surrounding the extent of Japanese war crimes during World War II that affected the overall understanding of events that occurred in the Pacific theater of the war.
The Tokyo Trial began on May 3, 1946, and ended in December 1948. Dissension between the presiding judges prompted extended disagreement. Some judges, such as Justice Henri Bernard of France, argued that the entire procedure had been defective from the start due to Hirohito’s absence. Radhabinod Pal, a justice from India, advocated that all the defendants be found not guilty, citing a long history of Western imperialism in Asia as nullifying the right of justices from Great Britain or the United States to impose justice over Asian peoples. In spite of Pal’s objection, of the 28 leading officials put on trial before the IMTFE, 25 were found guilty; two had died during the trials, and another suffered a mental breakdown that required hospitalization. While 18 were sentenced to imprisonment, seven were found guilty of inciting atrocities on a massive scale and were executed by hanging. Among those executed was the General of the Imperial Japanese Army Hideki Tojo, who bore the brunt of responsibility to protect Hirohito and who ultimately accepted responsibility for the war during the trial. Prosecutions of additional Japanese officials continued during and after the Tokyo Trial, with more than 2,200 trials held in 51 different locations against roughly 5,600 suspected war criminals.
The creation of new international military tribunals and the enforcement of new laws on both military and political officials created an unprecedented standard of justice, one that attracted criticism at the time of the trials and in the decades that followed. Criticism of the trials as a form of “victor’s justice” lingered over both Nuremberg and Tokyo. However, in the Nuremberg Trials, fewer restrictions to information and a more open discourse of Nazi atrocities forced critics to acknowledge that leading Nazis needed to face some form of justice. In contrast, the censorship that affected the Tokyo Trial caused many, including some of the presiding judges, to question the proceedings. Justice Robert Jackson wrote the following in his Final Report on Nuremberg:
|
||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 81
|
https://eve.gd/2011/05/20/osama-bin-laden-and-nuremberg-precedent/
|
en
|
Osama Bin Laden and Nuremberg Precedent
|
https://eve.gd/images/
|
https://eve.gd/images/
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"Osama Bin Laden",
"Nuremberg Trials",
"History",
"Ex Post Facto",
"International Law"
] | null |
[
"Osama Bin Laden"
] |
2011-05-20T00:00:00
|
There has been much discussion of whether the US should have captured Osama Bin Laden alive and put him on trial, as per the Nuremberg precedent set in the apprehension and subsequent judicial sentencing of Nazi World War II war criminals. I felt it was worth making a slightly more critical evaluation than some of those views already put out there about this.
The Nuremberg defendants. Front row, from left to right: Hermann Göring (death; suicide before sentence), Rudolf Heß (life imprisonment), Joachim von Ribbentrop (death), Wilhelm Keitel (death). Second row, from left to right: Karl Dönitz (10 years), Erich Raeder (life; later released), Baldur von Schirach (20 years), Fritz Sauckel (death).
The Nuremberg Trials: All That is Solid Melts Into Air
The first thing that must be noted about the Nuremberg trials, as did Judge Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr., is that while I am here going to be extremely critical of the Nuremberg trials, and also of Osama Bin Laden, that does not mean that I think nothing should be done against those who commit genocide, crimes against humanity or other acts that fall so far outside the realm of humanity as to forfeit that very title. These critiques are put forward, instead, to disturb the notion that a trial would have been any different to the decision the US eventually took. These critiques are meant to enlighten those who believe that there is such a notion as a universal system of human rights, or international law, that would make such a trial possible. As Wyzanski puts it:
Before I come to the discussion of the legal and political questions involved, let me make it clear that nothing I may say about the Nuremberg trial should be construed as a suggestion that the individual Nuremberg defendants or others who have done grievous wrongs should be set at liberty. In my opinion there are valid reasons why several thousand Germans, including many defendants at Nuremberg, should either by death or by imprisonment be permanently removed from civilized society. If prevention, deterrence, retribution, nay even vengeance, are ever adequate motives for punitive action, then punitive action is justified against a substantial number of Germans. But the question is: Upon what theory may that action properly be taken? (Wyzanski)
With this out the way, what is the basis of the (now well known) critique of the Nuremberg trials? These hinge, twofold, on ex post facto violation of nullum crimen sine lege and victor's justice (Siegerjustiz). These need to be considered in turn.
Ex post facto/nullum crimen sine lege
The phrase
|
en
|
Martin Paul Eve
|
https://eve.gd/2011/05/20/osama-bin-laden-and-nuremberg-precedent/
|
There has been much discussion of whether the US should have captured Osama Bin Laden alive and put him on trial, as per the Nuremberg precedent set in the apprehension and subsequent judicial sentencing of Nazi World War II war criminals. I felt it was worth making a slightly more critical evaluation than some of those views already put out there about this.
The Nuremberg defendants. Front row, from left to right: Hermann Göring (death; suicide before sentence), Rudolf Heß (life imprisonment), Joachim von Ribbentrop (death), Wilhelm Keitel (death). Second row, from left to right: Karl Dönitz (10 years), Erich Raeder (life; later released), Baldur von Schirach (20 years), Fritz Sauckel (death).
The Nuremberg Trials: All That is Solid Melts Into Air
The first thing that must be noted about the Nuremberg trials, as did Judge Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr., is that while I am here going to be extremely critical of the Nuremberg trials, and also of Osama Bin Laden, that does not mean that I think nothing should be done against those who commit genocide, crimes against humanity or other acts that fall so far outside the realm of humanity as to forfeit that very title. These critiques are put forward, instead, to disturb the notion that a trial would have been any different to the decision the US eventually took. These critiques are meant to enlighten those who believe that there is such a notion as a universal system of human rights, or international law, that would make such a trial possible. As Wyzanski puts it:
Before I come to the discussion of the legal and political questions involved, let me make it clear that nothing I may say about the Nuremberg trial should be construed as a suggestion that the individual Nuremberg defendants or others who have done grievous wrongs should be set at liberty. In my opinion there are valid reasons why several thousand Germans, including many defendants at Nuremberg, should either by death or by imprisonment be permanently removed from civilized society. If prevention, deterrence, retribution, nay even vengeance, are ever adequate motives for punitive action, then punitive action is justified against a substantial number of Germans. But the question is: Upon what theory may that action properly be taken? (Wyzanski)
With this out the way, what is the basis of the (now well known) critique of the Nuremberg trials? These hinge, twofold, on ex post facto violation of nullum crimen sine lege and victor's justice (Siegerjustiz). These need to be considered in turn.
Ex post facto/nullum crimen sine lege
The phrase "nullum crimen sine lege" means that it is impossible for their to be a crime, without a law at the time of the "offense". A judgement that goes against this principle is called "ex post facto", or after the event. This principle is, in the majority of cases, sound. It is not fair to judge someone for a crime that was retroactively made criminal. If I try and convict you for the crime of buying milk, criminalised today, on the basis of the milk you bought yesterday, this is hardly sound legal logic.
But we are not talking about buying milk. We are talking about the mass murder of millions and waging of aggressive war. It was argued, by the Nuremberg judges, that in the absence of an international authority that could have written such a criminal statute, an ex post facto ruling was acceptable because it violated the universally regarded norms of any civilized world. This was most clearly expressed in the Justices trial:
The defendants claim protection under the principle nullum crimen sine lege, though they withheld from others the benefit of that rule during the Hitler regime. Obviously the principle in question constitutes no limitation upon the power or right of the Tribunal to punish acts which can properly be held to have been violations of international law when committed. By way of illustration, we observe that C.C. Law 10, Article II, 1 (b), “War Crimes”, has by reference incorporated the rules by which war crimes are to be identified. In all such cases it remains only for the Tribunal, after the manner of the common law, to determine the content of those rules under the impact of changing conditions.
Whatever view may be held as to the nature and source of our authority under C.C. Law 10 and under common international law, the ex post facto rule, properly understood, constitutes no legal nor moral barrier to prosecution in this case.
Under written constitutions the ex post facto rule condemns statutes which define as criminal, acts committed before the law was passed, but the ex post facto rule cannot apply in the international field as it does under constitutional mandate in the domestic field. Even in the domestic field the prohibition of the rule does not apply to the decisions of common law courts, though the question at issue be novel. International law is not the product of statute for the simple reason that there is as yet no world authority empowered to enact statutes of universal application. International law is the product of multipartite treaties, conventions, judicial decisions and customs which have received international acceptance or acquiescence. It would be sheer absurdity to suggest that the ex post facto rule, as known to constitutional states, could be applied to a treaty, a custom, or a common law decision of an international tribunal, or to the international acquiescence which follows the event. To have attempted to apply the ex post facto principle to judicial decisions of common international law would have been to strangle that law at birth . . . .
As a principle of justice and fair play, the rule in question will be given full effect. As applied in the field of international law that principle requires proof before conviction that the accused knew or should have known that in matters of international concern he was guilty of participation in a nationally organized system of injustice and persecution shocking to the moral sense of mankind, and that he knew or should have known that he would be subject to punishment if caught. Whether it be considered codification or substantive legislation, no person who knowingly committed the acts made punishable by C.C. Law 10 can assert that he did not know that he would be brought to account for his acts. Notice of intent to punish was repeatedly given by the only means available in international affairs, namely, the solemn warning of the governments of the States at war with Germany. (U.S.A. v. ALSTOETTER ET AL)
The question that one accustomed to relativistic thinking immediately asks, however, is: whose norms? Clearly, the "norm" that emerged to enforce this justice was not actually as big a majority as we would like to think. World War II was not an outright thrashing of one small upstart nation by the mass forces of outrage. It was, rather, a near miss for a fork in humanity's history that would have plunged ethics worldwide into a crisis of genocide and racial extermination. This near miss, therefore, is better attributed to victor's justice, rather than a transcendental disgust at the policy's of the Nazis.
Siegerjustiz
The victor's justice of the Nuremberg trials, wherein one set of rules was applied to the losers and another to the victors, is best put by Marianna Torgovnick:
The first and major Nuremberg trial, the International Military Tribunal (IMT), carefully constructed charges against the defendants to avoid the possibility that using atomic bombs against civilians could be construed as war crimes. (Torgovnick, 6)
Another example, probably made more forcefully in the fiction of Kurt Vonnegut's Slaughterhouse-Five, is the fire-bombing of Dresden. Arguments have been made that these events, which undoubtedly indiscriminately targeted civilians and should, therefore, be regarded as war crimes (despite the odious far-right's appropriation of this reasoning, it remains valid), shortened the war and prevented loss of life. But whose loss of life? Loss of Allied life. Again, the Allies did not start World War II. Neither, however, did the thousands upon thousands of civilians killed in these events. Regardless of what one wishes to believe regarding these events, the Axis powers were prosecuted, convicted and sentenced -- in many cases, to death -- for waging total war. The Allies who committed the same acts of total war were commended for preventing loss of life.
In retrospect, I believe that if these acts would have prevented the Holocaust, they could have been justified for that reason. It should probably be remembered, however, that the Allies were not fighting to stop the Holocaust. They were fighting for their freedom. The Holocaust was played down at the time and it was only afterwards the horrors of Auschwitz as the metonym for the Shoah entered the public consciousness. If you think that the atomic bombings and Dresden fire-bombings were conducted to save the victims of the extermination camps, you are sadly mistaken (particularly as the atomic bombings occurred after the surrender of Germany!)
So what am I saying?
What I'm trying to say is that the Nuremberg trials, with their logic of ex post facto judgements, is a relativistic phenomenon that relied upon justice of the victors. I cannot say that I do not think it was the right thing to do. The Nazi war crimes were the most severe of any atrocities ever committed by humankind. There is no question that they must have been held to account for their crimes and my unerring belief that the death penalty should never be used is tested to the utmost when these actions are considered. However, those who believe that the Nuremberg trials were a rock-solid pillar, a precedent, that can be hauled out and applied to anybody who commits atrocities are wrong. Nuremberg, even if it came to a just conclusion, did not achieve it by just means.
The situation with Osama Bin Laden is, therefore, different.
Firstly, if you want to use the Nuremberg precedent, which part of Nuremberg are you referring to? If it's a specific charge, which is it? Crimes against humanity? Check the definition given by the Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court:
These crimes are particularly odious offences in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings; they are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority. (RSICC/C, Vol. 1, 360)
Osama Bin Laden may have wanted to be a government, or de facto authority, but was he? The wording here relates to a world pre-decentralized terrorist entities. It is formulated for a world of States, where only territorial actors can count. Demonstrating that Bin Laden was a de factor authority would be crucial in bringing a charge to light of crimes against humanity as it currently stands.
Indeed, all of the current precedents set by Nuremberg are defined in relation to States and their political leaders. This does not seem appropriate to Bin Laden.
No, instead, it seems, what people actually want when they say that Bin Laden should have been tried, as per Nuremberg, is the ability to retrospectively invent laws, based on a notion of universal human values, and to impose the death penalty. This means that, at the end of the day, the outcome is no different to an assassination.
So what do I think should have been done instead?
I believe that, fundamentally, a lot of Western values are, in principle, extremely good. I do not believe that murdering civilians is an appropriate tactic to achieve your point of view. I believe that Bin Laden should be morally damned for the campaign he fought, the slaughter of thousands of people who did not deserve what they got.
I do not believe the death penalty to be a valid punishment in any circumstance, however. Life imprisonment would have sufficed, which means that I do not believe the United States should have killed Bin Laden in their raid.
I believe that redefined notions of crimes against humanity, that can be applied to individuals, should be established as an international criminal statute. These should be put into place and used in further cases of international atrocities. I am sure this is being thought of by more knowledgeable minds of jurisprudence than my own. Bin Laden, should, therefore have been brought to trial, with similar ex post facto conditions as at Nuremberg, in consultation with the international community; possibly at The Hague. Without the international consensus, it would purely have been a desire for victor's justice, with retrospective laws.
Finally, I believe that there is some, vague semblance of truth that rests on our complicity in creating the world that created Bin Laden. In the Hegelian ethics that pervades this thinking (can we do any good, or merely avoid doing bad?), none of us is truly innocent. Every action I take in my life for my own benefit is probably to the detriment of someone else. If you want to make the Nuremberg analogy, consider the statements made by Philip Potter in the light of the Barbie trial:
In reality, Barbie and his like are the products of your [French] history. Hitler, Barbie, Eichmann, and company represent the end of the Aufklärung (century of Enlightenment) which produced four things: the Industrial Revolution, which subordinated man to the machine; the founding of the United States on a declaration of independence where liberty and equality were applied to all men -- except for blacks and Indians; the French Revolution of 1789 where liberty, brotherhood, and equality were indeed claimed by the bourgeoisie; and imperialism based on racism (Woodrow).
Consider that Bin Laden and his ilk could well have been the product of a similar culture of worldwide inequality. Does this excuse murder? No, nothing does. Understanding this, though, may help us to come to terms with the logic of terrorism for, as Gus Martin puts it:
This presumption suggests that terrorism is a priori […] irrational behaviour and that only deranged individuals […] would select terrorist violence as a strategy. Most experts agree that this blanket presumption is incorrect […] their behaviour is neither insane nor necessarily irrational (Martin, 48).
In this consideration of how economic injustice contributes towards a worldwide climate in which terrorism is fostered and thrives, we find a true parallel with Nuremberg; we are offered an opportunity for reflection. Furthermore, there is another, final parallel. In the reflection that is Guantanamo Bay, we see a direct manifestation of a justice system that presumes guilt and introduces ex post facto laws. The only difference is, this time there cannot even be a show trial.
References
|
|||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
3
| 59
|
https://www.mit.edu/people/fuller/peace/war_goering.html
|
en
|
Herman Goering
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null | null |
Another timely quote in the vein of the apocryphal Julius Caesar warning about political leaders who can all too easily send the citizenry marching eagerly off to war by manufacturing crises that purportedly threaten national security and making popular appeals to patriotism. In this case the sentiment expressed is even more disturbing because it comes not from a venerated figure of antiquity, but supposedly from a reviled twentieth-century figure associated with the most chilling example of genocide in human history: Hermann Goering, Nazi Reichsmarshall and Luftwaffe-Chief. We may be made somewhat uneasy by the idea that the head of a classic civilization recognized 2,000 years ago that the populace could be manipulated into sacrificing themselves in wars at the whims of their leaders, but we're outraged (and maybe even scared) at the thought of a fat Nazi fascist flunky's recognizing and telling us the same thing.
The notable difference here is that although the Caesar quote is a latter-day fabrication, the words attributed to Hermann Goering are real. Goering was one of the highest-ranking Nazis who survived to be captured and put on trial for war crimes in the city of Nuremberg by the Allies after the end of World War II . He was found guilty on charges of "war crimes," "crimes against peace," and "crimes against humanity" by the Nuremberg tribunal and sentenced to death by hanging. The sentence could not be carried out, however, because Goering committed suicide with smuggled cyanide capsules hours before his execution, scheduled for 15 October 1946.
The quote cited above does not appear in transcripts of the Nuremberg trials because although Goering spoke these words during the course of the proceedings, he did not offer them at his trial. His comments were made privately to Gustave Gilbert, a German-speaking intelligence officer and psychologist who was granted free access by the Allies to all the prisoners held in the Nuremberg jail. Gilbert kept a journal of his observations of the proceedings and his conversations with the prisoners, which he later published in the book Nuremberg Diary . The quote offered above was part of a conversation Gilbert held with a dejected Hermann Goering in his cell on the evening of 18 April 1946, as the trials were halted for a three-day Easter recess:
Sweating in his cell in the evening, Goering was defensive and deflated and not very happy over the turn the trial was taking. He said that he had no control over the actions or the defense of the others, and that he had never been anti-Semitic himself, had not believed these atrocities, and that several Jews had offered to testify in his behalf. If [Hans] Frank [Governor-General of occupied Poland] had known about atrocities in 1943, he should have come to him and he would have tried to do something about it. He might not have had enough power to change things in 1943, but if somebody had come to him in 1941 or 1942 he could have forced a showdown. (I still did not have the desire at this point to tell him what [SS General Otto] Ohlendorf had said to this: that Goering had been written off as an effective "moderating" influence, because of his drug addiction and corruption.) I pointed out that with his "temperamental utterances," such as preferring the killing of 200 Jews to the destruction of property, he had hardly set himself up as champion of minority rights. Goering protested that too much weight was being put on these temperamental utterances. Furthermore, he made it clear that he was not defending or glorifying Hitler.
Later in the conversation, Gilbert recorded Goering's observations that the common people can always be manipulated into supporting and fighting wars by their political leaders:
We got around to the subject of war again and I said that, contrary to his attitude, I did not think that the common people are very thankful for leaders who bring them war and destruction.
"Why, of course, the people don't want war," Goering shrugged. "Why would some poor slob on a farm want to risk his life in a war when the best that he can get out of it is to come back to his farm in one piece. Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship."
"There is one difference," I pointed out. "In a democracy the people have some say in the matter through their elected representatives, and in the United States only Congress can declare wars."
"Oh, that is all well and good, but, voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country."
|
||||||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 15
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/nuremberg-nazis-trial/
|
en
|
Nazis on Trial in Nuremberg
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[
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[
"American Experience"
] |
2019-02-12T12:24:01.773046-05:00
|
On October 18, 1945, the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia issued an indictment against 24 men and six Nazi organizations.
|
en
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/nuremberg-nazis-trial/
|
After the Allies agreed to bring major Nazi leaders to trial, they had trouble deciding whom to indict. Top Nazi leaders Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Joseph Goebbels had committed suicide, leaving their less powerful colleagues to be held accountable. On October 18, 1945, the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia issued an indictment against 24 men and six Nazi organizations. Twenty-two of the indicted men eventually sat in the dock in the Nuremberg courtroom. Three of the defendants escaped trial: industrialist Gustav Krupp, who was too frail; Hitler's private secretary Martin Bormann, whose remains were finally located in Berlin in 1972; and labor leader Robert Ley, who hanged himself before the trial.
The Chief Defendant
Hermann Göring, the trial's most important defendant, had been commander in chief of the Luftwaffe, president of the Reichstag, director of the Four Year Plan, and Hitler's acknowledged successor at the outbreak of the war. Following his surrender to Allied troops, he arrived in Austria with four aides, a nurse, two chauffeurs, a five-member kitchen crew, and his family, but left behind a train filled with stolen art and enough caviar and champagne for a lifetime. Upon his arrival in Nuremberg, he presented an autographed picture to an American general with the inscription: "War is like a football game, whoever loses gives his opponent his hand, and everything is forgotten." Göring couldn't have been more wrong. The tribunal found him guilty on all four counts and sentenced him to death by hanging. He would commit suicide before his scheduled execution.
On the Witness Stand
Before Göring's final reckoning, however, he would have one final moment in the spotlight, on the witness stand at Nuremberg. As he sat down, he broke out in a sweat. His hands trembled. But when he regained composure, he reveled in the spotlight and claimed a place beside Hitler as a powerful leader of the Nazi movement. Göring's testimony captured the world's attention. Life magazine called his two weeks of defense "arrogant, crafty and intelligent ... Göring obviously enjoyed himself as he kept the courtroom spellbound for days ... Göring was anxious, whatever his fate, that history record him as an important world figure and as a German hero."
Thirteen Sentenced to Death
The prosecution delivered evidence against the defendants in summary form, emphasizing instead the overall criminality of the Nazi regime. The defendants generally claimed ignorance of a larger plan and distanced themselves from the chain of command. Most admitted to the crimes of which they were accused, but claimed they were following orders. Defendants who were directly involved in killing received the death sentences: Bormann (in absentia); Hans Frank, leader of occupied Poland; Wilhelm Frick, minister of the interior; Göring; Alfred Jodl, Army chief; Ernst Kaltenbrunner, SS commander; Wilhelm Keitel, head of Armed Forces High Command; Erich Raeder, former commander of the Navy; Joachim von Ribbentrop, minister of foreign affairs; Alfred Rosenberg, protector of the Eastern Occupied Territories; Fritz Sauckel, plenipotentiary of the Nazi forced labor program; Arthur Seyss-Inquart, leader of occupied Holland; and Julius Streicher, the anti-Semitic newspaper editor.
Six Given Prison Terms; Three Acquitted
Nazis who played key roles in the Holocaust, including high-level government officials and business executives who used concentration camp inmates as forced laborers, received prison sentences or acquittal. Karl Dönitz, head of the Navy was sentenced to ten years; Walter Funk, minister of economics and Rudolf Hess, Hitler's deputy were sentenced to life in prison; Konstantin von Neurath, protector of Bohemia and Moravia got 15 years; Baldur von Schirach, head of the Hitler Youth and Albert Speer, architect of the Third Reich and minister of armaments, were both sentenced to 20 years. Radio commentator Hans Fritzsch, former German Chancellor Franz von Papen, and former Reichsbank President Hjalmar Schacht were acquitted.
|
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correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
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1
| 17
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https://www.latimes.com/la-na-goering7feb07-story.html
|
en
|
Former GI Claims Role in Goering’s Death
|
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[
"Bob Pool",
"www.latimes.com",
"bob-pool"
] |
2005-02-07T08:00:00+00:00
|
It was one of the most baffling mysteries of the World War II era.
|
en
|
/apple-touch-icon.png
|
Los Angeles Times
|
https://www.latimes.com/la-na-goering7feb07-story.html
|
It was one of the most baffling mysteries of the World War II era.
How did convicted war criminal Hermann Goering manage to poison himself as U.S. soldiers prepared to hang him?
A dozen competing theories have swirled for nearly half a century about how the onetime Nazi second in command was able to commit suicide despite around-the-clock surveillance of his military prison cell.
Some historians assert that Goering had the cyanide poison with him throughout his 11-month war crimes trial in Nuremberg, Germany. The poison was hidden under a gold dental crown, or in a hollowed-out tooth, or beneath slicked-back hair, or inserted in his navel or his rectum, various accounts have theorized.
Others contend that someone sneaked poison to him shortly before his death -- maybe a U.S. Army officer Goering bribed with a watch, or the German doctor who regularly checked on him, or a Nazi SS officer who passed it to him in a bar of GI soap, or his wife, Emmy, who slipped it from her mouth to his in “a kiss of death” on their last visit.
They’re all wrong, according to Herbert Lee Stivers.
“I gave it to him,” said the retired sheet-metal worker from Hesperia.
Stivers, 78, said he had kept the secret of his role in Goering’s death for nearly 60 years, fearful that he could face charges by the U.S. military. Now, at the urging of his daughter, he has decided to go public, he said.
Whether Stivers is telling the truth is impossible to know. Other key players in Goering’s case are dead.
An Army spokeswoman at the Pentagon declined to comment on Stivers’ statement. But military records do show that Stivers was a guard at the Nuremberg trials.
And some historians contacted by The Times believe his story has a ring of truth. At the very least, they say, Stivers’ account underlines the continuing puzzle of how one of the 20th century’s worst criminals evaded final justice.
“It doesn’t sound like something made up,” Cornelius Schnauber, a USC professor who is director of the Max Kade Institute for Austrian-German-Swiss Studies, said of Stivers’ tale.
“It sounds even more believable than the common story about the poison being in the dental crown.”
Schnauber said he believes that someone smuggled in the poison ampul that Goering bit into two hours before he was to be hanged. “It could have been this soldier,” he said.
*
According to Stivers, Goering escaped the hangman because of a teenager’s puppy love.
A 19-year-old Army private when he was assigned guard duty at Nuremberg, Stivers said he was only trying to impress a local girl he had met on the street when he agreed to take “medicine” to a supposedly ailing Goering.
Stivers was a member of the 1st Infantry Division’s 26th Regiment, whose Company D was assigned to serve as the trial’s honor guard. The white-helmeted guards escorted the 22 Nazi defendants in and out of the Palace of Justice courtroom and stood at parade rest behind them during court sessions.
It was boring, Stivers said.
“We spent two hours on and four hours off. They wanted us to be alert and look neat. People had come from all over the world to see the trial,” he recalled.
“We didn’t carry guns. We had short billy clubs that we held behind our backs. That helped us hold our hands behind us. You’d get pretty tired standing at parade rest.”
The guards were free to chat with the prisoners and even collect their autographs.
“Goering was a very pleasant guy. He spoke pretty good English. We’d talk about sports, ballgames. He was a flier, and we talked about Lindbergh,” Stivers said. Charles Lindbergh, the first man to fly nonstop across the Atlantic, had received a medal from Goering before World War II.
Between court sessions, there were few diversions for the guards. “Off-hours, we had company clubs,” Stivers said. “That was the only recreation, except for Frauleins.”
Stivers had a German girlfriend -- an 18-year-old named Hildegarde Bruner -- to whom he gave candy bars, peanuts and cigarettes he got from the military commissary so she and her mother could trade them for food on the black market.
But he had an eye for pretty girls. And one day outside a hotel housing a military officers’ club, Stivers said, he was approached by a flirtatious, dark-haired beauty who said her name was Mona.
“She asked me what I did, and I told her I was a guard. She said, ‘Do you get to see all the prisoners?’ ‘Every day,’ I said. She said, ‘You don’t look like a guard.’ I said, ‘I can prove it.’ I’d just gotten an autograph from [defendant] Baldur von Schirach, and I showed it to her.
“She said, ‘Oh, can I have that?’ and I said sure. The next day I guarded Goering and got his autograph and handed that to her. She told me that she had a friend she wanted me to meet. The following day we went to his house.”
There, Stivers said he was introduced to two men who called themselves Erich and Mathias. They told him that Goering was “a very sick man” who wasn’t being given the medicine he needed in prison.
Twice, Stivers said, he took notes hidden by Erich in a fountain pen to Goering. The third time, Erich put a capsule in the pen for him to take to the Nazi.
“He said it was medication, and that if it worked and Goering felt better, they’d send him some more,” Stivers said. “He said they’d give him a couple of weeks and that Mona would tell me if they wanted to send him more medicine.”
After delivering the “medicine” to Goering, Stivers said, he returned the pen to the young woman.
“I never saw Mona again. I guess she used me,” Stivers said. “I wasn’t thinking of suicide when I took it to Goering. He was never in a bad frame of mind. He didn’t seem suicidal. I would have never knowingly taken something in that I thought was going to be used to help someone cheat the gallows.”
But two weeks later -- Oct. 15, 1946 -- Goering did just that. He left a suicide note bragging that he’d had the cyanide in his possession all along. A subsequent search of Goering’s belongings locked in a prison storeroom uncovered another cyanide vial -- standard-issue for Nazi leaders -- hidden in luggage.
Stivers was shaken by Goering’s suicide. Guards who were on duty at the time of the death were grilled by Army investigators. But Stivers and other honor guard team members were asked only if they had seen anything suspicious.
The Army’s investigation concluded that Goering had the cyanide all along. The report pointed to Goering’s note and concluded that the vial was “secreted in the cavity of the umbilical” and at other times “in his alimentary tract” and behind the rim of his cell toilet.
Some historians and others have long been skeptical of the official account. Some Jewish leaders have wondered if Goering escaped the hangman with help from a sympathetic American.
In his 1984 book “The Mystery of Hermann Goering’s Suicide,” the late author Ben Swearingen brushed aside the Army’s conclusion as well as numerous alternative theories.
Swearingen speculated that Army Lt. Jack Wheelis, who had a key to the prison storeroom, had allowed Goering to visit the storage area shortly before his death to retrieve the poison pill from his luggage. Wheelis -- who died in 1954 -- had previously been given a wristwatch and other personal items by Goering.
Swearingen did not explain how the closely watched Goering might have gotten to the storeroom. But his research does suggest how the Nazi might have briefly hidden something like the “medicine” Stivers said he delivered.
Goering, who was obese, had lost a lot of weight in prison. By the end of the trial, he was draped in sagging skin that could have easily concealed the capsule. And during the two weeks before his suicide, Goering had passed up opportunities to bathe in a heavily guarded shower area where a concealed vial might have been spotted.
*
Stivers said he has been haunted by his actions with the fountain pen for 58 years.
He said he has pondered the various theories on Goering’s poisoning in an unsuccessful search for a plausible explanation that would ease his sense of guilt.
“I felt very bad after his suicide. I had a funny feeling; I didn’t think there was any way he could have hidden it on his body,” he said.
The Army’s explanation never rang true to him, Stivers said, noting that Goering “was there over a year -- why would he wait all that time if he had the cyanide?”
It was daughter Linda Dadey who urged him to reveal his role. He disclosed the fountain pen story to her about 15 years ago.
“I said, ‘Dad, you’re a part of history. You need to tell the story before you pass away,’ ” said Dadey, 46, of Beaumont. “It’s been on his conscience all his life.”
Stivers agreed to do so after learning that the statute of limitations had run out long ago, preventing any prosecution of a case against him.
His story “is crazy enough to be true,” said Aaron Breitbart, senior researcher at the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles. “But there’s no way in the world it can be proven. Nobody really knows who did it except the person who did it.”
As for Stivers, he’s convinced that he’s that person. And, he said, “I feel very bad about it.”
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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3
| 18
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https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-nazi-and-the-psychiatrist/
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en
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The Nazi and the Psychiatrist
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2011-01-01T05:00:00+00:00
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Encounters behind bars between Nazi war criminal Hermann Goering and an American doctor 65 years ago raise questions about responsibility, allegiance and the nature of evil
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en
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https://www.scientificamerican.com/account/sciam-favicon.ico
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Scientific American
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https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-nazi-and-the-psychiatrist/
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In the early summer of 1945 a 52-year-old prisoner arrived at Mondorf-les-Bains, a town in Luxembourg that included an American detention center for suspected war criminals. The prisoner, dragging 49 suitcases, gem-encrusted jewelry, gold cigarette cases, precious watches and nearly the entire world’s supply of the narcotic paracodeine, had surrendered to Allied officials several weeks earlier. After a dozen years in which he held nearly unchecked power and could demand anything he desired, he now occupied a small cell furnished only with a toilet, bed, chair and table. The bloody collapse of the Third Reich, whose Nazi government he now represented as the highest-ranking captive, had left him a leader without followers, a commander without fighters, anda prisoner accused of murdering millions and committing other crimes against humanity. He acknowledged the right of the victors of World War II to punish the Nazi leadership, but he planned a vigorous defense of his actions at his forthcoming war crimes trial.
This was the situation of Hermann Goering, formerly deputy of Adolf Hitler, president of the Reichstag, commander in chief of the German air force, member of the Secret Cabinet Council and Reich Marshal (along with a slew of other official titles), when a 32-year-old American psychiatrist named Douglas M. Kelley entered his cell for the first of many meetings. Kelley was among the few people—along with other medical personnel, lawyers and guards—allowed access to Goering. During the next six months the prisoner and the psychiatrist would hash over the outcome of the war, the fate of Goering’s family and the Reich Marshal’s legacy.
For the prisoner, this talk relieved the stress of incarceration. For Kelley, a major in the U.S. Medical Corps from northern California and chief psychiatrist in the U.S. Army’s European Theater of Operations, the stakes were higher. The meetings offered an incomparable look into the mind of one of history’s most infamous criminals and an opportunity to analyze the personalities of the high-ranking Nazis being held at Mondorf-les-Bains. After the horror of the war, Kelley wrote, “the near destruction of modern culture will have gone for naught if we do not draw the right conclusions about the forces that produced such chaos. We must learn the why of the Nazi success so we can take steps to prevent the recurrence of such evil.” In addition, Goering was the last man standing after the rest of the top echelon of Nazis—Hitler, Heinrich Himmler and Joseph Goebbels—had committed suicide. Kelley hoped to use the information he gathered to break new ground in the study of criminal motivation and the use of the Rorschach inkblot test—a psychological tool he had long championed.
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Kelley’s personal papers and the medical records he kept, which his family has never previously opened to examination before making them available for this article, show how the psychiatrist doggedly followed his ambitions in Goering’s cell as he crossed the boundaries between working as physician, serving as confidante, informing on the prisoner to prosecutors, and developing sobering conclusions on the nature of the Nazi mind. By the time of the trial, Kelley was experiencing the odd mental dissonance that many people who work with criminals report feeling today: despite abhorring the atrocities that Goering committed and commanded, Kelley grew to see him as a captivating—even likable—human being.
In his quest to make sense of Goering’s personality, Kelley pioneered the psychiatric evaluation of war criminals. His missteps and blurred boundaries foreshadowed the ethical conflicts that military psychiatrists and psychologists continued to face during the cold war and, more recently, in the wars that spawned the military prisons at Abu Ghraib in Iraq and Guantanamo Bay in Cuba. Questions of allegiance, as well as the confounding dissonance between a prisoner’s alleged crimes and the attractions of his personality, still haunt psychological specialists who aid in the interrogation of detainees from the battlefield.
The Good Doctor
Kelley’s official role at Mondorf-les-Bains and at the prison in Nuremberg, Germany, that later held Goering and the 21 other top Nazi leaders for judgment before an unprecedented international tribunal was to tend to the medical needs of prisoners as he evaluated their mental fitness to stand trial. Born in the rugged mountain town of Truckee in the Sierra Nevadas, Kelley by the age of 30 had risen through psychiatry’s ranks to a position of responsibility as director of the San Francisco County Psychopathic Hospital. He joined the army and served in the European theater of the war as chief psychiatrist for the 30th General Hospital. That put him in the right place at the right time for the historic trial planned for the war’s end in Nuremberg. Although he did not speak German, his ambition, brains and burning curiosity compelled him to take advantage of this unique chance to scrutinize the Nazi leaders.
Kelley’s initial impressions of his most notorious subject were memorable. “Each day when I came to his cell on my rounds,” Kelley wrote, “he would jump up from his chair, greet me with a broad smile and outstretched hand, escort me to his cot and pat its middle with his great paw. ‘Good morning, Doctor. I am so glad you have come to see me. Please sit down, Doctor. Sit here.’ Then he would ease his own great body … down beside me, ready to answer my questions.” Even through a translator, Kelley found him charming (when Goering chose to be so), smart, eloquent and imaginative. Goering had a childish enthusiasm for showing off the wartime loot he was able to keep with him in prison: huge rings, one set with a massive platinum-mounted ruby, others with emeralds and blue diamonds, as well as an enormous unset emerald.
Kelley initially had to focus on improving Goering’s health by ending his longtime drug dependency. At the time of his capture by the Allies, Goering was taking a large daily dose of paracodeine, a narcotic then produced only in Germany for the treatment of pain. His addiction dated back to dental work of the 1930s. Goering gradually ended his pill-popping with some psychological manipulation from Kelley. “Goering was very proud of his physical prowess and his ability to withstand pain,” the psychiatrist wrote. “Consequently, it was simple to suggest to him that while weaker men … would perhaps require doses of medicine should they ever be withdrawn from a drug habit, he, Goering, being strong and forceful would require nothing.”
With Goering successfully weaned from the narcotic, Kelley turned his attention to his main object: the Nazi’s psychiatric state. Because of his responsibilities to the international tribunal, Kelley had to answer whether Goering was mentally competent to stand trial. Beyond that, he had his own puzzle to solve: What motivated the Nazi and made his personality distinctive? Kelley began by gathering a history of Goering, from his beginnings as a World War I fighter pilot to his friendship with Hitler during the early 1920s and his rise in the Nazi ranks to become commander of the Luftwaffe and the Führer’s heir apparent. From that foundation, Kelley built his psychiatric appraisal.
The Nazi Personality
Kelley believed the Rorschach test, developed by Swiss psychiatrist Hermann Rorschach after World War I, was crucial to his understanding of Goering and the other prisoners. The test offers 10 abstract images for subjects to describe and spin stories from. Kelley was considered an expert evaluator of subjects’ personalities by this method of focusing on various aspects of their responses to the inkblot images. He weighed such things as whether subjects considered the entire Rorschach picture or just details and the logical sense of their interpretations. (During the 1950s and 1960s Rorschach remained the most popular personality test in use, although today it is largely discredited, and many psychologists do not recommend using it to diagnose mental disorders.) Although his Rorschach results for Goering never made it into court, Kelley was convinced they could reveal the psychological workings of the deposed leader.
By this time Goering had been moved to the Palace of Justice in bombed-out Nuremberg, where he and an assortment of the top Nazis snared by the Allies (including German Army Chief of the General Staff Alfred Jodl, Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, former Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess, Nazi Party philosopher Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler Youth Head Baldur von Schirach) were held in solitary confinement through their trial. The Nuremberg warden, Colonel Burton Andrus, had brought in an American psychologist, Gustave M. Gilbert, to assist Kelley in evaluating the prisoners. Kelley did not welcome Gilbert’s help, and their relationship was often strained. Together, however, they completed the Rorschach testing of nearly all the war crimes defendants.
Kelley found Goering’s results surprising, given the wartime propaganda that the Nazi leaders had to be madmen. Goering’s responses to the Rorschach images demonstrated “normal basic personality,” Kelley wrote, although they also revealed “marked egocentricity and powerful emotional drives.” They showed nothing seriously wrong with Goering’s mind. Nevertheless, Kelley considered the test results a good first step toward gaining insight into Goering’s thinking. He used intelligence testing to assign Goering an IQ of 138, third highest among the incarcerated Nazis. (This score delighted the vain Goering.)
Kelley further noted that the prisoner was “cynical and filled with a mystic fatalism,” which explained why he would not take responsibility for such wartime conduct as his murder of political opponents and complicity in genocide. In his initial neurological and psychiatric report on Goering (a record hidden among Kelley’s personal papers for the past 65 years), the psychiatrist observed Goering’s emotional volatility and narcissistic fixation on what the prisoner perceived as the beauty and strength of his body. Kelley, concerned about the health of Goering’s heart, took advantage of this latter obsession to convince Goering to trim down. “When I pointed out that he would make a better appearance in court should he lose some weight, he agreed and ate abstemiously,” Kelley wrote.
More forbiddingly, Kelley learned that Goering displayed a terrible flip side to the charm and eloquence he showed on first impression. This man who, as Reich Forestry and Hunting Master, had repeatedly condemned cruelty to animals and drafted humane laws to preserve wildlife, also ordered the 1940 bombing of the defenseless city of Rotterdam in the Netherlands that flattened the city center and left 85,000 people homeless. After Goering matter-of-factly recounted the murder of a close associate that he had once set into motion, Kelley asked how he could bring himself to demand his old friend be killed. “Goering stopped talking and stared at me, puzzled, as if I were not quite bright,” Kelley recalled. “Then he shrugged his great shoulders, turned up his palms and said slowly, in simple, one-syllable words: ‘But he was in my way….’ ”
And Kelley’s conclusions from all this? For the international war crimes tribunal, he pronounced the Nazi legally sane, free of psychosis and fit for trial. As part of his private study of Goering’s personality, Kelley declared, “He was undoubtedly the most ruthless human being that I have ever experienced.”
A Growing Admiration
Instead of repelling Kelley, Goering’s brutality heightened the psychiatrist’s determination to reach some understanding of the captive’s personality. Over time, Kelley built an unusually close relationship with Goering. The two men spent hours discussing German politics, war strategy and the likely outcome of the forthcoming trial. Goering frequently emphasized that he undertook many of the alleged war crimes, including the deliberate breach of international treaties, to build up Germany, to help his nation reach its destiny. “Of course, we rearmed,” he said. “We rearmed Germany until we bristled. I am only sorry we did not rearm more. Of course, I considered treaties as so much toilet paper. Of course, I wanted to make Germany great. If it could be done peacefully, well and good. If not, that’s just as good…. When they told me I was playing with war by building up the Luftwaffe, I replied I certainly was not running a finishing school.”
In more candid moments, however, he admitted to Kelley other impulses. “In intimate talks on the bunk of his cell … he sometimes confessed that his basic motive had been that single, driving ambition—to achieve for Hermann Goering supreme command of the Third Reich,” Kelley remembered. Alternatively, Goering sometimes claimed self-preservation as a motive. When Kelley asked why Goering had always been Hitler’s yes-man, even for the Führer’s most ill-fated schemes when the war was going poorly for Germany, Goering sardonically replied, “Please show me a ‘no-man’ in Germany who is not six feet under the ground today.”
In their conversations, Goering stated that as the last remaining member of his government’s leadership, he “felt great responsibility, not for its crimes, but for its evaluation by history,” Kelley noted. Goering planned his courtroom strategy accordingly. “Time and again,” Kelley wrote, “he said to me boastfully: ‘Yes, I know I shall hang. You know I shall hang. I am ready. But I am determined to go down in German history as a great man. If I cannot convince the court, I shall at least convince the German people that all I did was done for the Greater German Reich. In 50 or 60 years there will be statues of Hermann Goering all over Germany. Little statues, maybe, but one in every German home.’ ” Goering bemoaned the last-minute wavering of some of his fellow Nazi defendants. “Not me!” he declared. Kelley frankly admired this forthright stand, and he also respected what he called Goering’s “extreme fondness for and tenderness toward his family and friends.”
No amount of admiration, though, diminished Kelley’s feelings of responsibility toward his own government. In frequent memos to General William “Wild Bill” Donovan, founder of the soon-to-be CIA who was then assisting Nuremberg’s chief prosecutor, Kelley shared information gleaned from his conversations with Goering that surely would have been considered confidential in a normal doctor-patient relationship. In a memo from November 11, 1945, Kelley revealed Goering’s trial defense strategy and his idea to call Britain’s Lord Halifax as a witness to testify to Goering’s willingness to pursue negotiated settlements before the outbreak of war. Two weeks later Donovan learned through Kelley that Goering took full responsibility for Germany’s Four Year Plan of the 1930s, a set of economic and military reforms that violated terms of the Versailles Peace Treaty settling World War I. But Kelley’s sympathy for Goering showed through, too: Kelley asked Donovan to cushion the hard, wooden defendants’ benches in the Nuremberg courtroom in deference to the age and health of Goering and others on trial.
Conflicting Interests
Through his own doing, Kelley had worked himself into a professional knot. Was he Goering’s physician, conversation partner, psychiatric observer or informant? Never before had a psychiatrist been in such intimate contact with an important enemy detainee. To whom did Kelley owe his insights and loyalty?
That knot would tighten. Eventually Goering came to see Kelley not just as a doctor and sounding board but also as a well-connected fixer. And Goering had problems that needed fixing. He claimed that on his arrest Allied authorities promised that his wife, Emmy, and his young daughter, Edda, would be adequately cared for. By November 1945, however, the two were living separately: Emmy in a civilian internee camp near Regensburg, Germany, and Edda miles away in a nursery school in the city of Neuhaus. Goering wished to write to them, and he wanted them reunited. Kelley agreed to intercede with Donovan on his behalf and to personally deliver Goering’s letters to his wife. In a note that Kelley saved among his papers, Goering wrote to Emmy, “Today I can send you a letter direct; Major Kelley, the doctor who is treating me and who has my fullest confidence, is bringing it to you. You can also talk to him freely.” And after Kelley’s appeal to bring together the mother and daughter succeeded, Goering gratefully asked Kelley to adopt Edda and raise her in the U.S. as his own daughter if Emmy died. Kelley’s response is unknown, although Edda remained in Germany.
Goering’s appreciation was enormous, and he offered Kelley one of his colossal rings in recompense. According to Kelley’s son, Douglas Kelley, Jr., the psychiatrist replied, “No, you’re a prisoner—you can’t give that to me.” So Goering responded, “Then I’ll give you something even better and more valuable, a signed photograph.” That framed portrait of a proud Goering in full military regalia, autographed and inscribed in the Reich Marshal’s sinuous script with fading ink, remains among the senior Kelley’s papers.
From November 1945 to January 1946 Kelley observed the initial weeks of the trial. He and Gilbert had originally planned to co-author a book on the psychology of the Nazi leaders, but Kelley abruptly withdrew from the agreement and returned to the U.S. He took with him many of the notes and psychological test scores the two men had gathered together. Months later the court handed Goering a death sentence, which surprised no one. Goering, however, planned an act of defiance that caught everyone unawares. Hours before his scheduled hanging in October 1946, guards found his body in his Nuremberg cell. He had swallowed a vial of cyanide that someone, probably a sympathetic jailer, had smuggled to him. “His suicide, shrouded in mystery and emphasizing the impotency of the American guards, was a skillful, even brilliant, finishing touch, completing the edifice for Germans to admire in times to come,” observed Kelley, his continuing esteem plain.
The Banality of Evil
When Kelley published his findings about Goering and the other Nazi defendants a couple of years later, he drew from the essentially normal Rorschach results he had interpreted. He believed that Goering and his cohorts were commonplace people and that their personalities “could be duplicated in any country of the world today.” In the years before and during World War II, the opportunity to obtain power led them to embrace a chilling political philosophy. In other words, the Holocaust and the war’s other heinous crimes were the products of healthy minds. [For more recent research on the nature of evil, see “The Psychology of Tyranny,” by S. Alexander Haslam and Stephen D. Reicher; Scientific American Mind, October/November 2005.]
Kelley, who went on to teach at the University of California, Berkeley, and work as a consulting criminologist for the city of Berkeley police, eventually spun off balance. He began drinking and frequently lost his temper during arguments with his wife. After one such fracas on New Year’s Day in 1958, Kelley, aged 45, clenched a cyanide capsule between his teeth and threatened to bite down. Then he did bite down—his son, Doug, a witness, believes it was an accident—and died within seconds. The death he shared with Hermann Goering may be coincidental.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/hermann-goering
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en
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Hermann Göring
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Brief overview of the charges against Hermann Göring, highest ranking Nazi official tried during the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg.
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/favicon.ico
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https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/hermann-goering
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Hermann Göring (1893–1946) was the highest-ranking Nazi official tried during the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. A decorated fighter pilot during World War I, Göring joined the Nazi party in 1922 after hearing a speech by Adolf Hitler. He eventually found his way into the inner circles of Nazi power.
After Hitler's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1933, Göring took on many positions of power and leadership within the Nazi state: Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe (German Air Force), Director of the Four Year Plan in the German economy, and, at the outbreak of war in Europe, Hitler's acknowledged successor. It was Göring who ordered Security Police chief Reinhard Heydrich to organize and coordinate a "total solution" to the "Jewish question."
The International Military Tribunal charged Göring on all four counts (crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and conspiracy to commit crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity). He was convicted and sentenced to death. On the eve of his scheduled execution, he committed suicide in his prison cell.
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https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/nuremberg-trials
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Definition, Dates & Purpose
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"Nuremberg Trials - Definition, Dates & Purpose",
"History.com Editors"
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2010-01-29T16:08:07+00:00
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The Nuremberg trials were a series of 13 trials carried out in Nuremberg, Germany, between 1945 and 1949 to try those accused of Nazi war crimes. The defendants, who included Nazi Party officials and high-ranking military officers, etc., were indicted on such charges as crimes against peace and crimes against humanity.
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HISTORY
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https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/nuremberg-trials
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The Road to the Nuremberg Trials
Shortly after Adolf Hitler came to power as chancellor of Germany in 1933, he and his Nazi government began implementing policies designed to persecute German-Jewish people and other perceived enemies of the Nazi state. Over the next decade, these policies grew increasingly repressive and violent and resulted, by the end of World War II (1939-45), in the systematic, state-sponsored murder of some 6 million European Jews (along with an estimated 4 million to 6 million non-Jews).
In December 1942, the Allied leaders of Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union “issued the first joint declaration officially noting the mass murder of European Jewry and resolving to prosecute those responsible for violence against civilian populations,” according to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). Joseph Stalin (1878-1953), the Soviet leader, initially proposed the execution of 50,000 to 100,000 German staff officers. British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (1874-1965) discussed the possibility of summary execution (execution without a trial) of high-ranking Nazis, but was persuaded by American leaders that a criminal trial would be more effective. Among other advantages, criminal proceedings would require documentation of the crimes charged against the defendants and prevent later accusations that the defendants had been condemned without evidence.
There were many legal and procedural difficulties to overcome in setting up the Nuremberg trials. First, there was no precedent for an international trial of war criminals. There were earlier instances of prosecution for war crimes, such as the execution of Confederate army officer Henry Wirz (1823-65) for his maltreatment of Union prisoners of war during the American Civil War (1861-65); and the courts-martial held by Turkey in 1919-20 to punish those responsible for the Armenian genocide of 1915-16. However, these were trials conducted according to the laws of a single nation rather than, as in the case of the Nuremberg trials, a group of four powers (France, Britain, the Soviet Union and the U.S.) with different legal traditions and practices.
The Allies eventually established the laws and procedures for the Nuremberg trials with the London Charter of the International Military Tribunal (IMT), issued on August 8, 1945. Among other things, the charter defined three categories of crimes: crimes against peace (including planning, preparing, starting or waging wars of aggression or wars in violation of international agreements), war crimes (including violations of customs or laws of war, including improper treatment of civilians and prisoners of war) and crimes against humanity (including murder, enslavement or deportation of civilians or persecution on political, religious or racial grounds). It was determined that civilian officials as well as military officers could be accused of war crimes.
The city of Nuremberg (also known as Nurnberg) in the German state of Bavaria was selected as the location for the trials because its Palace of Justice was relatively undamaged by the war and included a large prison area. Additionally, Nuremberg had been the site of annual Nazi propaganda rallies; holding the postwar trials there marked the symbolic end of Hitler’s government, the Third Reich.
The Major War Criminals’ Trial: 1945-46
The best-known of the Nuremberg trials was the Trial of Major War Criminals, held from November 20, 1945, to October 1, 1946. The format of the trial was a mix of legal traditions: There were prosecutors and defense attorneys according to British and American law, but the decisions and sentences were imposed by a tribunal (panel of judges) rather than a single judge and a jury. The chief American prosecutor was Robert H. Jackson (1892-1954), an associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Each of the four Allied powers supplied two judges–a main judge and an alternate.
Twenty-four individuals were indicted, along with six Nazi organizations determined to be criminal (such as the “Gestapo,” or secret state police). One of the indicted men was deemed medically unfit to stand trial, while a second man killed himself before the trial began. Hitler and two of his top associates, Heinrich Himmler (1900-45) and Joseph Goebbels (1897-45), had each committed suicide in the spring of 1945 before they could be brought to trial. The defendants were allowed to choose their own lawyers, and the most common defense strategy was that the crimes defined in the London Charter were examples of ex post facto law; that is, they were laws that criminalized actions committed before the laws were drafted. Another defense was that the trial was a form of victor’s justice–the Allies were applying a harsh standard to crimes committed by Germans and leniency to crimes committed by their own soldiers.
As the accused men and judges spoke four different languages, the trial saw the introduction of a technological innovation taken for granted today: instantaneous translation. IBM provided the technology and recruited men and women from international telephone exchanges to provide on-the-spot translations through headphones in English, French, German and Russian.
In the end, the international tribunal found all but three of the defendants guilty. Twelve were sentenced to death, one in absentia, and the rest were given prison sentences ranging from 10 years to life behind bars. Ten of the condemned were executed by hanging on October 16, 1946. Hermann Göring (1893-1946), Hitler’s designated successor and head of the “Luftwaffe” (German air force), committed suicide the night before his execution with a cyanide capsule he had hidden in a jar of skin medication.
Subsequent Trials: 1946-49
Following the Trial of Major War Criminals, there were 12 additional trials held at Nuremberg. These proceedings, lasting from December 1946 to April 1949, are grouped together as the Subsequent Nuremberg Proceedings. They differed from the first trial in that they were conducted before U.S. military tribunals rather than the international tribunal that decided the fate of the major Nazi leaders. The reason for the change was that growing differences among the four Allied powers had made other joint trials impossible. The subsequent trials were held in the same location at the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg.
These proceedings included the Doctors Trial (December 9, 1946-August 20, 1947), in which 23 defendants were accused of crimes against humanity, including medical experiments on prisoners of war. In the Judges Trial (March 5-December 4, 1947), 16 lawyers and judges were charged with furthering the Nazi plan for racial purity by implementing the eugenics laws of the Third Reich. Other subsequent trials dealt with German industrialists accused of using slave labor and plundering occupied countries; high-ranking army officers accused of atrocities against prisoners of war; and SS officers accused of violence against concentration-camp inmates. Of the 185 people indicted in the subsequent Nuremberg trials, 12 defendants received death sentences, 8 others were given life in prison and an additional 77 people received prison terms of varying lengths, according to the USHMM. Authorities later reduced a number of the sentences.
Aftermath
The Nuremberg trials were controversial even among those who wanted the major criminals punished. Harlan Stone (1872-1946), chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court at the time, described the proceedings as a “sanctimonious fraud” and a “high-grade lynching party.” William O. Douglas (1898-1980), then an associate U.S. Supreme Court justice, said the Allies “substituted power for principle” at Nuremberg.
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https://www.historynet.com/larger-than-life-the-infamous-hermann-goring/
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Larger Than Life: The Infamous Hermann Göring
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"Rasheeda Smith",
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2016-06-01T20:47:35+00:00
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Hermann Göring was an outsize character in every sense of the term...
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en
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HistoryNet
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https://www.historynet.com/larger-than-life-the-infamous-hermann-goring/
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[dropcap]A[/dropcap]t 11:45 p.m. on October 15, 1946, Allied guards were preparing to escort top Nazis convicted of war crimes from their cells in Nuremberg to the prison gymnasium for hanging. The condemned included Joachim von Ribbentrop, Hitler’s foreign minister, and General Alfred Jodl, chief of the German General Staff. The best known was Hitler’s deputy, the Wehrmacht’s highest-ranking officer, one of Europe’s richest and most powerful businessman, and head of the Luftwaffe: Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring.
Göring had fallen far. In early May 1940, he commanded the world’s most powerful air force, poised to roar from continental victories and triumph over hated England. At home, Germans adored their Führer, but found in der dicke Hermann—“Fat Herman”—a figure of ebullient entertainment. Slender, ascetic Hitler ate only vegetables, abstained from smoking and drinking, and wore mainly plain gray jackets. Not Göring. In flamboyant uniforms of his own design and fingers bedizened with rings, the fat man ate, drank, and made riotously merry, living out loud.
Florid style suffused Göring’s life. He loved food, wine, art collecting, and hunting. His country lodge, Carinhall, named after his beloved first wife, abounded with sculptures, paintings, and furniture. Endangered species roamed his grounds. He kept pet lions. He adored cars and sailing; he called his 90-foot motor yacht Carin II.
Göring’s dandy image made him a persistent figure of ridicule. Germans mocked him and the foreign press painted him as an overweight buffoon. But Hermann Göring was a colossus in every way: a wily Machiavellian with an outsize IQ, skilled at combining charm, guile, and ruthlessness to get what he wanted—skills he employed to the end.
[dropcap]H[/dropcap]ermann Wilhelm Göring’s name had been a household word in Germany since his early 20s. After spending 1914-15 in the trenches of the Western Front, he finagled his way into the air service, flying on the sly as an unofficial observer for a friend. Found out, he formally transferred to the service, becoming a fighter pilot—a good one. His 22 victories earned him the Orden Pour le Mérite—the Blue Max, then Germany’s most exalted combat award. In July 1918, Göring, 25, assumed command of the famed “Flying Circus,” Jagdgeschwader 1, led by Manfred von Richtofen until the Red Baron’s death in action three months earlier.
After the Armistice in November 1918, Göring gravitated to barnstorming, performing aerobatic displays and demonstrations in Scandinavia for the Fokker Company. In autumn 1919 he was flying passenger planes for airline Svenska Lufttrafik. A war hero and decorated ace, with pale blue eyes and lean, dashing good looks, Captain Göring made a splash in Swedish society.
One night in February 1920, he flew Count Eric von Rosen, a wealthy explorer and right-winger, to Rosen’s lakeside castle at Rockelstad. Göring pressed through several blizzards executing a perfect landing on the frozen lake. Rosen invited the pilot to stay; other guests included Rosen’s sister-in-law, Carin von Kantzow. Göring fell hard for the similarly smitten—and married—Carin, then separated from her husband; their affair generated gossip across Stockholm that propelled the couple to Bavaria.
They were staying in the mountains near Munich in late 1922 when Göring, who was trying to organize former military men into a political party, attended a rally in Munich protesting the Versailles Treaty. As the crowd shouted for a “Herr Hitler” of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party to speak, Göring realized the fellow was standing only yards from him. Hitler kept silent, but something about the man impelled Göring to attend the next session of the salon the Austrian held Monday nights at Café Neumann.
That evening, Hitler spoke vividly of resisting the Versailles Treaty with bayonets—just the kind of fiery rhetoric Göring yearned to hear. The pilot stood and spoke of the need to put honor first in any conflict. Chatting afterward, he and Hitler felt a mutual man-crush; Göring drawn to Hitler’s pugnacity, Hitler to Göring’s glamour and connections. Göring joined the fledgling party the next day.
By January 1923, Hitler had put his new associate in charge of the Sturmabteilung, known as the SA, the organization’s paramilitary wing—then a motley rabble. Göring quickly whipped the SA into shape, recruiting and arming more men while imposing structure and discipline. The next month Göring and Carin married; by summer he had quit flying to support Hitler—organizationally and financially—run the SA, and look after his bride. He was becoming a politician.
That November, Hitler persuaded war hero General Erich Ludendorff to head a coup to take over Munich. At a speech by the Bavarian State Commissioner, Hitler, guarded by SA toughs, leaped to the stage declaring a revolution. The Beer Hall Putsch collapsed but not before Hitler, Göring, and about 3,000 fellow Nazis marched into Munich’s heart. Police opened fire, killing 16 and wounding Hitler and others, including Göring, who was shot in the groin.
Göring reluctantly relinquished leadership of the SA to Ernst Röhm, a brutal war veteran, while he recovered during a long, forced exile in Italy and Austria. To ease Göring’s persistent pain, doctors injected morphine; he became addicted to the opiate. His dependency became a lifelong plague causing or exaggerating many of his outlandish characteristics. The drug induced a sine wave of effects, from energetic euphoria to morose passivity, as well as weight gain, vanity and delusions, and extreme anxiety.
The imprisoned Hitler asked Göring to seek financial backing from Benito Mussolini and his Fascists, an odyssey that ended in humiliation. He and Carin, now broke—in part from loaning the Nazi Party money—resented the charity they needed. Irritation fed their growing anti-Semitism and devotion to the National Socialist cause. “Never in this life was it so hard to exist, in spite of all the happiness I have with my darling Hermann,” Carin wrote in late 1924.
Addiction drove Göring into an asylum in 1925 and again briefly in 1927. He emerged from these dark passages by force of will and with his wife’s encouragement, only to find out the Nazis dumped him from the roster. Carin’s health waned, compromised by tuberculosis; by early 1927, at age 38, she was in a Swiss nursing home. Göring was in Germany seeking work, trying to rekindle his political career and quit dope. “Darling, darling, I think of you all the time,” Carin wrote to him. “You are all I have, and I beg you, make a really mighty effort to liberate yourself before it is too late.”
[dropcap]G[/dropcap]öring pulled himself from the precipice. In the upcoming 1928 spring elections, he wanted to run for the Reichstag; Hitler said no. Knowing that the Nazis once had the secret backing of industrialists, Göring told Hitler that unless he got his endorsement he would make the information public and sue Hitler’s underwriters for every pfennig he and Carin had loaned the party since 1922. Hitler folded, and in May, Göring won the election as one of 12 Nazi deputies, entitled to a salary, influence, and, above all, opportunity that he was determined not to waste.
On June 13, 1928, Carin was strong enough to accompany him to the Reichstag opening in Berlin. His party’s marginality didn’t bother him. “We were the Twelve Black Sheep,” he said. Göring had found his métier. While Carin played hostess, he set to work with the energy of a thunderbolt. He declared himself the party’s transportation expert, nurturing contacts in the aviation and auto industries. Hitler asked him to woo Berlin society to the Nazi cause. A natural firebrand, Göring quickly learned to play to an audience. He was now Hitler’s most valuable asset. At the next election, in September 1930, the Nazis won 107 seats, making them the Reichstag’s second biggest faction. The party needed a deputy speaker; Hitler appointed Göring.
As the new deputy speaker, Göring traveled on behalf of the Party, orating with rabble-rousing style. In July 1931, he addressed 30,000 struggling farmers ripe for recruitment. “He was so moved to see all these people in need,” wrote Carin. “There they all stood, singing ‘Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles,’ most of them with tears streaming down their faces. How his nerves stand it beats me.”
Carin’s health, however, continued to fail. A heart attack laid her low just one day after her mother’s funeral in September 1931. She died the next month in a Swedish sanatorium with Göring at her side. Grief and remorse hammered at him. His marriage had dragged him from his morphine addiction and empowered him to succeed. “And that,” he told Carin’s niece, “was how my megalomania began.”
[dropcap]G[/dropcap]öring overcame sadness through work. In the July 1932 elections, the National Socialists won with the largest percentage of the vote. President Paul von Hindenburg refused Hitler the chancellorship, but Göring became president of the Reichstag. In January 1933, when Hitler did become Chancellor—largely thanks to Göring’s negotiating skills, nerve, and ruthlessness—Göring became the Führer’s right-hand man.
During the first year of Nazi rule, Göring purged Communists, Jews, and dissidents and paved the way for a one-party state using manipulation, bribery, and hired thugs. He was now Reich Commissar for Aviation and head of Germany’s largest police force. He bound the nation’s industries to the Nazis through coercion. “I’ve always said that when it comes to the crunch he’s a man of steel—unscrupulous,” Hitler later said.
In April, Göring set up the Forschungsamt, his personal spy agency, with Hitler’s consent. The operation bugged and tapped the phones of foreign leaders and businessmen, and almost every Nazi leader. In the regime’s power struggles, Göring always stayed a move ahead.
Publicly, he created the Geheime Staatspolizei, the dreaded Gestapo secret police. He set up the first concentration camps—originally holding pens for Nazi Party foes— at Oranienburg and Papenburg in the German state of Prussia. Titles attached themselves to him: Speaker of the German Parliament, President of the Reichstag, Prime Minister of Prussia, President of the Prussian State Council, Reich Master of Forestry and Game (his hunting laws still exist), and commander of a clandestine air force.
With the Nazis in power, the SA and its storm troopers lost their utility, making their ambitious leader, Röhm, a threat to Hitler. Göring urged Hitler to destroy Röhm and his top goons, a step he got SS chief Heinrich Himmler to endorse. In return, Göring handed off the Gestapo to the SS, which took over as the party’s military wing.
The resulting June 30, 1934, bloodbath, known as the Night of the Long Knives, was almost entirely a Göring production. He kept to his Berlin villa, sitting at a large oak table on a gold-trimmed velvet chair, while hit squads and SS men assassinated Röhm and at least 83 others. A few days later, Göring organized a crab feast for fellow “managers” Himmler and Erhard Milch, Göring’s number-two in the air force. While they cracked open claws, a telegram from President Hindenburg arrived applauding their “energetic and victorious action.”
That August, Hindenburg died and Hitler became Führer of the Third Reich. The Luftwaffe came out of the shadows, with Göring as commander-in-chief. Hitler often used him as his unofficial deputy—over deputy Rudolf Hess—and eventually elevated Göring to the rank of Reichmarshall, the only German officer ever appointed to the position. The grand elevations hugely increased Göring’s power. But they also short-changed him of the practical experiences of an officer rising through the ranks—a bill that would come infamously due.
[dropcap]A[/dropcap]mong the Führer’s henchmen, Göring was the one most at ease with the Volk, a gregarious and optimistic contrast compared to dour mopes like propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels. Amid countless jokes at his expense, he outranked any Nazi in popularity except Hitler. Göring’s annual winter ball was the social event of the year, and his uniforms and pomp grew ever more outrageous.
Agriculture minister Walter Darré once visited Göring as the Reichsmarschall’s valet was dressing him. A second servant presented a cushion on which lay 12 rings—four each of red, blue, and green. “Today, I am displeased,” Göring told Darré with no small amount of campiness. “So we shall wear a deeper hue. But we also desire to show that we are not beyond hope. So we shall wear the green.” On another occasion, a woman invited to tea found the Luftwaffe commander wearing a toga, jewel-encrusted sandals, and rouged lips.
The big man missed being married, and went looking for another wife. His eccentricities did not put off former actress Emmy Sonnemann, who in April 1935 became the second Frau Göring. For their Berlin wedding, 30,000 soldiers lined the streets. Wrote a foreign reporter: “You had the feeling that an emperor was marrying.”
In April 1936, Hitler assigned Göring control of oil and synthetic rubber production, critical in a belligerent country short on petroleum. That summer, Göring was a dynamo, quickly absorbing economic principles and introducing tax breaks and other innovations. He bartered with Yugoslavia, Romania, Turkey, and Spain for foodstuffs and raw materials, while investing at home in research into synthetic fuels and other emerging technologies. Göring recruited Germany’s best economists and leading industrialists to his new cause.
That October, Hitler adopted his proposals, naming Göring Special Commissioner of the Four-Year Plan, the program readying Germany for all-out war; Economic Minister Hjalmar Schacht now reported to him. Göring was to reorganize the economy: continue rearmament, amass resources—particularly fuel, rubber, and metal—cut unemployment, boost harvests, develop the autobahns and other public works, and stimulate coal and other industrial production. “Trust this man I have selected,” the Führer announced. “He is the best man I have for the job.”
Göring also ran Germany’s foreign exchange reserves; no corporation purchased imports without his say-so. The impecunious flyboy of the 1920s had transformed himself into one of Europe’s richest men. But he wanted more. He spun himself an empire through bribes, favors, and secret deals. When German iron ore and steel production under-performed, he set up an outfit to absorb independent operations in the Ruhr Valley and in Austria—hence his enthusiasm for the March 1938 Anschluss that incorporated Austria into the Nazi Reich—and monopolized the Reich’s steel sector. The move made him one of Europe’s, if not the world’s, biggest industrialists.
The all-powerful and autocratic Hermann Göring Works, or HGW, evolved into a holding company. HGW owned 53 percent of arms maker Rheinmetall, 78 percent of auto firm Steyr-Daimler-Puch, and 100 percent of gun manufacturer Steyr Guss-Stahlwerke, whose holdings included a Swiss arms factory. All ran as before, except that under Göring the companies escaped state intervention, courtesy of his patron, Adolf Hitler.
Wealth and his prestigious position within the Third Reich awarded Göring his own armored train, Asien. His sleeping car featured a huge bathtub; other carriages sported a photographer’s darkroom, a six-bed clinic with operating theater, and a barbershop. Two flat cars carried Göring’s fleet of American, French, and German automobiles and his six-wheel-drive Mercedes W31 Geländewagen convertible. Two freight cars bristling with rapid-fire anti-aircraft Oerlikon cannons provided security.
Simultaneously Göring honed the Luftwaffe, charming and cajoling the best men from military and civil life into his air force. One, General Walter Wever, became the first Luftwaffe chief of staff. The forward-thinking Wever kenned that an air force had two roles: support ground forces,and operate strategically on its own.
Nurtured by bottomless budgets, the Luftwaffe grew quickly, heightening Göring’s inclination to see all things as possible as he ignored unpalatable truths. In 1936, for example, Wever had been planning for a long-range heavy bomber force when he died in a flying accident. Successors Hans Jeschonnek and old-time Göring wingman Ernst Udet lacked Wever’s vision. While Göring was immersed in the Four Year Plan, the Luftwaffe’s general staff scrapped four-engine bomber plans, placing more emphasis on dive-bombers—a vision the Junkers Ju-87 Stuka seemed to confirm in the 1936-1939 Spanish Civil War.
Göring went along with the plan. But by 1940, he was woefully out of touch. He had finished the previous war as a captain, spent more than a decade as a civilian, and in being abruptly elevated to general, missed staff college and the on-the-job education of climbing through the ranks.
No four-engine bomber could dive-bomb, but that was how Udet and Jeschonnek envisioned the Heinkel He 177—a turkey of a design that gobbled time, money, resources, and the lives of their top pilots trying to test-fly it. Nor could the new twin-engine Ju 88 achieve the Stuka’s capabilities. The Luftwaffe headed into war with already obsolescent, mid-1930s era bombers rather than powerful modern ones.
The Luftwaffe also failed to adapt an independent strategic role. Unaware of the problems, Göring boasted to Hitler that his fliers would wipe out British troops retreating across the English Channel from Dunkirk. “Only fishing boats are coming over for the British,” he said. “Let’s hope the Tommies can swim!”
The subsequent air battle laid bare the dive-bombers’ shortcoming: With Messerschmitt Bf 109s protecting them on attacks against buildings, the Stukas ruled, but when the target was a moving ship defended by Supermarine Spitfires and Hawker Hurricanes, the gull-winged predators could not dominate. The Royal Air Force prevailed over the Channel, and 338,000 Allied troops escaped.
The same hubris suffused the Battle of Britain. Göring’s chief intelligence officer, Colonel Joseph “Beppo” Schmid, told his chief only what he wanted to hear: that the Luftwaffe could smash the RAF; that Germany was outpacing Britain’s warplane production; that the Messerschmitt Bf 110 trumped the Hurricane; that the English had but a few hundred fighters. And those antennae along their coast? Third-rate radar.
[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n fact, Britain had an advanced sensing system and a coordinated air defense—the world’s first—and built planes at twice Germany’s rate. Myth holds that the Battle of Britain was a near-run thing for the defenders, but Göring’s men never came close.
Throughout, Göring meddled ineffectually. In early September 1940, he summoned fighter commanders to Carinhall for a pep talk. The airmen sat dutifully as Göring, puffing a huge cigar, bloviated. “What he said sounded like the script of a movie about World War I,” said Captain Johannes “Macky” Steinhoff, an experienced and successful young fighter pilot. “Biplanes looping, attacking from below, flying so close that pilots could see the whites of their enemy’s eyes. I couldn’t stand it.” Raising a hand, Steinhoff offered the Reichsmarschall a few truths about modern fighter doctrine.
“Young man, you still have a lot of experience to gain and a lot to learn before you think you can have your say here,” Göring replied. “Now why don’t you just sit back down on your little rear end.”
Losing the Battle of Britain proved disastrous, forcing Hitler to turn east far earlier than he wanted and triggering a two-front war. Thus started Göring’s—and the Luftwaffe’s—long, hard slide. Although the Luftwaffe would dominate over the Soviet air force and in 1941-42 enjoy brief glories in the Balkans and at Malta, by the mid-1940s, Göring’s air force was in decline, overstretched, and under-producing. Göring could have retrieved the situation by unleashing Erhard Milch, now a field marshal but still his ruthlessly efficient deputy. However, Göring resented, mistrusted, and repeatedly undermined Milch, and left his less competent pal Ernst Udet in charge of procurement and production. The strain broke Udet, who shot himself in November 1941, leaving a mess never to be sorted out.
Göring and his industrial empire survived, but the Luftwaffe, once German’s spearhead, fell into terminal decline.
At Stalingrad in November 1942 the Soviets encircled 250,000 men of the German Sixth Army. Hitler demanded Göring supply his trapped soldiers by plane but the Luftwaffe botched the job, blackening Jeschonnek’s—and by association Göring’s—record. On February 2, 1943, what remained of the Sixth Army in Stalingrad surrendered. A month later, RAF Bomber Command hit Germany’s industrial Ruhr Valley.
Göring thought he saw a lifeline: jet-powered warplanes able to outrun enemy aircraft. On May 25, 1943, fighter ace Adolf Galland touted the twin-engine Messerschmitt Me 262 jet, which flew 100 mph faster than any Allied piston-engine aircraft. “The bird flies,” Galland told the former fighter pilot. “It flies like there’s an angel pushing.” To get the Me 262 fighting, Göring scrapped Messerschmitt piston engine projects. The Me 262 and other “wonder weapons,” such as the rocket-propelled Me 163 fighter, lent the Luftwaffe enough perceived punch for Göring to persuade Hitler that the Luftwaffe was the tool around which German fortunes would turn once more.
So it was that Göring remained Hitler’s chosen successor almost right up until the end. When Göring left Hitler’s bunker in Berlin on April 21, 1945, headed for Obersalzburg, the Nazi enclave in Bavaria, he assumed he was next in the line of Nazi succession.
That was about to change.
[dropcap]H[/dropcap]itler’s secretary, Martin Bormann, loathed Göring and convinced Hitler that a telegram Göring sent him on April 23, suggesting he take over Germany’s leadership since Hitler had lost his freedom of action, revealed that his longtime deputy was a turncoat. That same day, the Führer authorized Göring’s arrest. But not long after the SS came knocking, Hitler, Bormann, and the Third Reich were dead. Göring’s captors held him at his childhood home south of Salzburg until May 6.
Göring sent an aide with a letter to Supreme Allied Commander General Dwight D. Eisenhower, seeking a face-to-face meeting. The next morning, after hearing that an American general was at a castle about 50 miles away, Göring set off in his usual cavalcade. The U.S. Army officer in question, Brigadier-General Robert I. Stack, informed that Göring wanted to surrender, set off leading a task force to accept it. The motorcades met mid-way. After trading stares, the American motioned to Göring to get into his vehicle. “Twelve years,” Göring muttered. “I’ve had a good run for my money.”
During his 18-month incarceration and trial, Göring lost weight, detoxed, and demonstrated acute intelligence, guile, wit, and even charm. He befriended Lieutenant Jack G. Wheelis, a burly guard and fellow hunter from Texas, and Ludwig Pflücker, a physician. In court, Göring ran rings around his prosecutor, made Justice Robert H. Jackson look a fool, and often provoked onlookers to laughter. But he failed to win one final battle. Certain he was doomed, Göring—hating the idea of dangling from a noose like common criminal—lobbied to go before a firing squad, a death befitting a hero and martyr. The Allies refused his petition.
With the climb to the gibbet two hours away, the former Reichsmarschall unscrewed a brass cartridge case he had concealed and retrieved a glass vial of cyanide. The capsule’s source remains a mystery—Pflücker, or perhaps Wheelis. Göring placed the ampule in his mouth between two molars. He lay on his metal bed, blanket to chest, arms visible atop the cover as his jailors required, and bit down. His gasp drew guards, but too late. The Third Reich’s second-most-important Nazi died, one eye open, one squeezed shut. As his heart stopped, Hermann Göring appeared to be winking.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 8
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/goebbels-goring/
|
en
|
Hermann Göring (1893-1946)
|
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[
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[
"American Experience"
] |
2019-04-01T15:39:39.407261-04:00
|
A member of the aristocracy, Göring used his social contacts to convince conservative industrialists that Nazism was the only way to save Germany from communism.
|
en
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/goebbels-goring/
|
During World War I, Hermann Göring commanded the famous "Flying Circus" fighter squadron and became a highly decorated flying ace credited with shooting down 22 Allied aircraft. After the war, he met Adolf Hitler, joined the Nazi Party, and became a leader of the Sturmabteilung (Storm Troop), abbreviated SA. A member of the aristocracy, Göring used his social contacts to convince conservative industrialists that Nazism was the only way to save Germany from communism.
Addiction and Intrigues
In 1923 Göring took part in the Beer Hall Putsch, the Nazi Party's failed grab for power in Munich. He was seriously wounded and fled to Austria, Italy and then Sweden, where he was admitted to a mental hospital and then an asylum where he became a morphine addict. When general amnesty for the Putsch was declared in 1927, Göring returned to Germany, where he used his contacts with big business and army officers to smooth Hitler's road to power. In 1933 Göring became Minister of the Interior for Prussia, the largest German state, and controlled most of the police forces in Germany. In 1934 Göring gave control of the Gestapo, the German secret police, to Heinrich Himmler, as thanks for his assistance in the Night of the Long Knives coup that had eliminated Ernst Röhm, leader of the SA and Göring's arch rival. Göring and Himmler also worked together to set up early concentration camps for Jews and other Nazi opponents.
Lavish Lifestyle
In 1936 Hitler gave Göring control over the German economy. He created the state-owned Hermann Göring Works, which prepared Germany for war and created 700,000 jobs, but also lined his own pockets. Göring built a hunting mansion where he organized feasts and state hunts, and displayed art plundered from European museums. He changed uniforms and suits five times a day and flaunted his medals and jewelry. He remained genuinely popular with the German masses, who regarded him as more accessible than Hitler.
Holocaust Orders
After the Kristallnacht pogrom of November 9, 1938, orchestrated by his colleague Joseph Goebbels, Göring fined the Jewish community a billion marks and ordered the elimination of Jews from the German economy, the repossession of their property, and businesses, and their exclusion from schools, resorts, and parks. Three days later, he warned of a "final reckoning with the Jews." In 1941 he gave the order to "carry out all preparations with regard to ... a general solution of the Jewish question in those territories of Europe which are under German influence. ..." In recognition of Göring's accomplishments with the air force and the economy, Hitler designated Göring as his successor on September 1,1939.
|
||||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 57
|
https://www.forces.net/heritage/history/nuremberg-trials-what-happened-when-nazis-faced-justice
|
en
|
Nuremberg Trials: What Happened When Nazis Faced Justice?
|
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2021-09-23T17:18:00
|
October marks the 75th anniversary of the conclusion of one of the most significant events in legal history.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/forcesnet_2020/favicon.ico
|
Forces Network
|
https://www.forces.net/heritage/history/nuremberg-trials-what-happened-when-nazis-faced-justice
|
On 1 October 1946, 12 death sentences were passed down by the judges of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg on some of the most high-ranking and influential members of Nazi Germany.
Ten of those men would be hung 16 days later. One was sentenced in absentia. Another, Hermann Goring, opted to commit suicide hours before his scheduled execution.
Their trial, which had begun 11 months earlier in November 1945, is considered one of the most significant judicial events in modern times.
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Yet, it might never have happened. From as early as 1943, the leaders of the Allied Superpowers - Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt - argued over how precisely justice ought to be handed out to Europe's greatest ever tyrants. Some of their early ideas were quite different from the trial process that eventually came to pass.
Churchill even advocated for the summary executions of senior Nazis upon capture.
While the Second World War continued in the Far East, some of the most astute legal minds in the West prepared for, as Sir Norman Birkett called it, "the greatest trial in history."
Here, to mark the 75th anniversary of the salient International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, we look at how the event sits within the broader history of World War Two and explore how its legacy remains a cornerstone of UN convention today.
This is all the gen on the Nuremberg Trials.
What Were The Nuremberg Trials?
In the immediate aftermath of World War Two, the victorious Allied forces began a series of trials to bring to justice the architects and administrators of the horrific crimes against humanity committed by Nazi Germany.
Those placed on trial included prominent Nazis across politics, the judiciary, military, and economic departments of the defeated regime. In the first and most significant trial, held under the new International Military Tribunal, infamous personalities including Admiral Karl Donitz, Hans Frank and Hermann Goring faced indictments for war crimes and crimes against humanity, with many high-ranking officials convicted on multiple charges and sentenced to death.
The International Military Tribunal is generally what historians refer to when discussing the Nuremberg Trials. It began on 20 November 1945 and concluded on 1 October 1946. It featured 24 defendants. Ten would be hanged within sixteen days of its conclusion.
After the International Military Tribunal concluded in October 1946, the Allies continued to try other officials for lesser war crimes, including the Nuremberg Military Tribunal, the Doctors Trial and Judges Trial.
Alternative Justice: Churchill Preferred Summary Executions
The conundrum over dealing with crimes committed by the Nazis had been an issue the three superpowers of Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union had pondered for some years in the build-up to the eventual Nuremberg Trials. France joined them at the end of the war, so the eight judges presiding over the International Military Tribunal for the first and most significant trial included two from each of the four nations. One of each was appointed to the bench; the other was in place as an alternative.
Before settling on the judiciary process that came to pass at Nuremberg, other ideas, some extreme in nature, were hypothesised and debated among the leaders of the Allied powers.
In documents declassified and released in 2006, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill's initial position advocated for the summary execution of Nazi leaders upon capture by Allied forces. Remarkably, given how history played out in the decades that followed, he was primarily talked down from this position by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.
Another plan was drafted by US Secretary for the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, known as the Morgenthau Plan, which focused on denazification. His system, initially supported by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, alongside German deindustrialisation, also called for the summary executions of significant criminals, known as "arch-criminals." The proposal proved unpopular when its contents were leaked via the press. Roosevelt changed his mind, and the Morgenthau Plan was dropped.
The situation evolved when a further US politician stepped forward, Secretary of State for War Henry Stimson. His idea was called The Trial of European War Criminals. It was solely focused on a judicial process of bringing these criminals before a court.
The Establishing Of The Court
A legal basis for the Nuremberg court was established in the London Charter on 8 August 1945, the day before the US dropped an Atomic Bomb on the Japanese city of Nagasaki.
The London Charter, formally called The Charter of the International Military Tribunal – Annex to the Agreement for the prosecution and punishment of the major war criminals of the European Axis, was a decree issued by the European Advisory Commission, a body established by the US, Britain, and Russia in 1943. The charter served as a model for the future Tokyo Charter, which brought those responsible for War Crimes to justice in Japan.
The court's jurisdiction was defined in the Instrument of Surrender of Germany, which handed political authority, and crucially, sovereign power, to the Allied Control Council. This paved the way for the council to punish violations of international law and laws of war.
WATCH: A newsreel feature from 1946 on the verdicts handed down at the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. (Public Domain).
Why Did The Trials Occur In Nuremberg?
There was much tussling between the four powers over a range of matters concerning the trials.
One of the major discussion points was the location of the International Military Tribunal and its trials. Stalin called for it to be in Berlin. Other areas mooted by world leaders included Leipzig and Luxemburg.
However, Nuremberg was selected for two reasons. Its Palace of Justice was big enough to house everybody required for the trials. Two, Nuremberg was considered the ceremonial birthplace of the Nazi Party. To bring those high-ranking officials to justice in the same city that hosted the party's propaganda rallies was seen as a symbolic statement of intent.
Who Went On Trial?
For the first and most crucial trial at Nuremberg, 24 senior figures from the upper echelons of Nazi Germany stood accused of a range of indictments.
They included the Holocaust's most notorious architects, including Wilhelm Frick, the Reich Law Leader and Governor-General of occupied-Poland; Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who held overall control of the Nazi death squads; and Albert Speer, the Minister of Armaments who had used Jews as slave labour in the production of munitions.
Prosecutors presented four indictments. Those on trial were accused of either single items or all of them in some cases.
Indictment One: Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of a crime against peace.
Indictment Two: Planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace.
Indictment Three: Participating in war crimes.
Indictment Four: Crimes against humanity.
For the first time in International Law, the indictments featured 'genocide', a word coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin. It literally meant the act of killing a race or a people.
What Were The Verdicts?
Of the 24 men on trial under the International Military Tribunal, 18 were convicted of the more sickening indictments of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Three were acquitted of all charges, and decisions could not be reached for two for the defendants.
Sentences passed down by the court ranged from 10 years (Karl Donitz) to life imprisonment (Walter Funk, Rudolf Hess, Erich Raeder). For others, the council of judges issued death penalties.
Twelve of the defendants were ordered to be hanged, one of whom was sentenced in absentia (Martin Bormann - who was, in fact, already dead it would later transpire).
The Executions
All hangings were carried out on 16 October 1946, 16 days after the judges passed the sentences.
Some of those condemned expressed remorse. Others did not. One of the men, Julius Streicher, cried out "Heil Hitler!" and "The Bolsheviks will hang you one day!" on the platform before the trap door opened. For him, death was an unduly drawn-out affair due to an error in the process. Streicher, it was reported, "went down kicking," which likely dislodged the hangman's knot out of position.
Arguably some of the most significant moments of 20th-century justice, responsible for all the hangings that day was 35-year-old Master Sergeant John C. Woods.
The US Army soldier would later say:
"I hanged those ten Nazis … and I am proud of it."
Woods would accidentally kill himself four years later by electrocution while attempting to fix some electrical lighting. He was 39 years of age.
The bodies of the hanged prisoners were incinerated, and the remaining ashes were scattered into the River Isar.
How Did Hermann Goring Die?
Hermann Goring, who, next to Hitler, was one of the most influential figures in the Nazi Party, committed suicide hours before his execution. He had swallowed a cyanide capsule. It was later claimed sympathetic guards smuggled the substance into the prison. Other theories have included ideas that he bribed an American soldier with a gold watch.
Who Was Admiral Karl Donitz?
The shortest sentence passed down went to Karl Donitz, the German admiral responsible for the Kriegsmarine and the short-term head of state following Hitler's death in May 1945.
Donitz had been convicted on two indictments: planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace and participating in war crimes. He served his sentence in Berlin and was released precisely ten years from his conviction in Nuremberg.
During the war, he had been the German commander ultimately responsible for the U-Boat campaign that had brought so much misery to Royal Navy crews. It is known, thanks to records, that he was always a dedicated Nazi and antisemite. However, this is something he continuously tried to downplay for the rest of his life.
Astonishingly, when his ten-year sentence was passed down, military officials on all sides of the war felt the judges had been unduly harsh. While in prison, it is claimed that more than 100 British and American officers wrote to Donitz to express their support.
In 1973, he appeared on the British-produced television documentary series, The World At War. He died aged 89 in 1980.
Rudolf Hess: Life Imprisonment And Lonely Suicide
Hess was Hitler's Deputy Fuhrer before flying to Scotland, without authorisation, in 1941 to negotiate a peace deal with the UK. While in the country, the British imprisoned him. He eventually found himself answering to crimes at the International Military Tribunal in November 1945.
This senior Nazi was convicted of indictments one and two ('participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of a crime against peace' and 'planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace') and handed a life sentence for his part in the war.
Hess, alongside others in the trial who were given prison sentences, was sent to Spandau Prison in Berlin. Eventually, he remained the last and single prisoner at the penitentiary after his Nazi-co-inmates were either released after completing their sentences or on the grounds of poor health.
From 1966 until his suicide in 1987, the 600-cell prison counted just one inmate – Rudolf Hess. His ongoing incarceration at the facility drew protests, notably from Neo-Nazi organisations and from unlikely characters such as the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington. All attempts of bringing about a potential release were blocked by the Soviet Union, who sited Hess had never "shown even a shadow of repentance."
What Was The Nuremberg Trials' Legacy?
One of the significant outcomes of the trials was the definition of what constitutes a war crime. This is described by the Nuremberg Principles.
Those principles came about because of the post-war trials. They were taken up by the International Law Commission of the United Nations. They remain a crucial cornerstone of international law to this day.
Most importantly, the International Military Tribunal allowed for detailed evidence of terrible atrocities and the horrific ideology of the Nazi Party to be heard in public for the first time. It brought an end to one of history's darkest chapters. It offered victims and survivors an opportunity to look war criminals in the eye and begin the long journey to recovery.
For many, that would never be achieved.
Related topics
History
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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2
| 43
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https://www.amazon.com/Hermann-G%25C3%25B6ring-Beginning-World-Biographies/dp/B0CSZ2BNWP
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Amazon.com: Hermann Göring: A Life from Beginning to End (World War 2 Biographies): 9798876479808: History, Hourly: ספרים
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Amazon.com: Hermann Göring: A Life from Beginning to End (World War 2 Biographies): 9798876479808: History, Hourly: ספרים
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he
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https://www.amazon.com/-/he/Hourly-History/dp/B0CSZ2BNWP
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At Hourly History, we publish history books that are concise, straightforward and take no longer than one hour to read.
Receive our new eBooks for free every Friday.
Sign up at: www.hourlyhistory.com/free
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
|
2
| 14
|
https://www.insightvacations.com/blog/nuremberg/
|
en
|
Trumpets and Trials: How Nuremberg Rewrote German History
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2024-03-22T12:44:09+00:00
|
From a medieval powerhouse to a defining city of WWII, relics of Nuremberg’s fascinating history are still intact for everyone to see.
|
en
|
Insight Vacations
|
https://www.insightvacations.com/blog/nuremberg/
|
Nuremberg, a charming city in the German state of Bavaria, holds a significant place in world history due to its multifaceted role in various historical events and periods. From its medieval origins as a prominent trade center to its pivotal role in the rise to power of German National Socialism (aka the Nazi party) and subsequent post-war trials, Nuremberg’s history is a tapestry of political, cultural and social significance.
We had the pleasure to speak Werner Fiederer, an expert guide in Nuremberg from the city’s Institute for Local History and this week’s Insightful destination expert. He tells us more about the city’s fascinating past, and why it is such an important and interesting destination.
Take a read then test your knowledge with this week’s Insightful Travel Trivia, with 5 questions inspired by Werner.
Visit Nuremberg for yourself, as an optional experience, on our Best of Germany premium tour
Why is Nuremberg such an important and interesting city?
“Nuremberg is one of the most interesting cities in Germany, with a diverse and interesting history, a lot of which can still be seen,” says Werner. “92% of the city was destroyed in World War II, so it’s even more interesting and impressive how much medieval character is still intact. Nuremberg is also unique as one of the few places you can still see architectonical relics of National Socialism of the 1930s, such as the Zeppelin grandstand or the Congress Hall.
“The city began life as a vitally important trade center. It played not only a very pivotal role during the period of National Socialism and the rise of the Nazi party, but also afterwards. When World War II was over, the city was chosen as the site for the famous Nuremberg trials. It was here, that the principal criminals of World War II were put on trial by four allied nations – the United States, Great Britain, France and the Soviet Union.”
You may also like: Experience the best of Germany’s past, present and future in 12 days
A symbol of National Socialism
It was during the 20th century, that Nuremberg’s history took a darker turn. The city became a symbol of Nazi power, hosting the annual Nuremberg Rallies, massive propaganda events that showcased the regime’s self-image and ideology. The infamous Nuremberg Laws, which institutionalized racial discrimination against Jews and other minorities, were announced in the city in 1935, during one of the rallies.
“Before the war started in 1939, Nuremberg was sort of ‘model city’ for the National Socialists,” Werner explains. “It was one of the most important sites for them in terms of propaganda, and also in terms of showing the self-image of the Nazis to the Germans and to the rest of the world.”
Bookmark for later: Making Time: Meet One of Germany’s Artisan Cuckoo Clock Makers
The Nuremberg Rally Grounds
“The Nuremberg Rally Grounds are one of the most visited sites in Germany when it comes to World War II history,” Werner continues. “You can see some of the huge buildings that were erected in the 1930’s to serve the Nazis propaganda plans and wishes. Guests are often very emotionally affected.
“Nuremberg was chosen by the National Socialists to become the site for the propaganda rallies. A huge area was designed by Albert Speer, Hitlers Chief Architect. The Zeppelin Grandstand and the Congress Hall are still standing today as a relic from this period.”
The grandstand was built of limestone and bricks and is 360m wide. In front of it was a large terrain surrounded by stands for 60.000 spectators. The Zeppelin field itself was bigger than 12 soccer pitches and held 100,000 spectators. Today, much of the foundations and layout still identifiably conform to the original architectural plans.
If you are interested in the history of war: Tunnel of Hope: a Survivor’s Story of the Bosnian War
Congress Hall
“You can also see the enormous Congress Hall,” Werner says. “This was designed to be the site for a speech from Adolf Hitler to 50.000 members of the party congress, however, it was never completed. For over 20 years now, it has housed the Documentation Centre, an incredibly important exhibition and education center.”
The Congress Hall is the only part of the entire rally grounds which was not designed by ‘Hitler’s architect’ Albert Speer. Since 1973 the building has been officially protected as the largest example of National Socialist architecture. Since 2001 it hosts the Documentation Centre with the permanent exhibition “Faszination und Gewalt” (Fascination and Terror).
Until the end of 2025 the Documentation Center is being renovated. Until then, there is an interims exhibition presented in one of the large halls of the Congress Hall.
Read more about Bavaria: The Rhine Valley: Romance and Relaxation in the Heart of Germany
The Nuremberg Trials
Additionally, Nuremberg was chosen as the site for the post-World War II Nuremberg Trials, where Nazi leaders were held accountable for their war crimes and crimes against humanity. Held from 1945 to 1946, the trials were a landmark event in international law, establishing the principles of individual responsibility for crimes against humanity and laying the groundwork for future international criminal tribunals. The trials also marked a significant moment in the city’s history, as Nuremberg transitioned from being a symbol of Nazi power to a symbol of justice, human rights and accountability.
For an intriguing WW1 tale: The Legend of The Golden Virgin, France’s Most Important Statue
A city chosen for practicality
Rumor has it that the Allies chose Nuremberg to host the trails to take revenge for the Nazi period, however Werner tells us that the city was chosen for more practical reasons. “First of all, the city had a huge courthouse that was still standing from the war. No other big city had had this opportunity,” he explains.
“In addition, attached to the courthouse there’s a huge jail. So, it was possible to bring the defendants from their prison cells to the courtroom and back without leaving the area. Last but not least, the USA was mostly the driving force for this trial and Bavaria, where Nuremberg is, was part of the US’s occupation zone. So, they really had interest to hold the trials in their occupation zone.
If you love Germany, you should read: Georg Lang: The Visionary Who Revolutionized Munich’s Oktoberfest
Courtroom 600
“You can still visit Courtroom 600, one of the most famous courtrooms in the world,” says Werner. “For visitors it’s a very emotional moment to stand in the same room where Hermann Göring, Rudolf Hess and all these Nazi leaders were sitting.
“You don’t see the room as it was in 1945 when they held the trials there though. When the courthouse was given back to the German authorities, they changed it back to how it looked in 1916 when it was erected.
“It was still used as a courtroom until two years ago and is now a museum. It’s open for the public (every day except Tuesdays) with a lot to see, including an excellent exhibition called Memoriam Nuremberg Trials.”
Medieval Nuremberg – a merchant stronghold
“It’s not only the Nazi period that makes Nuremberg interesting,” says Werner. “The majority of our visitors enjoy exploring the city’s medieval history and relics. Located on the crossroads of the most important trade routes of Europe, it was one of the most important merchant cities of that time.”
The city’s strategic location along major trade routes in the Holy Roman Empire meant that Nuremberg became a hub for commerce, particularly in textiles, metals and crafts, and its annual trade fairs attracted merchants from across Europe. The economic influence of the city extended into the Renaissance, becoming a center of artistic and intellectual activity, producing renowned figures like Albrecht Dürer, a leading artist of the Northern Renaissance.
“We still have one of the most famous medieval castles atop the city,” says Werner. “Impressive and well preserved, it played an enormously important political role in the Middle Ages. You can also enjoy the mediaeval town with Albrecht Dürer’s house, impressive Gothic churches from the 13th and 14th centuries and the beautiful mediaeval center.”
You may also like: The German Town of Rothenburg is a Grown-Up Christmas Grotto
A center of political power
“As well as economic power there was also a lot of political meaning and power in Nuremberg.” Werner explains. “This was the city where all the German Emperors and Kings regularly held their most important meetings, along with the rest of the nobility. The so called Reichstag (imperial diet) of Nuremberg was hugely influential during medieval times.
“This connects us again to the Nazi period, because the ‘Reichstag’ of that old tradition was also one of the reasons that Hitler wanted the “Reichsparteitag” (party rally) to be held in Nuremberg, leading to the building of the aforementioned Congress Hall, to connect to the medieval tradition.
A city of historical contrasts and connections
“There are so many elements that are connected together here in the city,” says Werner. “The contrasts between that history and the modern architecture is obvious. The stories are just as fascinating. As a guide, I never tire of sharing these with our visitors.
“It’s this mixture and historical contradictions, which makes Nuremberg so fascinating. The modern and terrible WWII history and its results. The wounds that it left in the city and the scars. And then this period after the War when the court trials put another light on the city and gave Nuremberg a new reputation. From the Nazi city to the city of international justice, that was a great leap forward.”
Explore Bavaria and visit Nuremberg for yourself, as an optional experience, on our Best of Germany premium tour
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
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3
| 58
|
https://peacepalacelibrary.nl/research-guide/nuremberg-trials
|
en
|
The Nuremberg Trials
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Research Guide on the military tribunals prosecuting the prominent members of the political, military, judicial, and economic leadership of Nazi Germany.
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https://peacepalacelibrary.nl/research-guide/nuremberg-trials
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History has generally designated the International Military Tribunal (IMT) Trial as the Nuremberg Trial, and representations are often accompanied with the now-familiar image: Courtroom 600 in the Nuremberg Palace of Justice, with the chief Nazi defendants, most prominently Hermann Göring, in the dock. Held between 20 November 1945 and 1 October 1946, the Tribunal was given the task of trying 23 of the most important political and military leaders of the Third Reich, though one of the defendants, Martin Bormann, was tried in absentia, while another, Robert Ley, committed suicide within a week of the trial's commencement. Not included were Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Joseph Goebbels, all of whom had committed suicide in the spring of 1945, well before the indictment was signed. In his opening statement on 21 November, 1945, Robert H. Jackson, the American chief prosecuror, pronounced the high ambition for this trial,
that the record on which we judge these defendants today is the record on which history will judge us tomorrow. To pass these defendants a poisoned chalice is to put it to our lips as well. We must summon such detachment and intellectual integrity to our task that this trial will commend itself to posterity as fulfilling humanity's aspirations to do justice.
The second set of trials of lesser war criminals was conducted from 1946 to 1949 under Control Council Law No. 10 at the U.S. Nuremberg Military Tribunals (NMT), which included the 'Doctors Trial' and the 'Judges' Trial'. Unlike the IMT, these trials - also called the 'subsequent Nuremberg trials' - have suffered from historiographical neglect. But these trials went beyond their famous, more glamorous predecessor, the IMT, with its cast of high ranking Nazis. The NMT, or rather their instigators, aspired to nothing less than indicting the entire Nazi State and analyzing its workings in an authoritative way. Structures rather than individuals, and institutions rather than easily identifiable villains, were to be publicly prosecuted.
From Nuremberg to The Hague
The 'promise of Nuremberg' to punish State crimes, remained unfulfilled for a long time. The first progress came in the 1990s, when the UN Security Security Council established international tribunals to deal with the war crimes committed during the wars in the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. In addition to these tribunals, so-called 'internationalized' or 'hybrid' tribunals have been established in some countries to take action against crimes, such as the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Special Panels of the Dili District Court. Their legal basis is a mix of national and international law, and they compromise both domestic and foreign prosecutors and judges. In the following decade, on 1 July 2002, the International Criminal Court in The Hague began functioning, the date that the Rome Statute entered into force. The Statute has, however, not been ratified by important major powers, such as the United States of America, Russia, India, China and Israel. And finally, the definition of agressive war, established in 2010, completed the last gap in a development stretching back to the Nuremberg Trials.
Research Guide
This Research Guide is intended as a starting point for research on the Nuremberg Trials. It provides the basic legal materials available in the Peace Palace Library, both in print and electronic format. Handbooks, leading articles, bibliographies, periodicals, serial publications and documents of interest are presented in the Selective Bibliography section. Links to the PPL Catalogue are inserted. The Library's subject heading (keyword) International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg is instrumental for searching through the Catalogue. Special attention is given to our subscriptions on databases, e-journals, e-books and other electronic resources. Finally, this Research Guide features links to relevant websites and other online resources of particular interest.
Sources
Final Report to the Secretary of the Army on the Nuernberg War Crimes Trials under Control Council Law No. 10, Buffalo, W.S. Hein & Co., 1997.
Marrus, M.R., The Nuremberg War Crimes Trial 1945-46: A Documentary History, Boston, Bedford Books, 1997.
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 1946-1948.
This eight-volume, 12-book series is known as The Red Series. It is a 'Collection of Documentary Evidence and Guide Materials prepared by the American and British Prosecuting Staffs for Presentation before the International Military Tribunal at Nurnberg, Germany.' The Red Series makes available an indexed sampling of the evidence used to support the charges made against the major Nazi war criminals in their trial at Nuremberg, Germany, 1945-1946. Volumes I and II serve as an overarching guide for the series. They contain essays that summarize and link together the documents that follow. Volume II also contains a glossary along with short biographies of the German defendants, as well as summaries of the individual cases against them.
Report of Robert H. Jackson, United States representative to the International Conference on Military Trials, London, 1945.
In December 1947 Justice Robert H. Jackson submitted a documentary record of negotiations, which he had conducted from June to August 1945 as U.S. representative to the International Conference on Military Trials with representatives of the United Kingdom, France, and the USSR. The purpose of this conference, held in London, was to establish methods of procedure for the prosecution and trial of the major European war criminals, and resulted in the adoption of an agreement and charter of London, signed by representatives of the four conferring powers on August 8, 1945. The Jackson report includes numerous preparatory documents for the 1945 conference: minutes of conference sessions; reports of the drafting committee regarding the agreement and charter; redrafts of the definitions of key terms; and amendments and other proposals submitted by the American, British, French, and Soviet delegations.
Smith, B.F., The American Road to Nuremberg: the Documentary Record, 1944-1945, Stanford, Hoover Institution Press, 1982.
Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 14 November 1945 - 1 October 1946, 42 Volumes, Buffalo; New York, William S. Hein & Co., Inc., 1995.
This 42-volume series is known as the The Blue Series. It is the official record of the trial of the major civilian and military leaders of Nazi Germany who were accused of war crimes. The accused were: Hermann Wilhelm Göring, Rudolf Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Robert Ley, Wilhelm Keitel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Alfred Rosenberg, Hans Frank, Wilhelm Frick, Julius Streicher, Walter Funk, Hjalmar Schacht, Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, Karl Dönitz, Erich Raeder, Baldur von Schirach, Fritz Sauckel, Alfred Jodl, Martin Bormann, Franz von Papen, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, Albert Speer, Constantin von Neurath, and Hans Fritzsche. The International Military Tribunal, under the jurisdiction of the Allied Control Authority for Germany, directed the publication of this series. The London Agreement of 8 August 1945 established the tribunal, which was composed of one member and an alternate from each of the four Allied countries: the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. English, French, German, and Russian were the languages used throughout the hearings. Documents entered into evidence were reproduced in this series only in the original language, but as the result of the absence of a Soviet editorial staff, none of the Russian-language documents were published. Reprint by William S. Hein Inc, 1995.
Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law no. 10: Nuernberg, October 1946 - April 1949, 15 Volumes, Buffalo; New York, William S. Hein & Co., Inc., 1997.
This 15-volume series is known as The Green Series. It focuses on the last series of 12 Nuremberg war crimes trials which had begun in October 1946 and were held in pursuant to Allied Control Council Law No. 10. Far from being of concern solely to lawyers, these trials are of special interest to soldiers, historians, students of international law, and others. The defendants in these proceedings, charged with war crimes and other offenses against international law, were prominent figures in Hitler's Germany and included such outstanding diplomats and politicians as the State Secretary of the Foreign Office, Ernst von Weizsaecker, and cabinet ministers von Krosigk and Lammers; military leaders such as Field Marshals von Leeb, List, and von Kuechler; SS leaders such as Ohlendorf, Pohl, and Hildebrandt; industrialists such as Flick, Krupp, and the directors of I.G. Farben; and leading professional men such as the famous physician Gerhard Rose, and the jurist and Acting Minister of Justice, Schlegelberger. In view of the weight of the accusations and the far-flung activities of the defendants, and the extraordinary amount of official contemporaneous German documents introduced in evidence, the records of these trials constitute a major resource of historical material covering many events of the fateful years 1933 (and even earlier) to 1945, in Germany and elsewhere in Europe. The trial proceedings, conducted in English and German, were carried out under the direct authority of the Allied Control Council, Law No. 10, the text of which is included in Volume I of The Green Series. The trials lasted two and a half years, and produced more than 300,000 pages of testimony and evidence. This publication by the United States Government Printing Office is the official abridged record of the individual indictments and judgments, as well as the administrative materials that were common to all the trials. Reprint by William S. Hein Inc, 1997.
Reference works
Cooper, R.W., The Nuremberg Trial, London, Penguin Books, 1947.
Crouquet, R., Le procès de Nuremberg: les criminels nazis devant leurs juges, Charleroi; Paris, Éditions Dupuis, 1946.
David, E., Nuremberg: droit de la force et force du droit, Bruxelles, Éditions Racine, 2022.
Fontette, F. de, Le procès de Nuremberg, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1996.
Ginsburgs, G. and V.N. Kudriavtsev (eds.), The Nuremberg Trial and International Law, Dordrecht, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1990.
Harris, W.R., Tyranny on Trial: the Trial of the Major German War Criminals at the End of World War II at Nuremberg, Germany, 1945-46, Rev. ed., Dallas, Southern Methodist University Press, 1999.
Janeczek, E.J., Nuremberg Judgment in the Light of International Law, Genève, Imprimeries Populaires, 1949.
Knieriem, A. von, The Nuremberg Trials, Chicago, H. Regnery Co., 1959.
Paz, F., Núremberg: juicio al nazismo, Madrid, La Esfera de los Libros, 2016.
Smith, B.F., Reaching Judgement at Nuremberg, London, André Deutsch, 1977.
Taylor, T., Les procès de Nuremberg: crimes de guerre et droit international, Paris, Dotation Carnegie pour la Paix Internationale, 1949.
Tusa, A. and J. Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial, New York, Cooper Square Press, 2003.
The Judgment of Nuremberg, 1946: the International Military Tribunal for the Trial of German Major War Criminals, London, The Stationary Office, 1999.
Varaut, J.-M., Le procès de Nuremberg, Paris, Perrin, 2002.
Wieviorka, A. (dir.), Les procès de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, Bruxelles, Editions Complexe, 1996.
Woetzel, R.K., The Nuremberg Trials in International Law with a Postlude on the Eichmann Case, London, Stevens; New York, Praeger, 1962.
Yrigoyen, J., El proceso de Nuremberg y el derecho internacional, Lima, 1955.
Selected books and articles
Asaala, E.O., "The Nuremberg Principles in the Context of Africa", in Africa's Role and Contribution to International Criminal Justice, Cambridge, Intersentia, 2020, pp. 113-136.
Cayuela Fernández, J.G. y R.E. Gabaldón Pacheco (coords.), Los juicios al nazismo: Núremberg: la Segunda Guerra Mundial en el espejo de la catástrofe, Cuenca, Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2018.
Conot, R.E., Justice at Nuremberg, New York, Harper & Row, 1983.
Cooper, B. (ed.), War Crimes: the Legacy of Nuremberg, New York, TV Books, 1999.
Cotte, B., P. Ghaleh-Marzban, J.-P. Jean et M. Massè (dir.), 70 Ans après Nuremberg: juger le crime contre l'humanité, Paris: Dalloz, 2017.
Crowe, D.M., Stalin's Soviet Justice: Show Trials, War Crimes Trials, and Nuremberg, London, Bloomsbury Academic, 2019.
Davidson, E., The Trial of the Germans: An Account of the Twenty-two Defendants before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, Columbia, University of Missouri Press, 1997.
Ehrenfreund, N., The Nuremberg Legacy: How the Nazi War Crimes Trials changed the Course of History, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Finkelstein, N.G. and R.B. Birn, A Nation on Trial: the Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth, New York, H. Holt, 1998.
Ginsburgs, G., Moscow's Road to Nuremberg: the Soviet Background to the Trial, The Hague; Boston; London, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996.
Goldhagen, D.J., Hitler's Willing Executioners, London, Abacus, 1997.
Griech-Polelle B.A. (ed.), The Nuremberg War Crimes Trial and its Policy Consequences Today, Baden-Baden, Nomos, 2009.
Halioua, B., Le procès des médecins de Nuremberg: l'irruption de l'éthique biomédicale, Toulouse, Éditions érès, 2017.
Hébert, V.G., Hitler's Generals on Trial: the Last War Crimes Tribunal at Nuremberg, Lawrence, University Press of Kansas, 2010.
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review: Special Edition: The Nuremberg Laws and the Nuremberg Trials
This Special Edition commemorates the 70th Anniversary of the Nuremberg Trials and more than eighty years since the adoption of the Nuremberg Laws. To mark this Anniversary, Loyola Law School of Los Angeles held a symposium on November 20, 2015, the very day when the IMT trial began seventy years earlier. The symposium featured speakers from the United States and abroad and focused on the Nuremberg idea, its implementation seventy years ago, and its modern impact on law and society. The keynote presentation was delivered by Benjamin Ferencz, at age ninety-six, the last living Nuremberg prosecutor.
Macdonald, A.,The Nuremberg Trials: the Nazis brought to Justice, London, Arcturus, 2016.
Mettraux, G. (ed.), Perspectives on the Nuremberg Trial, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008.
Michalczyk, J.J. (ed.), Nazi Law: from Nuremberg to Nuremberg, London, Oxford; New York; New Delhi; Sydney, Bloomsbury Academic, 2018.
Persico, J.E., Nuremberg: Infamy on Trial, New York, Viking, 1994.
Pratt, V., Nuremberg, les droits de l'homme, le cosmopolitisme: pour une philosophie du droit international, Lormont, Le Bord de l'Eau, 2018.
Priemel, K.C., The Betrayal: The Nuremberg Trials and German Divergence, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2016.
Priemel, K.C. and A. Stiller (eds.), Reassessing the Nuremberg Military Tribunals: Transitional Justice, Trial Narratives, and Historiography, New York, Berghahn Books, 2012.
Salter, M., US Intelligence, the Holocaust and the Nuremberg Trials: Seeking Accountability for Genocide and Cultural Plunder, 2 Volumes, Leiden, Nijhoff, 2009.
Sellars, K., 'Crimes against Peace" and International Law, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2013.
Tomuschat, C., "The Legacy of Nuremberg", Journal of International Criminal Justice, 4 (2006), No. 4, pp. 830–844.
Rice Jr., E., Nazi War Criminals, San Diego, Lucent Books, 1998.
Washington, E., The Nuremberg Trials: Last Tragedy of the Holocaust, Lanham, University Press of America, 2008.
For all peer-reviewed articles in the PPL Catalogue, click here.
Personal accounts; memoirs; public opinion
Bard, M., The Nuremberg Trial, San Diego, Greenhaven Press, 2002.
Bosch, W.J., Judgment on Nuremberg: American Attitudes toward the Major German War-Crime Trials, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1970.
Dodd, C.J., Letters from Nuremberg: My Father's Narrative of a Quest for Justice, New York, Crown Publishing, 2007.
Goldensohn, L., The Nuremberg Interviews, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.
Gilbert, G.M., Nuremberg Diary, New York, Farrar, Straus, 1947.
Gut, Ph., Jahrhundertzeuge Ben Ferencz: Chefankläger der Nürnberger Prozesse und leidenschaftlicher Kämpfer für Gerechtigkeit, München, Piper Verlag, 2020.
Hofmann, T., Benjamin Ferencz, Nuremberg Prosecutor and Peace Advocate, Jefferson, Mcfarland, 2014.
King, H.T., The Two Worlds of Albert Speer: Reflections of a Nuremberg Prosecutor, Lanham, University Press of America, 1997.
Sprecher, D.A., Looking Backward, Thinking Forward: a Nuremberg Prosecutor's Memoir with Numerous Commentaries on Subjects of Contemporary Interest, Lanham, Hamilton Books, 2005.
Stave, B.M. and M. Palmer, Witnesses to Nuremberg: an Oral History of American Participants at the War Crimes Trials, New York, Twayne; London, Prentice Hall International, 1998.
Taylor, T., Procureur à Nuremberg, Paris, Seuil, 1995.
Taylor, T., Anatomía de los juicios de Núremberg: memorias, Madrid, Berg Institute, 2022.
Taylor, T., The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials: A Personal Memoir, New York, Alfred E. Knopf, 1992.
Sangster, A., Blind Obedience and Denial: the Nuremberg Defendants, Havertown, PA, Casemate Publishers, 2022.
The Doctors' Trial
Officially United States of America v. Karl Brandt, et al. was the first of 12 trials for war crimes of German doctors that the United States authorities held in their occupation zone in Nuremberg, Germany, after the end of World War II. These trials were held before US military courts, not before the International Military Tribunal, but took place in the same rooms at the Palace of Justice.
Twenty of the twenty-three defendants were medical doctors - Viktor Brack, Rudolf Brandt, and Wolfram Sievers were Nazi officials - and were accused of having been involved in Nazi human experimentation and mass murder under the guise of euthanasia. Josef Mengele, one of the leading Nazi doctors, had evaded capture.
Annas, G.J. and M.A. Grodin, The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation, New York, Oxford University Press, 1992.
Baumslag, N., Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus, Westport, Praeger Publishers, 2005.
Cymes, M. et L. de Chantal, Hippocrate aux enfers: les médecins des camps de la mort, Paris, Stock, 2015.
Freyhofer, H.H., The Nuremberg Medical Trial: The Holocaust and the Origin of the Nuremberg Medical Code, New York, P. Lang, 2004.
Halioua, B., Le procès des médecins de Nuremberg: l'irruption de l'éthique biomédicale, Toulouse, Erès Editions, 2017.
Schmidt, U., Justice at Nuremberg: Leo Alexander and the Nazi Doctors' Trial, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Weindling, P.J., Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials: From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent, Houndmills, Basingstoke; New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Microfiche
Dörner, K., A. Ebbinghaus and K. Linnehe (eds) in cooperation with K.H. Roth and P. Weindling, The Nuremberg Medical Trial, 1946/47: Transcripts, Material of the Prosecution and Defense, Related Documents: Guide to the Microfiche-edition, Compiled by Johannes Eltzschig and Michael Walter; With an Introduction to the Trial's History by Angelika Ebbinghaus and Short Biographies of the Participants, München, K.G. Saur, 2001.
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https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/feb/08/usa.secondworldwar
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US guard tells how Nazi girlfriend duped him into helping Goering evade hangman
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"Julian Borger",
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2005-02-08T00:00:00
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Enduring mystery of the 1946 Nuremberg trials apparently solved.
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en
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/feb/08/usa.secondworldwar
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An enduring mystery of the 1946 Nuremberg trials was apparently solved yesterday when an American former prison guard claimed it was he who, as an unwitting accomplice, passed to Hermann Goering the cyanide capsule with which the Nazi number two cheated the noose.
Herbert Lee Stivers told the Los Angeles Times that a German girl called Mona had fooled him into smuggling a vial of liquid to Goering’s cell hidden in a fountain pen, telling him it was medicine.
Mr Stivers, now 78, said he had been persuaded to tell his story after nearly 60 years of silence by his daughter, and by the fact that the statute of limitations on his crime had expired. His telephone had been disconnected yesterday.
Historians reacted cautiously to Mr Stiver’s confession.
Most said it was plausible, but warned that it might now be impossible to determine the truth of what had happened.
Defiance
Goering, Hitler’s appointed deputy and heir, and head of the Luftwaffe, was sentenced to death for war crimes in October 1946 after a flamboyantly defiant performance in the dock, where he questioned the legitimacy of the Nuremberg tribunal, and defended the Third Reich.
On October 15, the eve of his execution, a guard saw him put his hand to his mouth and then choke. By the time a medic arrived, Goering was dead. Glass shards and traces of cyanide were found in his mouth.
He left a note addressed to the allied occupation authorities, declaring: “I would have had no objection to being shot. However, I will not facilitate execution of Germany’s Reichsmarschall by hanging! For the sake of Germany, I cannot permit this.
“Moreover, I feel no moral obligation to submit to my enemies’ punishment.
“For this reason, I have chosen to die like the great Hannibal.”
The question of how he got the poison has vexed historians.
As one of the white-helmeted guards at the Nuremberg trials, Mr Stivers was allowed to chat with the famous Nazi prisoners.
“Goering was a very pleasant guy. He spoke pretty good English. We’d talk about sports, ballgames. He was a flier, and we talked about Lindbergh,” he told the Los Angeles Times. Before the war Goering had awarded a medal to Charles Lindbergh, the first man to fly solo nonstop across the Atlantic.
One day, Mr Stivers was approached outside an officers’ club by a pretty, dark-haired girl who told him her name was Mona.
She teased him when he told her he was a guard, saying he did not look like one. To prove it, he said, “the next day I guarded Goering and got his autograph and handed that to her”. The following day he and Mona went to a house, and he was introduced to two men who called themselves Erich and Mathias.
They told him that Goering was “a very sick man” who was not being given the medicine he needed.
Mr Stivers said that twice he took notes hidden in a pen to Goering before taking in to him the glass vial that he had been told was medicine.
When he looked for his new-found girlfriend to return the pen, she had disappeared.”I never saw Mona again. I guess she used me,” Mr Stivers said.
“I wasn’t thinking of suicide when I took it to Goering. He was never in a bad frame of mind. He didn’t seem suicidal.
Gallows
“I would have never knowingly taken something in that I thought was going to be used to help someone cheat the gallows.”
“I felt very bad after his suicide,” he added. “ I had a funny feeling; I didn’t think there was any way he could have hidden it on his body.”
Fifteen years ago, Mr Stivers admitted his suspicions to his daughter who convinced him to tell his story for posterity’s sake.
“The issue has been a puzzle that no one has really solved,” said Michael Marrus, a University of Toronto professor who has written a documentary history of the Nuremberg trials.
“Is this story plausible? Well, just barely it is. Will we ever know for sure? Almost certainly not.”
Along with his death note, Goering left another to the prison’s commander saying that none of the guards was to blame for failing to find his cyanide ampule; he had arrived at the prison with it hidden in a jar of hair cream.
Another vial, standard issue for Nazi leaders, was subsequently found in the jar.
An official investigation ultimately accepted Goering’s explanation, and concluded that, after taking the capsule from his jar, he secreted it at different times in “his alimentary tract” and behind the rim of his cell toilet. However, this explanation has since been treated with scepticism.
“It was obviously a very light inquiry. There is no way of knowing if there was a deliberate cover-up. I doubt it was a cover-up but the investigation was very lax indeed,” Prof Marrus said.
In his 1984 book, The Mystery of Hermann Goering’s Suicide, another historian, Ben Swearingen, speculated that a US army lieutenant, Jack Wheelis, who had got on well with the Luftwaffe chief, may have allowed Goering to visit a prison storeroom where his luggage was held and retrieve the cyanide from his personal effects.
But that would have been a huge breach of security which would have been hard to carry out. Mr Wheelis and Mr Swearingen are now both dead.
Mr Stivers is not the first American soldier to come forward claiming to have helped Goering kill himself.
In 2003, Spectator columnist Petronella Wyatt reported a conversation with a man living in Florida called Ned Putzell, a veteran of the US Office of Strategic Services (wartime precursor to the CIA).
He claimed to have given Goering one of the cyanide pills issued to OSS agents behind the lines. The trouble with this story is that description of a pill does not match the evidence that Goering bit down on a glass ampoule, and Mr Stiver’s account better fits the known facts.
Fighter ace and addict
· Hermann Goering, army officer’s son, born in 1893 at Rosenheim, Bavaria
· A first world war flying ace, taking over Red Baron’s squadron and winning the Iron Cross
· In 1923 joined Hitler’s Nazi party and made head of SA or brownshirts. In failed Munich putsch was injured in the groin and fled to Sweden; became obese and addicted to morphine due to injury
· Elected to Reichstag in 1928. Once Nazis took power in 1933, became interior minister and set up Gestapo
· When war began in 1939, made Hitler’s deputy and heir
· As Luftwaffe commander made mistake of switching to Blitz allowing RAF to win Battle of Britain in 1940; made Hitler furious by failed promise to supply Stalingrad army by air in 1942
· In 1941 gave order to SS chief to plan “final solution of the Jewish question”
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| 80
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https://www.jewishvirtualmuseum.com/artist/albert-gunther-goring/
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Albert Günther Göring
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Op de website van het Joods Virtueel Museum vind je werken van Albert Günther Göring en andere joodse kunstenaars die leefden rondom WO II
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en
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Jewish Virtual Museum
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https://www.jewishvirtualmuseum.com/artist/albert-gunther-goring/
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Albert Günther Göring
the good brother
Friedenau 1895 – Munich 1966
Albert Göring was a German businessman who managed to save many Jews and dissidents during the Nazi regime. His older brother Hermann Göring was Reichsmarshall of Nazi Germany and was sentenced to death during the Nuremberg Trial, including for crimes against humanity.
family
Albert Göring was a son of Franziska Tiefenbrunn and the German lawyer and civil servant Ernst Heinrich Göring. Although he and his older brother Hermann got along well, they had different personalities: Hermann showed more bravado than his brother, while Albert was more morose. He had such similar features to his godfather, knight Hermann Epenstein, that Epenstein was rumoured to be his biological father.
filmmaker
Albert grew up in the castles of Von Epenstein, who acted as a surrogate father for the five Göring children, since Heinrich was often absent due to his work. Albert Göring inherited his love for the “good life” from his godfather and worked, without much success, as a filmmaker in Vienna.
1933
The Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933. His brother Hermann had been a member of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party since 1922 and would become one of the most important figures within the Nazi regime. Albert himself had absolutely nothing to do with Adolf Hitler’s party and its ideology. He was a devout Roman Catholic and anti-Semitism was alien to him. In the years before the Anschluss, he regularly publicly spoke out against Hitler.
Scrubbing the street
When the Germans annexed Austria in 1938, he could have gotten into serious trouble, but his last name or direct intervention by his brother was enough to get him released if he were arrested. Göring took great advantage of this. He once saw a group of Jews who were forced by the SS to scrub the streets. Albert took off his coat, got on his hands and knees too, and joined them. The responsible SS officer then ended this public humiliation.
meritorious help
Albert Göring helped many to leave the country. He for instance used his influence to get his former employer, the Jewish film producer Oskar Pilzer, and his family out of the country after Pilzer was arrested. When the famous composer Franz Lehár was threatened by the authorities, bacause his wife was Jewish, Göring arranged an Aryan status for her. Out of gratitude, Lehár later dedicated a composition to him.
the Skoda factory
Göring later moved to Pilsen where he became export manager at the Škoda factory. He encouraged sabotage activities by the staff which for instance resulted in a Rochester resident finding a “bomb” from the Škoda factory after a bombing that was filled with sand, instead of explosives.
releases
At least once he sent a truck to a concentration camp under the guise of needing workers for his factory. A large number of prisoners were handed over to him and subsequently released by him in the woods.
Albert Göring repeatedly pleaded with his brother for the release or better treatment of individual Jews and dissidents. He often accepted the requests, probably to show Albert how powerful he was, but it may also have been a good reason for Hermann to limit the power of his competitors Reinhard Heydrich and Heinrich Himmler.
cousin Werner and cousin Henchz
Albert was not the only Göring to take on the Nazis. His cousin Werner had emigrated to the United States before the war and flew over Germany in a B-17 during 48 missions (his co-pilot had secret orders to shoot him if he tried to land in Germany). His cousin Henchz lived in Poland and was executed for refusing to abandon his Jewish neighbours when they were murdered by an SS commando.
behind bars after WWII
Albert Göring was arrested and interrogated in Nuremberg after the liberation. He spent two years behind bars solely because of his last name. He was only “released” after testimonies were given about his actions.
Argentina
For his own safety, he was transferred to Argentina, where he lived for several years. Bitter years followed with periods of unemployment, during which he was financially assisted by people whose lives he had saved.
Oskar Schindler
He later lived in Munich, where he worked as translator and engineerat a construction company. The man who spent his childhood in castles spent his last years in a small apartment. Many years after his death, he was completely forgotten. His name is not mentioned in the Yad Vashem memorial center. His name and actions were only remembered later, with the increasing attention for Oskar Schindler, who had carried out similar deeds as Göring.
source: wikipedia / the guardian.com
Vriesema, Ingmar (2011). Albert Göring. Uit: Het beroemde broer & zus boek. Rap, Amsterdam. p.55-59. ISBN 978-94-004-0291-1.
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https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/the-nuremberg-trials-70-years-later
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The Nuremberg trials, 70 years later
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A look back at "one of the most significant tributes that Power has ever paid to Reason."
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en
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National Constitution Center – constitutioncenter.org
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https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/the-nuremberg-trials-70-years-later
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Last month marked the 70th anniversary of the end of the Nuremberg trials. The tribunal, which consisted of judges from the United States, the Soviet Union, France and Great Britain, was created to try prominent members of the Nazi Party for war crimes after the conclusion of World War II.
During the trials, which began in November 1945 and concluded in October 1946, 24 German officials and party members were tried, including Hermann Goering and Martin Bormann. Of the 24 officials indicted at Nuremberg, 12 were sentenced to death; seven were sentenced to imprisonment spanning from 10 years to life; three were acquitted; and two trials never proceeded.
After World War II, the most feasible options for the Allies were to release the Nazi officials, an almost unthinkable act which would have essentially affirmed that no crimes took place; to hold the Nazi leadership accountable outside through extra-judicial means; or to create a tribunal and hold trials.
The atrocities committed by the Nazis during the war were unprecedented. For that reason, international law had not addressed a course of action for punishing war crimes on such a grand scale. Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, claimed that the “guilt” of the accused war criminals was “so black that they fell outside … any judicial process.” Indeed, the suggested method of justice for Axis leaders by top British officials, including Winston Churchill, was death by firing squad without trial. However, both the Soviet Union and the United States insisted on some sort of war tribunal to legitimize the punishments. Whether this insistence was for political reasons or moral reasons—or a mix of the two—is a matter of debate.
The trials have been called one of the greatest feats of international law until that time. The scale and scope of the trials was immense. While many believe that the Nuremberg trials were responsible for delivering justice to the most evil force the Earth had ever seen, some have taken a more critical stance on the trials and the precedents they established.
During his trial, Hermann Goering wrote in the margins of his indictment, “The victor will always be the judge and the vanquished the accused.” While acknowledging the horrific atrocities carried out by Goering and other Nazi officials, some historians have had similar qualms, even going so far as to call the trials “Victor’s Justice.”
Criticism stems from what could be called a “retroactive” creation of international law. Because of the unprecedented nature of the Holocaust and the Nazi regime, international law as it existed at the time did not suffice to prosecute those indicted, “so the Allies fudged a new law and applied it ex post facto.” Those laws prohibited what became known as “crimes against humanity.” At the time, some legal experts believed that if the trials were to be considered legitimate, law must be applied as it was written when the crimes took place. Even the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at the time, Harlan Fiske Stone, claimed that the trials were a “lynching party.”
Despite these criticisms, the Nuremberg trials were momentous, for a number of reasons. They are remembered by many as an important development in how justice is carried out for war crimes on both the international and state levels. The trials acknowledged that the crimes committed by the Nazis were not done by some intangible entity; they were committed by men. Even further, the trials held those men accountable for their actions. By establishing that individuals were responsible for the crimes of a state, the Allied Powers hoped to prevent such crimes from occurring again in the future. As Nuremberg prosecutor Whitney Harris explained, “For the first time in history, absolute rulers were brought to account before the law. There is no longer any state, or any ruler of any state, who can claim total immunity from the law. … The age of empires has passed. At Nuremberg we put tyranny on trial.”
In addition, much of the information that we now know about the Holocaust was disclosed during the trials, including reports regarding the more than six million people systematically killed by the Nazis. Robert Jackson, chief U.S. prosecutor and future Supreme Court Justice, declared, “Unless record was made … future generations would not believe how horrible the truth was.”
Perhaps the greatest contribution of the Nuremberg trials was to elevate the rule of law and procedural justice above the urge for retribution and retaliation—even in one of humanity’s darkest moments. As Justice Jackson stated, the existence of the Nuremberg trials was "one of the most significant tributes that Power has ever paid to Reason." This commitment to law and international cooperation defined a principal difference between the Allied Powers and the Axis Powers.
To this day, the trials have influenced how war crimes are tried, not just internationally but also within the jurisdiction of the United States. For example, under the Alien Tort Statute, foreign citizens are able to be convicted or seek justice for human rights violations within the U.S. court system. Indeed, within the last 10 years, numerous “federal district courts have relied on the Nuremberg trials in finding that corporations can be found liable for aiding and abetting human rights violations abroad.” The Obama administration has also used the Nuremberg trials as support for closing the military prison at Guantánamo Bay.
Seventy years after the final verdicts at Nuremberg, it is clear that it was one of the most important legal moments in modern history, if not the “greatest trial in history.”
Maggie Baldridge is an intern at the National Constitution Center. She is also a recent graduate of Dickinson College.
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https://www.myheritage.com/names/leonardo_conti
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuremberg_trials
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en
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Nuremberg trials
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuremberg_trials
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Series of military trials at the end of World War II
For the film, see Nuremberg Trials (film).
"International Military Tribunal" redirects here. For the Tokyo Trial, see International Military Tribunal for the Far East.
International Military TribunalIndictmentConspiracy, crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanityStarted20 November 1945Decided1 October 1946Defendants24 (see list)Witnesses37 prosecution, 83 defenseCase historyRelated actionsSubsequent Nuremberg trials
International Military Tribunal for the Far EastCourt membershipJudges sitting and deputies
The Nuremberg trials were held by the Allies against representatives of the defeated Nazi Germany for plotting and carrying out invasions of other countries across Europe and atrocities against their citizens in World War II.
Between 1939 and 1945, Nazi Germany invaded many countries across Europe, inflicting 27 million deaths in the Soviet Union alone. Proposals for how to punish the defeated Nazi leaders ranged from a show trial (the Soviet Union) to summary executions (the United Kingdom). In mid-1945, France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States agreed to convene a joint tribunal in Nuremberg, occupied Germany, with the Nuremberg Charter as its legal instrument. Between 20 November 1945 and 1 October 1946, the International Military Tribunal (IMT) tried 22 of the most important surviving leaders of Nazi Germany in the political, military, and economic spheres, as well as six German organizations. The purpose of the trial was not just to convict the defendants but also to assemble irrefutable evidence of Nazi crimes, offer a history lesson to the defeated Germans, and delegitimize the traditional German elite.
The IMT verdict followed the prosecution in declaring the crime of plotting and waging aggressive war "the supreme international crime" because "it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole". Most of the defendants were also charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity, and the systematic murder of millions of Jews in the Holocaust was significant to the trial. Twelve further trials were conducted by the United States against lower-level perpetrators, which focused more on the Holocaust. Controversial at the time for their retroactive criminalization of aggression, the trials' innovation of holding individuals responsible for violations of international law is considered "the true beginning of international criminal law".
Origin[edit]
Between 1939 and 1945, Nazi Germany invaded many European countries, including Poland, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, France, Yugoslavia, Greece, and the Soviet Union. German aggression was accompanied by immense brutality in occupied areas; war losses in the Soviet Union alone included 27 million dead, mostly civilians, which was one seventh of the prewar population. The legal reckoning was premised on the extraordinary nature of Nazi criminality, particularly the perceived singularity of the systematic murder of millions of Jews.
In early 1942, representatives of nine governments-in-exile from German-occupied Europe issued a declaration to demand an international court to try the German crimes committed in occupied countries. The United States and United Kingdom refused to endorse this proposal, citing the failure of war crimes prosecutions after World War I. The London-based United Nations War Crimes Commission—without Soviet participation—first met in October 1943 and became bogged down in the scope of its mandate, with Belgian jurist Marcel de Baer and Czech legal scholar Bohuslav Ečer arguing for a broader definition of war crimes that would include "the crime of war". On 1 November 1943, the Soviet Union, United Kingdom, and United States issued the Moscow Declaration, warning the Nazi leadership of the signatories' intent to "pursue them to the uttermost ends of the earth...in order that justice may be done". The declaration stated that those high-ranking Nazis who had committed crimes in several countries would be dealt with jointly, while others would be tried where they had committed their crimes.
Soviet jurist Aron Trainin developed the concept of crimes against peace (waging aggressive war) which would later be central to the proceedings at Nuremberg. Trainin's ideas were reprinted in the West and widely adopted. Of all the Allies, the Soviet Union lobbied most intensely for trying the defeated German leaders for aggression in addition to war crimes. The Soviet Union wanted to hold a trial with a predetermined outcome similar to the 1930s Moscow trials, in order to demonstrate the Nazi leaders' guilt and build a case for war reparations to rebuild the Soviet economy, which had been devastated by the war. The United States insisted on a trial that would be seen as legitimate as a means of reforming Germany and demonstrating the superiority of the Western system. The United States Department of War was drawing up plans for an international tribunal in late 1944 and early 1945. The British government still preferred the summary execution of Nazi leaders, citing the failure of trials after World War I and qualms about retroactive criminality. The form that retribution would take was left unresolved at the Yalta Conference in February 1945. On 2 May, at the San Francisco Conference, United States president Harry S. Truman announced the formation of an international military tribunal. On 8 May, Germany surrendered unconditionally, bringing an end to the war in Europe.
Establishment[edit]
Nuremberg charter[edit]
At the London Conference, held from 26 June to 2 August 1945, representatives of France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States negotiated the form that the trial would take. Until the end of the negotiations, it was not clear that any trial would be held at all.
The offenses that would be prosecuted were crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. At the conference, it was debated whether wars of aggression were prohibited in existing customary international law; regardless, before the charter was adopted there was no law providing for criminal responsibility for aggression. Despite misgivings from other Allies, American negotiator and Supreme Court justice Robert H. Jackson threatened the United States' withdrawal if aggression was not prosecuted because it had been the rationale for American entry into World War II. However, Jackson conceded on defining crimes against peace; the other three Allies were opposed because it would undermine the freedom of action of the United Nations Security Council.
War crimes already existed in international law as criminal violations of the laws and customs of war, but these did not apply to a government's treatment of its own citizens. Legal experts sought a way to try crimes against German citizens, such as the German Jews. A Soviet proposal for a charge of "crimes against civilians" was renamed "crimes against humanity" at Jackson's suggestion after previous uses of the term in the post-World War I Commission of Responsibilities and in failed efforts to prosecute the perpetrators of the Armenian genocide. The British proposal to define crimes against humanity was largely accepted, with the final wording being "murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population". The final version of the charter limited the tribunal's jurisdiction over crimes against humanity to those committed as part of a war of aggression. Both the United States—concerned that its "Jim Crow" system of racial segregation not be labeled a crime against humanity—and the Soviet Union wanted to avoid giving an international court jurisdiction over a government's treatment of its own citizens.
The charter upended the traditional view of international law by holding individuals, rather than states, responsible for breaches. The other three Allies' proposal to limit the definition of the crimes to acts committed by the defeated Axis was rejected by Jackson. Instead, the charter limited the jurisdiction of the court to Germany's actions. Article 7 prevented the defendants from claiming sovereign immunity, and the plea of acting under superior orders was left for the judges to decide. The trial was held under modified common law. The negotiators decided that the tribunal's permanent seat would be in Berlin, while the trial would be held at the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg. Located in the American occupation zone, Nuremberg was a symbolic location as the site of Nazi rallies. The Palace of Justice was relatively intact but needed to be renovated for the trial due to bomb damage; it had an attached prison where the defendants could be held. On 8 August, the Nuremberg Charter was signed in London.
Judges and prosecutors[edit]
In early 1946, there were a thousand employees from the four countries' delegations in Nuremberg, of which about two thirds were from the United States. Besides legal professionals, there were many social-science researchers, psychologists, translators, and interpreters, and graphic designers, the last to make the many charts used during the trial. Each state appointed a prosecution team and two judges, one being a deputy without voting rights.
Jackson was appointed the United States' chief prosecutor, whom historian Kim Christian Priemel describes as "a versatile politician and a remarkable orator, if not a great legal thinker". The United States prosecution believed that Nazism was the product of a German deviation from the West (the Sonderweg thesis) and sought to correct this deviation with a trial that would serve both retributive and educational purposes. As the largest delegation, it would take on the bulk of the prosecutorial effort. At Jackson's recommendation, the United States appointed judges Francis Biddle and John Parker. The British chief prosecutor was Hartley Shawcross, Attorney General for England and Wales, assisted by his predecessor David Maxwell Fyfe. Although the chief British judge, Sir Geoffrey Lawrence (Lord Justice of Appeal), was the nominal president of the tribunal, in practice Biddle exercised more authority.
The French prosecutor, François de Menthon, had just overseen trials of the leaders of Vichy France; he resigned in January 1946 and was replaced by Auguste Champetier de Ribes. The French judges were Henri Donnedieu de Vabres, a professor of criminal law, and deputy Robert Falco, a judge of the Cour de Cassation who had represented France at the London Conference. The French government tried to appoint staff who were not tainted by collaboration with the Vichy regime; some appointments, including Champetier de Ribes, were of those who had been in the French resistance. Expecting a show trial, the Soviet Union initially appointed as chief prosecutor Iona Nikitchenko, who had presided over the Moscow trials, but he was made a judge and replaced by Roman Rudenko, a show trial prosecutor chosen for his skill as an orator. The Soviet judges and prosecutors were not permitted to make any major decisions without consulting a commission in Moscow led by Soviet politician Andrei Vyshinsky; the resulting delays hampered the Soviet effort to set the agenda. The influence of the Soviet delegation was also constrained by limited English proficiency, lack of interpreters, and unfamiliarity with diplomacy and international institutions.
Requests by Chaim Weizmann, the president of the World Zionist Organization, as well as the Provisional Government of National Unity in Poland, for an active role in the trial justified by their representation of victims of Nazi crimes were rejected. The Soviet Union invited prosecutors from its allies, including Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia; Denmark and Norway also sent a delegation. Although the Polish delegation was not empowered to intervene in the proceedings, it submitted evidence and an indictment, succeeding at drawing some attention to crimes committed against Polish Jews and non-Jews.
Indictment[edit]
The work of drafting the indictment was divided up by the national delegations. The British worked on aggressive war; the other delegations were assigned the task of covering crimes against humanity and war crimes committed on the Western Front (France) and the Eastern Front (the Soviet Union). The United States delegation outlined the overall Nazi conspiracy and criminality of Nazi organizations. The British and American delegations decided to work jointly in drafting the charges of conspiracy to wage aggressive war. On 17 September, the various delegations met to discuss the indictment.
The charge of conspiracy, absent from the charter, held together the wide array of charges and defendants and was used to charge the top Nazi leaders, as well as bureaucrats who had never killed anyone or perhaps even directly ordered killing. It was also an end run on the charter's limits on charging crimes committed before the beginning of World War II. Conspiracy charges were central to the cases against propagandists and industrialists: the former were charged with providing the ideological justification for war and other crimes, while the latter were accused of enabling Germany's war effort. The charge, a brainchild of War Department lawyer Murray C. Bernays, and perhaps inspired by his previous work prosecuting securities fraud, was spearheaded by the United States and less popular with the other delegations, particularly France.
The problem of translating the indictment and evidence into the three official languages of the tribunal—English, French, and Russian—as well as German was severe due to the scale of the task and difficulty of recruiting interpreters, especially in the Soviet Union. Vyshinsky demanded extensive corrections to the charges of crimes against peace, especially regarding the role of the German–Soviet pact in starting World War II. Jackson also separated out an overall conspiracy charge from the other three charges, aiming that the American prosecution would cover the overall Nazi conspiracy while the other delegations would flesh out the details of Nazi crimes. The division of labor, and the haste with which the indictment was prepared, resulted in duplication, imprecise language, and lack of attribution of specific charges to individual defendants.
Defendants[edit]
Some of the most prominent Nazis—Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Joseph Goebbels—had committed suicide and therefore could not be tried. The prosecutors wanted to try representative leaders of German politics, economy, and military. Most of the defendants had surrendered to the United States or United Kingdom.
The defendants, who were largely unrepentant, included former cabinet ministers: Franz von Papen (who had brought Hitler to power); Joachim von Ribbentrop (foreign minister), Konstantin von Neurath (foreign minister). Wilhelm Frick (interior minister), and Alfred Rosenberg (minister for the occupied eastern territories). Also prosecuted were leaders of the German economy, such as Gustav Krupp (of the conglomerate Krupp AG), former Reichsbank president Hjalmar Schacht, and economic planners Albert Speer and Walther Funk, along with Speer's subordinate and head of the forced labor program, Fritz Sauckel. While the British were skeptical of prosecuting economic leaders, the French had a strong interest in highlighting German economic imperialism. The military leaders were Hermann Göring—the most infamous surviving Nazi —Wilhelm Keitel, Alfred Jodl, Erich Raeder, and Karl Dönitz. Also on trial were propagandists Julius Streicher and Hans Fritzsche; Rudolf Hess, Hitler's deputy who had flown to Britain in 1941; Hans Frank, governor-general of the General Governorate of Poland; Hitler Youth leader Baldur von Schirach; Arthur Seyss-Inquart, Reich Commissioner for the Netherlands; and Ernst Kaltenbrunner, the leader of Himmler's Reich Main Security Office. Observers of the trial found the defendants mediocre and contemptible.
Although the list of defendants was finalized on 29 August, as late as October, Jackson demanded the addition of new names, but this was rejected. Of the 24 men indicted, Martin Bormann was tried in absentia, as the Allies were unaware of his death; Krupp was too ill to stand trial; and Robert Ley had committed suicide before the start of the trial. Former Nazis were allowed to serve as counsel and by mid-November all defendants had lawyers. The defendants' lawyers jointly appealed to the court, claiming it did not have jurisdiction against the accused; but this motion was rejected. The defense lawyers saw themselves as acting on behalf of their clients, but also the German nation. Initially, the Americans had planned to try fourteen organizations and their leaders, but this was narrowed to six: the Reich Cabinet, the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party, the Gestapo, the SA, the SS and the SD, and the General Staff and High Command of the German military (Wehrmacht). The aim was to have these organizations declared criminal, so that their members could be tried expeditiously for membership in a criminal organization. Senior American officials believed that convicting organizations was a good way of showing that not just the top German leaders were responsible for crimes, without condemning the entire German people.
Evidence[edit]
Over the summer, all of the national delegations struggled to gather evidence for the upcoming trial. The American and British prosecutors focused on documentary evidence and affidavits rather than testimony from survivors. This strategy increased the credibility of their case, since survivor testimony was considered less reliable and more vulnerable to accusations of bias, but reduced public interest in the proceedings. The American prosecution drew on reports of the Office of Strategic Services, an American intelligence agency, and information provided by the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research and the American Jewish Committee, while the French prosecution presented many documents that it had obtained from the Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation. The prosecution called 37 witnesses compared to the defense's 83, not including 19 defendants who testified on their own behalf. The prosecution examined 110,000 captured German documents and entered 4,600 into evidence, along with 30 kilometres (19 mi) of film and 25,000 photographs.
The charter allowed the admissibility of any evidence deemed to have probative value, including depositions. Because of the loose evidentiary rules, photographs, charts, maps, and films played an important role in making incredible crimes believable. After the American prosecution submitted many documents at the beginning of the trial, the judges insisted that all of the evidence be read into the record, which slowed the trial. The structure of the charges also caused delays as the same evidence ended up being read out multiple times, when it was relevant to both conspiracy and the other charges.
Course of the trial[edit]
The International Military Tribunal began trial on 20 November 1945, after postponement requests from the Soviet prosecution, who wanted more time to prepare its case, were rejected. All defendants pleaded not guilty. Jackson made it clear that the trial's purpose extended beyond convicting the defendants. Prosecutors wanted to assemble irrefutable evidence of Nazi crimes, establish individual responsibility and the crime of aggression in international law, provide a history lesson to the defeated Germans, delegitimize the traditional German elite, and allow the Allies to distance themselves from appeasement. Jackson maintained that while the United States did "not seek to convict the whole German people of crime", neither did the trial "serve to absolve the whole German people except 21 men in the dock". Nevertheless, defense lawyers (although not most of the defendants) often argued that the prosecution was trying to promote German collective guilt and forcefully countered this strawman. According to Priemel, the conspiracy charge "invited apologetic interpretations: narratives of absolute, totalitarian dictatorship, run by society's lunatic fringe, of which the Germans had been the first victims rather than agents, collaborators, and fellow travellers". In contrast, the evidence presented on the Holocaust convinced some observers that Germans must have been aware of this crime while it was ongoing.
American and British prosecution[edit]
On 21 November, Jackson gave the opening speech for the prosecution. He described the fact that the defeated Nazis received a trial as "one of the most significant tributes that Power has ever paid to Reason". Focusing on aggressive war, which he described as the root of the other crimes, Jackson promoted an intentionalist view of the Nazi state and its overall criminal conspiracy. The speech was favorably received by the prosecution, the tribunal, the audience, historians, and even the defendants.
Much of the American case focused on the development of the Nazi conspiracy before the outbreak of war. The American prosecution became derailed during attempts to provide evidence on the first act of aggression, against Austria. On 29 November, the prosecution was unprepared to continue presenting on the invasion of Czechoslovakia, and instead screened Nazi Concentration and Prison Camps. The film, compiled from footage of the liberation of Nazi concentration camps, shocked both the defendants and the judges, who adjourned the trial. Indiscriminate selection and disorganized presentation of documentary evidence without tying it to specific defendants hampered the American prosecutors' work on the conspiracy to commit crimes against humanity. The Americans summoned Einsatzgruppen commander Otto Ohlendorf, who testified about the murder of 80,000 people by those under his command, and SS general Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, who admitted that German anti-partisan warfare was little more than a cover for the mass murder of Jews.
The British prosecution covered the charge of crimes against peace, which was largely redundant to the American conspiracy case. On 4 December, Shawcross gave the opening speech, much of which had been written by Cambridge professor Hersch Lauterpacht. Unlike Jackson, Shawcross attempted to minimize the novelty of the aggression charges, elaborating its precursors in the conventions of Hague and Geneva, the League of Nations Covenant, the Locarno Treaty, and the Kellogg–Briand Pact. The British took four days to make their case, with Maxwell Fyfe detailing treaties broken by Germany. In mid-December the Americans switched to presenting the case against the indicted organizations, while in January both the British and Americans presented evidence against individual defendants. Besides the organizations mentioned in the indictment, American, and British prosecutors also mentioned the complicity of the German Foreign Office, army, and navy.
French prosecution[edit]
From 17 January to 7 February 1946, France presented its charges and supporting evidence. In contrast to the other prosecution teams, the French prosecution delved into Germany's development in the nineteenth century, arguing that it had diverged from the West due to pan-Germanism and imperialism. They argued that Nazi ideology, which derived from these earlier ideas, was the mens rea—criminal intent—of the crimes on trial. The French prosecutors, more than their British or American counterparts, emphasized the complicity of many Germans; they barely mentioned the charge of aggressive war and instead focused on forced labor, economic plunder, and massacres. Prosecutor Edgar Faure grouped together various German policies, such as the German annexation of Alsace–Lorraine, under the label of Germanization, which he argued was a crime against humanity. Unlike the British and American prosecution strategies, which focused on using German documents to make their cases, the French prosecutors took the perspective of the victims, submitting postwar police reports. Eleven witnesses, including victims of Nazi persecution, were called; resistance fighter and Auschwitz survivor Marie Claude Vaillant-Couturier testified about crimes she had witnessed. The French charges of war crimes were accepted by the tribunal, except for the execution of hostages. Due to the narrow definition of crimes against humanity in the charter, the only part of the Germanization charges accepted by the judges was the deportation of Jews from France and other parts of Western Europe.
Soviet prosecution[edit]
On 8 February, the Soviet prosecution opened its case with a speech by Rudenko that covered all four prosecution charges, highlighting a wide variety of crimes committed by the German occupiers as part of their destructive and unprovoked invasion. Rudenko tried to emphasize common ground with the other Allies while rejecting any similarity between Nazi and Soviet rule. The next week, the Soviet prosecution produced Friedrich Paulus— a German field marshal captured after the Battle of Stalingrad—as a witness and questioned him about the preparations for the invasion of the Soviet Union. Paulus incriminated his former associates, pointing to Keitel, Jodl, and Göring as the defendants most responsible for the war.
More so than other delegations, Soviet prosecutors showed the gruesome details of German atrocities, especially the death by starvation of 3 million Soviet prisoners of war and several hundred thousand residents of Leningrad. Although Soviet prosecutors dealt most extensively with the systematic murder of Jews in eastern Europe, at times they blurred the fate of Jews with that of other Soviet nationalities. Although these aspects had already been covered by the American prosecution, Soviet prosecutors introduced new evidence from Extraordinary State Commission reports and interrogations of senior enemy officers. Lev Smirnov presented evidence on the Lidice massacre in Czechoslovakia, adding that the German invaders had destroyed thousands of villages and murdered their inhabitants throughout eastern Europe. The Soviet prosecution emphasized the racist aspect of policies such as the deportation of millions of civilians to Germany for forced labor, the murder of children, systematic looting of occupied territories, and theft or destruction of cultural heritage. The Soviet prosecution also attempted to fabricate German responsibility for the Katyn massacre, which had in fact been committed by the NKVD. Although Western prosecutors never publicly rejected the Katyn charge for fear of casting doubt on the entire proceedings, they were skeptical. The defense presented evidence of Soviet responsibility, and Katyn was not mentioned in the verdict.
External videos Atrocities Committed by the German Fascist Invaders in the USSR, 57 minutes; shown on 19 February 1946 Testimony of Abraham Sutzkever, 27 February 1946
Inspired by the films shown by the American prosecution, the Soviet Union commissioned three films for the trial: The German Fascist Destruction of the Cultural Treasures of the Peoples of the USSR, Atrocities Committed by the German Fascist Invaders in the USSR, and The German Fascist Destruction of Soviet Cities, using footage from Soviet filmmakers as well as shots from German newsreels. The second film included footage of the liberation of Majdanek and the liberation of Auschwitz and was considered even more disturbing than the American concentration camp film. Soviet witnesses included several survivors of German crimes, including two civilians who lived through the siege of Leningrad, a peasant whose village was destroyed in anti-partisan warfare, a Red Army doctor who endured several prisoner-of-war camps and two Holocaust survivors—Samuel Rajzman, a survivor of Treblinka extermination camp, and poet Abraham Sutzkever, who described the murder of tens of thousands of Jews from Vilna. The Soviet prosecution case was generally well received and presented compelling evidence about the suffering of the Soviet people and the Soviet contributions to victory.
Defense[edit]
From March to July 1946, the defense presented its counterarguments. Before the prosecution finished, it was clear that their general case was proven, but it remained to determine the individual guilt of each defendant. None of the defendants tried to assert that the Nazis' crimes had not occurred. Some defendants denied involvement in certain crimes or implausibly claimed ignorance of them, especially the Final Solution. A few defense lawyers inverted the arguments of the prosecution to assert that the Germans' authoritarian mindset and obedience to the state exonerated them from any personal guilt. Most rejected that Germany had deviated from Western civilization, arguing that few Germans could have supported Hitler because Germany was a civilized country.
The defendants tried to blame their crimes on Hitler, who was mentioned 1,200 times during the trial—more than the top five defendants combined. Other absent and dead men, including Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, Adolf Eichmann, and Bormann, were also blamed. To counter claims that conservative defendants had enabled the Nazi rise to power, defense lawyers blamed the Social Democratic Party of Germany, trade unions, and other countries that maintained diplomatic relations with Germany. In contrast, most defendants avoided incriminating each other. Most defendants argued their own insignificance within the Nazi system, but Göring took the opposite approach, expecting to be executed but vindicated in the eyes of the German people.
The charter did not recognize a tu quoque defense—asking for exoneration on the grounds that the Allies had committed the same crimes with which the defendants were charged. Although defense lawyers repeatedly equated the Nuremberg Laws to legislation found in other countries, Nazi concentration camps to Allied detention facilities, and the deportation of Jews to the expulsion of Germans, the judges rejected their arguments. Alfred Seidl [de] repeatedly tried to disclose the secret protocols of the German–Soviet pact; although he was eventually successful, it was legally irrelevant and the judges rejected his attempt to bring up the Treaty of Versailles. Six defendants were charged with the German invasion of Norway, and their lawyers argued that this invasion was undertaken to prevent a British invasion of that country; a cover-up prevented the defense from capitalizing on this argument. Fleet Admiral Chester Nimitz testified that the United States Navy had also used unrestricted submarine warfare against Japan in the Pacific; Dönitz's counsel successfully argued that this meant that it could not be a crime. The judges barred most evidence on Allied misdeeds from being heard in court.
Many defense lawyers complained about various aspects of the trial procedure and attempted to discredit the entire proceedings. In order to appease them, the defendants were allowed a free hand with their witnesses and a great deal of irrelevant testimony was heard. The defendants' witnesses sometimes managed to exculpate them, but other witnesses—including Rudolf Höss, the former commandant of Auschwitz, and Hans Bernd Gisevius, a member of the German resistance—bolstered the prosecution's case. Over the course of the trial, Western judges allowed the defendants additional leeway to denounce the Soviet Union, which was ultimately revealed to be a co-conspirator in the outbreak of World War II. In the context of the brewing Cold War—for example, in 1947 Winston Churchill delivered the Iron Curtain speech —the trial became a means of condemning not only Germany but also the Soviet Union.
Closing[edit]
On 31 August, closing arguments were presented. Over the course of the trial, crimes against humanity and especially against Jews (who were mentioned as victims of Nazi atrocities far more than any other group) came to upstage the aggressive war charge. In contrast to the opening prosecution statements, all eight closing statements highlighted the Holocaust; and the French and British prosecutors made this the main charge, as opposed to that of aggression. All prosecutors except the Americans mentioned the concept of genocide, which had been recently invented by the Polish-Jewish jurist Raphael Lemkin. British prosecutor Shawcross quoted from witness testimony about a murdered Jewish family from Dubno, Ukraine. During the closing statements, most defendants disappointed the judges by their lies and denial. Speer managed to give the impression of apologizing without assuming personal guilt or naming any victims other than the German people. On 2 September, the court recessed; and the judges retreated into seclusion to decide the verdict and sentences, which had been under discussion since June. The verdict was drafted by British deputy judge Norman Birkett. All eight judges participated in the deliberations, but the deputies could not cast a vote.
Verdict[edit]
The International Military Tribunal agreed with the prosecution that aggression was the gravest charge against the accused, stating in its judgment that because "war is essentially an evil thing", "to initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole". The work of the judges was made more difficult due to the broadness of the crimes listed in the Nuremberg Charter. The judges did not attempt to define the crime of aggression and did not mention the retroactivity of the charges in the verdict. Despite the lingering doubts of some of the judges, the official interpretation of the IMT held that all of the charges had a solid basis in customary international law and that the trial was procedurally fair. The judges were aware that both the Allies and the Axis had planned or committed acts of aggression, writing the verdict carefully to avoid discrediting either the Allied governments or the tribunal.
The judges ruled that there had been a premeditated conspiracy to commit crimes against peace, whose goals were "the disruption of the European order" and "the creation of a Greater Germany beyond the frontiers of 1914". Contrary to Jackson's argument that the conspiracy began with the founding of the Nazi Party in 1920, the verdict dated the planning of aggression to the 1937 Hossbach Memorandum. The conspiracy charge caused significant dissent on the bench; Donnedieu de Vabres wanted to scrap it. Through a compromise proposed by the British judges, the charge of conspiracy was narrowed to a conspiracy to wage aggressive war. Only eight defendants were convicted on that charge; all of whom were also found guilty of crimes against peace. All 22 defendants were charged with crimes against peace, and 12 were convicted. The war crimes and crimes against humanity charges held up the best, with only two defendants charged on those grounds being acquitted. The judges determined that crimes against humanity concerning German Jews before 1939 were not under the court's jurisdiction because the prosecution had not proven a connection to aggressive war.
Four organizations were ruled to be criminal: the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party, the SS, the Gestapo, and the SD, although some lower ranks and subgroups were excluded. The verdict only allowed for individual criminal responsibility if willing membership and knowledge of the criminal purpose could be proved, complicating denazification efforts. The SA, the Reich Cabinet, and the General Staff and High Command were not ruled to be criminal organizations. Although the Wehrmacht leadership was not considered an organization within the meaning of the charter, misrepresentation of the verdict as an exoneration was one of the foundations of the clean Wehrmacht myth. The trial had nevertheless resulted in the coverage of its systematic criminality in the German press.
Sentences were debated at length by the judges. Twelve of the defendants were sentenced to death (Göring, Ribbentrop, Keitel, Kaltenbrunner, Rosenberg, Frank, Frick, Streicher, Sauckel, Jodl, Seyss-Inquart, and Bormann). On 16 October, ten were hanged, with Göring killing himself the day before. Seven defendants (Hess, Funk, Raeder, Dönitz, Schirach, Speer, and Neurath) were sent to Spandau Prison to serve their sentences. All three acquittals (Papen, Schacht, and Fritzsche) were based on a deadlock between the judges; these acquittals surprised observers. Despite being accused of the same crimes, Sauckel was sentenced to death, while Speer was given a prison sentence because the judges considered that he could reform. Nikichenko released a dissent approved by Moscow that rejected all the acquittals, called for a death sentence for Hess, and convicted all the organizations.
Subsequent Nuremberg trials[edit]
Main article: Subsequent Nuremberg trials
Initially, it was planned to hold a second international tribunal for German industrialists, but this was never held because of differences between the Allies. Twelve military trials were convened solely by the United States in the same courtroom that had hosted the International Military Tribunal. Pursuant to Law No. 10 adopted by the Allied Control Council, United States forces arrested almost 100,000 Germans as war criminals. The Office of Chief Counsel for War Crimes identified 2,500 major war criminals, of whom 177 were tried. Many of the worst offenders were not prosecuted, for logistical or financial reasons.
One set of trials focused on the actions of German professionals: the Doctors' trial focused on human experimentation and euthanasia murders, the Judges' trial on the role of the judiciary in Nazi crimes, and the Ministries trial on the culpability of bureaucrats of German government ministries, especially the Foreign Office. Also on trial were industrialists—in the Flick trial, the IG Farben trial, and the Krupp trial—for using forced labor, looting property from Nazi victims, and funding SS atrocities. Members of the SS were tried in the Pohl trial, which focused on members of the SS Main Economic and Administrative Office that oversaw SS economic activity, including the Nazi concentration camps; the RuSHA trial of Nazi racial policies; and the Einsatzgruppen trial, in which members of the mobile killing squads were tried for the murder of more than one million people behind the Eastern Front. Luftwaffe general Erhard Milch was tried for using slave labor and deporting civilians. In the Hostages case, several generals were tried for executing thousands of hostages and prisoners of war, looting, using forced labor, and deporting civilians in the Balkans. Other generals were tried in the High Command Trial for plotting wars of aggression, issuing criminal orders, deporting civilians, using slave labor, and looting in the Soviet Union.
These trials emphasized the crimes committed during the Holocaust. The trials heard 1,300 witnesses, entered more than 30,000 documents into evidence, and generated 132,855 pages of transcripts, with the judgments totaling 3,828 pages. Of 177 defendants, 142 were convicted and 25 sentenced to death; the severity of sentencing was related to the defendant's proximity to mass murder. Legal historian Kevin Jon Heller argues that the trials' greatest achievement was "their inestimable contribution to the form and substance of international criminal law", which had been left underdeveloped by the IMT.
Contemporary reactions[edit]
In all, 249 journalists were accredited to cover the IMT and 61,854 visitor tickets were issued. In France, the sentence for Rudolf Hess and acquittal of organizations were met with outrage from the media and especially from organizations for deportees and resistance fighters, as they were perceived as too lenient. In the United Kingdom, although a variety of responses were reported, it was difficult to sustain interest in a long trial. Where the prosecution was disappointed by some of the verdicts, the defense could take satisfaction.
Many Germans at the time of the trials focused on finding food and shelter. Despite this, a majority read press reports about the trial. In a 1946 poll, 78 percent of Germans assessed the trial as fair, but four years later that had fallen to 38 percent, with 30 percent considering it unfair. As time went on, more Germans considered the trials illegitimate victor's justice and an imposition of collective guilt, which they rejected—instead considering themselves victims of the war. As the Cold War began, the rapidly changing political environment began to affect the effectiveness of the trials. The educational purpose of the Nuremberg Military Tribunals was a failure, in part because of the resistance to war crimes trials in German society, but also because of the United States Army's refusal to publish the trial record in German for fear it would undermine the fight against communism.
The German churches, both Catholic and Protestant, were vocal proponents of amnesty. The pardon of convicted war criminals also had cross-party support in West Germany, which was established in 1949. The Americans satisfied these wishes to bind West Germany to the Western Bloc, beginning early releases of Nuremberg Military Tribunal convicts in 1949. In 1951, High Commissioner John J. McCloy overturned most of the sentences and the last three prisoners, all convicted at the Einsatzgruppen trial, were released in 1958. The German public took the early releases as confirmation of what they saw as the illegitimacy of the trials. The IMT defendants required Soviet permission for release; Speer was not successful in obtaining early release, and Hess remained in prison until his death in 1987. By the late 1950s, the West German consensus on release began to erode, due to greater openness in political culture and new revelations of Nazi criminality, including the first trials of Nazi perpetrators in West German courts.
Legacy[edit]
The International Military Tribunal, and its charter, "marked the true beginning of international criminal law". The trial has met a mixed reception ranging from glorification to condemnation. The reaction was initially predominantly negative, but has become more positive over time.
The selective prosecution exclusively of the defeated Axis and hypocrisy of all four Allied powers has garnered the most persistent criticism. Such actions as the German–Soviet pact the expulsion of millions of Germans from central and eastern Europe, deportation of civilians for forced labor, and violent suppression of anti-colonial uprisings would have been deemed illegal according to the definitions of international crimes in the Nuremberg charter. Another controversy resulted from trying defendants for acts that were not criminal at the time, particularly crimes against peace. Equally novel but less controversial were crimes against humanity, the conspiracy charge, and criminal penalties on individuals for breaches of international law. Besides these criticisms, the trials have been taken to task for the distortion that comes from fitting historical events into legal categories.
The International Military Tribunal for the Far East (Tokyo Trial) borrowed many of its ideas from the IMT, including all four charges, and was intended by the Truman Administration to shore up the IMT's legal legacy. On 11 December 1946, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously passed a resolution affirming "the principles of international law recognized by the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and the judgment of the Tribunal". In 1950, the International Law Commission drafted the Nuremberg principles to codify international criminal law, although the Cold War prevented the adoption of these principles until the 1990s. The 1948 Genocide Convention was much more restricted than Lemkin's original concept and its effectiveness was further limited by Cold War politics. In the 1990s, a revival of international criminal law included the establishment of ad hoc international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR), which were widely viewed as part of the legacy of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. A permanent International Criminal Court (ICC), proposed in 1953, was established in 2002.
The trials were the first use of simultaneous interpretation, which stimulated technical advances in translation methods. The Palace of Justice houses a museum on the trial and the courtroom became a tourist attraction, drawing 13,138 visitors in 2005. The IMT is one of the most well-studied trials in history, and it has also been the subject of an abundance of books and scholarly publications, along with motion pictures such as Judgment at Nuremberg (1961) and The Memory of Justice (1976).
References[edit]
Sources[edit]
Further information: Nuremberg Trials bibliography
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https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/2276/psychology-at-nuremberg/
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Psychology at Nuremberg
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Both Kelley and Gilbert believed they could make a broad psychosocial argument despite the limited sample size, inconclusive tests, infighting, and lack of clear standards and definitions.
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Jewish Review of Books
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https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/2276/psychology-at-nuremberg/
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On May 10, 1941, Rudolf Hess, the deputy führer of Nazi Germany, surreptitiously piloted a plane from Augsburg, Germany to a small homestead in Scotland. Upon being discovered by a farmer, he exclaimed, “I have an important message for the Duke of Hamilton.” Hess had come to make a peace offer to Britain without Hitler’s knowledge, reasoning that Germany’s true enemy was the Soviet Union. It was so odd and surprising that a joke began to make the rounds: Churchill, cigar in mouth, said to Hess, “So you’re the madman are you?” And Hess replied, “Oh, no, only his deputy.”
This joke, popular in Germany, reflected a prevalent view: Only a psychopath would appoint a deputy like Hess; only a madman would attempt to conquer the world. This conclusion was shared by President Roosevelt, who called Hitler “a nut” and a “wild man.” Indeed, officials in the United States and Great Britain committed significant resources to exploring Nazi psychiatric pathology during the war. For instance, Walter Langer, an American psychoanalyst, studied propaganda and Hitler’s psyche under the auspices of the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS).
Fascination with the Nazi mind persisted into the Nuremberg trials of November 1945, where chief prosecutors and judges from Great Britain, France, the United States, and the USSR put the captured Nazi high command on trial for war crimes, crimes against humanity, wars of aggression, and crimes against peace. At the trials, psychologists and psychiatrists furiously rushed to understand their high-profile Nazi prisoners. Mental health experts could finally examine and interview the alleged madmen up close and answer the question, were the Nazis insane?
In The Anatomy of Malice: The Enigma of the Nazi War Criminals, Joel Dimsdale, a professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of California, San Diego, tells the story of Douglas Kelley, a U.S. army psychiatrist, and Gustave Gilbert, a psychologist, who interviewed the prisoners about the war, politics, family life, and the Nazi rise to power. Kelley and Gilbert also gave their prisoners Rorschach exams, presenting them with the famous ink-blot cards and asking the standard questions, “What does this card remind you of?” and “Can you point out what parts of the card made you say that?” At the time, these tests were considered to be among the most valuable of psychodiagnostic exams. For instance, patients who saw more movement in the pictures were thought more likely to be creative and intelligent. Subjects who saw plants and nature within the blots were evaluated as more “isolated interpersonally.”
With Rorschach results and interview notes in hand, did Kelley and Gilbert solve the enigma of Nazi pathology, or, at least, provide the materials for such a solution? Or, to put the question even more modestly, what did their investigations teach us about what Dimsdale calls “the anatomy of malice”?
Of the more than 20 defendants at the first Nuremberg trial, Dimsdale concentrates on four “whose malice,” he writes, “was rooted in different soils”: Robert Ley, Julius Streicher, Rudolf Hess, and Hermann Göring.
Ley, who was the head of the German Labor Front, created a slave labor force to support the Nazi war effort, and his view of Jews was uncompromising:
Degenerate to their very bones, . . . nauseatingly corrupt, and cowardly like all nasty creatures—such is the aristocratic clique which the Jew has sicked [sic] on National Socialism. . . . We must exterminate this filth, extirpate it root and branch.
This anti-Semitism was matched only by his impulsivity. An alcoholic, he drove the Duke and Duchess of Windsor around Munich while drunk, eventually plowing through locked gates and nearly running over several workers. At a dinner party, he ripped his second wife’s clothing off so that the guests could admire her body. Dr. Kelley wrote that Ley “was totally unable to carry on a coherent conversation” without shouting and ranting. Surprisingly enough, Ley requested “if at all possible . . . to have a Jewish person as my defense counsel.” Before he could be sentenced, however, he had hung himself with his towel, stuffing his underpants into his mouth to mute any involuntary sounds he might make.
Kelley’s psychiatric assessment of Ley was fairly straightforward: He had poor judgment and was emotionally unstable, likely due to frontal lobe damage from several accidents. When Ley’s brain was shipped to the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology in Washington, D.C., Dr. Webb Haymaker, a neuropathologist, did find atrophy of the frontal lobes and “chronic encephalopathy of sufficient duration and degree to have impaired Dr. Ley’s mental and emotional faculty,” though he thought that these were more likely to have been due to alcohol abuse than trauma.
Kelley and Gilbert came to different conclusions about Julius Streicher, the founder and publisher of Der Stürmer, the virulently anti-Semitic Nazi publication. Streicher refused every attorney offered to him because, as Dimsdale explains, “all the names on the list sounded Jewish and he wanted an anti-Semite as his defense counsel.” And yet, three psychiatrists from Russia, France, and the United States found him fit for trial:
It being the unanimous conclusion of the examiners that Julius Streicher is sane, he is for that reason capable of understanding the nature and quality of his acts during the period of time covered by the Indictment.
Gilbert concluded that Streicher was paranoid and had an “apathetic obsessive quality.” Kelley thought that Streicher was essentially rational but obsessed by the Jewish question: He “had a systemized series of beliefs . . . which were founded purely on his own emotions and prejudices and not on known facts.” As for Streicher’s Rorschach, it merely revealed, according to Kelley, a normal personality with strong markers of depression.
Unlike Streicher, Rudolf Hess, Hitler’s deputy who made that strange and ill-advised sojourn to Great Britain, befuddled the psychiatrists. Throughout his imprisonment he complained of insomnia, constipation, and an upset stomach, though physicians could find no organic cause for his complaints. Paranoia gripped the prisoner as well. He thought his captors had drugged his cocoa and injected poison into his apples.
Hess also claimed to have lost his memory. An international team of seven physicians, including neurologists, internists, psychoanalysts, and Winston Churchill’s personal doctor, came to examine Hess to evaluate his fitness for trial. The committee found that Hess was indeed psychologically fit for trial: “Hess is not insane, has no disorder of consciousness, understands the nature of the proceedings against him . . . A part of the memory loss is simulated.” During a hearing on his fitness to stand trial, the defendant proved the physicians right, standing up and shouting, “Henceforth my memory will again respond to the outside world. The reasons for simulating loss of memory were of a tactical nature. Only my ability to concentrate is, in fact, somewhat reduced. But my capacity to follow the trial, to defend myself, to put questions to witnesses, or to answer questions myself is not affected thereby.”
Kelley, unsure of what to make of Hess, wrote both that he had “no evidence of psychopathology” and that he was “insane.” He concluded that “diagrammatically, if one considers the street as sanity and the sidewalk as insanity, then Hess spent the greater part of his time on the curb.” Gilbert, too, had a difficult time assessing Hess. The Rorschach test didn’t make matters any clearer. In Kelley’s interpretation, Hess was competent with no evidence of psychopathology, but he added that Hess suffered from a “basic paranoid personality.”
Hermann Göring was a more straightforward patient. As commander of Germany’s air force, the Luftwaffe, the famous WWI pilot threw lavish parties at his mansion with pet lions, miniature airplanes, and cowboy and Indian movies. When he arrived at Nuremberg as a prisoner, he managed to bring along twenty thousand paracodeine pills, semi-synthetic opioid painkillers, to feed his addiction. Göring’s oddities didn’t end there. He was just as capricious with his racial views. When he appointed a field marshal who allegedly had some Jewish ancestry, Göring said, “In Germany, a Jew is whoever I say is a Jew.” He told Dr. Leon Goldensohn, another psychiatrist who interviewed him during the trials, “If I really felt that the killing of Jews meant . . . winning of the war, I would not be too bothered by it . . . I revere women and I think it unsportsmanlike to kill children . . . [I]f I had found out what was going on regarding the mass murders, it would simply have made me feel bad and I could do very little to prevent it anyway.”
Kelley and Gilbert “agreed that Göring was venal, corrupt, and brutal.” Gilbert described him as an “aggressive psychopath with an insatiable lust for power, titles, wealth, food, . . . and ostentatious display, ready to murder, steal, or stage frameups to gain his ends; the camouflage of the amiable extrovert and humorist.” And the Rorschach tests? According to Kelley, they revealed Göring’s intelligence, aggression, ambition, and egocentricity. Gilbert interpreted the test slightly differently, finding Göring to be of average intelligence and a coward in spite of his bravado and aggression.
Dimsdale admits that “Kelley and Gilbert spoke with great assurance, ignoring the fact that they were extrapolating on the basis of a small sample.” This is not to speak of the fact that these members of the Nazi high command were imprisoned, demoralized, and on trial for their lives. Under such harrowing circumstances any clear appraisal of a patient’s psychiatric condition is difficult. Nor can one extrapolate from members of the Nazi high command to other perpetrators, such as the concentration camp guards who corralled Jews to their deaths or the soldiers in the field who massacred Jews, Eastern Europeans, and Soviet citizens.
Moreover, as Dimsdale demonstrates, psychiatry was a very different field in the 1940s than it is today. Freudian ideas, which now lie on the fringes of acceptability, still held sway in many circles. But even Freud’s ideas were not applied in a unified manner. “[E]xperts,” Dimsdale writes, “lacked a common psychiatric vocabulary in Nuremberg in 1945 and 1946.” Thus, even simply interpreting Kelley and Gilbert’s assessments can be confusing. Nor do the Rorschach tests help. In the 1970s, Dr. Molly Harrower, a revered Rorschach expert, took the Rorschachs performed on a group of Unitarian ministers and psychiatric outpatients and combined them with those from the Nazis. She then gathered 10 Rorschach experts, asking them to identify the Nazi responses. They couldn’t, and further studies did no better.
Finally, Kelley and Gilbert’s partnership was a “collaboration from hell.” When Kelley left Nuremberg, Gilbert accused him of stealing his notes. Meanwhile, Kelley was already negotiating with publishers to write a book about Nuremberg. When he wrote Gilbert asking for “more interviews and transcripts from the trial,” Gilbert declined. Kelley continued to promote himself upon his return to the United States, giving interviews to the gossip-hungry press about his experience with the Nazis. As Gilbert stewed, both worked on competing books and fought over the data, such as it was. Kelley threatened to sue Gilbert if he used Kelley’s Rorschach materials for a book, while Gilbert accused Kelley of doctoring the records. And so on.
Nevertheless, both Kelley and Gilbert believed they could make a broad psychosocial argument despite the limited sample size, inconclusive tests, infighting, and lack of clear standards and definitions. Kelley argued that “Nazism is a socio-cultural disease. I had at Nuremberg the purest known Nazi-virus cultures—22 flasks as it were—to study . . . They can be found anywhere in the country—behind big desks deciding big affairs.” Gilbert, conversely, found that the Nazis were not on the continuum of normal human behavior. They were, as Dimsdale puts it, in “a unique category of psychopathology.”
According to Dimsdale, Kelley’s idea that there is darkness in every person and Gilbert’s conclusion that the Nazis had a unique darkness were “both right.” Nonetheless, as his own careful study shows, there is no psychiatric trend that stands out among the defendants at Nuremberg. Thus, at the end of this fascinating, disturbing book, the reader is left with questions—enduring questions to be sure—but no answers. Is it possible that there is no unifying psychopathology, no unique anatomy of malice?
In The Nuremberg Interviews, the historian Robert Gellately reproduced Dr. Leon Goldensohn’s (Kelley and Gilbert’s colleague) interviews with the Nuremberg defendants, and the conversations are revealing. Walter Funk, the German minister of economics from 1937 to 1945, told Goldensohn that “there was too high a percentage of Jews in the law, in the theater, and in the economic and cultural life of our Reich . . . But I was not a radical. I did not foresee the mass murders.” Franz von Papen, Hitler’s ambassador to Austria, expressed similar views:
Hitler didn’t strive for the annihilation of the Jews . . . Hitler merely said at the beginning that Jewish influence was too great . . . You see, after 1918, when the war was lost, we had an influx of Jews from the East. This overflow was absolutely abnormal in Germany . . . We thought that this should be corrected.
Alfred Rosenberg, the German minister of the occupied territories, said that the Jews “spat at German culture” by controlling “the theater, publishing, the stores, and so on.” How bizarre that even as they stood before the gallows denying responsibility for the mass murders for which they were being tried, these men could not bring themselves to repudiate anti-Semitism’s most basic premise, that there was “a Jewish problem”!
Nazi Germany fell under the malignant grip of a political pathology, not a psychological one. In this respect it was extreme but hardly unique. After all, one can observe the pathology of anti-Semitism not only in a mid-century deputy führer, but in a modern-day liberal arts professor, a Middle Eastern religious fanatic, and members of the British Labour Party, to name just a few contemporary instances. This may not be the generalized anatomy of malice for which Dimsdale was searching when he undertook this study, but it is a specific contagion with a recognizable anatomy.
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https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/blog/hermann-goerings-art-collection-and-the-70th-anniversary-of-his-trial-at-nuremberg
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Hermann Goering’s Art Collection and the 70th Anniversary of his Trial at Nuremberg – bridgeman blog
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"Bridgeman Team"
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2015-08-14T23:00:00+00:00
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In November 1945, amidst the destruction of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the Victors’ military trials got underway in the bombed out ci
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https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/hubfs/favicon.ico
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https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/blog/hermann-goerings-art-collection-and-the-70th-anniversary-of-his-trial-at-nuremberg
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In November 1945, amidst the destruction of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the Victors’ military trials got underway in the bombed out city of Nuremberg. This signalled the final downfall for many of the most influential and powerful men in the Nazi party who orchestrated the devastation of Europe and the crimes against humanity witnessed in the years 1939-1945.
The most prominent member of the trial was Hermann Goering, Hitler’s deputy and former Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, the German air force. This trial was to mark the end for Goering, a man who had experienced power at almost the highest level in the Nazi party. He was also a complex character, a self-labelled ‘Renaissance Man’ with a priceless collection of art, almost the entirety of which was stolen from across Europe.
Rise to Power
Hermann Goering first came to public attention in the First World War as a fighter pilot ace, finishing the war with seventeen air victories, a highly respectable total, leaving him a war hero. In 1923 after seeing one of Hitler’s speeches, he became a member of the newly founded Nazi Party. Hitler appointed him head of the SA, the Nazi’s paramilitary wing.
Hitler remembered being immediately impressed by Goering, ‘I liked him. I made him the head of my SA. He is the only one of its heads that ran the SA properly.’[1] He was made Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, a position he would hold to the end of the war. Goering, however, started to take a less active governmental and military role after falling out of favour with Hitler, following the disastrous defeat of the Luftwaffe in the Battle of Britain. This gave more time to spend compiling his art collection.
Art Collection
Goering would have described himself as a renaissance man, though in reality, he was a bizarre eccentric who would change costume five times a day, ranging from full military regalia, he had designed himself to, a medieval peasants’ hunting costume. His strange vanity is summed up by a joke of the day that he probably ‘wears an admiral’s uniform to take a bath’.
This man of aesthetics was equally pleased by paintings. ‘The Falconer’ by Hans Makart was presented to him in 1938 by Hitler as a gift. Goering would, as early as the 1920’s travel Europe and visit museums, or wealthy Jewish owners, and confiscate their artworks. This resulted in an extensive 1,800 piece collection of paintings, ranging massively in styles.
There were portraits by Gainsborough, Reynolds and Franz Hals. Old masters such as Rembrandt, Van Dyck and Velazquez were well represented, along with early Renaissance painters Botticelli and Paolo Uccello. He possessed several rococo works by Fragonard and Boucher, along with many Renoirs and even a Matisse. The total value of his collection was estimated at $200,000,000.
Hans Van Meegeren
Goering was once caught out however. He clamoured to own a Vermeer to crown his collection, so when a previously unknown ‘early Vermeer’ depicting the biblical scene of Christ and the Adulteress was offered to him, he snapped it up with great enthusiasm as nobody had ever found a biblical or historical painting by Vermeer.
It remained in his possession until the end of the war, when it was discovered to be painted by Dutch forger, Han Van Meegeren, who served one year in prison for his crimes. He was however, very popular in his native Holland as the man who swindled Goering. When he was informed that in fact his ‘Vermeer’ was a fake, “[Göring] looked as if for the first time he had discovered there was evil in the world”[2], which has a certain irony to it.
Trial and Death
However, it would be art that would prove his downfall. As the war drew to a close in April 1945 Goering was travelling to Austria with a specially chartered train for his artworks to Mauterndorf, his castle in Bavaria. His paintings were found and confiscated. He later surrendered to American Troops on the 6th May, who kept him in several internment camps where he was weaned off his addiction to morphine.
In the November of that year he was moved to Nuremberg to stand trial along with 24 other men of high influence in the Nazi Party, including, Rudolf Hess, Karl Donitz, Martin Bormann (in absentia), Joachim von Ribbentrop and Albert Speer, Hitler’s state architect.
Goering, as the most prominent of the accused became ‘Prisoner Number One’ and sat in the prime seat in the dock. He used his authority to attempt to control the other prisoners into following his line of defense, one of no remorse and total devotion to their dead leader.
On October 1st the Judge delivered his sentence and Goering was found guilty on all four counts against him; waging a war of aggression, war crimes, including the plundering and removal to Germany of works of art and other property; and crimes against humanity. He even justified his looting, saying ‘everyone plunders a little in war’.
Goering was sentenced to death by hanging. He appealed, asking to be shot like a soldier, rather than hanged like a common criminal. This was refused. However, he cheated the hangman’s noose only a few hours before the execution by killing himself by means of a cyanide pill, possibly smuggled in by a sympathetic American guard.
Legacy
Goering’s body was cremated and his ashes scattered in a tributary of the Elbe River. 80% of his plundered artworks have been returned to their lawful owners. Ten of the twenty four defendants were hanged on the 16th October 1946.
Sources
[1] Hitler 1988, Page 168
[2] Wynne, Frank (8 May 2006). “The Forger who Fooled the World”
Images and Licensing
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0
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https://artofcanemed.wordpress.com/
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en
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Art of Alex Can Emed
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Surrealism, Fantastic-Realism, Biomechanical, Scifi
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en
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Art of Alex Can Emed
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https://artofcanemed.wordpress.com/
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The striking story of a band of Cavalrymen who got off their warhorses and drives warplanes, affecting the world history.
“The aggressive spirit, the offensive, is the chief ingredient everywhere in the war, and the sky is no exception.” ~(Rittmeister Manfred Baron von Richthofen)
Ekrem Recep Batra was the son of the Ottoman Minister of War (Harbiye Nazırı) and Fieldmarchall Recep Pasha (aka Rexhep Pasha Mati) of Mat (Albania), one of the Modern (Young-Turk) Pashas of the Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II period. Ekrem Recep Batra got an Albanian nobility from his father Recep Pasha and has an Austro-Hungarian nobility (Count / Graf nobility from Tirol in Austria, and he was also the far descendant of Vlad “Dracula” The Impaler) from his hungarian mother Lütfiye (Her Hungarian name is unknown). And his German aristocratic roots goes back to Hohenstaufen Dynasty, the famous Holy Roman Emperors which rosed directly from Friedrich Barbarossa, and Ekrem’s own autograph depicts in “Sütterlinschrift” style as can read as;
“Grf. (Graf) v. (von) Brandis ‘Oblt (Oberleutnant)”
Means: Oberleutnant Graf von Brandis
Ekrem’s Coat of Arms in his Silver Cavalry Cigarette Box depicts “9 Graped” Count’s Crown on the top, and an 15th Century Wappen shield, which contains 4 windows, and 4 Guardians inside as 2 Rampant Red Lions and 2 Four-Legged Walking Red Leopards, and there is 2 rectangular shapes which that contains Blue horizontal bends inside in it. This Coat of Arms is used by the Counts of Brandis since 15th Century and recorded as “Coat of Arms of Brandis” on the well-known heraldic artworks archives such as; “Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum Bibliothek“
And his wife Ismet Koçibey-Batra got noble Greecian roots in her family (Her family’s oldest Greecian surname was Vasiliki). Ismet Koçibey’s Great-Grandfather was Ali Pasha of Tepelonia (Lion of Ioannina) a Governor of Ioannina, and he is regardedly well loved in today’s Greece as he was one of the few people whom they rosed the toughts of independency amongst the Greecian people. Ismet’s childhood passed on her grandmother’s house in Ioannina, possibly in the town of Zagohori. And Ekrem Recep’s childhood passed on his beloved mother’s city Debreczen, in Hungary.
(Notes about Brandis Aristocratic Branch: Also known as Prandis, old nobility from both Austria and Switzerland, They were Barons in Switzerland since from 1512, and also they were Counts in Austria roots back to 12th Century to early-13th Century. The family built two High Altitude castles, the Brandis Castle and the Lanaburg (Leonburg), they both initially in Ownership. The two castles were first mentioned in 1236. From the beginning of the 13th Century the lords of Lana branched out into several sexes, each named after their seats, including those of Brandis, Lanaburg, von Braunsberg, from Marling-Lebenberg and from Werrenberg (on the Werrenberg, also tower too Völlan called). They all had a “Red Lions” in their Coat of Arms and they were the Counts of Tirol region in Austria which includes Innsbruck. On 4 March 1769 in Vienna the family received Coat of Arms and was admitted to the hereditary-nobility of the Holy Roman Empire by Joseph II. On 10 June 1854 they also received the hereditary title of Freiherr in the Kingdom of Hannover. On 2 May 1907 the family was also officially admitted into the nobility of the Kingdom of Saxony.)
Joining the Imperial German Uhlan Cavalry known as the “Lancers” at the age of 6:
At the age of 6, he enrolled in the Prussian Royal Army “A La Suit” regiments (requiring a personalized invitation to enroll) Westfälisches Ulanen Regiment Nr.5 (Royal Lancers “Uhlan” Cavalry regiment.) as rank of Unteroffizier for the wishes of his beloved father. And he was under the direct “Sponsorship” of Kaiser Wilhelm II von Preußen. He received his education at a military school in Lichterfelde Preußische Kadettenanstalt, Berlin.
(Note: Uhlans ( ˈuːlɑːn, ˈjuːlən/; Polish: ułan; Lithuanian: ulonas; German: Ulan;
French: Uhlan) were a type of light cavalry, primarily armed with a lance.
While first appearing in the cavalry of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Uhlans were quickly adopted by the mounted forces of other countries, including France, Russia, Prussia, Saxony, and Austria-Hungary.
Uhlans traditionally wore a double-breasted short-tailed jacket with a coloured ‘plastron‘ panel at the front called as “Uhlanka Tunic“, a coloured sash, and a square-topped Polish lancer cap (Rogatywka, also called Czapka or Tschapka in German).
This bronze cap or cavalry helmet was derived from a traditional designs of Polish cap, formalised and stylised for the military use.
Their lances were traditionally topped with a small, swallow-tailed flag (pennon) just below the spearhead.
They used 2-Meter-long Lances when they galloped their horses to attack against enemy to disintegrate the enemy lines. Their secondary weapon was Sword which they used in close-ranges where the Melée combat becomes crucial. Rifles like Mauser later inserted to the Units as a Third choice of weapon on the World War 1 -especially from the beginning of 1917 when attacking with Lances becomes impossible due to deep-trenches started to being use in the fronts. So, Rifles becomes the first choice in the long-ranges and Lances becomes secondary, then swords were the third. In many ways, Uhlans closely resembled cavalry units of antiquity; often carrying lances and sabers into battle alongside their rifles. Uhlans also used aerobical movements when riding the horse such as Somersault and jumping in-and-out from the horse during the riding, including reverse-riding as well. Uhlans not only used their Lances to just make a swing attack during the melées, but also they can throw their Lances in far distances like Javelin if the situation requires.
Uhlan units started emerging in Western European armies in-between Napoleonic Era and especially during the War of Austrian Succession, starting with an uhlan squadron, known as the Natzmer Uhlanen, formed by Frederick the Great in 1740.
The next year, the squadrons was expanded to the Uhlan regiments, and they became an elite German Royal Cavalry regiments until the beginning of World War 2, when Hitler disbanded this elite regiments in-order to create his own battalions.
The Uhlan units formed by up-to 50 Regiments numbered by 1 from 30’s and each Regiment named by it’s own founding commanders, each Regiment got different uniform colors.)
Beginning of a Military Career with Franco-Prussian War and the Siege of Metz at the age of 14:
Ekrem started his military career at the front on the Franco-Prussian War with 5th Uhlans. At the age of 14, he was serving with the Cavalry units, which press through the prussian/france borders through the alsatian region and finally broke the resistance of the French armies in the Siege of Metz with the 5th Uhlans. Before long, his name became starred in the German army scene. Famous German General Gerhard von Pelet-Narbonne was his personal teacher. He developed a close friendship with the famous German Generals Helmuth von Moltke, Karl von Steinmetz, Major-General Ludolf von Alvensleben and Fieldmarchal Graf von Haeseler. Along with his Trakehner breed beloved horse, Irrlicht (Midnight Light / Will O ‘The Wisp), he was conducting operations that broke enemy lines at night, especially when it got dark. He was nicknamed “Le Diablo du Metz” (Metz’s Devil) for his bravery in the Siege of Metz. Lightly wounded from his back by a sword attack while he fought against famous “Armée du Rhin” of French Marshall Bazaine, and General Joachim Joseph Napoléon Murat (known as 4th Prince Murat) ‘s “2e Régiment de Dragons, 2e RD” (2nd Dragoon Regiment) in on-going “Battle of Mars la Tour” at the same time with the Siege of Metz synchronisingly. Ekrem was at the front of his Cavary unit (5th Uhlans) when the German Uhlan Cavalry division which enbodied by 5th Uhlans, 11th Uhlans, 15th Uhlans and 13th Uhlans including some Husars and Dragoons, together with the Prussian Prince Friedrich Carl of Prussia (1828–1885), they penetrated the French defence and reached the gates of the city of Metz. When Prince Murat was defeated by Ekrem’s Uhlan Cavalry units in front of Mars La Tour, Prince Napoléon Murat handed over his own command rifle, the Enfield brand British rifle, to Ekrem during the command arms surrender, which is a standard defeat ritual between the commanders. (This rifle is still in our house.) He received 1 piece of Iron Cross 1st Class and 1 piece of Iron Cross 2nd Class awards for this bravery.
(About the Ekrem’s horse name Irrlicht: Irrlicht means Will O’The Wisp, means mostly a rare incident in swampy terrain (probably caused by the spontaneous combustion of swamp gas) a small flame moving back and forth over the ground (which in popular belief is associated with the idea of spirits of the dead that can lead astray or bring bad luck mostly in the Swabian traditional culture.
Irrlicht’s ancestral lineage contains many Equestrian Champion thoroughbreds over the entire 1800’s and even goes back to famous undefeated champion thoroughbred Trakehner known as “Eclipse” owned by Duke of Cumberland, (over the breed’s lineage of one of his Great-Grand-Grandfather “Sir Hercules“.) And also Eclipse’s Grandsire was also another undefeated champion “Flying Childers” owned by 2nd Duke of Devonshire back in 1715. It is said that this lineage goes back to the Stables of the Teutonic Knights whom they established this lineage in-order to create their War-Horses.
About Trakehner breed horses: Trakehner is a light warmblood breed of horse, originally developed at the East Prussian state stud farms in the town of Trakehnen from which the breed takes its name. The state stud was established in 1731 and operated until 1944, or more clearly until the fighting of World War II led to the annexing of East Prussia by Russia. The Trakehner breed typically stands between 15.2 and 17 hands (62 and 68 inches, 157 and 173 cm). They can be any color, with bay, gray, chestnut and black being the most common, though the breed also includes few roan and tobiano pinto horses. It is considered to be the lightest and most refined of the warmbloods, due to its closed stud book which allows entry of only Trakehner, as well as few selected Thoroughbred, Anglo-Arabian, Shagya and Arabian bloodlines. Owing to its Thoroughbred ancestry, the Trakehner is of rectangular build, with a long sloping shoulder, good hindquarters, short cannons, and a medium-long, crested and well-set neck. The head is often finely chiseled, narrow at the muzzle, with a broad forehead. It is known for its “floating trot” – full of impulsion and suspension. The Trakehner possesses a strong, medium-length back and powerful hindquarters. Trakehners are athletic and trainable, with good endurance, while some are more spirited than horses of other warmblood breeds. Trakehners breed true to type, due to the purity of the bloodlines, making it valuable for upgrading other warmbloods. The history of the Trakehner breed goes back to middle-ages and Holy-Roman Empire. Old Prussians and other Baltic people such as the Lithuanians were noted for their hardy horses and cavalry during the early Middle Ages. During their conquest of Old Prussians in the 13th Century Prussian Crusade, the conquering Teutonic Knights named the Old Prussian horse a Schwaikenpferd, a small primitive horse. Those horses were called as “Destriers“. Beginning in the 14th century, knights used it to breed their military horses, and descendants of the Schwaikenpferd were later used by Masovian and Ostsiedlung farmers for light utility work. During the 16th and 17th centuries, the people of Ducal Prussia, Brandenburg, and Royal Prussia used a wide variety of horses from the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Crimean Tatars, Ottoman Turkey, Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania, Holy Roman Empire for their cavalry and stud horses, crossed on local animals.In 1732 King Frederick William I of Prussia used these horses and other imports to establish the Trakehnen Stud at the East Prussian town Trakehnen (now Yasnaya Polyana, Russia). Soldiers cleared the forest at the River Pissa between Stallupönen and Gumbinnen. In 1739 the king gave it to crown prince Frederick II of Prussia, who often sold stallions to make money. After his death in 1786 it became state property, named “Königlich Preußisches Hauptgestüt Trakehnen“. Between 1817 and 1837 the stud added Arabian, Thoroughbred, and Hanoverian horse blood to their stock. One especially influential Thoroughbred was Perfectionist, by Persimmon, who won The Derby and the St Leger in 1896. He was to be the sire of the great Trakehner stallion Tempelhüter, and most modern Trakehners can be traced to these two stallions. The Arabian blood was added to offset possible flaws of the Thoroughbred. East Prussian farmers were encouraged to bring their mares, by then known for their hardiness and quality, to Trakehnen’s stallions. This enabled the rapid transformation of the breed into much sought-after army remounts: sure-footed, intelligent and athletic. By 1918 60,000 mares per year were bred to East Prussian stallions. Trakehner breed oftenly used in Wars as the horse known as “War-Horse” since it’s history strongly related with the Medieval era Teutonic Knights. For this reason Trakehner breed especially used in Franco-Prussian War, Austrian War of Succession and later WW1 & WW2. Today, the Trakehner breed oftenly used in Equestrian Championships across the globe due to it’s well-known acrobatical capabilities.)
During the Siege of Metz, Ekrem Recep’s relations with his superiors has been growth effectively. In addition, Generalfeldmarschall Graf von Haeseler and General der Cavalry Eugen Freiherr von Richthofen aka “Karl Ernst Eugen Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen – 1855-1939, (Red Baron’s Great-Uncle), the commander in chief of the unit he served at that time (5th Uhlans), loved him very much as his own son. Thus, he formed a sincere friendship with the Richthofen family. During the Franco-Prussian War, He was Prince Friedrich Carl von Preussen (1828–1885)’s Aide de Camp (Chief Bodyguard) during that period. He nicknamed on German military circles as “Der Gegen Teufel” (Contra Devil) becouse on the battlefields sometimes his skin color was turning to red for unknown reasons in a short periods, (Dermographia) an allergy which turns him to look like slidely supernatural.
Rising in the Imperial German Army Ranks:
He then appointed in 2.Brandenburgisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:11 as a Leutnant on 1898 to 1907
The 11th Uhlan‘s headquarters was in Saarburg so he stayed on Alsace. He trained with his horse Irlicht on rivers, lakes and in forests. He learned Schafkopf (Sheepshead) Card game from his friend Oswald Böelcke and went together local pubs with his regimental friends and played Schafkopf (German Skät Card Game) with them, swimming on lakes together, learned sword techniques and played tennis with them.
His friends during that time were Oswald Boelcke, Karl Egon V. Maximilian Fürst zu Fürstenberg, Hans von Seeckt, Heinz Guderian, Erich Loewenhardt, Prince Sigismund Friedrich von Preußen, Prince Friedrich Karl von Preußen (1893–1917), Prinz Gottfried zu Hohenlohe-Langenburg, Wenzel Stamm, Kemal Ohri bey of Ohrid, Prinz Oskar von Preußen (1888-1958), Prinz Joachim von Preußen and Carl Christoph Friedrich Freiherr von Harsdorf-Enderndorf whom all was also there at that times
(Notes: Oswald Böelcke himself clearly depicted in his well-known book “An Aviator’s Field Book” which published during the years of WW1, Böelcke stated that he and his military friends oftenly played German Skät Card game known as Schafkopf during their out-of-duty times.
Schafkopf (German: [ˈʃaːfkɔpf]), also called Bavarian Schafkopf, is a popular German trick-taking card game of the Ace-Ten family for four players that evolved, towards the end of the 19th century, from German Schafkopf. It is still very popular in Bavaria today, where it is their national card game played by around two million people, but it also played elsewhere in Germany and in Austria, even on German Speaking Cantones of Switzerland. It is an official cultural asset and important part of the Old Bavarian and Franconian way of life. Schafkopf is a mentally demanding pastime that it is considered “the supreme discipline of Bavarian card games” and “the mother of all trump games.”There are various theories about the origin of the name Schafkopf, most of which come from traditional folklore. One suggestion is that Schafkopf acquired its name at a time when it was played for up to nine or twelve points which were marked with a piece of chalk as lines on a board, gradually forming the stylized appearance of a sheep’s head (German: Schaf = sheep, Kopf = head). In 1862, the family monthly, Deutsches Magazin, claimed that Schaffkopf “did not bear the unaesthetic name Schafkopf [“sheep’s head”], which it is frequently called today, but instead it played as if to imply that playing it only required the level of intelligential ability: or more briefly it is the game that “creates intelligence” by giving all those who have had willing to develop the opportunity to learn about how to make combination of theories and probabilities.”)
In the following years, he served in the Leib-Husaren Regiment Tothenkopf Nr.2 “Königin Victoria von Preussen” royal-life Skullheads Cavalry Regiment and became Princess Victoria Louise von Preussen’s Aide de Camp. (Chief Bodyguard) During this period, he went to Danzig (Gdansk) and he developed a friendship with the famous German Fieldmarchall August Graf von Mackensen.
In order to deepen his field knowledge, his commanders appointed him for a short term 1.Oberschlesisches Feldartillerie Regiment Nr.21 von Clausewitz Royal Horse-Artillery Regiment on the Neisse War Academy (Kaserne Nr:7) in Pomerania the german state of that period, which that’s today on Nysa in Poland.
Became friending with Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen:
In 1901 he was again appointed to the Westfälisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:5 (5th Lancers Cavalry Regiment) this time as Fähnrich der Kavallerie. During this period, he became classmates with Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen (Red Baron), who was 20 years younger than him. Becouse Manfred’s uncle was ex-chief commander of 5th Uhlans. Like his Great-Uncle Freiherr Eugen, the young Manfred was a promising Uhlan officer at this time. So the Richthofen family already knew Ekrem very well, and they regularly invited him to young Manfred’s house in Poland, and organized programs together, hoping that he would admire him. My Great-Grandfather nicknamed him as “Manfy”, which is a short version of his name Manfred. During this period, Manfred, Ekrem and young brother Lothar and cousin Wolfram formed a very sincere friendship. Together they played Schafkopf, Tennis, and drinked wine, beer, champagne and swimmed or riding horses together on the rivers. One of the officers who studied in the same class during this period was the young Franz von Papen. Papen was a cavalry officer with an advanced speech skill. Manfred and Ekrem enjoyed his long tellings of the stories of courage and the spirit of chivalry, which he told in the evenings for a little while with some champagne. At that time, Ekrem also met and befriended with Erwin Rommel.
In Autumn 1906, Ekrem invited directly by Kaiser Wilhelm II for his so-called Kaiser-Manouvers in Friedrichsfeld and also in Breslau, Silesia (now Wrocław, Poland), for demonstrating his officer-skills to his superiors. In 1907, he promoted this time as Leutnant. He received a Premier-Leutnant (Premier Officer) training.
31 March 1909 Islamic-Coup attempt and the suspicious death of Ekrem Recep’s father Recep Pasha, Supressing attempts against the coup, and follows with Ekrem’s court in Düsseldorf which strangely connected with Eulenberg Affair Trials:
In 31 March 1909, a Radical islamic revolt happened in istanbul, where Ekrem’s father War-Minister & Fieldmarchall Recep Pasha has been in his office. Bandits has been killed Recep Pasha just as they has been killed many Young Turk pashas on istanbul’s political scene. And there was an international investigation has been conducted after his murder. When Ekrem has been heard all of these incidents, he wanted to come and join his father’s funeral ceremonies. But the strict German military regulations are forbidded him to went to istanbul. So Ekrem escaped his duties and went to istanbul disguisely without telling his superiors to his intentions. The incidents of 31 March part of an islamic-coup attempt which Sultan II.Abdulhamid appointed Ekrem to join the Operation-Units-Army (Harekat Ordusu) to suppress the coup attempt and together with Hüseyin Hüsnü Pasha, Mahmut Şevket Pasha, young Mustafa Kemal and Enver bey, they conducted Contra-Offense to demolishing the Artillery Garrison (Topçu Kışlası) where the coup attempt has been organised. They succesfully demolished the Garrison and suppressed the bloody Coup attempt. After the coup attempt has been suppressed, Ekrem returned from istanbul with SMS Budapest, a Monarch-Class Austro-Hungarian defense Battleship, but there was an investigation/trial has been started in Westfalisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:5 regiment garrisons in Düsseldorf which investigates Ekrem’s absence. Later somehow this trial strangely becomes a part of Eulenberg Affair Trials which targets Kaiser over the accusations of lack of discipline amongst the Military Officials whom close to Kaiser, due to Kaiser’s sponsorship over Ekrem’s military career. With the help of his teachers, whom were also accused in the same ongoing trials, General Manfred Karl Ernst Freiherr von Richthofen, General von Pelet-Narbonne and Fieldmarchall Graf von Haeseler, Ekrem learned that this trials is a part of the conspiracy which aiming the removal of Kaiser’s most trusted Military & Governant Officials, possibly also aiming Kaiser, aiming the German Monarchy and aiming the Throne itself. In Ekrem’s case, his accusations was his short-term unofficial absence. The stress of the plots of the courts caused most participants to fall ill during 1908. After Ekrem witnessing the chief of the Military Secretariat and General Dietrich von Hülsen-Haeseler died of a heart attack during the listening of his exaggerated-accusations during the trials, Ekrem arrived his court defiantly, and taking all of the court documents and told the judge Koch: “I see that you are betraying your army and heroic officers who bravely defend your homeland, you have reached the peak in cooperation with the enemies of the homeland, you are at the ultimate point in treasons, you are playing a theater here in my absence. I was not present here and your superiority has been started, now I’m here and your superiority ends!” and walked away from the courts with the documents. (This court documents still in our posession today)
(Note: General Dietrich von Hülsen-Haeseler was one of the heroes of the Siege of Metz for Germany along with General Manfred Karl Ernst von Richthofen, General von Pelet-Narbonne and Fieldmarchall Graf von Haeseler whom all of them also were accused in the courts along with Ekrem. And all of them were the teachers of Ekrem Recep in his military career. So that Eulenberg Affair Trials was a critical point for Ekrem on the aspects of slowing down in his military career for a short period of time.)
Ekrem’s later thoughts were centered on the issue as if there is some kind of connection with 31 March Coup attempt with Eulenberg Affair Trials in somehow behind the curtains.
The Royal Funerals of King Edward VII and Archduke Franz-Ferdinand:
At Great Britain, Windsor Castle for the funeral of King Edward VII in 1910, German Kaiser Wilhelm II was also invited to participate with his selected leutnants to the funeral with his other nine sovereign cousins. So Kaiser Wilhelm II selected Ekrem to be participate in his Lifeguard Regiment (der Gardes du Corps) as a part of “1st Guards Cavalry Division” which will be appear in the Royal Funeral.
Later Ekrem went to Royal Funeral of Archduke Franz-Ferdinand with the same regiment (Gardes du Corps) as a request of Kaiser Wilhelm II in Vienna, 1914. With this Assasination which conducted by the underground organisation known as the Black Hand, and the trilateral support of Serbia got over by the France, Great Britain and Russia, Ekrem already aware that the assasination was part of a larger plot that aimed to push both Germany and Austria-Hungary to a sinister trap, which will lead them to a larger European War, aiming to seize their gains which they got back on Franco-Prussian War and Austrian War of Succession.
While the surprising attitude of Great-Britain after the Archduke’s assassination was the subject of discussions and the debates at the funeral. But for Ekrem, all of these were developments that he had expected and predicted. He expected such kind of treachery among the Cousin-monarchs.
Ekrem oftenly stated about the upcoming World War: “They are trying to find a ways to take the revenge against what we did back on the Siege of Metz.”
Returning again to his Uhlan Cavalry Regiment known as the “Lancers” on the eve of the upcoming World War:
After this events, Ekrem again appointed to 2.Brandenburgisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:11 Royal Lancers Regiment. Now he is more experienced, more accoutred than ever as an Uhlan Cavalry officer ever can able to be. His friendship with Manfred continued in this period as well. And this friendship made him popular amongst elite german military circles. His garrisons this time in Hannover, and so he continued his Military education in Hannover Military Academy (aka Hannover Cavalry School) for rising up the ranks. He received his final patent for 2nd Brandenburgisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:11 “Lancers” Cavalry Regiment in Wilhelmshaven. He completed his military education in Lichterfeld Military Academy. Those appointments was critical for Ekrem to rose again through the ranks just in the eve of the upcoming World War.
And he already begin to smell of the gunpowders in the air, and he urgingly waited it since it was a long time passed for him back when he witnessed one during Franco-Prussian War. He rised in a War, and for him, the urge to survive, the sudden dangers, the suspense, the continous fear of death at the battlefronts, all of these were the elements that added flavor and added some meaning to life. He was not afraid of war, instead he perceived it as a sauce that added a color to life. And there could be no higher concept than the values gained with courage, merit and comradeship in a war.
The Great War has started and Ekrem Recep went to Western-Front of World War I just from the very beginning:
When the World War has been started, since he was still a registered officer in the German armies when World War I broke out, he first assigned to Western-Front and eventually, Ekrem’s path crossed again this time with Wolfram von Richthofen as they both were in the Westfälisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:5 Cavalry units. The 2nd Leib-Hussars of the 12th Cavalry Brigade were attached to the 5th Uhlans which was part of the First Cavalry Corps. It formed part of the German Fourth Army (Armee Ober Kommando IV)which carried out the attack on France and Belgium in August 1914 as part of the long-prepared Schlieffen Plan. Richthofen and Ekrem crossed the Meuse at Dinant, and their unit was involved in heavy action against the French VIII Cavalry Corps. They fought in Belgium at Namur on 23–24 August during the siege of the city (Siege of Namur) and again at Saint-Quentin. The 5th Uhlans continued it’s drive into France after the “Battle of The Frontiers“, but the Cavalry units was forced to stopped at the “First Battle of Marne” in September, becouse of the applications of newly-invented Trench techniques by the Allied forces.
The new Trench-Warfare doctrine of the Allied forces makes the German Cavalry units immobilise on the fields. This situation led Ekrem to continously search the most intense battlegrounds amongst all the possible fronts which will fit to him as a Cavalrymen, which this behaviour seems from outside easily as an “Action-Addicted” behaviour. (Similar kind of memories of Red Baron in his Pre-Aviation era, can be readable in his “The Red Battle Flyer” book, which he boldly depicts how he passionately led his Uhlan-Lancers Cavalry units into the center of the battles.)
Ekrem Recep wents to Battle of Galicia and Görlice-Tarnow Offensive in Eastern-Front and Becoming Rittmeister (Captain):
Eventually, Ekrem soon was assigned at the forefront of the Battle of Tannenberg and the Battle of Masurian Lakes until 1915, and soon after, his courage in these battles caught the eyes of the legendary German Fieldmarchal Hindenburg. He then assigned to Eastern-Front for took on important roles in the Battle of Galicia at the requests of General Ernst von Hoeppner and Cevat Pasha (Çobanlı). By this assignment, he was already in Rittmeister rank. (Captain of Cavalry, or mostly known today as Hauptmann rank.) And so he became “High Administrative Officer” in Imperial German army. While Ekrem still in Masurian Lakes region, by moving his Uhlan cavalry divisions this time with his friend Manfred von Richthofen, they together moved upon Bretsk-Litovsk with a small infiltration offensive manouver to arrive in Görlice region of Galicia by colliding against enemy forces. Contrary to common practice, he was a staff member of Fieldmarchall Graf von Mackensen’s command chain, not with the 15th Corps of Enver Pasha, who was also invited to support Galicia. His friend Manfred von Richthofen was there as a Cavalry Rittmeister for the one last time with his cousin Wolfram von Richthofen. When Ekrem gathered both his friends; Oswald Böelcke, Wolfram and Manfred together, Böelcke persuaded Manfred for joining Luftstreitkräfte (Airforce) and became an Ace when their mutual friend Kemal Ohri bey of Ohrid criticise the new Allied Deep-Trench Doctrines which slow downs the offensive of the German Cavalry. Manfred indeed was tired greatly of the stagnant and immobile trench warfare where he can’t able to do anything with his Cavalry units, and widely reported to have written in his application directly to German Kaiser for transfer, “I have not gone to war in order to collect cheese and eggs, but for serving another Chivalric purpose.” Kaiser then accepted his request.
(Note: “Rittmeister” was a demolished rank in between Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel ranks, and was active until the end of WW1. It was oftenly used in Cavalry units and later in Airforce units especially in Germany & Austria. The similar use of Rittmeister rank was also Hauptmann and meaning the same. It means as “Captain of Cavalry” and “Captain of Airforce” but it controls & commands the exact manpower of one entire Regiment (1000 men, equals to 2 up-to 3 Battalions) which is the same authority as a Colonel. Regiment units also has been demolished today. After the WW1, the Cavalry units has been demolished and the Rank only continued as a Hauptmann until the end of WW2. The rank has been completely demolished in today’s modern Military forces.)
In the Battle of Galicia, Ekrem also met with Max Immelmann, Godwin von Brumowski and Erwin Böhme during their continous Schafkopf parties together with Böelcke, Wolfram and Manfred. During those Schafkopf parties Ekrem gathered Manfred and Brumowski together for making them friends.
The enemy army, consisting of Russian and Italian elite troops, under the joint command of Italian General Luigi Cadorna, and Russian Commanders; General Aleksei Brusilov and General Baron Anton Yegorovich Zaltsa, gave Ekrem’s commanders a very difficult time, especially in the Brusilov Offensive, which was designed by General Brusilov for the Battle of Galicia and named after him. Following the Galician War campaign when Ekrem understands that the battle is about to lost, he then acted again with Mackensen in the Görlice-Tarnow Offensive, the last offensive act of the Galician war. Together, they broke the Russo-Italian defense and quickly a decissive victory. He became very close friends with Oscar von Hutier in Battle of Galicia, the creator of modern military infiltration Tactics known as “Hutier Tactics“, as his techniques of attacking the enemy were very similar. (See the upcoming Note section.) Ekrem was commanding Royal Hungarian Honvéd Husaren Cavalry Regiments Nr:13 (Astro-Hungarian) and 242.Air Squadron of Ottoman (242.Tayyare Bölüğü) during the Battle of Galicia & Görlice-Tarnow Offensive. He received 1 piece of Iron Cross 1st Class and Austrian Militär Verdienst Kreuz (MVK) 3rd Class. After these events Ekrem begin to learn the daily life of an Aces over from his old friends Böelcke and Manfred. Ekrem then awarded with 1 piece of German Iron Cross 2nd Class medal for his successful duties on Görlice-Tarnow Offensive. During this campaign Ekrem met with Bela Lugosi whom is later became the first Dracula actor of Hollywood. Lugosi was a Lieutenant of Austro-Hungarian Empire armies. (43rd Royal Hungarian Infantry Regiment), also he befriended with Prince Ömar Faruk (later, King Ömar Faruk of Egypt) at the offensive.
(Notes about Hutier Tactics: At the middle of WW1, Germans sought to restore maneuver to the battlefield by working from the bottom up rather than the top down. They believed that the effective sources of wisdom were the sergeants and lieutenants who could see the problem from the viewpoint of a battlefields. The Germans used to restore mobility on the battlefield, beginning with an early perception of the need for change followed by a detailed and through solicitation of ideas by German Lieutenants eventually leading to changing their doctrines of the German High Command.
These efforts culminated in what historians term “Hutier Tactics” or “Infiltration Tactics” as this Doctrine has been invented and designed by General Oscar von Hutier. As the name suggests, the Germans renounced the traditional linear tactics which left from the Post-Napoleonic era, changing for a system that’s more relied on well-trained, well-led elite squads and platoons attacking independently to each other, bypassing the strong enemy sectors to infiltrate vulnerable rear areas. Elite squadrons were to infiltrate the Enemy-Lines, infiltrate the Enemy-Trenches by using non-traditional, non-lineer, assymetrical, distractive methods to penetrate deeper into the Enemy forces which seems unbreakable. This ground-breaking new concept effectively worked by applying it to the Stormtrooper aka Sturmtruppen / Stosstruppen units. The Germans unleashed their new tactical method during the “Görlice-Tarnow Offensive” and “1918 Michael Offensive” which allowing Germans to annex few dozens of miles nearby of Paris until it stopped by the mass of freshly arriving American forces.
Eventually two decades later in WW2, the internal combustion engine would eventually give Hutier Tactics the mechanisms needed to accelerate the speed of the offensives by a condensed order of magnitude and evolving itself as the “Blitzkrieg Doctrine” or briefly the more progressive version of the Hutier Tactics.)
The friendship between Ekrem and General Oskar von Hutier, which began with the Battle of Galicia, will further sharpen Ekrem’s understanding of offensive warfare at the doctrinal level and enabled him to approach much more modernized techniques with an open-mind, and while his other fellow Cavalry comrades are counting the days on the static fronts, or entirely giving up from being a Cavalrymen to become an Ace, Inevitably this friendship will cause Ekrem will not giving up from being a Cavalrymen, even after he ultimately become an Ace, while he still choose to continuing to be an Half-Cavalrymen.
Ekrem Recep becomes Half-Cavalryman & Half Fighter Ace and become Co-Pilot of Prussian Prince:
After the end of the entire Görlice-Tarnow offensive, Ekrem returned to Germany, This period, Ekrem assigned again to Western-Front and eventually begin to fly and so he has been appointed to Prinz Friedrich Karl von Preußen’s Co-Pilot in Crown Prince’s Albatros D.I 2051/16 (Two-Seated) becouse he was already an “Aide de Camp” of Prince Friedrich Karl (1893–1917) and so he eventually became Half-Cavalryman & Half Ace.
Crown Prince’s warbird got Skullhead and Bones insignia.
On following years he continued to his part-time flights sometimes with Crown Prince and sometimes with his old friend Oswald Böelcke, and learned the personal tricks of the famous Ace of Aces himself and eventually begin to fly with One-Seater biplanes like Albatros D.III. This period, Ekrem got his 8 Aerial Victories.
In this period, his old friend Baron Manfred was also begin to his Apprenticeship of Oswald Böelcke at the same time and beginned to his famous career then soon promoted the rank of Rittmeister just like Ekrem.
Below is the photo of Ekrem when he was participated in Battle of Galicia. Ekrem wroted a note in the photo by using Ottoman calligraphy which is the mix of Arabic & Persian known as “Old Turkish”. We used a local Official Translator Service in Istanbul, but somehow they confused the word “Luftstreitskräfte” with “Luftwaffe” which is never existed back in WW1. We tried to tell them that they are about to make a faulty translation, but they don’t listened us. So the translation note below depicts Luftstreitskräfte, not Luftwaffe. And Ekrem on the photo (Front, Right 2nd seated person) holds in his bare hands a small Aircraft model and showing to the cameras. Probably that small model is a one prototype that has just freshly passed the Wind Tunnel testing in that year (1917) which is not produced yet in the fields.
Ekrem Recep and Richthofen’s wishes from Kaiser to participate in Battle of Dardanelles:
Eventually, Ekrem gathered together with his good friend Manfred and Wolfram again, and they planned to arrange a cool Schafkopf party again. But this time the two sons of Kaiser Wilhelm II wanted to join: Prince Sigismund Friedrich von Preußen, Prince Friedrich Karl von Preußen (1893–1917), and therefore Kaiser Wilhelm II himself wanted to join too surprisingly. Kaiser and his sons teamed together, and Manfred & Ekrem & Wolfram teamed up together. In Schafkopf game, each hand contains modified rules which make by one team of player. This time Kaiser wanted to modify the rules, the bids will make by the empty bullets not by the coins. And also Kaiser offered that the prize will be decide by the winners. Thus Manfred & Ekrem winned the game. So Kaiser asked them what the prize will be? Ekrem & Manfred requested as they want to participate in the most dangerous battleground. Therefore Kaiser Willhelm appointed the action-addicted team to Dardanelles War (Gallipoli).
So Manfred & Wolfram and Ekrem was appointed again to Eastern-Front and to Dardanelles War. Manfred appointed as an Ace as he already transfered himself to Luftstreitskräfte from the Cavalry. Wolfram and Ekrem appointed as the Cavalry commanders of the Heeresgruppe F (Yıldırım / Jıldırım / Thunder Army Group or Heeresgruppe Palestina) group, and was appointed as one of the staff of General Liman von Sanders in the Dardanelles War. His role in this war was critical. Because in the tension between Liman Pasha and Mustafa Kemal, he took a prudent attitude and made Liman Pasha pay attention to Mustafa Kemal’s tactics. Becouse both Mustafa Kemal and Ekrem already knew each other well from Ekrem’s father Ottoman War Minister and Fieldmarchall Recep Pasha and also from 31 March coup attempt. So Ekrem acted with Mustafa Kemal’s troops as Liman Pasha requested from him for the same reason. During this period, he became very good friends with the young Mustafa Kemal. He also friended with Dr. Ahmet Şükrü Emed whom is the good friend of Mustafa Kemal. His old friend Kemal Ohri bey of Ohrid was also there. During this period, he also became friends with Hans Joachim Buddecke (Buddecke known by Ottoman soldiers as El Shahin) and Otto Hersing. They continued to play Schafkopf with Manfred & Böelcke & Ekrem & Buddecke quadro. He received Ottoman Iron Crescent 1st Class medal (aka Star of Dardanelles), also received Ottoman “Liyakad” and “Imtiyaz” medals.
Ekrem served as Buddecke’s staff during the period when he served side by side with Buddecke in the Ottoman lands, and Ekrem contributed to the establishment of Turkish Aviation & Air Forces together with Buddecke. Ekrem’s efforts have been underapreciated and never achieved discretion as much as he deserved at the first place. Ekrem and Buddecke were very compatible duo together on their efforts on the reformations of Ottoman Air Forces.
He was nicknamed “German Ekrem” or “Contra Ekrem” by Turkish officers due to his position in the German army during the Galicia and Dardanelles wars.
After the Dardanelles War, he took part in the Sinai Peninsula fronts with the Jıldırım Armies group for a short time. He served on the German Süd-Africa Front (South Africa) with the Cavalry units of Strumtruppe (Stosstruppe / German Storm Troops) as the staff of General von Lettow-Vorbeck. He was tasked with suppressing the Boxer Revolts. One of the techniques taught in the German army in the 1st World War is the “Nahkampfspange” technique. This technique is an adaptation to the German Army over by the Japanese Melee Techniques learned by the Germans from their Samurai instructors in 1800’s Japan. Ekrem learned this technique with every single details just the end of 1890’s, His personal Samurai mentor was Tokugawa Yoshinobu (1837-1913). Yoshinobu Sensei introduced Ekrem into Samurai Techniques as he was the last active Shogun Master of Japan. And Yoshinobu Sensei initiated Ekrem into his Tokugawa Clan of Imperial Japan which was the last active Samurai Clan. Ekrem used his Samurai techniques intensely in suppressing the Boxer revolts. With his cavalry troops he single handedly infiltrate the underground Chinese gangs who organized the revolts and collapsed them one to another. He took part in the battle of Sandfontain and met with General Friedrich Freiherr Kress von Kressenstein.
Calling again to Western-Front and voyaging with U21 U-Boat of Otto Hersing:
When the cipher telegram came from the German Command Level (4th Armee Ober Kommando, AOK4) calling him to the German Western Front, he quickly went to Germany with the “U21” U-Boat submarine of Otto Hersing, his another friend from the Dardanelles War whom known as the “Saviour of Dardanelles”.
Ekrem Recep’s last Cavalry Battle in Western-Front of WW1:
Later, upon the request of General Erich Ludendorff, who knows his talents well on the battlefields, he was then assigned again to the German Western-Front, in the Battle of Rossignol at Alsace region (a region in between Germany and France) 12nd Division of Germans, 3rd Esquadron of 5th Uhlans (Lancer Cavalry Units) and their Mounted-Artillery, Neufchâteau. Ekrem now finally gathering there with his old friend Wolfram again as they are in the same battlegrounds. Ekrem already knew very well all of this region, becouse it was located near Metz where his Military career first rosed at the Siege of Metz, so the battle was like in his homeland when he conducted Rencontre offensives (Counter offense against the Counter-Attacks of the Enemy). He received Prussian Kriegs Verdienst Medal.
Ekrem’s Aide de Camp was “Fahnrich der Kavallerie”, (Senior Chief-Sergeant of Cavalry) Emil Heinz Schüllermann at that time.
One day at the Battle of Rossignol, Prince Friedrich Karl, Wolfram Baron von Richthofen and his other friends were playing Schafkopf card game at the front, but suddenly French soldiers raided the hut they were using as a temporary shelter. While the Prince and his friends did not knowing what to do against the soldiers who intended to take them as prisoners, Ekrem was still calmly dealing with the play-cards on the table as if nothing has happened. While the French soldier is about to poke Ekrem with his rifle, Ekrem takes the French soldier’s rifle from him within the seconds, breaks the French soldier’s limbs and throws him to the ground too quickly to understand it. But before anyone in the room understands what is happening, Ekrem reaches the other French soldiers with fast and wide steps and neutralizes them one by one of all within seconds. According to Wolfram Baron von Richthofen who was one of the witnesses of that incident, told my grandmother, Ekrem was using complex melée techniques that resembled with a mixture of Jiu-Jitsu, Aikido and Kempo techniques. Ekrem then returns to the table when all the French soldiers in the room are neutralized, and while calmly collecting the Schafkopf playing cards on the table, Ekrem turns to his friends and says: “This area is starting to get messy, I think the Frenchs are on a retaliatory-offense again. Let’s get away from here folks.”
In order to keep himself awake from the morning hours at the front, Ekrem was routinly stimulate his body by applying ice blocks to all over his skin before taking a shower in the morning. In addition, he kept himself energetic and active by routinly eating special chocolates as known as “Scho Ka Kola“, which contained 500 grams of Caffeine in each slices. Scho Ka Kola chocolates frequently distributed to soldiers in the German armies from World War I until today and were distributed in aluminum packages in the fields.
(Scho-Ka-Kola – Energy Chocolates)
In order to keep protect his Cavalry regiments from the enemy machine gun fires during their attacks, Ekrem orders his men to sliding down themselves from their horses while holding them, and galloping their horses by drawing rounding circles together, while coming near to the enemy, for creating an illusion that if their horses escaped from their military bases, and finally when they reached the enemy by the range of their lances, suddenly Ekrem ordering his men, to turning back to their standard riding position and penetrating the enemy with their lances on high-speed of mass-galloping.
By using a chemical mixture he concocted in the small ceramic containers, small enough to fit the palm of a hand that Ekrem learned from the Samurai techniques, with using the ancient “smoke bomb technique” which explodes when thrown on the ground, the artificial fog effect he created with this way in his Cavalry attacks, were never noticed by the enemies on the fields.
Ekrem Recep joins with Red Baron’s Richthofen Geschwader with the wishes of Red Baron and became a full-time Fighter Ace:
And later again took part in Sturmtruppen Cavalry units first in Flanders and later in Amiens Front (Vaux-sür-Somme, Amiens). His friend Manfred was there again. This time as a fighter pilot now known as the “Red Baron“. Soon after, Ekrem Recep, tired greatly of the stagnant and immobile trench warfare on the Verdun Front, where he can’t do anything with his Cavalry units, inevitably wroted a letter to the German Kaiser Wilhelm II, requesting his transfer into the Richthofen’s Flying Circus. In his long reply, Kaiser wrote that he found this idea very dangerous for him and that he would refuse this request because he loved him so much. Thereupon, when Manfred wrote in his short reply to the German Kaiser: “There are 2 places on Azrael’s wings, there is one room for himself on one wing, and another room for his friend Ekrem on the other wing”, Kaiser gaved up. Ekrem was appointed quickly. As with Ekrem, Wolfram also followed Ekrem to join with his cousins. Richthofen eventually took Ekrem and Wolfram into the Jagdgeschwader-I, Royal Prussian Jagdstaffel 11 (Jasta 11) group nicknamed “Richthofen Geschwader” (Popularly known as “The Flying Circus”), which he commanded, allowing Ekrem to fight as a pilot from now on and also assigned Ekrem as his Co-Pilot when Richthofen rarely prefer to fly with Two-Seated Warbird. (Later, Ekrem served also in Jagdstaffel 18, Jasta 2, Schlasta 26b, Kasta 13, Kest 5 / Jasta 85, and the Unidentified Jagdstaffel as known as “Halbe-Portion”).
Baron Manfred also assigned Ekrem as the Commander of his Maintenance Team on the ground since he was already in the rank of Rittmeister (Captain of Cavalry) since 1915, which is the same rank of Richthofen himself, and so Ekrem personally took care of Richthofen’s famous warbirds with his maintenance team. And Ekrem already got his 8 Aerial Victories when he assigned to the Geschwader, so there was not any formalities left to prevent Ekrem to actively become part of the Geschwader. And still as an active Cavalry Rittmeister, Ekrem also took the management of the Ground-Reserve Forces on the Richthofen Geschwader’s Headquarters in Chateau de Cappy.
(Note: The photo clearly shows the strong relationship between Red Baron and Ekrem, and the respect that Baron shows to my Great-Grandfather. You can see in Baron’s face mimics. That Rod in the photo, which Ekrem holds while friendly talking with Red Baron, is still in our posession with fine condition.)
Ekrem Recep’s personal modifications on his Albatros D.III (Oeffag), 11/7105 SN Aircraft:
Baron Manfred, Ekrem and Wolfram now together again. The old Cavalry friends met again in the sky. They called each other “Cavalrymen of the Skies“. Therefore Ekrem met with Manfred’s colleagues and became friends such as Werner Voss, Kurt Wolff and Ernst Udet. Their old habit of playing Schafkopf parties together continued just like the good old days. He received Prussian “Das Flugzeugführerabzeichen” (Military Pilot’s Badge). Ekrem Recep is the pilot whose name cannot be defined in Richthofen’s Flying Circus. While flying with Richthofen, Ekrem’s Albatros D.III (Oeffag) aircraft (11/7105 serial number) depicts as symbol of Iron Cross and there is a logo of a Black Flying Falcon on a White Circle. (2nd Symbol Choice): “Crossed Swords on a White Shield with Four Roses on the corners.”
The aircraft seems to got a degraded-color in between “Steingrau” or Stone-Grey (Darker Shade of Feldgrau or Field-Grey color which oftenly used by German army) and degrading to Black. The parts near to tail was painted to Black, and the parts near to propeller was painted to Steingrau. The Propeller is painted to Crimson-Red. He oftenly used Airbrush pistol for painting his plane. (1910’s early type of Paasche brand Airbrush pistol).
For painting your plane, you should at least “Rittmeister” (Hauptmann) rank position.
My Great-Grandfather modified the Exhaust Manifold’s output pipes, which is originally located on near the propeller.
In that reason, the Pilot smells the smokes of the Exhaust Manifold all the time.
Ekrem modified the Pipes of the Manifold and attach it to the Upper-Wing, so he will not smell the smokes that came out from it.
Ekrem also modified the built-in MG-08 “Spandau” Mark 8 (8 mm) Heavy Machine Gun’s position.
Originally the Machine Gun got fixed-position just back of the Propeller, which cause many issues when on the battle.
Ekrem attached the Machine Gun to the Upper-Wing with one special early-prototype of Rotative Schwarzlose-Foster Mounting Mechanism, so the Machine Gun will rotate to Left-angle, Right-angle, and even to the Upper-Angle.
Finally, Ekrem put one Rectangular Mirror to the front of the Upper-Wing, which will shines when the sunrays reflects on it, so the enemy pilot will not easily target him becouse of the dazzle, and so Ekrem will not depend of Dicta Böelcke‘s rule of “Get the sun on your back, so the enemy will not easily target you”.
So he will be free from the location of the sun, and can manouver his plane whatever the direction he wants.
Ekrem also modified the Cockpit section, and add one Thermometer indicator to the panel, so he can easily learn the weather temperature, for preventing the freezing of Carburetor on the high altitudes.
Normally, there are no Thermometer indicator on the Albatros D.III cockpit panels. So he want to add one. (*In the future, that Thermometer indicator will help him on a scale he could never have imagined). And finally, he added a tiny small lamp on the cockpit panel for seeing the panel during the Night. Ekrem named his Aircraft as: “Madame Piccoli”.
When asked him about why he made these modifications so passionately, Ekrem turned to them and said; “This plane is my new Cavalry Horse, and this new Horse can only talk to me with these modifications and indicators” he replied.
Ekrem and his friends especially thought and having conversations about their new upcoming modifications on their personal warbirds during their Schafkopf parties together.
Ekrem flew in the position of Left Wing Commander (Linken Flügeln Gruppe) in the “Vic Formation” of the Richthofen Geschwader, as he positioned in the far-left wing of the V formation.
Richthofen was on the center as he should be protected by all, as he was the leader of the Geschwader.
Ernst Udet was on the front, as Richthofen pleases of his aerial performances just like he calls Udet as his “Perfect Apprentice”.
Sometimes this Vic Formation was formed with detachments of 5 or 7 planes, sometimes formed with detachments of 9 or 11 planes, and the entire Squadron was flown by this method.
There is one photo of them below, together as Richthofen Geschwader, and they stand in the exact positions of their “Vic Formation” while flying. Also Ekrem got another Iron Cross 1st Class Award for his duties in the “Linken Flügeln Gruppe” on Richthofen Geschwader. In the photo, Ekrem stands on the left corner of the photo, which depicts his exact position (Left Wing Leader) on the Vic Formation during their flights.
Adventures as the Sky Cavalry:
One of the Ekrem’s missions together with Richthofen was in 1917.
Though there are little information about that mission and it’s objective, but they were flying in Vic Formation (V Formation) and Ekrem’s plane was hit from the engine and it’s propeller by one Sopwith Camel and the plane is about to fall, but Ekrem wanted a revenge, becouse he saw his aircraft as his “horse” as an ex-Cavalry leutnant, so he should revenge the death of his beloved horse.
Ekrem signaled Richthofen immediately whom is flying close near to him. Richthofen already aware the situation, so Rittmeister comes near just below of Ekrem’s plane.
Ekrem immediately left out from the cockpit, and jumped to the air to down with turning a somersault movement which both of them learned such elite movements from their early-Cavalry era.
Ekrem catches the aircraft of Richthofen with holding it’s wing.
Rittmeister offered him to come near to his cockpit where Ekrem’s position will be more safe. Ekrem refused his old friend’s offer and standed on the middle of the wing where there are 2 constructive carrier masts of the wings and holding on them.
Ekrem told Rittmeister that he wants a revenge and so he wants to shot down the enemy aircraft that’s shot down Ekrem’s at the first place.
So Richthofen prepared to dogfight, but Ekrem told him that he wants to kill him personally.
So Richthofen dived the enemy aircraft while get the Sun on their back for making Ekrem “unvisible” and Richthofen manouvered his plane to the exact position where Ekrem can shot the pilot with his Luger Pistol.
Their fierce “vendetta” succesed and before they return to their airbase, Ekrem wanted to take one piece from his old aircraft as a memory. So Richthofen landed safely near on a crash site of Ekrem’s aircraft.
Ekrem took a Thermometer Indicator (Dreyer-Rosenkranz & Droop brand, and produced in 1916, Hannover) from the cockpit of his old aircraft which is still working after the crash and in our possession today.
Later in a Schafkopf party, they learned that the pilot which Ekrem killed in action was one of the pilots from the famous French ace Georges Guynemer’s Escadrille N.3 (Storks) squadron, and the “Action-Addicted Duo” agreed that the Kill-Rating should went to Richthofen’s score becouse of they shot down the enemy aircraft while they flied in the Richthofen’s aircraft.
Ekrem inspired Otto Kissenberth with his techniques that enabled him to make dangerous jumps from plane to plane in the sky, thus enabling Kissenberth to learn those techniques and capturing an enemy Sopwith Camel.
Soon after Ekrem’s next aircraft also hit from the engine but he was in a position where he can’t ask the same adventurous assistance from his good friend, so he manouvered his aircraft as a “Glider Plane” with drawing circles while falling, so his plane will hit the ground more smoothly when crashed.
The final manouver of Ekrem succesed and he survived from the crash with that final manouver.
He took another Thermometer Indicator from the cockpit of his 2nd crashed aircraft as a memorial which is also still works after the crash and even works today in our possession. Ekrem later learned that the Ace who shot his plane was the famous French Lieutnant Jean Bignon also known as “Pinocchio“, with his Nieuport 23, N2730 plane. Ekrem sended a request-letter to him with the wishes of another Aerial-Duel (Dogfight) with him as he wanted to take the revenge of his crashed “Sky-Horse”, but the War is about to end, so Jean Bignon answered with the suggestion of a Sword-Duel nearby Douai between Bertincourt. Ekrem liked this suggestion and the Mélee Duel ended with Ekrem’s victory, but Ekrem mercied him as he impressed by Bignon’s courage, so they became friends after the War.
That “Glider Plane” method which was allowed Ekrem to survive both from the two different plane crash, was a method which Böelcke, Ekrem and Richthofen trio developed such manouver together earlier with long friendly discussions.
(Note: It was the very same manouver which both Oswald Böelcke and Richthofen tried on their final moments when they were fall, but Böelcke failed becouse his plane was shot from the wing, so his plane losted it’s balance when drawing that manouver during the fall. And Richthofen also failed to make the manouver becouse he was already in very low-altitudes so there was no time & not enough distance from the ground to make that manouver perfectly during the fall.)
(On the photo, Ekrem Recep talks with Red Baron and friends. Kurt Wolff also laughing to the jokes. The Aircraft it seems belongs to Hans Ritter von Adam as well as himself stands near of Ekrem, Jasta 6, circa 1917. It seems Red Baron and his friends including Ekrem, visiting Jasta 6 Squadrons here.)
Red Baron’s Aviation Methods:
According to the stories of my Grandmother, Ekrem and his fellow comrades in the Richthofen Geschwader, selective against their foes, and strictly select whom the air-mélee dogfight, and being a foe in the air-mélee is an honor which requires to have high-characteristics in the said individual. Being killed in an air-mélee dogfight, or being mercied is a rare honor that one soldier can achieve and friendship must come afterwards. They saw the Air-mélee dogfights as the continuation of the Jousting Tournaments of the medieval era. That was the reason of the “Silver Victory Cups” has been used by the Red Baron as a memorial of his dogfights. Becouse it was an honor, and that honored fallen foes must be well remembered by drinking with those Victory Cups in a view of Red Baron.
Gifted with immense organizational and teaching talents as well as a shimmering charisma, Richthofen schooled his “unbloodied gentlemen,” as he called them, in the aerial combat tactics he had learned from Boelcke. Stressing comradeship and discipline, Richthofen instructed his pilots to carefully select their targets while ceaselessly watching their own backs, then to get above and behind the enemy and attack out of the sun while their opponents were blinded by the glare. He stressed the need for the pilots to keep together and cover one another and forbade any “stunt” flying—doing loops or other tricks—as superfluous and dangerous in combat, because he felt that he is responsible for the pilots in his unit. Baron emphasized unity and the importance of acting together. He emphasized that dangerous moves such as the ones he oftenly made should only be done at a certain level of piloting ability, and he approached all the pilots in his unit like an instructor. He also advised them to never fly too low or too far over enemy lines because ground fire often proved fatal. (Here on the following section, Ekrem’s story about Richthofen’s death reveals why Baron Manfred couldn’t apply those tactics on his tragic end.)
Later, Ekrem also joined in Hans-Joachim Buddecke’s Jagdstaffel-18, together in the Eastern-Front and then he went again to Verdun battlefield with Richthofen. He shot down 27 enemy aircraft /27 Aerial Victories in-between 1916-1918. When he was with Jagdstaffel-18, he also time to time used Fokker D.VII, Albatros C.III, Halberstadt CL.II, Albatros D.Va and Fokker DR.I aircrafts as well as his old Albatros D.III (aka “Madame Piccoli”) for meeting the different requirements of his missions with Buddecke.
One of his foes that he showed his respects highly was the French Captain Marquis de Turenne. Marquis de Turenne was a former French Cavalrymen like Ekrem and Manfred, and the three of them all fought on the same battlegrounds in French-German borders known as Mosel and Alsace regions. Now they all become Air Aces and their challenge now transferred to the Skies from the Grounds. And they encountered each other oftenly during air-patroling with Richthofen. Captain Marquis de Turenne used Nieuport aircrafts, then SPA12, and by 1917 he used his Spad XIII aircraft during his serving on the Escadrille N 48 in 33ème régiment d’aviation. Captain Marquis used Cockerl’s Head symbol as his personal symbol. The flying style of Captain Marquis was similar with Red Baron as they both share the same Cavalrymen background and Ekrem was well aware of it. Captain Marquis also survived from the Great War, and even fought in WW2. Eventually Ekrem and Captain Marquis becomes good friends after the WW1 as they resembled each other strongly to their similar military careers. Another enemy encounters of Ekrem’s Aerial missions was the famous French Lieutenant Aviator Roland Garros. Garros used modified Sopwith Camel on this encounters. Both Ekrem and Garros were survived on this encounters as their dogfights leads to stalemate. And later somehow they also met each other friendly on some occasions and became friends after the war becouse both of them were also sportsmen.
According to the stories of Ekrem that I heard in my family, Ernst Udet insistedly wanted to paint his plane to Red like Richthofen, becouse every single enemy wants to dogfight with Baron for the fame, so they all goes to “Red Plane”.
So Udet asked permission from Baron for painting his plane to Red.
And Baron gaved his permission becouse he find Udet’s ace skills very promising.
(Note: German Albatros D.III‘s, Fokker DR.I‘s and Allied Sopwith 2F.1 Camel‘s were the most powerful and elite Warbirds of the entire WW1.
Their development bound to each other due to their existence caused the main-powers of the WW1 seeked more high-end technologies in-favor of the need of getting the power-balance of their Airforces.
German Albatros D.III‘s got the most advanced Warbird technology until the Sopwith Camel planes appeared on the fields in-between late-1915 to the late-1917, were becoming the most challenging foes of Richthofen Geschwader on the skies.
Those new type of Allied planes were one of the main reason why Albatros D.III‘s becomes “out”, and German Fokker DR.I‘s were “in”.
Sopwith Camel‘s copied some of the specific late-upgrades of Albatros D.III‘s that invented on the fields for the needs of German Aces.
Originally, Albatros D.III‘s got modified built-in MG-08 “Spandau” Mark 8 (8 mm) Heavy Machine Gun or Parabellum MG-14 Heavy Machine Gun which are equivalents of each other.
Originally, the built-in Machine Gun got fixed-position just back of the Propeller, which cause many issues when on the battle.
During the War it attached the Machine Gun to the Upper-Wing with one special early-prototype of Rotative Schwarzlose-Foster Mounting device, so the Machine Gun will rotate in three angles.
Sopwith Camel‘s copied this upgrades, with inventing the well-known Vickers 303 British (7.7 mm) Machine Gun and therefore the balance of the Airforce-Power changed in-a-favor of the Allied Forces.
This caused the urgent need of a more powerful warbird due to the needs of Central-Forces in beginning of 1917, and so the Fokker DR.I‘s were invented with the new upgrades for built-in Machine Gun by synchronising the fire-rate to the Propellers for regaining the power-balance in-favor of the Central Forces on the last 2 years of WW1.)
Ekrem’s talents on his Ace career was his rare tutelage period which allowed him to learn flight by personally Oswald Böelcke, Manfred Baron von Richthofen, Hans-Joachim Buddecke, and Prince Friedrich Karl von Preussen and so he mixed the personal tricks of his fellow friends in himself, so with such rare tutelage experiences, he was hard to become a prey, hard to become a target, hard to be hit on the aerial dogfights. And his flight-style was mix of his old friends, especially when we consider both Ekrem and Baron Manfred previously got Cavalrymen backgrounds which reflected on their unique flight-styles similarly.
(Photo below: Ekrem Recep (My Great-Grandfather) while drinking Beer, with Werner Voss (Smokes Cigarette) and Max Immelmann, and one other unknown Leutnant. Ekrem and Voss drinks a glass Aerial Victory Trophy Cup together.
(Left to Right)
Ekrem Recep also was the co-pilot of Werner Voss for a while and helped Voss to earn 20 more Aerial Victories in his record list. Back when they both were in Jasta 2 Squadron of Boelcke while Oswald Boelcke was still alive on circa 1915-1916.
Red Baron’s invention: Adapting the Lancer-Cavalry Doctrine into the Aerial Warfares:
Cavalrymen, especially the Uhlan Regiments which both Ekrem and Red Baron were both shared the same background by it, got the most Offensive-Field-Doctrine when we compare with other Military Units both on the ground-forces and the sea-forces until the Airforce has been invented. The Cavalry doctrine always dictates the most possible offensive act as possible in-all situations on the field including the circumstances of the possible retreat. The Cavalry doctrine bans any kind of Retreat and replaces any retreat situation with the most realistic offensive act. The Cavalry doctrine dictates the best possible act during the retreat situations is the Contra-Offense which means “Counter-Attack against an enemy Attack” This is the reason why both Ekrem and Red Baron got the same Offensive-Styles in their late-Airforce careers, becouse on their minds they were still Cavalrymen, but not on the ground anymore, instead now on the Skies. This maked their relationship stronger more and more. Becouse few Aces got Cavalrymen background like them, most Aces has been directly begin their Airforce career without any different backgrounds, some of them were also Engineers or Telegraphers or even Infantrymen, but not Cavalrymen.
Red Baron and Ekrem also discussed their offensive-techniques as a Squadron with drawing Vic-Formation together. Since that formation also similars with the Cavalry-Standard of drawing Mass-Galloping Attacks as an entire Cavalry Regiment for the view of Ekrem and Richthofen. And they used this very similarity to convert and copy some of the Cavalry-Standard Attack Methods into their Geschwader. This allowing Red Baron to make huge successes in the Aerial Warfare since no one intended to use this similarity before. And this is another advantage which comes from their long conversations on their “Schafkopf Parties”. And that including Wolfram von Richthofen too…
(Note about the photo: Reims Aerodrome, Unknown Jagstaffeln, 1918 Spring, during “Second Battle of The Marne“, in German Spring Offensive known as “Battle of The Mountain of Reims“. Manfred Baron von Richthofen on the center, while my Great-Grandfather Ekrem Recep Batra (Right 2nd) holding the “Commander’s Stick” on his bare hands, this means he is in the charge (Commander) of this Squadron now. His Iron Cross and War Pilot’s Badge decorations in his uniform clearly visible, and wearing his Uhlan Cavalry boots, wearing his Rittmeister coat and talking with Richthofen while the photo has taken. I also saw Werner Voss, Lothar von Richthofen and Kurt Wolff. The bottom writes: “Hunter’s Flight Squadron in Reims“. And also writes: “Each of them are Hero”. And the other note depicts that it is a Sanke Postcard and published in Berlin.
Those bottom notes has been deleted on the most versions of this photo in the internet with unknown reasons. I searched nearly 3 hours for finding the un-censored version of this photo. This one got the highest-resolution version that I can able to found yet, still lacks a little bit resolution at some level. Somehow, the intention was removing all the informations about this photo, and puting the censured and low-resolution versions on the internet strangely. Little information that I found is that, another version of this photo now in Library of Congress in USA, but that one is also the censured-version. And who put that censured photo into Library of Congress, is a real mystery.)
As a Richthofen Geschwader in the air, it didn’t matter to Richthofen or his friends who had the most victorious number of downed planes. Because Richthofen adapted the Cavalry doctrines into aviation in his unit, so the only important thing for them was to be able to act “together” and “stay” together. Otherwise, the Red Baron was not acting like a Terminator alone, as oftenly reflected in today’s popular culture. It was not happened like that way. Instead, just as the Cavalry Regiments dictates to perform offensive maneuvers by acting together as an entire Regiment, Richthofen achieved success by did the same as acting together as a Geschwader in the air. His friends in the Geschwader were there to supporting him in the air in the Vic Formation, by watching over him, by moving with him, by protecting him, or by attacking together with him and so together they were drawing the mass-offensive maneuvers in the air. Just like the Cavalry units… This was the key of Red Baron’s success.
Briefly, if you were a Warpilot living at that era, you would never have seen the Red Baron wandering lonely in the air with his three-wing All-Red Fokker DR.I plane, searching for a new prey. You may only see something like this in Video-Games or Hollywood movies, but that’s not how you encounter with him in reality. In fact, you could see him by approaching you with his Gang, positioned his All-Red Fokker DR.I right in the middle of his 8-plane Pack of Hunters unit. Slowly approaching you with his Hunters pack. In that case, you would have to change your flight route immediately to escape, or if you were too close to them for to do anything, you would have to wave your arm out of your cockpit and wave your long white scarf in the air so that they can see. Waving a white scarf would mean “I approaching peacefully.” Otherwise, you would find yourself surrounded on all sides, and on all directions by Richthofen Geschwader planes within minutes, which would be the last thing you would see, on your life time. But you can hope that Rittmeister may want a small piece from your Aircraft as a souvenir, and for that you may honourably well remembered by Red Baron himself after you had been hunted by them.
(Note: Jagdgeschwader-1 was the most famous “Airwing Hunters Unit” of WW1. It formed back on 1915-16 Season. As the first fighter-wing in the Luftstreitskräfte (German Air Service of WW1), it would be known as Jagdgeschwader Nr:1 or simply JG-1. It was a permanent grouping of five famous “Jagdstaffel” (Jastas or Hunting Squadrons), specifically Jastas Nr: 4, 6, 10, 11, 18 -thus it had a strength of some 50 aircrafts.
The history of this units is forever linked with that of it’s first and most succesfull two famous founding commanders, the two celebrated Oberleutnant Oswald Böelcke and Rittmeister Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen -then widely known as “The Red Battle Flyer” or simply still world-wide famous as Red Baron. JG-1 was known as “Richthofen Geschwader” to the most airmen still today, and it has a fame in popular culture as “Richthofen’s Flying Circus“, even by it’s foes of the WW1 due to the unit’s propensity and courage for moving up-and-down to the Front to wherever the fighting was most intense and needed.)
It is told in our family that the parachute technique that the pilots of the WW1 started to use after 1917, has been invented during the discussions of Manfred Baron von Richthofen and Ekrem Recep in their Schafkopf seasons. The invention eventually comes by mixing their old Uhlan Cavalry aerobic techniques to finding a more secure solution for their fellow pilots during a possible crash.
(Ekrem Recep Batra, Seated in just near – Right of Red Baron, in the front seat. Ekrem Recep’s Order Pour Le Merit decoration in his neck is clearly visible, and also his Iron Cross visible in his breast.)
In 22 May 1916, several German squadrons led by Otto Kissenberth captured some French Nieuport aircrafts which some early type “Le Prieur” rockets attached to their wings with the help of Ekrem’s support. This led Germans to copy this new technology to their Albatros & Fokker aircrafts. So after the end of May 1916, Germans also started to use rockets on their Aircrafts. Ekrem aware of this development when he was spending time together with Otto Kissenberth and so Ekrem also adapted this Rockets to his Aircrafts especially for his Ground-Raid & Air-Raid missions. Ekrem later used this rockets in his ground missions to his Cavalry regiments. Ekrem’s samurai master Togukawa Yoshinobu Shidoshi teached Ekrem how to use traditional Bows. Ekrem attached his Bow with this rockets so the bow fires this rockets. Ekrem also used those rockets as a Lance and throw them just like Javelins and ordered his Cavalry units to do the same.
(Photo) Halberstadt D.I under test at Doberitz. The ailerons are balanced with an aerodynamic horn balance. The horn-balanced ailerons are the easiest way to distinguish a D.I. It was fitted with rockets for anti-balloon attacks. The rockets were inspired by the Allied La Prier rockets used for the same purpose. Like the Allied rockets, these were stayed-in the prototype production state and was limited availability only for certain aviators whom already know how-and-when to use them on the active fields.
(Peter M. Grosz Collection/STDB)
Before giving an order to launch a cavalry attack with this method Ekrem had found, when these rockets he shot with his arrows at the critical areas of the enemy began to explode one to another, the enemy began to retreat, mistakenly thinking that they was being attacked with the howitzer cannon fires. And so, when Ekrem ordered his cavalry to attack, the enemy had already become immobilized, explosions had already occurred at the critical points, and they had already become confused and unable to respond to the upcoming cavalry attack that Ekrem would soon to launch.
Ekrem oftenly used this new method he invented, when he was unable to fire any Howitzer Cannon fires to the enemy. This new method that he invented is a clear clue that how Ekrem brilliantly mixed his techniques on the Aerial Warfare with his techniques on the Ground-Cavalry Warfare. Ekrem never limited himself with one military doctrine. Instead he was so open-minded on any new technique that he acquired by mixing it with his previous techniques. And this is what makes Ekrem so distinguished from his most contemporaries.
It is no coincidence that Ekrem also told my grandmother that; “When we were together with Richthofen, oftenly some of us, -sometimes me, holding in the Red Baron’s Triplane’s wings and throwing some bombs with our bare hands while flying”It seems with that story we can say that Richthofen and his Squadron used this tactics while he was assigned in some Bombing-Raid Missions.
Ekrem’s adventures surely were more than we know, but these are the only known ones for us in our family. Eventually soon Ekrem Recep’s happy days were about to over and War became no longer a playground for him. And he will find himself in the middle of decisions that will entirely bound himself with continous series of Wars.
The thoughts of Ekrem about the deaths of Red Baron and Böelcke:
*The thoughts of Ekrem Recep Batra about the deaths of his fellow friends Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen and Oswald Böelcke are quite differs from the official stories.
The death of Böelcke, According to Ekrem:
During the Battle of Somme in 1916, the German offense has been stopped by the logistics that Frenchs got over by the British support. With the French Retaliation, the Germans withdraw to Bapaume where the Heavy Artillery forces located. Jasta 2 which led by Oswald Boelcke supported the ground forces through the air. Boelcke planned to attack first X.Corps and III.Corps then later on XIV.Corps of the Allies which was on the Retaliation move to press back Germans to Bapaume.
On 28 October 1916, Boelcke and his Jasta 2 squadron attacked a pair of British airplanes from 24 Squadron RFC whereabouts near Courcelette. Boelcke and Böhme chased the Airco DH.2 of Captain Arthur Knight, while Manfred Baron von Richthofen pursued the other DH.2, flown by Captain Alfred McKay. Ekrem was there too with the Jasta 2 squadron.
McKay evaded Richthofen by crossing behind Knight, cutting off Boelcke and Böhme. Both of them jerked their planes upward to avoid colliding with McKay, each hidden from the other by their aircraft’s wings. Neither was aware of the other’s position.
According to Ekrem, there was also Mick Edward Mannock’s Airco DH.2 for supporting McKay and Knight duo. Mannock’s one-eyed face was easily visible. Mannock thought that the disyncronisation of the German Squad is a perfect chance for striking the German “Ace of Aces” Böelcke.
Just as Böhme spotted the other plane bobbing up below him, Boelcke’s upper left wing was hit and brushed by the insidious dive of Mannock. Mannock dive caused the slight impact without even firing, split the wing of Boelcke’s Albatros.
Ekrem at the same time, reverse spinned his plane to the higher altitudes, and dive to Mannock, for the aim to get the attention of Mannock from Böelcke to over himself, but it was already too late becouse now Boelcke’s wing toring away.⁷
As the wing started to tore away, the wing lost lift, and the aircraft spiralled down to glide into an impact near a German Heavy Artillery battery near Bapaume.
Böelcke failed to manouvering his aircraft as a “Glider Plane” with drawing circles while falling, becouse his plane was shot from the wing, so his plane losted it’s balance when drawing that manouver during the fall.
So he wanted to jump out from the plane. Although the crash seemed survivable, Boelcke was not wearing his crash helmet, nor was his safety belt fastened becouse he was try to jump out forward in his cockpit during the plane’s fall. He died of a fractured skull.
Sadly, Erwin Böhme was never aware the Mannock’s insidious dive attack to Böelcke during the air melée, and always accused himself for not aware of the Böelcke’s plane’s position, and feeled guilty for the rest of his life.)
While Ekrem never forgetted the moments of seeing his friend Böelcke’s fractured head after his plane’s crash, and he witnessed that Mannock was the killer.
(Photos: Leutnant Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen leads the funeral procession of Hauptmann Oswald Boelcke, while Ekrem watches the funeral procession of Boelcke with with his fierceful face mimics of deep anger, by standing on the front lines of protocol. While Ekrem’s skin dermographia turns-on and his skin color degraded to red by his anger. Cambrai Cathedral, October 31, 1916 ).
The death of Red Baron, According to Ekrem:
During the “Second Battle of the Marne“, in “Battle of the Mountain of Reims” known as the “German Spring Offensive“, the battles both on the ground and air was connected to each other since Manfred Baron von Richthofen’s squadrons got also the duty to support the ground forces through the air.
On the 18th April the French First Army attacked south of Villers-Bretonneux and partially succeeded in pushing the Germans back about half-a-mile on several miles of front at the junction of the Avre & Luce rivers.
On the previous day just before 21 April, the German artillery drenched the village of Villers-Bretonneux with 12,000 gas shells, repeating the exercise the following day causing the defending battalions to lose a considerable amount of their men. Field reports confirmed that this gas bombardment was as a prelude to coming German attack on the village.
In the skies above the Somme there was also on-going “German Aerial offensive” known as “Bloody April“. And Germans nearly reached the outskirts of Reims by the perfect combination of General Oscar von Hutier leading on the ground, and Rittmeister Manfred Baron von Richthofen leading on the air.
But since 18th April, Frenchs was on the Aerial Retaliation since their attack on south of Villers-Bretonneux. Manfred Baron von Richthofen already aware of the increased French activity on the sky. And the discussions about this topic in Richthofen’s Chateau de Cappy continues since 3 days until the morning of 21 April.
On the Morning of 21 April 1918, Ekrem personally prepared his fellow comrade Red Baron’s All-Red Fokker DR.I Triplane (17/425) and established it’s routine maintenance with his Maintenance-Team as well as he did the same to his own Plane, and also he did the same to Wolfram’s Fokker DR.I’s (1/48) Triplane.
Their mission objective was to conduct a non-offensive photo-recon air-patrol as Jasta 11 & Jasta 5 squadrons. Manfred suspected that the enemy bases that they depicted should get air-supports more than they expected, so Manfred wanted to conduct this photo-recon mission which supposedly will finally reveal the up-to-date enemy locations to them. (*Ekrem and Udet suspecting the same just like Manfred here, so therefore, a general opinion was formed).
It seems Manfred suspected that the triangular region between 3 Allied Aerodromes (Reims, Compiegne, Amiens Aerodromes) may contain some of more extra bases than they depicted earlier. So their photo-recon mission was to patrol nearby Somme river whereabouts. And finally they together took off their planes from the Cappy Aerodrome soon after all their preparations done.
During their mission in the air nearby Amiens, they ultimately ambushed by Allied Air-Forces No: 209 Squadron. The British squadron interrupted the mixed patrol of Jasta 5 and Jasta 11, led by Rittmeister Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen when they were just begin to took isometric-photos of the ground from the air. The British squadron was flying with mixed R.E.8’s and Sopwith Camels, while Richthofen Geschwader was about to flying in a mission which it’s objective was entirely non-offensive photo-recon mission.
No: 209 Squadron diving to the duo of the German two-seaters and a wild melee quickly developed as soon as after several German planes were quickly downed. This mission was also Wolfram von Richthofen’s officially the first mission. Wolfram newly transferred himself into Jagdgeschwader-I from the 5th Uhlan Regiments as a cavalry by the requests of his cousin Manfred. As Wolfram was a new pilot in this mission with only 5 Aerial victories he yet succesfully collected, his experienced cousin Manfred instructed him to avoid the melée fighting.
When the squadron became ultimately engaged in a dogfight, Wolfram climbed and circled above the fray. Edward Mannock under the disguise of RAF Lieutenant Wilfred May, a rookie pilot, was also circling above the dogfight. Now Wolfram as his comrades being engaged in combat with the Sopwith Camels of RAF No.209 Squadron, Wolfram did as he was been instructed, but found himself under attack and pursued by Wilfried (Mannock).
When the encounter first begins on the horizon, Ekrem quickly alarmed the entire squadron as the Left-Wing commander of the Geschwader.
According to Ekrem’s later overviews, that Wilfried was undercover himself in a covert operation and aimed to kill Richthofen, and his real name was Mick Edward Mannock. Becouse it was rumored that the Allies had created special squadrons with the express aim of killing Richthofen, with the Victoria Cross medal being promised to the man who shot him down. So Mannock heard these rumors and wanted to get the prize for his own. Mannock now shows himself as a Rookie named Wilfried under the Roy Brown’s squadron. And for to hunt Red Baron, he first pursued Wolfram for easily get the Baron’s attentions upon himself.
On seeing that one of the Camels had attacked his cousin Wolfram’s Triplane, Baron quickly broke away from the dogfight and went to his cousin’s aid, quickly positioning himself on the tail of the Sopwith fighter which flown by Mannock on the disguise of “Wilfried May”. Manfred flew to his rescue and fired on Wilfried, causing him to pull away and saving Wolfram’s life. Richthofen pursued Wilfried across the Somme. Rittmeister wanted to represent himself – the “Red Baron” to the rookie as well as wanted to protect his own cousin.
On their dogfight which led both of them to drive their planes to nearby Somme river, Mannock led Richthofen (Becouse Baron pursuing him) to the higher altitudes especially aim for the plane of Red Baron’s engine and carburetor will freeze on the higher altitudes.
Richthofen easily falls into the trick, going into the higher altitudes becouse of the pursue and so his carburetor freezed.
Red Baron’s plane started to fall becouse of it’s engine stopped.
But Rittmeister finally restarted the engine just about reaching his doom on the ground.
At the same time the British flight commander Roy Brown disengaged from the main battle to support his colleague “Wilfried May” (aka Mannock)
According to the Brown’s combat report, he caught the Red Baron at a very low altitudes near the Somme.
Troubled Rittmeister flies in low altitudes for warming his plane’s engine for fly well.
Brown’s first strike completely surprised the troubled Rittmeister, who slumped forward in his cockpit just after the bullets pierced his plane’s engine.
Richthofen also failed to make the manouver the aircraft as a “Glider Plane” with drawing circles while falling, becouse he was already in very low-altitudes so there was no time & not enough distance from the ground to make that manouver perfectly during the fall.
Red Baron’s plane again started to fall and finally crashed soon after with high speeds in a field on a hill near the Morlancourt Ridge (Bray-Corbie Road), just north of the village of Vaux-sur-Somme.
Ekrem’s story, Red Baron’s weird last word “Alles ist Kaput” means “Everything (World) is Dead” or “Everything is Ended”. Becouse Manfred was well aware of his position as a “Source of Inspiration” amongst the German Army, so he knew the general moral of the German Army will vanish as well as the fighting-will of the entire army.
(It was Mannock’s sinister tactics that first Mannock under the disguise of Rookie Wilfried, will led Richthofen into the higher altitudes which will cause Rittmeister’s carburetor freeze and Manfred’s plane will fall to the low altitudes becouse of it’s engine stopped. And then Brown will easily shot Rittmeister’s plane and kill him smoothly becouse Red Baron will be in low altitudes.)
At the same time Ekrem dogfights with Wilfried (aka Mannock).
Ekrem always likes to surprise his enemies with reverse spinning his plane to higher altitudes, and diving his plane into the enemy aircraft and strikes it with surprise with his dive.
He did the same on Wilfried, and on the close distance, he saw the Pilot is one-eyed and finally realize that Wilfried is “undercovered Mannock” himself.
Mannock surprised with Ekrem’s strike becouse he watches the the fall of Red Baron at a considerable far distance.
Ekrem too soon realized his close friend Richthofen’s death during his strike. Ekrem is now only wanting to concentrate on his comrade’s fall even if he is now in ultimate anger. He already realizes that Mannock had hunted his another prey already. But now is not the time for a successful dogfight since the Squadron already penetrated.
Ekrem versus Mannock’s dogfight therefore resolved with stalemate.
Of the original six who had made up the band of Richthofen Brothers, only Lothar Freiherr von Richthofen and cousin Wolfram Freiherr von Richthofen survived the war, Lothar saved by his injuries. Wounded twice more, the 40-victory ace was recuperating in the hospital when he learned of his brother’s death before returning his Squadron. “Had I been there,” Lothar said sadly, “it would not have ever happened.” We understand with this statement that Lothar played a supportive role in the famous squadron rather than attacking the enemy blindly especially for the sake of Manfred and Ekrem just like Lothar’s statement depicts.
The similarity of the Red Baron’s approaches in aviation with Ekrem and the fact that both of them having Lancer Cavalry backgrounds strengthen their friendships:
It is known in our family that Ekrem saw Baron Manfred as his young brother, and both of them were strongly connected as they symbolize each other to their old Cavalry era spirit, and in the air, their adventurous nature strongly affected each other just like a bottle of Oil and Fire when they were together. It seems the other pilots in the famous Squad tried to create balance with their supportive tactics on the air. Becouse both of them were the “Attackers” and so someone else in the squad should draw the defensive tactics for the sake of the Action-Addicted Duo. Both of them saw the Great War as the “Playground for their Chivalric Adventures”. They were not greedy nor ambitious, but rather they wanted to proove that the old-cavalry traditions may continue in the air, and their new war-birds were their new cavalry horses. Within this strongly connected friendship, Ekrem went to huge depression after the death of Richthofen even he took the revenge of the death of his old comrade. When I was just on my teenage era, my grandmother Fazilet told me that Ekrem couldn’t be able to look again at his Great War Photos with his old friend Richthofen after the war. Becouse those war photos symbolized his “happy days” with his young comrade. When we look at those photos, indeed all of them are smiling to the cameras in the middle of the war.
Photo: Richthofen Geschwader headquarters in Chateau de Cappy.
Manfred Baron von Ricthofen on the Center as the Vic Formation line depicts.
Right 2nd (Left 2nd for their perception) is my Great-Grandfather Ekrem Recep Batra as his position (Linken Flügeln Gruppe / Left Wing Group) as the Vic Formation depicts.
Circa 1916-1917
The Red Baron and Ekrem were like the Thesis and Antithesis of each other, both in their cavalry attack tactics and in their aerial attack tactics. Ekrem would first produce a tactical offensive Thesis, and Manfred would immediately produce an Antithesis tactic for it. And both of them would synchronisingly apply these Thesis and Antithesis tactics they developed together in the fields. They knew each other’s tactical behavior so well that they both knew “when and which tactics” the other would use on the fields, and they would change their tactics accordingly for it. The fact that both Ekrem and the Red Baron are so compatible with each other has increased their success on the fields. Interestingly, the French nickname for Red Baron was “Le Diablo du Rouge“, which means The Red Devil. And Ekrem’s nickname was “Der Gegen Teufel“, which means Anti-Devil. And also the horse of Red Baron’s name was “Antithesis“.
*Another interesting detail is Manfred’s famous Triplane was painted to “Blood Red” or “Wine Red”, not a standard Carmin Red which has been mistakenly and widely believed today. This Color-shade of Red is oftenly known today as “Crimson-Red”.
And I must personally add that Red Baron’s well-known popular uniform during his golden days as an Ace of Aces, he still insistedly wears his old Uhlan Lancers Cavalry uniform known as “Uhlanka Tunic“. As you can saw the similarities of Ekrem’s Uhlan uniform that you can see in this biography, clearly shows the uniform of Red Baron were similar Uhlan uniforms only their colors were slidely different. As the mind of Red Baron, he saw himself as Sky Cavalry. So he wanted to continue to wear his old Cavalry uniform when becoming an Ace. He wanted to show the world that the Cavalry traditions now continues in the skies. So he feeled that he should still wear his Uhlan Cavalry uniform.
*And possibly they got some very-early type Walky-Talky connection for keeping stay connected as a squadron we pressume.
Ekrem’s pain was mostly centered on that he can’t able to went Red Baron’s funeral, becouse that funeral was progressed by the Allied soldiers, which was that Baron’s plane crashed behind the French lines. So he can’t able to joined his fellow comrade’s funeral becouse of it.
The thoughts of Ekrem about the Assasination of War-Minister of Ottoman Empire, Fieldmarchall Recep Pasha, Ekrem’s beloved father:
Ekrem also learned that Mannock was one of the responsibles of the Assasination of his beloved father, War Minister of Ottoman Empire, Fieldmarchall Recep Pasha back in Islamic Revolt in istanbul as a British spy. Mannock was lost his one eye during his bloody espionage mission years before he finally enlisted in British Airforce on WW1 and Ekrem witnessed this. This caused Ekrem to driven fiercefuly by the feelings of revenge especially after the deaths of his best friends Böelcke and Richthofen.
*Those are enough crimes which Mannock committed for the view of Ekrem, and as he begin to ultimately fueled by the thoughts of Revenge, just as all of these incidents becomes too much personal for him in the last days of the Great War.
Ekrem’s revenge for the deaths of Red Baron, for Oswald Boelcke and for his Father:
On the “Bloody April” of both Flanders and Amiens fronts, he witnessed the bloody ending of the First World War. His close friends, Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen, Kurt Wolff, Erwin Böhme, Erich Loewenhardt, Prinz Friedrich Karl von Preußen (1893–1917), and previously Oswald Böelcke were all shot down and killed, causing him great sadness and depression.
For the view of Ekrem Recep, Mick Edward Mannock was responsible of the deaths of Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen and Oswald Böelcke whom both of them was a close-friend of him, becouse Mannock was one-eyed, this makes him easily identified. Also he personally witnessed how Mannock caused lots of troubles in Istanbul back in the beginning of WW1 as a british spy and he was responsible of the Assasination of his beloved father War Minister of Ottoman Empire, Recep Pasha.
Mannocks’s one dark habit was watching his victim’s last moments after he shot their planes and having great pleasure while he watch their planes falls.
So, Ekrem maked a fierce revenge plan together with his Ace friends; Ernst Udet, Lothar Freiherr von Richthofen, Rudolph Berthold, Wolfram Freiherr von Richthofen, Otto Kissenberth and his other fellow Austrian Ace friend from Görlice-Tarnow Offensive; “Austrian Red Baron” aka Godwin von Brumowski for his ability to perfectly simulating Red Baron’s tactics. Ekrem persistently excluded Göring from this plan because Ekrem was one of those who find his officer-skills and Ace-skills insufficient, as Ekrem being one of Göring’s current superiors at the rank of Rittmeister (Hauptmann), which was the same rank of Red Baron himself. (This event later caused a clash between Göring versus Ekrem & Ernst Udet & Brumowski trio, which eventually later Göring tried to put an end the trio’s careers)
There was also Rudolf Rienau in the Ekrem’s clearly rogue & unofficial “Vendetta Squadron” as a 8th supportive Ace. Ekrem instructed him to avoid any enemy engagement during action. Since Rienau was not an attacker, and always prefers to be the defender in the squadron. Ekrem will use Rienau as a “bait” in his plan.(Interestingly, just after the end of WW1 in 1925, his fate will be same as Lothar Freiherr von Richthofen, and this will also explained here in the following parts.)
Ekrem’s “Vendetta Mission” was also including his two Cavalry Regiments as: Westfälisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:5 (which is also both Wolfram’s cavalry regiment and the Uncle of the Red Baron’s own cavalry Regiment. Therefore, the 5th Uhlans voluntarily agrees to help Ekrem’s plan), and also the 2nd Brandenburgisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:11 units. (His beloved teacher, Fieldmarshal Graf von Haeseler whom is the commander-in-chief of 11th Uhlans, did not refuse his special request.) In his carefully designed plan, his Cavalry Regiments will fire from the ground, on the exact time and position he wants, when Ekrem orders them during the upcoming dogfight.
In July 26, 1918, together with Ekrem, they draw the famous Vic Formation which all of the aircrafts together shapes “V” resembling the formation of Richthofen’s Flying Circle on their last hunt, and Ekrem specifically wanted Brumowski to replacing the plane position of Red Baron in the new formation on their last hunt.
And they forced Mannock to dogfight against them, seemingly intentionaly breaking one of the unwritten rules of Dicta Böelcke, Rienau used himself as a bait, to make himself become prey of Mannock and allowing Mannock to pursuing him, and eventually Mannock falls into the trick, and therefore he was pursued by Ekrem for to forcefully climb to the higher-altitudes and that was especially what Ekrem planned. Becouse he was also a Cavalry Rittmeister, Ekrem will order his own Cavalry Artilleries which uses Siege Howitzer Cannons, (5th Uhlans and 11th Uhlans) to shot when Ekrem will forcefully drive the Mannock to the lower-altitudes for to make him open to their fire-ranges. Eventually Mannock’s Sopwith Camel begins to fly in higher-altitudes as Ekrem planned carefully before.
Ekrem’s Tactics was the same with Mannock when he was insidiously killed the Red Baron. Ekrem perfectly lead Mannock to the higher-altitudes with the help of Udet & Brumowski & Berthold trio, aimed to Mannock’s carburetor will finally freeze on the higher-altitudes. The difference is Ekrem got one Thermometer indicator in his cockpit as his personal modification, that Red Baron never applied it in his plane. With that thermometer indicator, Ekrem perfectly scan the temperature if his carburetor started to freeze by reaching the higher-altitudes. And so eventually Mannock’s engine will stop, so Mannock’s plane will fall to the lower-altitudes where Mannock will eventually fly into the exact location that Ekrem wanted for warming up his engine.
In consequence, during their fierceful Air-Melée happens just like as Ekrem predicted, Ekrem with the help of Udet & Brumowski & Berthold trio, together they pursued Mannock to drive him to the location that Ekrem will soon throwing his signal flare for ordering his ground units to fire, while Mannock’s plane arrived in the exact location by the pursue.
Their mutual friend Kemal Ohri bey of Ohrid whom is an Uhlan Cavalry Lieutenant-Colonel also was there at the ground with the Heavy Artillery units of Westfälisches Ulanen Regiment Nr:5, waiting the signal f
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https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/israel-weighs-whether-to-honor-brother-of-leading-nazi-hermann-goering-a-887032.html
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Israel Weighs Whether to Honor Brother of Leading Nazi Hermann Göring
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[
""
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[
"Gerhard Spörl",
"DER SPIEGEL"
] |
2013-03-07T16:27:56+01:00
|
Leading Nazi Hermann Göring was instrumental to Hitler's reign of terror, but research suggests his brother Albert saved the lives of dozens of Jews. Israel must now decide whether he deserves to be honored as one of the "Righteous Among the Nations."
|
en
|
https://cdn.prod.www.spiegel.de/public/spon/images/icons/favicon.ico
|
https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/israel-weighs-whether-to-honor-brother-of-leading-nazi-hermann-goering-a-887032.html
|
But this never went beyond a fervent wish. The big brother held his protective hand over the little brother, who did the opposite of what Hermann felt was right. Nevertheless, despite their differences, a brother was a brother. Albert relied on this notion, and he knew that he could, even though the two men presumably never spoke about it.
Members of the extended Göring family say that the two never discussed their differences. Political debates did not take place at family gatherings. The brothers were probably protecting each other from the truth, and each of them probably didn't want to know exactly what the other one was doing.
Albert Göring was arrested several times, but was always quickly released after officials had put in a call to Berlin. Given what we know today, perhaps he was never truly in mortal danger, no matter how much the Nazis would have liked to put him through the wringer.
Rumors of Jewish Roots
But why did Albert Göring help those in need in the first place? There are no written documents describing his motivation for helping people in trouble. It is clear that the Hitler cult of personality was repugnant to him. His brother was the antipode, and his two sisters were married to ardent Nazis. Albert was the exception in the family, an outsider who was respected and derided at the same time. There is, however, a story in his biography that lends a grotesque twist to this case of the unsung hero.
According to a relative who prefers to remain anonymous, it was an open secret in the family that Albert was in fact only a half-brother. He was allegedly the product of an affair between his mother, Franziska, or Fanny, and the Göring family's wealthy physician. In fact, photos show a resemblance between Albert and the doctor, Hermann von Epenstein. Epenstein was rich and sophisticated, and he owned two castles, one in the Franconia region of Bavaria and one in the Austrian state of Salzburg. He was also of Jewish origin.
If Epenstein was the father, Albert Göring, according to Nazi Rassenlehre (racial theory), was a "Jewish mongrel."
Some might interpret this aspect of the family history as a motive for Albert Göring to rescue victims of the Nazis instead of becoming a Nazi himself or leading a life of luxury in his brother's shadow. His life in Third Reich was certainly not without danger because it was possible to exploit the knowledge of his origins. But the Gestapo apparently did not discover the family secret, or else it would have caused more trouble for both Albert and Hermann Göring.
Trials, Obscurity and Death
When the war ended, a period of suffering began for Albert Göring.
On May 9, 1945, he surrendered to the Americans in Salzburg. He assumed that he would be shown respect because of his acts of kindness during the Nazi era. He told his interrogators who he was and what he had done -- but no one believed him.
He was a Göring, the brother of the Reichsmarschall, an evil luminary within the Hitler elite, which meant that he could only be a Nazi of the worst kind. He was the type of prisoner who was desperately searching for excuses, as well as being extremely nervous, Richard Sonnenfeldt, the American chief interpreter at the Nuremberg trials, said in a TV interview.
Albert Göring must have been stunned by the American soldiers' skepticism. As proof of his actions, he compiled a list of 34 names. He neatly documented the names, previous places of residence, professions, citizenships and current places of residence of "people whose lives or existence I put myself at risk (three Gestapo arrest warrants!) to save" and specified their "race" and the "type of help" he had provided. The list includes prominent individuals such as Kurt Schuschnigg, the last Austrian chancellor before the 1938 annexation, and the wife of opera composer Franz Lehár, who was Jewish and No. 15 on the list of people Göring had saved.
He had been imprisoned for a year when a new interrogation specialist named Victor Parker reported for duty. As he was reading the list of 34 individuals, he paused when he saw the name Lehár. By a stroke of luck, the composer's wife was Parker's aunt. The Americans finally believed the story their prisoner had told them and released him from custody. But he wasn't freed altogether. Instead, they extradited him to Prague, just in case there was any evidence against him there.
Göring ended up in Pankrác Prison, together with German war criminals, looters and murderers. He was put on trial in a Czechoslovakian people's court.
As a German named Göring, being put on trial in Prague in 1947 was almost tantamount to a death sentence. But many workers from the Škoda plant and resistance fighters appeared in court to praise the defendant. In a letter to then-President Edvard Beneš, Ernst Neubach wrote that "hundreds of men and women" had Albert Göring to thank for "being rescued from the Gestapo, concentration camps and executioners." The court acquitted him in March 1947.
When Neubach tried to bring his friend Albert Göring to the world's attention in 1962, Germans were still trying to hush up the past. No one, neither the public nor historians, was interested in a Göring who differed from the rest of his family. Twenty years later, biographies of Hermann Göring were gradually being published, heavy tomes by authors such as Richard Overy and David Irving, who mentioned the younger brother as an aside, with no appraisal of his merits as a rescuer of those persecuted by the Nazis.
Trying to Right Wrongs
Years passed. In 1998, Britain's Channel 4 aired a striking TV documentary called "The Real Albert Göring." In it, the children of people who had been rescued talked about Göring, his character and what he had done. The film also included original footage from the Nazi era. An attractive, elegant older woman chatted about the differences between her Uncle Albert, who she called Bertl, and her father Hermann. The woman was Edda Göring, Hermann's only daughter, who lives in Munich today.
The documentary was essentially a screen adaptation of Neubach's article. But it too came to nothing. Then, a few years later, a young Australian named William Hastings Burke happened upon the documentary and was fascinated. He went to Germany to study the archives, and he retraced Albert Göring's steps through Austria, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Romania. He also found Albert's only daughter, Elizabeth, and other relatives.
Burke embarked on a one-man crusade to make up for what had been ignored for decades. His efforts led to the book "Thirty-Four," published in Germany last year under the title "Hermann's Brother. Who Was Albert Göring?" The book was mentioned in the German publications Der Tagesspiegel, Die Welt and Focus, as well as by SPIEGEL ONLINE .
Burke had discovered how Albert Göring's life progressed after the acquittal in Prague. He was 52. His fortune was gone, and he was unable to find work as an engineer. The Göring name became a curse because no one was about to hire a Göring. He slowly fell into despair and cheated on his wife, who divorced him and emigrated to Peru with their daughter.
Göring could have changed his name, as so many Nazis did. But the relative who prefers to remain anonymous suspects that he chose to keep his name out of solidarity with the family. Heinrich Göring had treated him as a son, and Albert, a moralist, would have considered renouncing his name a betrayal, says the relative.
Göring spent his last few years living in relative poverty in an apartment building with his former housekeeper, whom he married shortly before his death. He died in Munich on Dec. 20, 1966. His grave in Munich's Waldfriedhof cemetery no longer exists. It was leveled in 2008.
Sorting Fact from Fiction
It was Burke who sent the documents to Yad Vashem two years ago. He believes that his hero deserves to become the 511th "righteous" German.
Will he?
In the Café Paradiso, Irene Steinfeldt wrinkles her brow and says that Albert Göring was undoubtedly a fascinating person, a provocateur and a privileged lone wolf. She also finds it peculiar that so few people in Germany have even heard of him. Perhaps the Germans find it more difficult to reconcile themselves with a Göring than the Israelis, she says. However, she adds, it is important, that he is finally appreciated in Germany as an important historical figure.
The file on her desk has become very thick in recent months. She has spoken by phone with the son of someone who was rescued in Switzerland. She doubts whether all the information Neubach, Channel 4 and Burke have compiled is accurate. She believes that truth is sometimes transformed into legend.
Under the rules, only those who put their own lives at risk to save the lives of others can be counted among the righteous. And they cannot be Jewish. Officially, Albert Göring was not a Jew, but is that the truth or a legend? And is it even conceivable that the State of Israel would award its highest honor to someone named Göring?
Eventually, says Steinfeldt, she will present the Göring file to the commission.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
3
| 62
|
https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/blog/hermann-goerings-art-collection-and-the-70th-anniversary-of-his-trial-at-nuremberg
|
en
|
Hermann Goering’s Art Collection and the 70th Anniversary of his Trial at Nuremberg – bridgeman blog
|
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[
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] | null |
[
"Bridgeman Team"
] |
2015-08-14T23:00:00+00:00
|
In November 1945, amidst the destruction of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the Victors’ military trials got underway in the bombed out ci
|
en
|
https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/hubfs/favicon.ico
|
https://blog.bridgemanimages.com/blog/hermann-goerings-art-collection-and-the-70th-anniversary-of-his-trial-at-nuremberg
|
In November 1945, amidst the destruction of the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the Victors’ military trials got underway in the bombed out city of Nuremberg. This signalled the final downfall for many of the most influential and powerful men in the Nazi party who orchestrated the devastation of Europe and the crimes against humanity witnessed in the years 1939-1945.
The most prominent member of the trial was Hermann Goering, Hitler’s deputy and former Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, the German air force. This trial was to mark the end for Goering, a man who had experienced power at almost the highest level in the Nazi party. He was also a complex character, a self-labelled ‘Renaissance Man’ with a priceless collection of art, almost the entirety of which was stolen from across Europe.
Rise to Power
Hermann Goering first came to public attention in the First World War as a fighter pilot ace, finishing the war with seventeen air victories, a highly respectable total, leaving him a war hero. In 1923 after seeing one of Hitler’s speeches, he became a member of the newly founded Nazi Party. Hitler appointed him head of the SA, the Nazi’s paramilitary wing.
Hitler remembered being immediately impressed by Goering, ‘I liked him. I made him the head of my SA. He is the only one of its heads that ran the SA properly.’[1] He was made Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, a position he would hold to the end of the war. Goering, however, started to take a less active governmental and military role after falling out of favour with Hitler, following the disastrous defeat of the Luftwaffe in the Battle of Britain. This gave more time to spend compiling his art collection.
Art Collection
Goering would have described himself as a renaissance man, though in reality, he was a bizarre eccentric who would change costume five times a day, ranging from full military regalia, he had designed himself to, a medieval peasants’ hunting costume. His strange vanity is summed up by a joke of the day that he probably ‘wears an admiral’s uniform to take a bath’.
This man of aesthetics was equally pleased by paintings. ‘The Falconer’ by Hans Makart was presented to him in 1938 by Hitler as a gift. Goering would, as early as the 1920’s travel Europe and visit museums, or wealthy Jewish owners, and confiscate their artworks. This resulted in an extensive 1,800 piece collection of paintings, ranging massively in styles.
There were portraits by Gainsborough, Reynolds and Franz Hals. Old masters such as Rembrandt, Van Dyck and Velazquez were well represented, along with early Renaissance painters Botticelli and Paolo Uccello. He possessed several rococo works by Fragonard and Boucher, along with many Renoirs and even a Matisse. The total value of his collection was estimated at $200,000,000.
Hans Van Meegeren
Goering was once caught out however. He clamoured to own a Vermeer to crown his collection, so when a previously unknown ‘early Vermeer’ depicting the biblical scene of Christ and the Adulteress was offered to him, he snapped it up with great enthusiasm as nobody had ever found a biblical or historical painting by Vermeer.
It remained in his possession until the end of the war, when it was discovered to be painted by Dutch forger, Han Van Meegeren, who served one year in prison for his crimes. He was however, very popular in his native Holland as the man who swindled Goering. When he was informed that in fact his ‘Vermeer’ was a fake, “[Göring] looked as if for the first time he had discovered there was evil in the world”[2], which has a certain irony to it.
Trial and Death
However, it would be art that would prove his downfall. As the war drew to a close in April 1945 Goering was travelling to Austria with a specially chartered train for his artworks to Mauterndorf, his castle in Bavaria. His paintings were found and confiscated. He later surrendered to American Troops on the 6th May, who kept him in several internment camps where he was weaned off his addiction to morphine.
In the November of that year he was moved to Nuremberg to stand trial along with 24 other men of high influence in the Nazi Party, including, Rudolf Hess, Karl Donitz, Martin Bormann (in absentia), Joachim von Ribbentrop and Albert Speer, Hitler’s state architect.
Goering, as the most prominent of the accused became ‘Prisoner Number One’ and sat in the prime seat in the dock. He used his authority to attempt to control the other prisoners into following his line of defense, one of no remorse and total devotion to their dead leader.
On October 1st the Judge delivered his sentence and Goering was found guilty on all four counts against him; waging a war of aggression, war crimes, including the plundering and removal to Germany of works of art and other property; and crimes against humanity. He even justified his looting, saying ‘everyone plunders a little in war’.
Goering was sentenced to death by hanging. He appealed, asking to be shot like a soldier, rather than hanged like a common criminal. This was refused. However, he cheated the hangman’s noose only a few hours before the execution by killing himself by means of a cyanide pill, possibly smuggled in by a sympathetic American guard.
Legacy
Goering’s body was cremated and his ashes scattered in a tributary of the Elbe River. 80% of his plundered artworks have been returned to their lawful owners. Ten of the twenty four defendants were hanged on the 16th October 1946.
Sources
[1] Hitler 1988, Page 168
[2] Wynne, Frank (8 May 2006). “The Forger who Fooled the World”
Images and Licensing
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 96
|
https://www.forces.net/heritage/history/nuremberg-trials-what-happened-when-nazis-faced-justice
|
en
|
Nuremberg Trials: What Happened When Nazis Faced Justice?
|
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2021-09-23T17:18:00
|
October marks the 75th anniversary of the conclusion of one of the most significant events in legal history.
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en
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Forces Network
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https://www.forces.net/heritage/history/nuremberg-trials-what-happened-when-nazis-faced-justice
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On 1 October 1946, 12 death sentences were passed down by the judges of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg on some of the most high-ranking and influential members of Nazi Germany.
Ten of those men would be hung 16 days later. One was sentenced in absentia. Another, Hermann Goring, opted to commit suicide hours before his scheduled execution.
Their trial, which had begun 11 months earlier in November 1945, is considered one of the most significant judicial events in modern times.
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Yet, it might never have happened. From as early as 1943, the leaders of the Allied Superpowers - Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt - argued over how precisely justice ought to be handed out to Europe's greatest ever tyrants. Some of their early ideas were quite different from the trial process that eventually came to pass.
Churchill even advocated for the summary executions of senior Nazis upon capture.
While the Second World War continued in the Far East, some of the most astute legal minds in the West prepared for, as Sir Norman Birkett called it, "the greatest trial in history."
Here, to mark the 75th anniversary of the salient International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, we look at how the event sits within the broader history of World War Two and explore how its legacy remains a cornerstone of UN convention today.
This is all the gen on the Nuremberg Trials.
What Were The Nuremberg Trials?
In the immediate aftermath of World War Two, the victorious Allied forces began a series of trials to bring to justice the architects and administrators of the horrific crimes against humanity committed by Nazi Germany.
Those placed on trial included prominent Nazis across politics, the judiciary, military, and economic departments of the defeated regime. In the first and most significant trial, held under the new International Military Tribunal, infamous personalities including Admiral Karl Donitz, Hans Frank and Hermann Goring faced indictments for war crimes and crimes against humanity, with many high-ranking officials convicted on multiple charges and sentenced to death.
The International Military Tribunal is generally what historians refer to when discussing the Nuremberg Trials. It began on 20 November 1945 and concluded on 1 October 1946. It featured 24 defendants. Ten would be hanged within sixteen days of its conclusion.
After the International Military Tribunal concluded in October 1946, the Allies continued to try other officials for lesser war crimes, including the Nuremberg Military Tribunal, the Doctors Trial and Judges Trial.
Alternative Justice: Churchill Preferred Summary Executions
The conundrum over dealing with crimes committed by the Nazis had been an issue the three superpowers of Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union had pondered for some years in the build-up to the eventual Nuremberg Trials. France joined them at the end of the war, so the eight judges presiding over the International Military Tribunal for the first and most significant trial included two from each of the four nations. One of each was appointed to the bench; the other was in place as an alternative.
Before settling on the judiciary process that came to pass at Nuremberg, other ideas, some extreme in nature, were hypothesised and debated among the leaders of the Allied powers.
In documents declassified and released in 2006, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill's initial position advocated for the summary execution of Nazi leaders upon capture by Allied forces. Remarkably, given how history played out in the decades that followed, he was primarily talked down from this position by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.
Another plan was drafted by US Secretary for the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, known as the Morgenthau Plan, which focused on denazification. His system, initially supported by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, alongside German deindustrialisation, also called for the summary executions of significant criminals, known as "arch-criminals." The proposal proved unpopular when its contents were leaked via the press. Roosevelt changed his mind, and the Morgenthau Plan was dropped.
The situation evolved when a further US politician stepped forward, Secretary of State for War Henry Stimson. His idea was called The Trial of European War Criminals. It was solely focused on a judicial process of bringing these criminals before a court.
The Establishing Of The Court
A legal basis for the Nuremberg court was established in the London Charter on 8 August 1945, the day before the US dropped an Atomic Bomb on the Japanese city of Nagasaki.
The London Charter, formally called The Charter of the International Military Tribunal – Annex to the Agreement for the prosecution and punishment of the major war criminals of the European Axis, was a decree issued by the European Advisory Commission, a body established by the US, Britain, and Russia in 1943. The charter served as a model for the future Tokyo Charter, which brought those responsible for War Crimes to justice in Japan.
The court's jurisdiction was defined in the Instrument of Surrender of Germany, which handed political authority, and crucially, sovereign power, to the Allied Control Council. This paved the way for the council to punish violations of international law and laws of war.
WATCH: A newsreel feature from 1946 on the verdicts handed down at the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. (Public Domain).
Why Did The Trials Occur In Nuremberg?
There was much tussling between the four powers over a range of matters concerning the trials.
One of the major discussion points was the location of the International Military Tribunal and its trials. Stalin called for it to be in Berlin. Other areas mooted by world leaders included Leipzig and Luxemburg.
However, Nuremberg was selected for two reasons. Its Palace of Justice was big enough to house everybody required for the trials. Two, Nuremberg was considered the ceremonial birthplace of the Nazi Party. To bring those high-ranking officials to justice in the same city that hosted the party's propaganda rallies was seen as a symbolic statement of intent.
Who Went On Trial?
For the first and most crucial trial at Nuremberg, 24 senior figures from the upper echelons of Nazi Germany stood accused of a range of indictments.
They included the Holocaust's most notorious architects, including Wilhelm Frick, the Reich Law Leader and Governor-General of occupied-Poland; Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who held overall control of the Nazi death squads; and Albert Speer, the Minister of Armaments who had used Jews as slave labour in the production of munitions.
Prosecutors presented four indictments. Those on trial were accused of either single items or all of them in some cases.
Indictment One: Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of a crime against peace.
Indictment Two: Planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace.
Indictment Three: Participating in war crimes.
Indictment Four: Crimes against humanity.
For the first time in International Law, the indictments featured 'genocide', a word coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin. It literally meant the act of killing a race or a people.
What Were The Verdicts?
Of the 24 men on trial under the International Military Tribunal, 18 were convicted of the more sickening indictments of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Three were acquitted of all charges, and decisions could not be reached for two for the defendants.
Sentences passed down by the court ranged from 10 years (Karl Donitz) to life imprisonment (Walter Funk, Rudolf Hess, Erich Raeder). For others, the council of judges issued death penalties.
Twelve of the defendants were ordered to be hanged, one of whom was sentenced in absentia (Martin Bormann - who was, in fact, already dead it would later transpire).
The Executions
All hangings were carried out on 16 October 1946, 16 days after the judges passed the sentences.
Some of those condemned expressed remorse. Others did not. One of the men, Julius Streicher, cried out "Heil Hitler!" and "The Bolsheviks will hang you one day!" on the platform before the trap door opened. For him, death was an unduly drawn-out affair due to an error in the process. Streicher, it was reported, "went down kicking," which likely dislodged the hangman's knot out of position.
Arguably some of the most significant moments of 20th-century justice, responsible for all the hangings that day was 35-year-old Master Sergeant John C. Woods.
The US Army soldier would later say:
"I hanged those ten Nazis … and I am proud of it."
Woods would accidentally kill himself four years later by electrocution while attempting to fix some electrical lighting. He was 39 years of age.
The bodies of the hanged prisoners were incinerated, and the remaining ashes were scattered into the River Isar.
How Did Hermann Goring Die?
Hermann Goring, who, next to Hitler, was one of the most influential figures in the Nazi Party, committed suicide hours before his execution. He had swallowed a cyanide capsule. It was later claimed sympathetic guards smuggled the substance into the prison. Other theories have included ideas that he bribed an American soldier with a gold watch.
Who Was Admiral Karl Donitz?
The shortest sentence passed down went to Karl Donitz, the German admiral responsible for the Kriegsmarine and the short-term head of state following Hitler's death in May 1945.
Donitz had been convicted on two indictments: planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace and participating in war crimes. He served his sentence in Berlin and was released precisely ten years from his conviction in Nuremberg.
During the war, he had been the German commander ultimately responsible for the U-Boat campaign that had brought so much misery to Royal Navy crews. It is known, thanks to records, that he was always a dedicated Nazi and antisemite. However, this is something he continuously tried to downplay for the rest of his life.
Astonishingly, when his ten-year sentence was passed down, military officials on all sides of the war felt the judges had been unduly harsh. While in prison, it is claimed that more than 100 British and American officers wrote to Donitz to express their support.
In 1973, he appeared on the British-produced television documentary series, The World At War. He died aged 89 in 1980.
Rudolf Hess: Life Imprisonment And Lonely Suicide
Hess was Hitler's Deputy Fuhrer before flying to Scotland, without authorisation, in 1941 to negotiate a peace deal with the UK. While in the country, the British imprisoned him. He eventually found himself answering to crimes at the International Military Tribunal in November 1945.
This senior Nazi was convicted of indictments one and two ('participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of a crime against peace' and 'planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression and other crimes against peace') and handed a life sentence for his part in the war.
Hess, alongside others in the trial who were given prison sentences, was sent to Spandau Prison in Berlin. Eventually, he remained the last and single prisoner at the penitentiary after his Nazi-co-inmates were either released after completing their sentences or on the grounds of poor health.
From 1966 until his suicide in 1987, the 600-cell prison counted just one inmate – Rudolf Hess. His ongoing incarceration at the facility drew protests, notably from Neo-Nazi organisations and from unlikely characters such as the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington. All attempts of bringing about a potential release were blocked by the Soviet Union, who sited Hess had never "shown even a shadow of repentance."
What Was The Nuremberg Trials' Legacy?
One of the significant outcomes of the trials was the definition of what constitutes a war crime. This is described by the Nuremberg Principles.
Those principles came about because of the post-war trials. They were taken up by the International Law Commission of the United Nations. They remain a crucial cornerstone of international law to this day.
Most importantly, the International Military Tribunal allowed for detailed evidence of terrible atrocities and the horrific ideology of the Nazi Party to be heard in public for the first time. It brought an end to one of history's darkest chapters. It offered victims and survivors an opportunity to look war criminals in the eye and begin the long journey to recovery.
For many, that would never be achieved.
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Göring Descends to Hell
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Hermann Göring - "Nazi no.2", the creator of the Luftwaffe, Gestapo and concentration camps, the successor to the Fuehrer - was the only one in Hitler's inner circle who lived to see the Nuremberg Trials (not counting Rudolf Hess, who left the Reich in 1941). Anti-fascist propaganda portrayed him as a fat, ornery taskmaster. But even in the dock, Göring proved himself to be exceptionally intelligent; he attempted to control the audience, and his interrogation made the prosecution really nervous. Peter Romanov talks about why such a person deliberately followed Hitler and became one of the main Nazi criminals.
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Nuremberg. Casus pacis
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https://en.nuremberg.media/defendants/20210329/141963/Gring-Descends-to-Hell.html
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Star on the Wings
We are not encouraged to talk much about criminals like Hermann Göring. He played a major role in the Anschluss of Austria and recreated the Luftwaffe (air force), which made a vital contribution to the first victories of Nazi Germany. Back in 1933, after Göring became the head of the newly-created Reich Ministry for Aviation, he began a secret revival of the Air Force that had been prohibited to the Germans under the Versailles Treaty.
After the Polish campaign was successfully completed with the help of the Luftwaffe, Göring was awarded a Knightly Order of the Iron Cross. After the defeat of France, he received the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross (he was the only one who had the award in the Third Reich). The title of Reichsmarshal of the Greater German Reich (the German equivalent of Generalissimo) was created especially for him. On 29 June 1941, Hermann Göring was officially appointed Hitler's political successor. It would be all fine taking account of the Junkers and Messerschmitts in the Soviet sky as well as the grief that they brought on their wings to the Russian people.
Nevertheless, I will venture to say a couple of words about this person, since this is the only way to explain how the ace pilot fell into a tailspin and crashed in the black hole of Nazism.
In the First World War, Göring became one of the heroes of this universal slaughter. He himself shot down 22 aircraft, and then at the very end of the war, when the Allies already had undeniable superiority in the air, he successfully led a squadron named after Manfred von Richthofen, the legendary "Red Baron".
Nonetheless, there is one important detail: many Germans called the "red baron" a "murderer" (he shot even survivors who made emergency landings), while Göring`s reputation was completely different at that time. He was born into an aristocratic family (his father was a governor-general and a personal friend of Bismarck). From childhood he had been surrounded by tin soldiers; he got a decent military education, and dreamed of being a soldier. During the First World War, he showed an emphatically noble attitude towards the enemy. He was the opposite not only of the "red baron", but also the man he would later become.
Following Hitler`s Descent Into the Black Hole
Like many military men in Germany, Göring was disappointed with the “unfair” defeat in the war, and that's where his descent into the black hole of National Socialism began. German soldiers believed that it were not them who’d lost the war, but the politicians in the rear. They were outraged by the harsh conditions of the Versailles Treaty. All this initially gave rise to a desire for revenge. And, of course, Göring was really impressed by his meeting with Adolf Hitler, who could skilfully play on this prevalent feeling of national grievance.
Like many others, once he’d heard Hitler (the Fuhrer was undoubtedly charismatic), Göring followed him, believing in him as in a visionary and an indomitable leader.
For Hitler, the emotional and decisive Göring was a lucky find. There were many former soldiers among the admirers of the front-line soldier Hitler, but a generally recognised national hero was another matter. Furthermore, Göring really possessed considerable organisational skills, although he was lazy by nature. His swings from a burst of energy to a breakdown, passion for bragging and propensity for making impossible promises accompanied him all his life.
Francois Kersaudy, professor at the Sorbonne and researcher of Göring 's biography wrote: "Being in the Fuhrer`s shadow, Hermann Göring played a variety of roles: the leader of strike teams, amateurish putschist, itinerant Nazi party activist, (...) puffy dandy, resounding orator, corrupt deputy, conqueror of the presidency of the Reichstag, (...) complete schemer, brilliant minister of aviation, rich parvenu, smart diplomat, excellent hunter, carpet strategist, amateur economist, ecologist ahead of his time, passionate art collector, official successor to Hitler, and his partner in crimes. He was a very sentimental person who did not hesitate to remove everyone who stood in his way; an anti-Semite in words, who ruled the imperial administration for Jewish emigration; a boastful battler who made peacekeeping efforts; a hyperactive person sticking his nose everywhere and completely weak-willed at the same time (...) Göring 's nature consisted of many contradictory qualities”.
In general, the description is accurate; however, it needs to be corrected in several places. For example, it seems hardly appropriate to laud a "collector of works of art" who shamelessly robbed the best museums of invaded countries to compile his collection.
The Fuhrer`s Favourite
Usually, any biography of Göring begins with a list of numerous positions that he held in the Reich. In fact, he received positions and regalia gradually, and the frequent change of areas in which Hitler used Göring may indicate that he did not always successfully attend to his responsibilities. Keeping in mind the role played by Göring in the formation of the Reich, Hitler, unwilling to let his pride suffer, would entrusted him with a new position, while formally leaving to him in the old position as well. In reality, however, someone else was a "driving force". As a result, his impressive list of positions, titles and regalia was assembled.
Hitler did not forget that in 1923, it was Göring who had become the supreme leader of the SA, the storm troopers of the NSDAP, and turned them into a powerful paramilitary force. During the so-called "Beer Hall Putsch" of 1923 in Munich (an attempt to seize power in Bavaria), Göring walked alongside Hitler and was seriously wounded (his endocrine system was disrupted - as a result, Göring put on a lot of weight, making him a favourite character of cartoonists). The wounded airman was saved by the owner of a neighbouring home, a Jew named Robert Ballin. Later, Göring freed his saviour and his wife from the concentration camp.
Hitler knew how hard Göring had suffered from his injury, which rendered him disabled for a long time. He began to take morphine to ease the pain, and then got hooked on it; he received treatment from foreign psychiatrists. After the Fuhrer confirmed once again that Hermann was no.2 Nazi in the party and that he was his successor, Göring calmed down. It was during the party’s formative stage, as well as while seizing of power in Germany and during the beginning of the war, that Hitler highly valued the discovery he had made in Göring.
Besides his "aviation positions", Göring became the SA Obergruppenfuehrer, Honorary SS Obergruppenfuehrer, General of the Infantry and General of the Land Police, and head of the Reichstag. Additionally, he was responsible for the implementation of the country’s four-year economic plan.
Opinions differ regarding the last assignment. On the one hand, in July 1937, when the huge state holding Hermann Göring Werke was created, numerous factories confiscated from Jews came under its jurisdiction, later to be joined by factories in the occupied territories. In reality, however, this huge conglomerate, like the entire German wartime economy, was still managed by other people, principally another Hitler favourite - the architect Albert Speer.
Nonetheless, Göring was appointed the "Imperial Jaeger of Germany". Being an avid hunter, Göring was really enthusiastic about this position. All the other positions were mostly formal for him: as the second-highest-ranking person in the state, he only signed the papers that had been laid on his table.
From the Burning of the Reichstag to the Holocaust
These were scary signatures. On 30 July 1941, Göring signed a document presented to him by Reinhard Heydrich on the "final solution" of the Jewish issue that implied the murder of almost 20 million people. Göring was also present at the meeting where Operation Barbarossa was approved: the invasion of the USSR.
According to some memoirs, however, he considered the war against the USSR as well as "the final solution of the Jewish issue" to be a mistake. As Speer recalls, back in 1942, Göring told him: "We will be grateful if Germany maintains its 1933 borders after this war." Regarding the document of Heydrich, he testified in Nuremberg that the translation is incorrect, the "complete solution" meant emigration only. At meetings with Hitler, if he harboured these concerns, he hardly ever expressed them. It wasn’t that he feared arguing with the leader, as he believed in his righteousness, and in divine providence. That`s why he followed Fuhrer's decisions.
There are a number of criminal orders for which Göring is directly responsible. As a general of the police and infantry, he allowed the police to use their weapons freely to suppress the opposition in his "decree on shooting", and it was he who sent 30,000 storm troopers to help the police, thus giving them official status. There are many corpses attributable to this decree. It was he who created the Gestapo in 1933. There is no need to explain what kind of institution it was.
The role of Göring in the burning of the Reichstag is still not entirely clear. At the Nuremberg Trials, he denied his involvement in those events, and despite the evidence available, the prosecutors could not fully prove it. It's not a surprise, since the Nazis thoroughly cleaned out the truth about that dark story. However, the confirmed accusations against Göring were already more than enough. He deserved his place in the dock.
Loyal "Traitor"
Hitler's discontent with Göring grew as the war was being lost. Many of the initial promises of the Reichsmarschall were impossible to fulfil. However, Hitler truly believed in his luck, since he agreed with Göring that the Luftwaffe could provide Paulus's army, surrounded at Stalingrad, with everything it needed. Later Göring promised the Fuhrer that the German Air Force would not allow the enemy to reach German soil. Doubts were growing; the Fuhrer was repeatedly furious after hearing about new allied raids. Göring was gradually losing his position at the pinnacle of power. By the end of the war, Bormann, Himmler, and even Goebbels were vying to claim “Nazi No. 2” status.
Nevertheless, even after Göring had gone dark, he was formally considered Hitler’s successor. Only on 23 April 1945 did Hitler furiously strip his former favourite of all his titles and positions. The reason was Göring's proposal to take over the functions of head of government (Reichsfuehrer Hitler was both prime minister and head of state). According to some researchers, this was the last desperate attempt to negotiate peace with the Americans and the British. Hitler's reaction was immediate. Göring not only lost all his titles and regalia, he was even expelled from the party, which he had once created together with the Fuhrer. Moreover, Göring was taken into custody by the SS. There was a rumour that Hitler had ordered to have Göring’s family murdered, including his little daughter.
However, his guards were soon replaced by people from the Luftwaffe, who released their former boss, and Göring immediately surrendered to the Americans with his family.
It doesn’t matter if Hermann Göring considered the "trial of the victors over the vanquished" in Nuremberg unauthorised, or did not plead guilty of crimes against humanity – it couldn`t change anything. Long before the trial, he called himself a murderer. In his book “Germany reborn”, published in 1934, he said: "…every bullet fired from the barrel of a police pistol was my bullet. If you call that murder, then I am the murderer".
Peter Romanov
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Did a Nazi Leader Say Convincing People to Support War is 'Simple'?
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2002-10-03T17:00:00+00:00
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Rumor: Hermann Goering proclaimed that although 'the people don't want war,' they 'can always be brought to the bidding of their leaders.'
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https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/war-games/
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Claim:
Nazi Luftwaffe commander Hermann Goering proclaimed that although "the people don't want war," they "can always be brought to the bidding of their leaders."
Rating:
True
About this rating
Another quote in the vein of the apocryphal Julius Caesar warning about political leaders who can all too easily send the citizenry marching eagerly off to war by manufacturing crises that purportedly threaten national security and making popular appeals to patriotism. In this case the sentiment expressed is even more disturbing because it comes not from a venerated figure of antiquity, but supposedly from a reviled twentieth-century figure associated with the most chilling example of genocide in human history: Hermann Goering, Nazi Reichsmarshall and Luftwaffe-Chief:
"Of course the people don't want war. But after all, it's the leaders of the country who determine the policy, and it's always a simple matter to drag the people along whether it's a democracy, a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament, or a communist dictatorship. Voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism, and exposing the country to greater danger."
-- Herman Goering at the Nuremberg trials
We may be made somewhat uneasy by the idea that the head of a classic civilization recognized 2,000 years ago that the populace could be manipulated into sacrificing themselves in wars at the whims of their leaders, but perhaps we're more outraged (and maybe even scared) at the thought of a fat Nazi fascist flunky's recognizing and telling us the same thing.
The notable difference here is that although the Caesar quote is a latter-day fabrication, the words attributed to Hermann Goering are real. Goering was one of the highest-ranking Nazis who survived to be captured and put on trial for war crimes in the city of Nuremberg by the Allies after the end of World War II. He was found guilty on charges of "war crimes," "crimes against peace," and "crimes against humanity" by the Nuremberg tribunal and sentenced to death by hanging. The sentence could not be carried out, however, because Goering committed suicide with smuggled cyanide capsules hours before his execution, scheduled for 15 October 1946.
The quote cited above does not appear in transcripts of the Nuremberg trials because although Goering spoke these words during the course of the proceedings, he did not offer them at his trial. His comments were made privately to Gustave Gilbert, a German-speaking American intelligence officer and psychologist who was granted free access by the Allies to all the prisoners held in the Nuremberg jail. Gilbert kept a journal of his observations of the proceedings and his conversations with the prisoners, which he later published in the book Nuremberg Diary. The quote offered above was part of a conversation Gilbert held with a dejected Hermann Goering in his cell on the evening of 18 April 1946, as the trials were halted for a three-day Easter recess:
Sweating in his cell in the evening, Goering was defensive and deflated and not very happy over the turn the trial was taking. He said that he had no control over the actions or the defense of the others, and that he had never been anti-Semitic himself, had not believed these atrocities, and that several Jews had offered to testify in his behalf. If [Hans] Frank [Governor-General of occupied Poland] had known about atrocities in 1943, he should have come to him and he would have tried to do something about it. He might not have had enough power to change things in 1943, but if somebody had come to him in 1941 or 1942 he could have forced a showdown. (I still did not have the desire at this point to tell him what [SS General Otto] Ohlendorf had said to this: that Goering had been written off as an effective "moderating" influence, because of his drug addiction and corruption.) I pointed out that with his "temperamental utterances," such as preferring the killing of 200 Jews to the destruction of property, he had hardly set himself up as champion of minority rights. Goering protested that too much weight was being put on these temperamental utterances. Furthermore, he made it clear that he was not defending or glorifying Hitler.
Later in the conversation, Gilbert recorded Goering's observations that the common people can always be manipulated into supporting and fighting wars by their political leaders:
We got around to the subject of war again and I said that, contrary to his attitude, I did not think that the common people are very thankful for leaders who bring them war and destruction.
"Why, of course, the people don't want war," Goering shrugged. "Why would some poor slob on a farm want to risk his life in a war when the best that he can get out of it is to come back to his farm in one piece. Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship."
"There is one difference," I pointed out. "In a democracy the people have some say in the matter through their elected representatives, and in the United States only Congress can declare wars."
"Oh, that is all well and good, but, voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country."
|
||||
correct_death_00048
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FactBench
|
2
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https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/the-nuremberg-trial-and-its-legacy
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en
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The Nuremberg Trial and its Legacy
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2020-11-16T18:00:00
|
The first international war crimes tribunal in history revealed the true extent of German atrocities and held some of the most prominent Nazis accountable for their crimes.
|
en
|
/themes/nwwiim/favicon.ico
|
The National WWII Museum | New Orleans
|
https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/the-nuremberg-trial-and-its-legacy
|
Top Image: Nazi defendants at the International Military Tribunal in November 1945. Courtesy National Archives and Records Administration.
On October 18, 1945, the opening session of the first international war crimes trial in history took place in Berlin, Germany. Unable to find a suitable venue in the destroyed Nazi capital, the court soon moved to the city of Nuremberg (Nürnberg) in Bavaria, where the highest profile cases were heard in the aptly named Palace of Justice between November 20, 1945 and August 31, 1946. Over the course of nine months, the International Military Tribunal (IMT) indicted 24 high-ranking military, political, and industrial leaders of the Third Reich. It charged them with war crimes, crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, and conspiracy to commit these crimes. Although many prominent Nazis, including Field Marshal Walter Model, Joseph Goebbels, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Hitler, committed suicide before they could be tried, the list of defendants at the trial included Admiral Karl Dönitz, Minister of the Interior Wilhelm Frick, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, and Governor-General of Occupied Poland Hans Frank.
The tribunal in Nuremberg was only the first of many war crimes trials held in Europe and Asia in the aftermath of World War II, but the prominence of the German defendants and the participation of all of the major Allies made it an unprecedented event in international law. After World War I, many people in the Allied countries had called for Germany’s Kaiser Wilhelm II to be tried as a war criminal, but the Treaty of Versailles made no provision to hold individual Germans accountable for their actions during that earlier conflict. The IMT was the first time that international treaties concluded among states were used to prosecute individuals. The tribunal was therefore an intentional break with the past necessitated by the unfathomable scope of Nazi Germany’s crimes.
When the judges rendered their final verdicts on October 1, 1946, 12 of the defendants were sentenced to death, three were acquitted, and the rest received sentences ranging from 10 years to life in prison. Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann was tried in absentia and therefore his death sentence could not be carried out (a DNA test in 1998 confirmed he had died in Berlin at the end of the war). Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring committed suicide on the night before he was scheduled to be executed. American Master Sergeant John C. Woods hanged the remaining 10 condemned men on October 16, 1946.
Although the charges brought against the German defendants at Nuremberg largely derived from prewar international treaties, the tribunal was controversial even in Allied countries. Several prominent figures in the Allied governments, including British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, initially favored a much more extreme course of action and advocated for the summary execution of German war criminals. The governments of the Soviet Union, Great Britain, France, and the United States, however, eventually agreed upon a jointly-run tribunal with judges and prosecutors drawn from each of these countries. In order to combat the accusation that the tribunal was merely victors’ justice, the Allies went to great lengths to provide the defendants with counsel of their choosing as well as secretarial, stenographic, and translation services. When it came to some of the more questionable legal issues, such as the ambiguous charge of conspiracy, the Allies ensured that none of the defendants were convicted on this charge alone. Even so, some Germans accused the Allies of conducting an unfair trial with a predetermined outcome. Several of the tribunal’s detractors rightly criticized Soviet participants’ efforts to attribute Soviet atrocities, such as the massacre of Polish officers and intelligentsia at Katyn, to German troops. Other critics of the IMT noted that Nazi defendants could not appeal their convictions. Despite these condemnations, the IMT is widely considered today to have been a remarkably fair execution of justice. Moreover, it achieved several key objectives outlined by its architects.
Allied leaders hoped that the IMT, and subsequent trials of more than 1,500 Nazi war criminals, would accomplish a number of ambitious goals. First and foremost, the Allies hoped the trials would punish Germans guilty of horrific crimes. American leaders also hoped the IMT would deter future aggression by establishing a precedent for international trials. Finally, the Allied governments intended to use the IMT to educate German civilians about the true extent of Nazi atrocities and convince German citizens of their collective responsibility for their government’s crimes. This last objective was crucial to the Allied plan to discredit Nazism and denazify Germany.
The IMT and other Allied trials that followed had mixed success in achieving the Allies’ first two objectives. While hundreds of Nazi perpetrators were convicted of war crimes, the vast majority received prison sentences of 20 years or less. In 1955, less than a decade after the onset of the Cold War, the Western Allies ended the official occupation of West Germany and reconstituted the German Army. As part of this process, the Western Allies released more than 3,300 incarcerated Nazis. Among those released early were three men convicted at the International Military Tribunal: Grand Admiral Erich Raeder, Walther Funk, and Konstantin von Neurath. The Cold War additionally prevented the IMT from deterring future aggression by establishing a precedent of holding war criminals accountable in international court. Not until 1993, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, did another international war crimes trial take place.
Consequently, the most important legacies of the IMT were its punishment of the worst Nazi offenders, its irrefutable documentation of Nazi crimes, and its discrediting of the Nazi Party among most of the German population. While the tribunal largely failed to force average Germans to confront their complicity in their nation’s war crimes and the Holocaust, it likely prevented many former Nazis from reclaiming prominent political offices. These outcomes owed to the Western Allies’ efforts to conduct fair trials and the widespread dissemination of news related to their outcome.
The London Agreement, which was signed by Great Britain, the United States, France, and the Soviet Union on August 8, 1945, established the procedures for the IMT and was intended to ensure that nearly all German citizens learned about the trial. This document required each occupying power to publicize information about the trial within their respective zone of occupation in Germany. The London Agreement mandated that news of the tribunal be published and broadcast throughout Germany, going so far as to make provisions for German prisoners to receive news of the trial proceedings. To fulfill these requirements, American authorities reestablished a German press to report on the proceedings at Nuremberg, erected billboards depicting photographs of Nazi atrocities, and commissioned films to document the horrors of concentration camps. During the trial, American authorities produced posters using much of the same evidence obtained for the tribunal. These posters featured dramatic images of Nazi victims and were frequently subtitled “German Culture” or “These Atrocities: Your Guilt.” American occupation authorities made such images ubiquitous and circulated them alongside news of the IMT.
An Allied propaganda poster from 1946 with the words “Nuremberg” and “Guilty” surrounding a skull-like image of Adolf Hitler. Courtesy United States Holocaust Memorial and Museum.
This extensive effort to spread information about the Holocaust and German war crimes was necessary because most Germans either denied ever supporting the Nazi Party or echoed the common refrain that “wir konnten nichts tun” (we could do nothing) when presented with a list of German atrocities. This claim blatantly ignored the fact that a majority of Germans had either actively or passively supported Hitler, voted in favor of him or his conservative allies, and generally stood by as more than 500,000 of their Jewish neighbors were persecuted and more than 150,000 of them were shipped to hundreds of concentration camps across Germany. If Germans needed more evidence of their government’s crimes, they needed only to observe the millions of malnourished foreign slave laborers forced to work in German factories and on German farms. When German civilians saw that their denials had little effect on Allied sentiments, they attempted to downplay the severity of German atrocities instead. American war correspondent Margaret Bourke-White reported how after some Germans viewed images of concentration camps, they responded by saying “Why get so excited about it, after [the Allies] bombing innocent women and children?” With the food and housing situation dire in most German cities and millions of soldiers and civilians dead from the fighting, the majority of former citizens of the Third Reich preferred to focus on their own suffering.
While interned in a Soviet prisoner of war camp, Major Siegfried Knappe and the other German prisoners of war received daily reports about the progress of the IMT. “We learned the details of the Nazi extermination camps and finally began to accept them as true rather than just Russian propaganda,” wrote Knappe. The former officer explained in his memoir that he only began to believe accounts of the evidence presented at the trial “when it became clear that the Western Allies as well as Russia were prosecuting the Germans responsible.” Knappe realized that “as a professional soldier, I could not escape my share of the guilt, because without us Hitler could not have done the horrible things he had done; but as a human being, I felt no guilt, because I had no part in or knowledge of the things he had done.” Many German soldiers’ postwar writings echoed similar denials about German atrocities. Scholars generally regard these claims as either blatant lies or willful ignorance because of the demonstrable role the German Army played in the Holocaust. Nor could German soldiers have entirely avoided witnessing the transportation of Jews to concentration and extermination camps, the execution of captured Soviet prisoners, and Allied leaflets describing German atrocities. Allied officials found German soldiers’ professed ignorance baffling, but the Allied soldiers were even more shocked that German civilian leaders could assert their innocence as well.
Despite the vast number of Germany’s victims, even many former Nazi Party members claimed that they bore no responsibility for German crimes and that Adolf Hitler himself did not know about the Holocaust. This created serious obstacles to the Allies’ attempt to denazify Germany. The Western Allies oversaw the creation of denazification tribunals beginning in March 1946, but it soon became apparent that there would not be enough qualified doctors, lawyers, judges, teachers, and civil servants if former Nazi Party members were excluded from those professions. American military government officials at one point even resorted to using lie detectors to try and ascertain if individuals had joined the Nazi Party to protect their jobs or because they agreed with the party’s policies.
The Allies attempted to persuade Germans of their guilt by forcing them to tour concentration camps, watch newsreel footage of Nazi crimes, and purge their libraries of Nazi materials. The real problem, however, was that every German adult who had not actively resisted Nazi rule bore some responsibility for the regime’s crimes. By accepting the legitimacy and verdicts of the IMT, German civilians, soldiers, and former government officials thought they could acknowledge that their country had committed horrific crimes but place all of the blame on a handful of Nazi leaders.
Though the trial failed to convince all Germans of their responsibility for initiating World War II and the Holocaust in Europe, it forged a tentative consensus about the criminality of Hitler’s rule. By October 1946, the month in which the sentences from the IMT were announced, more than 79 percent of Germans polled by American occupation authorities reported that they had heard about the tribunal’s judgments and thought the trial was fair. Seventy-one percent of those surveyed confirmed they had learned something new from the trial. This education solidified the tribunal’s importance in the reconstruction of Germany. As Dr. Karl S. Bader, a professor of jurisprudence at the University of Mainz in Germany, wrote in 1946, “nobody who considers the years 1933 to 1945 will in future times be able to pass by this material.” Bader warned, however, that any hesitancy on the part of the German people to seek justice only proved that the “Hitler in us” was not yet obliterated.
Unfortunately, the Cold War undermined the Allies’ efforts at denazification and both the Soviet Union and the United States rehabilitated large numbers of former Nazis. In East Germany, a Soviet puppet state, the government released thousands of Nazis and enlisted their help in forming a police state. The Soviet Union also began promoting the belief that western capitalists were basically responsible for the rise of the Nazi Party. Meanwhile, in West Germany the Western Allies ended all their efforts at denazification in favor of enlisting the help of former Nazis in the fight against Communism. Discussion of the Holocaust virtually disappeared from the public sphere in West Germany in the 1950s. School textbooks barely mentioned German war crimes, and former Nazis rejoined civil society, many resuming positions similar to those they held under Hitler’s regime. By the 1950s, nearly 90 percent of judges in West Germany had formerly belonged to the Nazi Party. Just as alarming, in 1950 a survey of West Germans indicated that a third of Germans believed the IMT had been unfair. The same proportion of respondents stated that the Holocaust had been justified.
These developments led many scholars and social commentators to condemn the trials at Nuremberg and denazification as complete failures. Germans did not express widespread public regret in the immediate postwar years. Nor did the majority of Nazis receive punishments commensurate with their crimes. Still, the judgments at Nuremberg established the legal precedent for denazification and created a record of evidence so compelling that, when shown to the German public, it dispelled any suggestion that the Nazi regime had been innocent of the accusations leveled against it.
These accomplishments owed to the strict procedures established for the IMT and the Western Allies’ efforts to publicize the trials in Germany. In the 1960s, when a new generation that did not remember the war came of age in West Germany, they questioned the silences surrounding World War II and rediscovered the record of evidence produced for the IMT. Their efforts initiated a public discussion of Germany’s past that led to widespread commemoration and even new war crimes trials for Germans who murdered millions of Jews in Eastern Europe during the war.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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0
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https://brotmanblog.com/tag/nazi-germany/
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en
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Brotmanblog: A Family Journey
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/74a7e83f93c654be85a0b6a3f10560d895f7e0f573e6f0ed4df444163c4e55c9?s=200&ts=1721393106
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2021-02-05T08:16:03-05:00
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Posts about Nazi Germany written by Amy
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Brotmanblog: A Family Journey
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https://brotmanblog.com/tag/nazi-germany/
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Did you know that during the Holocaust some German Jews were deported not to the camps in the east, but to France? It was a revelation to me.
I left off my last post with a series of questions regarding the fate of my cousin Johanna Schoenthal and her husband Heinrich Stern, both of whom had been living in a hospice in southern France at the end of World War II. Why did they end up in France, and how long had they been there? How had they survived after the Nazis took over France in the spring of 1940? Who was Henry Kahnweiler, the friend in Paris they named on their 1947 ship manifest when they left France for the US? Had they had children?
Although I don’t have answers to all those questions, thanks to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the people and sources on JewishGen, I have been able to piece together part of the story of Johanna and Heinrich’s ordeal during World War II.
From the Mannheim Jewish Community database on JewishGen, I learned that Johanna and Heinrich Stern had resided in a town called Karlsruhe before the war. Karlsruhe is about forty miles from Mannheim. It is rather distant from Köln, where Johanna was born—almost 200 miles—and from Giessen, where Heinrich was born. But perhaps more importantly, it is less than twenty miles from the French border. I don’t know how the Sterns ended up living there or when they had moved there.
But I do know when they left. Thanks to Peter Lande at the USHMM, I have learned about a whole new chapter in the history of the Holocaust. Peter sent me the documents below regarding Johanna and Heinrich Stern:
(Translation of first card: Stern, Heinrich, born 3rd August 1876 in Giessen, religion: Jewish, nationality: German – Senior councillor of the Jews in Baden, district South-Baden (source: Nathan Rosenberger, Freiburg: List of survivors of 7.500 deported from the state of Baden), without date, page 3 – ref.-nr. F-18-555 – residence: Karlsruhe, Kleinprechtstr. 41, deported from Karlsruhe at the 22 October 1940 to Gurs in Southern France, current address: Hospice de Romain Drome.
Second card: transport-list from the Gestapo, district Fürstenberg-Baden. ref-nr. VCC 155/XIII. The third card is the same as the first, except it is for Johanna Stern, born 15th of July, 1880 in Köln. )
These cards were definitely about my cousin Johanna Schoenthal Stern and her husband Heinrich Stern. The birth dates and places are consistent with the passenger ship manifest and the JewishGen sources I had found, and the place of last residence in Germany and the residence in France are also consistent with those sources and the notice posted by the family in Aufbau in 1946. These cards told me what had happened to Johanna and Heinrich. They had been deported by the Gestapo from Karlsruhe on October 22, 1940, to a place called Gurs in southern France.
With these clues, I was able to find out more about the fate of the Sterns, not specifically but generally. In October, 1940, the Nazi officials in charge of the Alsace and Lorraine regions of France as well as the Baden district of Germany decided to deport the Jews from Baden, having already deported those who had been living in Alsace and Lorraine. This decision, known as the Wagner-Burckel Aktion for the two Nazi officials who planned and implemented it, led to the sudden deportation of approximately 7,500 Jews from the Baden region, including my cousins, the Sterns, who were living in Karlsruhe. It would be the only deportation of German Jews to the west rather than the east of Germany during the Holocaust.
Manfred Wildmann, a victim of this deportation, provided this chilling account of the deportation itself on his website Our Lives in Europe:
On October 21, 1940, late in the afternoon, my grandfather, as head of the Jewish community, was told to inform all the Jews of Philippsburg that the next day Jews were not allowed to leave their homes. The next morning the police (it may have been the Gestapo) came to every Jewish house, to inform us that we had one hour to pack after which we would be taken away to an unknown destination.
An hour later, the police came to pick us up to march us to the central square, where a canvas covered truck was waiting for all the 21 Jews of Philippsburg, aged 10 to 80. The truck took us to Bruchsal, 20 km away which was an assembly point for Jews from the area. Late that afternoon, we were all marched to the railroad station. When the train finally came, a passenger train with third class coaches, we were relieved that it was heading south and not north towards Poland. While we didn’t know any details of what was happening in Poland, we knew that whatever it was, it wasn’t good. All night long, the train headed south, stopping often to pick up more Jews along the way. Early in the morning, we crossed the Rhine. Now we knew that we were in France.
Once in France, the deportees were sent to a French detention camp in Gurs in the Basque region of southern France, near the border with Spain. Originally built in 1939 by the French to house refugees from the Spanish Civil War, the camp had also been used by the French to detain German Jews as “enemy aliens” in 1940. After Germany invaded France and the Vichy government was established, the camp came under Vichy control. When the Jews from Baden arrived on nine trains in October 1940, the Vichy government decided to send them to the camp at Gurs.
According to the USHMM website, “Conditions in the Gurs camp were very primitive. It was overcrowded and there was a constant shortage of water, food, and clothing. During 1940-1941, 800 detainees died of contagious diseases, including typhoid fever and dysentery.”
Manfred Wildmann provided a more detailed and vivid description:
No vegetation grew in the entire Camp, and the constant rain transformed the ground into a sea of mud into which one could sink knee deep and lose one’s shoes.
The barracks of Gurs were of a special construction, with the lower parts of the walls slanting outwards. They were constructed of rough wooden planks, covered with tar paper, with a wooden floor and a few small windows covered with plasticized chicken wire. About eighty people were assigned to each. The only furniture in the barracks was each person’s rolled up straw bag or mattress, suitcases and one cast iron stove in the center to provide a little heat. Everybody lived sitting either on these straw bags or suitcases. This is also how we ate, out of empty tin cans or any other suitable container we could find.
Another family memoir about life at Gurs can be found at The Grey Folder Project website by Toby Sonneman.
In January, 1941, the New York Times reported on conditions at Gurs, noting that there were fifty doctors providing medical treatment to over 7000 people interned in the camp, trying to “reduce an already high and still mounting mortality rate resulting from lack of food and medicine and unhygienic conditions, the physical resistance of most of the refugees already having been worn down through long suffering.” The Times article stated that there were over 500 children in the camp and about 1200 people over seventy. People were suffering from malnutrition, bleeding gums, heart problems, dysentery, typhoid, and lice. There was severe overcrowding and poor heating and ventilation. Fifteen to twenty-five people were dying every day. “Misery and Death in French Camps, ” New York Times, January 26. 1941, p. 24.
What happened to those who survived? According to the USHMM, “1,710 were eventually released, 755 escaped, 1,940 were able to emigrate, and 2,820 men were conscripted into French labor battalions.” The exact number of those who died of the 7,500 Jews who were deported from Baden is not known, but overall over 1000 people died at Gurs over the course of the war. Many of those Baden deportees were transferred to other camps and some eventually to Auschwitz. The USHMM website states, “Between August 6, 1942 and March 3, 1943, Vichy officials turned over 3,907 Jewish prisoners from Gurs to the Germans; the Germans sent the majority of them to the Drancy transit camp outside Paris in northern France. From Drancy, they were deported in six convoys to the extermination camps in occupied Poland, primarily Auschwitz.”
I don’t know how long Johanna and Heinrich were at Gurs or under what circumstances they were able to leave. Perhaps they were among the 755 who escaped or the 1,710 who were released. Maybe they were transferred to another camp. The records that the USHMM had for them end with the cards posted above.
As for Henry Kahnweiler, the man the Sterns named as their contact person in France on the passenger manifest when they left for the US in 1947, he was the very well-known German-born art dealer, Daniel-Henry Kahnweiler, described by one source “a banker, writer, publisher, and art dealer who became the pioneering champion of Cubism.” As described by Johanna’s sister, Erna Schoenthal Haas, in the Pittsburgh Jewish Chronicle on June 14, 1989, Kahnweiler was a friend of her brother-in-law, Heinrich Stern, from the days they had both been working at a bank in Germany. Kahnweiler’s parents had wanted him to be a banker, but instead he’d moved to Paris in 1907, where he soon established himself as a successful art collector and dealer. He became one of the principal dealers in Cubist art and a major dealer in the works of Picasso.
Here is a portrait of Kahnweiler done by the artist Juan Gris:
During World War I, France appropriated and sold Kahnweiler’s collection because he was a German national and thus a national of an enemy state. After spending the war in exile in Switzerland during which time he wrote several important works on Cubism and art history, Kahnweiler returned to Paris in 1920 and started over. Here is he depicted in 1923 at his gallery in Paris: standing, Daniel Henry Kahnweiler (r), Juan Gris (c) ; 1st row, Louise Leiris (c).
But then in the spring of 1940 when the Nazis invaded France, Kahnweiler, like thousands of other Jews living in France, went into hiding in the south of France. This post describes in detail his ordeal and perhaps reflects the experience of many others including that of Johanna (Schoenthal) and Heinrich Stern. I don’t know how the Sterns stayed in touch with Kahnweiler during the war, but they obviously knew his Paris address in 1947 when they departed for the US.
I imagine that the Schoenthals in the US—especially Lee, Meyer, and Erna—must have been greatly worried about their sister Johanna and her husband during the war, but by June 14, 1946, they knew that Johanna and Heinrich were alive and where they were living, as is apparent from the notice from the Aufbau regarding the deaths of Henriette and Julius Levi. That notice indicates that Johanna and Heinrich were then living in a hospital or hospice in a town called Romans in the department of Drome in southeastern France. I have written to the town of Romans in France to see if they have any information, but so far have not gotten any response.
It was almost exactly a year later that Johanna and Heinrich arrived in the US and settled in Pittsburgh. I can only imagine the joy that the four surviving siblings experienced when they were finally all reunited. A joy, however, that must have been bittersweet, tempered by the knowledge that their sister Henriette and her husband had not survived and that their sister Johanna and her husband must have suffered greatly in order to survive.
In my next post, I will write about the post-war lives of these four siblings, their spouses, and the two grandsons of Jakob and Charlotte Schoenthal, Werner Haas and Helmut Levi/Henry Lyons.
The response I received to the writings of my cousin Lotte was overwhelming. People were very moved by her life story and by her writing. (You can find her story here, here, and here.) Lotte has generously shared some additional writings and photographs about her family and her life, which I will share with you, with her consent. (All of Lotte’s writings are protected by copyright and may not be reproduced without her permission.)
First, a reminder of how I am related to Lotte:
For those who have not read the first installment of Lotte’s story, a brief recap: Lotte grew up in Mannheim, Germany, with her parents, Joseph and Aennie (Winter) Wiener and her older sister Doris. Her father Joseph was a doctor in Mannheim, and her family was living a comfortable life there. Lotte was an excellent student and was enjoying a good life until the Nazis came to power in 1933.
Her grandparents, Laura (Seligmann) and Samuel Oscar Winter lived not too far away in Neunkirchen, where her grandfather was in business with his brother-in-law, Laura’s brother Jakob Seligmann. Lotte described what it was like to visit her grandparents:
MY GRANDPARENTS’ HOUSE
It was a foregone conclusion that I spent most of my Christmas and Easter and also a couple of summer vacations at my grandparents’ house. I never was asked whether I wanted to go there. If so, the answer would have been “yes”. I liked them.
They lived in Neunkirchen in the Saarland, an area of coal mining and steel production administered by the League of Nations at that time. Their three-story attached row house was at Moltkestrasse 23, a nice residential neighborhood. A buzzer would open the front door after which another door with a glass panel opened to a short corridor. To the right on the first floor, called parterre, there was a fairly large carpeted and well-furnished salon and a quite formal dining room. Both rooms were dark and hardly ever used. The smelled a bit dank and musty. But to the left of the dining room a glass-beaded curtain opened to a long, enclosed, bright veranda where my grandmother kept a number of house plants including some she called amaryllis, her pride and joy. And yes, there was a rope-operated dumb-waiter from the kitchen above to the dining room. I used to love pulling those ropes and playing with it.
A toilet with a small hand basin and a spindle full of squares of cut newspaper, hardly to be called toilet tissue, was located half-way up the stairway to the middle floor, the actual living quarters. The living room was fairly bright and not anywhere as elegant as the downstairs salon. The main attraction were my grandfather’s rocking chair and the blue and white KKL (Jewish National Fund) box filled with a number of coins. I liked to manipulate them out with a knitting needle. Of course I replaced them immediately. I knew the money was for a far-away country called Palestine.
Next to the living room was the fairly spacious master bedroom, dark and gloomy and actually taboo for me. But the bathroom was bright and big and quite an attraction for me because I could come in while my grandfather was still brushing his teeth and whistling while doing so. He used to announce that he was the only person with that capacity because he had false teeth. Oh, and of course the kitchen was on that floor but I did not spend much time in it and don’t remember the details, except that it opened up to a balcony where we would sometimes eat. On those occasions we had to constantly wipe off the ever-present soot that came from the coal mines.
The landing half-way up to the third floor featured an ice box. Not much food was stored in it. Certainly nothing kept there tasted fresh. We had to watch out for the sound of drip-drip-dripping water which meant the molten ice had filled the basin below it almost to capacity.
I slept in the first of the three bedrooms on the third floor, up a creaky stairway. It was pretty dark too with a large bed and a dresser. It also smelled pretty musty and the bed springs were making all kinds of noises. A large limp rag doll with a porcelain head and eyes that would open and close greeted me on the bed. It was the ugliest thing I can remember, but my grandmother thought I would like to play with it since it had been my mother’s. I hated it and tucked it away in a drawer very quickly. Early in the morning I could hear the crowing of roosters. Kickeri-kee they went. Kickeri-kee. On Sunday mornings that sound was joined by the ringing of several church bells. After all, Neunkirchen means nine churches. It did not wake me since I was not asleep any more but had to stay upstairs until I could get into the bathroom. On the way downstairs I was greeted by the aroma of freshly brewed coffee.
Two more rooms were located on that floor. One was a large storage room, mostly unused. The other was the former bedroom of my uncle, my mother’s brother, who was killed early in World War I. I was not allowed to enter that room. Probably it was locked. I believe it was kept exactly the way my uncle had left it. My grandparents never talked about it but never got over it. My grandmother only wore black or grey clothes.
Of course the house also featured a basement. There were at least two parts to it, one a coal cellar, unpleasant with a dusty smell all of its own, and a fruit cellar. That was a delightful place. I loved to go downstairs and inhale the aroma of apples, yeast cakes, apple pies and other goodies which were stored in the cool basement room.
The house really was quite gloomy and I probably was bored during my visits. But I never felt unhappy there. That was the way it was. And my grandparents certainly loved my visits and I loved them for it.
Her writing is so vivid that I can easily picture this large and dark house that she visited as a small child. It’s incredible to me how clearly she remembers this house and these visits.
Lotte also has painted a wonderful portrait in words of her great-uncle Jakob Seligmann, depicted above, far right:
Onkel Jakob
He was a good-looking man. Portly and erect. He had a rosy complexion, a well cared-for short white beard, short white hair surrounding his mostly bold pate, an aquiline nose. Portly, I said. His belly protruded just enough to display a heavy golden watch on a chain. That was Onkel Jakob, my grandmother’s brother and thus my mother’s uncle. He was my grandfather’s business partner.
He was very fastidious. His shoes were always shined and a crisp handkerchief was tucked in his left upper coat pocket. He spoke clearly and slowly in a baritone voice. He showed up at the office at exactly the same time every day. On Sundays at 10 o’clock he walked to the train station, about 20 minutes from where he lived, in order to check the correct time and reset his watch if necessary. He wanted to make sure his gold watch, so prominently displayed on his belly, was correct. Once the watch was set, he might pick me up at my grandparent’s house in Neunkirchen. He took me and perhaps my sister too for a walk in the nearby woods, right behind my grandparent’s store. Sometimes Herr Eisenbeis, the owner of the building, would join us. He was a hunter and carried a long rifle. He actually was looking for deer in the birch woods. I never saw him shooting any but I did see a number of deer. Herr Eisenbeis was stocky and short. He was dressed in a green hunter’s outfit. He spoke in staccato sentences and was very abrupt and very Prussian. I did not like him very much.
But back to Onkel Jakob. I did like him and I also liked Tante Anna, his wife, who was quite beautiful and a wonderful cook. She served different kinds of food from those my grandmother made because she was not Jewish and was born in Hamburg in northern Germany. She had a brother in Kalamazoo. I remember because that name sounded very funny.
Onkel Jakob’s life seemed to be run strictly by the rules. He was pedantic, to say the least. But something went utterly against those rules. He never brought Tante Anna to my grandparent’s house. Somehow I found out that she was not welcome there because she was a shikse and because she had been Onkel Jakob’s housekeeper for many years and that they had only recently been married. It was not fair. She was a good woman who went with Onkel Jakob when he had to leave Neunkirchen to move to Luxembourg during the Hitler years. She was the one who kept in touch with my mother as long as she could after World War II broke out. Through her we learned that my grandmother collapsed on the doorsteps and died when the Nazis marched in. That my grandfather had been deported. And that Onkel Jakob had died before the same fate could happen to him. That both he and my grandmother were buried in the Jewish cemetery in Luxembourg for which she supplied the address. She finally moved back to Hamburg where she had some family. After that we did not hear from her again.
I remember Onkel Jakob as a very pedantic man. But along with him I also remember Tante Anna who was a kind and good woman.
As she wrote in Part II of her story, her grandparents and her great-uncle all moved to Luxembourg around 1935 to escape the Nazis. They were, however, unable to come to the United States when Lotte and her parents left in 1939, and all three died during the Holocaust. There is a memorial stone for the three of them in Luxembourg.
Fortunately, Lotte, her sister, and her parents were able to move first from Germany to Luxembourg and then to the United States in 1939 where Lotte successfully completed nursing school.
I was curious about what had happened to her father Joseph Wiener after he came to the US. He’d been a doctor in Germany, and I asked Lotte whether he had been able to continue practicing medicine after coming to the US to escape the Nazis. She shared this essay:
FACING DIFFICULTIES
Imagine having to learn a new language, having to take difficult tests in it, living in a completely new environment and under completely different circumstances, and making the best of it, all at the age of 56 which was considered “getting there” agewise at the time? That’s what happened to my father.
Under duress he had to give up his medical practice in Germany. Other than his native German he knew a little French and of course had studied Latin and Greek in highschool. In Luxembourg where we lived for a year he had no way of working in his profession. Knowing that it was just an interim stop he began to study English. “1000 Words of English” was his first textbook. It was over-simplified and actually quite hilarious. “Do you like this girl?” was the beginning of one of the dialogues. “I not only like her, I love her” it went on. “She has millions of dollars”. That kind of thing really was not adequate , but he learned. My mother who did speak English fairly well taught him some more. And then we left for America.
He felt very strange but he knew he had to make the best of it. He learned that he would have to take the New York State Boards in order to practice medicine. Anatomy, physiology, pharmacology, psychology, the whole works. He plowed right into it. The English language came “as you go” so to speak. He might have taken a course or two, I don’t quite remember. His pronunciation was not great, but then neither was mine.
Meanwhile I started nursing school. Since I had a few of the same courses, though in drastically abridged form, I helped him some whenever I had a chance to get home. He really worked hard at it. He also found time to play the stock market, thanks to two very good advisors whom he knew from before. Whatever little money my parents had managed to smuggle or take out of Germany needed to be augmented in order provide for a decent living. He had no illusions about the income from his medical practice, whenever that would materialize. But the war had started, the market was going up, and as I said, he had some very good advisors who went for safety and not for speculation.
After studying for almost two years my father applied for the State Boards. Miraculously he passed almost all of the difficult courses. All except one in a course called “Hygiene”. The Board, consisting of physicians eager to keep out the new competition g by German immigrants, could not in good conscience let him pass. So he had to take a refresher course and an additional exam, fortunately just in the one subject.
Now he would be able to hang out his shingle. My parents moved from apartment B61, on the sixth floor of the Park Chateau building at 8409 Talbot Street, Kew Gardens, to a spacious five-room one on the ground floor in the A building. My sister, her husband and their little girl, who had been sharing the upstairs apartment with my parents, moved to their own place a convenient distance away. My father bought second-hand equipment for his office. He posted a sign reading “Joseph Wiener, M.D. Physician” or something like that at the front of the building. I must explain that it was and probably still is quite customary for New York physicians to practice out of their living accommodations. No need to rent a special office space.
I remember the “Field of Dreams” movie with the theme “when you build it, they will come”. Well my father opened his office and a few patients came. Not too many, but at least it was a start. By now he was 58 or 59 years old and not too anxious to establish a large practice. He definitely did not to drive a car any more. His clients would have to live in walking distance. That worked out just fine. The neighborhood with its small homes and working-class occupants which started right behind the Park Chateau building turned out to be just what he needed. They did not come in droves. Just enough to keep him happily satisfied. He charged $3.00 for an office visit. Sometimes he did not charge anything. He made house calls by walking there. He joined the local AMA chapter and enjoyed going to their meetings. I suppose he was glad to get away from home once in a while. He also looked forward to what they called “collation” on the invitations. It took a while to figure out that meant refreshments. For several summers he worked as the physician at a summer camp in the Catskills. The kids and also heir parents loved him and respected him. He had a great time there.
But then his health gave out. His arteriosclerotic heart grew weary. It took a few years before it went into failure. A few critical episodes followed. And yet he was determined to face this fact. Released after an early April stay in an oxygen tent at the local hospital, he proceeded to file his income tax. He knew his house was in order. He knew my mother was well provided for. And then he went to sleep. No longer did he have to face any difficulties.
You can see the sadness in Joseph’s eyes (as well as his strength) in this later photograph as compared to the one above that was taken in the pre-Hitler era.
I also asked Lotte about her own adjustment—in particular, how she was able to do so well in her studies, given that English was not even her first language. She shared with me this essay:
MOTHER TONGUE
It is obvious. The moment I open my mouth, people recognize my accent. “Charming”, they may say. “Annoying”, it seems to me. I can’t hear it myself, except when I listen to my own phone message. “That’s me?” It sure does not sound like it. It sounds like a stranger.
Whether I like it or not, German is my mother tongue. That’s what I spoke exclusively until I was seventeen. That’s what my schooling and much of my thinking are based on. That’s what influenced my formative years. But that’s not what I spoke for many years. After all, I left Germany under the pressure of the Hitler years. When I left, I was sure I would never look back, never return again and never want to be involved with anything German. I had to start a new life. And when I met my husband who was from Vienna which after all is not Germany, we hardly ever spoke German. It was during the war, and the language was not welcome. Besides, in Austria they use a number of different terms for everyday common things, and we would begin to argue who was right. So we dropped it and just spoke English.
Learning English was not difficult for me. For a while I took English as an elective in high school.At age sixteen I took some private lessons at a Berlitz School where you are immersed in the foreign language. My courses included conversation, shorthand and commercial correspondence. With my German and a strong background in French it came easily. The study of Latin and Greek was very handy to understand grammar and vocabulary. But the pronunciation! German is a phonetic language while English is not. That caused – and causes – some trouble. While I pride myself in being completely fluent in English, I still may pronounce certain words the way I think they should be pronounced, the way I can sound them out. That is especially true with proper names many of which have been anglicized, for no good reason so it seems. Why for example should Verdi be pronounced “Voedy” when in Italian it is VERDI, or “Aphrodite” sound like “Aphrodaite” while the I in Greek is just that: “EE”? Well, so much for that.
I do think and figure almost exclusively in English. But sometimes an old German adage creeps in. And oh how many such words can be found in that language. There is a saying of wisdom for just about everything. And certain words simply cannot be translated – they are idiomatic. Just like the Yiddish schlemiel, or chutzpah. There is no English word for that.
I can still converse fairly fluently in my erstwhile mother tongue. People who did not know about my background would comment that for an American I spoke very good German. Little did they know. But when it comes to writing it becomes more difficult. For many years I had a lively correspondence with one of my high school friends who did not speak English. Often I would have to beat around the bush, so to speak, and find some alternate, perhaps awkward way to describe what I wanted to say. And reading German books or communications. Those convoluted intertwined interminably long sentences. English is much more direct.
Somehow I cannot think of English as being my mother tongue. It is not, although it is what I use almost exclusively. Somewhere, deep in the crevices of my brain my German background prevails. Sometimes it comes to the fore. After all, that is my mother tongue.
There is no question that Lotte has mastered the English language; very few of us for whom English is our mother tongue can express ourselves as well as she does in her adopted language.
Once again, I was and continue to be struck by how determined and how positive Lotte was as a young woman and how she has remained so to this day. These more recent photographs of her show her indomitable spirit in her smile and in the light in her eyes.
This is the second part of a three-part post about the life of my cousin Lotte, who was born in Germany, left in 1938, and came to the United States in 1939. You can read Part One here.
Although Lotte was only eleven years old on January 30, 1933, when Adolf Hitler became the Chancellor of Germany, she has vivid memories of that day and the events leading up to it.
Lotte wrote:
For years, the Nazis had been a minority party. Many people thought they could not possibly rise to power. But in 1933, Germany was in the grip of the world-wide depression precipitated by the crash of the American stock market and an enormous scandal involving Ivar Kreuger, the Swedish Match King, whose pyramid scam had caused the collapse of the European markets. Unemployment was widespread and severe. In addition, Germany’s pride, so badly hurt by the harsh and unrealistic provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, was crying for revenge. Thus the stage had been set for the dramatic rise of the Nazis whose promise of hope, and whose message of antisemitism, fell on accepting ears. In November of 1932 they succeeded in winning an election and joined up with the “German National Party”, a very rightist holdout of frustrated generals and army protagonists, frustrated because the German army was severely limited by the peace treaty. …But then, on that ominous day in January, President Paul von Hindenburg, a tottering and senile ex- general, appointed Adolf Hitler to be the chancellor.
Like many Jewish residents of Germany, Lotte’s father at first was not overly concerned about Hitler and his party. Her mother was more worried.
My father, who was a decorated veteran of World War One, owner of the Iron Cross medal, and a respected physician in the community, kept on stating that nothing could really happen to us. That the whole thing would blow over. My mother, always a realist, an activist and somewhat of a pessimist, painted a different picture. She was a convinced Social Democrat with a leftist leaning, whereas my father supported the more centrist “Zentrum” party. There had been many heated arguments about politics in our house, and both Doris and I were quite up-to-date on what had been going on.
It did not take long for Lotte’s mother to be proven right about her concerns about the Nazis. By February, 1933, the father of one of Lotte’s close friends was sent to Dachau, and when he returned, he and his family left Germany. While the father was still in Dachau, his daughter and Lotte were assaulted on the street by three boys, leaving Lotte with a bloody lip.
Lotte soon became fearful of saying the wrong thing and getting her family into trouble. Lotte wrote:
A few days into February [1933] I found that a large picture of Adolf Hitler was hanging in my classroom. Without thinking I exclaimed more or less to myself: “Does that guy have to stare right into my face?” The boy sitting in front of me, known to be a “Nazi”, turned around and said “what did you say?” I don’t remember what I answered, but I was scared to death about the possibility that some harm could come to my father. Fortunately, the boy did not report the incidence, and nothing happened. But from there on I knew that I had to be extremely careful with what I said or did. There was always a certain pressure, a certain fear looming over my head, not a very healthy state for a child and then a teenager. And that fear increased as time went on.
By April, the Nazis had instituted a boycott of Jewish businesses, and Lotte’s father was directly affected by this:
A yellow sign with a Magen David (Jewish star) bearing the inscription “Jewish Enterprise” was plastered over my father’s medical shingle. An S.A. man (Nazi stormtrooper) was planted at the entrance to the building with instructions to prevent anyone other than residents from entering. But one well-meaning elderly woman told him to be ashamed of himself, that my father, who handled many deliveries, had actually brought him into this world, and the young man shamefacedly trotted away.
In her memoirs, Lotte describes the various ways that life for Jews in Germany became increasingly intolerable between 1933 and 1935, when the Nuremberg Laws were enacted. Jews were not allowed in restaurants, theaters, and concert halls. They could not ice skate or swim in public pools. Blatant expressions of anti-Semitism by storm troopers and others became commonplace. Even one of Lotte’s teachers espoused anti-Semitic rhetoric:
My French teacher, who had been known to have been a Social Democrat and who had quite opportunistically converted to Naziism, actually had the gall to try to console me by stating that none of the shenanigans were really meant to be antisemitic, but that the day would come when it would be discovered that the blood in Jewish veins actually was different from that of “Aryans”, the true Germans.
Although most Jewish children were forced to leave the public schools, Lotte was able to stay at the Gymnasium because her father had served in the army during World War I. However, she knew she was facing discrimination:
At the end of each school year the three best scholars received prizes donated by local merchants. Being Jewish, I never received such a prize. My home room teacher used excuses, or I was given an undeserved “C” in a minor subject. Twice I just received an “honorable mention”. Later on they no longer bothered to cover up, and I knew why.
Another incident occurred when Lotte attended a concert, violating the prohibition:
I attend a concert by the fourteen year old Yehudi Menuhin who, wearing shorts, looks like a little boy but plays beautifully. Of course being Jewish I am not supposed to be in the concert hall where I meet the grandmother of one of my non-Jewish friends. The lady looks the other way, completely ignoring me, although I have spent many hours at her house in friendlier times.
Meanwhile, Lotte became more interested in learning about her Jewish identity. As described last time, her father had left the Jewish community, and Lotte’s upbringing had been completely secular. Her limited exposure to Judaism had occurred when she had visited her maternal grandparents in Neunkirchen. But once Hitler came to power, Lotte’s father Joseph rejoined the Jewish community, and Lotte felt a desire to learn more about what it meant to be Jewish.
First, she tried a class for Jewish religious instruction. Her description may seem familiar to many who attended Hebrew School growing up in the US:
The teacher had one look at me and promptly asked what I was doing there, but condescended to let me stay. There was a lot of noise in the classroom, nobody was paying any attention, and the teacher could only try to keep some order by slapping the faces of some and shouting louder than the others. After attending twice I was completely turned off and never went there again. Nobody ever asked me to come back.
Lotte then enrolled in a Zionist youth group, Die Werkleute, where she found a group of like-minded Jewish youth and learned a lot more about Judaism. Although her parents did not support the Zionist movement, for Lotte it became a political, religious, and social outlet.
As far as I was concerned, the concept of Zionism fell on fertile ears. I remembered the KKL box on my grandparents’ chest, and I needed something positive to look forward to, seeing how my future in Germany was being destroyed systematically. A few of my friends actually went to Israel by enrolling in the Youth Aliyah program which was in full force by then and was instrumental in to rescuing Jewish children. Others were planning to spend some time in preparation for their move to the Kibbutz by gaining work experience in agriculture, gardening and some of the trades. I was not quite ready to do just that, but I certainly expected to emigrate to Israel somehow at some time in the future. Fate had it that things worked out differently for me. But more about that later.
I learned a lot about Judaism at that time. Some of the members were very observant, and everybody respected that, but on the whole religion was downplayed. It was discussed in a more or less theoretical context. Jewish history, especially the history of Zionism, and Jewish peoplehood were the thrust of our education. At the same time the value of our background of German culture was stressed. We took our mission very seriously.
In 1936, Lotte’s father was excluded from the state-run insurance system which had provided him with many of his patients. He finally realized that it might be time to leave Germany before it was too late. First, the family arranged for Lotte’s older sister Doris to emigrate; she left for the United States in 1937. Lotte’s parents then began to make plans for their own emigration. .
Lotte’s grandparents Laura (Seligmann) and Samuel Winter and her great-uncle Jakob Seligmann had already left Germany for Luxembourg a few years earlier. As explained by Lotte, Neunkirchen was located in the Saar region, which had been under French control after World War I, as agreed to in the Treaty of Versailles. In 1935, there was a plebiscite to determine whether or not the region should be returned to Germany, and the residents of the Saar region voted overwhelmingly to rejoin Germany (over 90%). Under the terms of the Treaty, however, anyone dissatisfied with the result could leave the area. Thus, Lotte’s grandparents and great-uncle had gone to Luxembourg, where German was spoken. Lotte beautifully described where her grandparents lived in Luxembourg:
With my mother’s help they managed to move to a lovely small apartment at the foot of a hill in the fairytale-like city of Luxembourg. The view toward the skyline silhouette, way above, was breathtaking. The ruins of an ancient watchtower and of fortifications lay on the way up to the city. Grand-duchess Charlotte ruled the country which had an army of about 100 men. At times you could see two or three of the soldiers marching behind each other, rifles on their shoulders. Had it not been for a shortage of funds, it would have been an idyllic place to live.
Luxembourg
Lotte’s mother Anna persuaded her husband to move to Luxembourg when they made the decision to emigrate. Lotte wrote:
Once the decision was made, all the following steps fell into place. I had to leave school and take the courses needed to prepare me for a different life. My father closed his office. We obtained the necessary passports featuring the addition of the name “Sara” for my mother and me. “Joseph”, my father’s name, was sufficiently Jewish to avoid any changes. The passports were not hard to get since one of the officials at the office was known to oblige when a DM 10.00 note was slipped into each application. Ours was the last family in Mannheim to be allowed to pack most of its belongings.
Lotte remembers what this meant for her education.
Unfortunately my schooling was rudely interrupted when my parents began to make preparations for emigration. Much to my chagrin I had to quit school in the middle of the equivalent of my junior year. Instead, I took courses in English and French shorthand, typing and commercial correspondence at a private school. I also learned the rudiments of using a sewing machine, courtesy of a school run by nuns. I must add that for a couple of years I had also studied English with a very proper Oxford-trained teacher at the private Berlitz School.
On a more positive note, Lotte’s parents saw to it that she would have a good violin before they left Germany.
In preparation for eventual emigration my father and I travel to Stuttgart to buy a new violin for me. Or rather, it is a beautiful old Italian instrument, bearing a label stating that it was made by Matteo Albani in 1698. It has a gorgeous flamed wood back, gracefully molded. The sound is magnificent. My teacher assists in the purchase which also includes a light brown case lined with light blue plush. A piece of matching blue silk serves as a wrapper for the instrument. It will soon become a part of me. I am ecstatic.
I would imagine that that feeling of ecstasy was tempered by some sadness about leaving behind her childhood home, the city of Mannheim where she’d grown up, and her birth country. But Lotte’s memoirs do not convey sadness, just relief.
On the day scheduled for the packing, an inspector appeared whose job it was to supervise what we were doing. He was quite a jovial man. At lunchtime he attached a yellow ribbon across the doorway and announced that he was now going to be gone for about one hour. My mother took the hint and promptly hid a box with jewelry and cash in one of the suitcases destined for Luxembourg. After exactly one hour the good man returned. Luckily he did not ask any questions and did not inspect anything.
For a few more days we stayed at the home of some friends. On May 9, 1938 my parents and I boarded a train heading for Luxembourg. Again luck was with us. Our compartment was shared with a gentleman who turned out to be the Luxembourg consul posted in Stuttgart. The German border control officers of whom we had been afraid and who might have made a lot of trouble for us, they tipped their hats in deference and did not search the compartment very thoroughly. The Luxembourg officials were considered harmless.
Not long after settling in Luxembourg, Lotte’s mother traveled to New York to attend her daughter Doris’ wedding. When she returned better informed about what was going on in Europe, she persuaded her husband that they should leave Luxembourg and immigrate to the United States. How fortunate it was that Doris had moved to the United States a year earlier and that her mother had come to the US to attend her wedding. If the Wiener family had not left Luxembourg, it is very likely that Lotte would not be here today to share this remarkable story.
Next, the family’s departure from Europe, journey to America, and Lotte’s life in the new country.
If our first day or so in Prague felt like a bit of a fairy tale, our second day had nothing magical about, just a lot of ghosts wherever we turned. We had a new guide that day, Helena from Wittman Tours, a company that specializes in Jewish heritage tours of Prague and the surrounding area, including the concentration camp in Terezin. We had heard good things about the company from friends at home, so chose to use one of their guides for our second full day in Prague. Helena was another excellent guide, and she was able to provide us with another person’s perspective on Prague.
Helena, like Andrea, was a Czech native and had lived in Prague for many years. When she told us that she was Jewish, I asked her about her family’s experience during the Holocaust. Helena said that although her parents had never discussed the matter in any detail with her, she knew that somehow they had been able to obtain falsified papers giving them a Christian identity. Like so many survivors, her parents preferred not to discuss those years, and thus Helena knew only those bare facts.
According to Helena, Prague had a Jewish community very early in its history, though many settlers came and left, depending on the economic and political situation. There was a Jewish community as early as the tenth century, living near the Castle and the marketplace there. Although that community was wiped out during the Crusades in the 12th century, there was then a new community growing on the other side of the river near what is now called Old Town, where in the 13th century the oldest still-existing synagogue was built, referred to as the Old-New Synagogue. That synagogue is still providing religious services to this day. It is claimed to be the oldest surviving synagogue in Europe.
It was humbling to be in this synagogue, thinking of its long history. Although it lacked the awesome size and height of the St. Vitus Cathedral and of some of the other synagogues we saw in the Jewish Quarter of Prague, it was moving to think about Jewish men (women prayed behind a thick stone wall with only a small hole to see into the main sanctuary) almost 800 years ago praying in this space. Jews then lived in a ghetto, separated from the rest of the city by walls, and they faced anti-Semitism and periods of expulsion and then return, but were generally successful merchants and bankers and important contributors to the economy of the city.
The second oldest of the synagogues we saw in Prague was the Pinkas Synagogue, built in the early part of the 16th century. Today it operates as a museum to educate people about the Jewish religion, its holidays and rituals, and does not operate as a place of religious services.
Immediately outside the synagogue is the oldest Jewish cemetery in Prague, so crowded with the remains of about 200,000 Jewish residents that the headstones are tumbled together and, according to Helena, are buried as many as twelve deep, one on top of the other.
There is also a building for the chevra kadisha (burial society) on the cemetery grounds, including a balcony where the Cohanim stood since they were not allowed to enter the cemetery. (According to Jewish law, the Cohanim, the priestly tribe descended from Aaron, are not to defile themselves by touching or going close to a dead body.)
These ancient stones and their placement and inscriptions are evidence of what once was a crowded Jewish neighborhood within the ghetto walls, a community that was observant of Jewish laws and forced to live separately from their Christian neighbors.
In the 1500s Prague had one of the largest Jewish populations in Europe. Other synagogues were built, including a synagogue built by one of the wealthiest residents of Prague, Mordecai Maisel, as his own private synagogue. According to Helena, Maisel was friendly with the reigning king, Rudolf II, and was an important merchant and property owner in Prague. Maisel was also very friendly with Rabbi Judah Loew, a leading rabbi as well as a writer, best known for his rendition of the Golem legend. Both Maisel and Rabbi Loew are buried in the Old Cemetery, their graves marked by large tent-like structures instead of plain headstones. We were not able to get inside the Maisel synagogue as it is closed for renovations, but we were able to take some photographs of the exterior.
The newest synagogue we saw in the Jewish Quarter was the magnificent Spanish Synagogue. Despite its name, the synagogue had nothing to do with Spain nor were its congregants Sephardic. Rather the name refers to the Moorish designs that decorate both the exterior and the interior of the synagogue. This synagogue was built in the second half of the 19th century and still offers services on Friday nights, attracting many tourists.
Seeing this synagogue made me realize just how prosperous the Jewish community must have been in the 19th century. The lavish and ornate wall coverings are indicative of the resources available to the Jewish residents. In fact, Jews were granted equal rights around this time, and the ghetto walls came down, allowing Jews to move out of the Jewish Quarter.
Many moved to the New Town area, where yet another impressive synagogue was built in the early 20th century, the Jerusalem Synagogue. We later visited this synagogue on our own, and although we did not get inside, we were once again dazzled by the colorful and elaborately designed exterior, which also reflects Moorish influence.
Helena told us that once the Jews were allowed to move out of the ghetto, most left if they could afford to do so, leaving behind only those too poor to move. Poor Christians then moved into the area where the ghetto had existed, and because of the poverty, conditions deteriorated, leading to severe sanitary and health problems. Eventually the city tore down the old buildings in an early form of urban renewal, replacing the older homes with the fancy Art Nouveau buildings that line the streets today. The streets were widened, and the whole character of the former ghetto disappeared. For the most part, only the synagogues survived.
Then the Nazis arrived in the late 1930s and 1940s, and what had been a large and thriving Jewish community of over 90,000 people, amounting to about 20% of the city’s overall population, was destroyed. The synagogue buildings survived only because the Nazis found them useful for storing their supplies and horses. Most of the Jews who had lived in Prague were killed. Today there are fewer than 2000 Jews living in Prague.
Seeing the Jewish Quarter and learning about its history helped place into context what we saw in the afternoon when we went to Terezin. As we drove to Terezin, Helena told us about the assassination of Reinhard Heydrich, the SS officer who is considered to have been one of the principal planners of the Final Solution, the Nazi plan for exterminating the world’s Jewish population. He also was appointed as the SS officer responsible for overseeing the occupation of Czechoslovakia during the war and the creation of the Terezin concentration camp. In May, 1942, two Czech resistance members attacked Heydrich’s car and assassinated him. As revenge, the Nazis selected the town of Lidice, claiming it was the home of the assassins, and completed erased it from the face of the earth, killing all the men, deporting all the women and children, and razing all the buildings. As Helena said, when people learned what had happened, they thought it could not get any worse. But as we now know, it got much worse.
I am not sure how to write about Terezin. I wanted to go there to pay my respects to the numerous Seligmann cousins who had died there as well as all the other thousands who had died there. But part of the time I felt very uncomfortable, like I was visiting a museum, not a place where people were tortured, starved, and killed. I took a few photographs at first and then stopped because I felt it to be disrespectful and trivializing to take pictures as if I were visiting an ordinary tourist attraction.
The last photo I took was one of a cell in the Small Fortress, the part of Terezin where dissidents and “criminals” were sent to be punished as opposed to the Large Fortress where the Jews were sent to await their deaths. Of course, many Jews were also classified as dissidents and “criminals” and ended up at the Small Fortress, and the room I photographed was one where such Jewish prisoners were sent, getting no meat and just water and a piece of bread twice a day and sleeping like animals on platforms squeezed into a tiny space where they were crowded on top of each other. The solitary confinement cells, the yard where guards shot Jews for target practice, the sinks where no water ran but were there merely to fool the International Red Cross. My brain had a hard time absorbing that these were real places where these horrendous things actually happened.
My initial impression of the so-called Large Fortress or ghetto was that, by contrast to the Small Fortress, it was not that bad. This was the camp that Hitler used as a “model camp” to convince the International Red Cross that Jews were being well-treated. Children put on performances and created drawings and played soccer, all to impress the visitors. Food was served for the visit that was never served again. Children were required to lie to the visitors to create the impression that they were happy.
Some of the children’s drawings are on display at Terezin, and they are just heart-breaking. The childlike depictions of their happy lives before the war and of their impressions of what was happening around them are so powerful. I can’t possibly convey in words what these drawings convey.
Although Terezin was not a death camp, many thousands of people died at Terezin either from malnutrition, disease, or murder. When we saw the barracks where people lived and the living conditions they endured, my initial impressions were corrected, and I realized how horrible life must have been for those forced to live there while awaiting death, either at Terezin or later when shipped to Auschwitz.
As I noted above, according to records at Yad Vashem several of my Seligmann cousins died at Terezin, including Moritz Seligmann, Laura Seligmann Winter, Bettina Seligmann Arnfeld, Anna Seligmann Goldmann and her husband Hugo and their three children Ruth, Heinz, and Gretel, and Eugen Seligmann. Helena was able to catch a researcher at Terezin right before he was leaving for the day, and in a few minutes he was able to provide me with information about one of these relatives, Eugen Seligmann. He gave me these documents.
From these documents we were able to learn the day Eugen died and from that we were able to identify where in the burial grounds at Terezin Eugen had been buried. You see, the bodies were buried in mass graves that were identifiable only by date. Eugen died on September 16, 1942, and thus the archivist at Terezin could determine that he had been buried in a mass grave located at marker 59.
Helena led us to the cemetery where the markers are posted, and after some searching (many markers had numbers missing for reasons that were not clear) we found marker 59. I placed a stone on the marker and stood in silence, thinking about this cousin I’d never known and what his life and his death at Terezin must have been like.
According to the death certificate, Eugen died from marasmus, or severe malnutrition. In other words, this 87 year old man starved to death. It is just horrifying to look at this document and translate the German words; the document records his birth date, his home town, his date, day, and time of death, his parents’ names and whether he was married and had children (none recorded here), the name of the attending physician, and other information—the level of detail is in direct conflict with the dehumanization the Nazis inflicted on these people. Why create a record that creates an impression that someone cared who this man was and then toss his body into a mass grave?
Eugen, the son of Carolina and Siegfried Seligmann and a nephew of my great-great-grandfather Bernard Seligman, was a member of a successful Jewish German family. He was in his late 80s when he was taken to Terezin. How can anyone possibly grasp what it must have been like for him to have been torn from his home and transported to this camp in Czechoslovakia, deprived of all his rights and property, forced to live in squalor and without any privacy or essentials? How can we grasp what it must have been like for this elderly man to starve to death in such a place? How can anyone understand how human beings can do this to other human beings?
I never knew Eugen or any of the other cousins who died at Terezin. In fact, a year ago I didn’t know I had any cousins who died in the Holocaust. Although going to Terezin was a very painful and nightmarish experience, I am glad that I was able to honor their memories by visiting the place where they are buried, the place where they were killed for no reason at all. Even now I cannot really fathom what happened there. It just is incomprehensible.
In my last post, I wrote about the list of English James Seligmann’s heirs that my cousin Wolfgang found in his family’s papers. There were 21 principals named as heirs on that document, and I had discussed all the easily identified ones and some of those that were more difficult to figure out. I had discussed Numbers 1, 2, 6-13, 15, 16, 19-21. That left Numbers 3-5, 14, 17, and 18. Here again is the list of heirs:
So let’s start with Number 3, Johanna Bielefeld, the one whom Elsa Oppenheimer had claimed was not a daughter of Hieronymus Seligmann in her July, 1984 letter.
Perhaps Elsa was wrong; after all, she was wrong about Adolph Seligman not being the child of Moritz and Babetta, as discussed last time. Or maybe Johanna was the daughter of Benjamin Seligmann. I am not sure yet, but I do know that she was born in Gau-Algesheim. Wolfgang found this registration card for her, dated January 12, 1939, issued by the police in Mainz. It gives her birth name as Seligmann, her birth date as March 15, 1881, and her birthplace as Gau-Algesheim. I have written to my contact in Gau-Algesheim, asking him to see if he can find a birth record for Johanna so I can determine who her parents were. Notice also the large J on her card, indicating that she was Jewish.
Here is the companion card for her husband Alfred Bielefeld:
The list of heirs provided the names of Johanna and Alfred’s children, Hans and Lili (or Lily). It indicated that Johanna had died as had Hans, he in 1948. Then it provided a married name for Lili, Mrs. Fred Hecht, and an address on West 97th Street in New York City. Searching for Hans Bielefeld brought me to someone with that name on the 1940 census, living in Cleveland, Ohio. He was working as an insurance agent, was 37 years old, and had been residing in Mainz, Germany, in 1935.
Further searching found an index listing in the Ohio Deaths database on Ancestry for Hans Bielefeld, indicating he had died on September 13, 1948, the same year of death given on the list of heirs document. On Fold3.com, I then found naturalization papers for Hans Ludwig Bielefeld, indicating that he was divorced, that he was born on July 1, 1902 in Maine (sic), Germany, and that he had arrived in the US on the SS Gerolstein on July 14, 1938.
That led me to a passenger manifest for the SS Gerolstein, where I found Hans listed as a divorced merchant from Mainz. It seemed like this could be the son of Johanna Seligmann Bielefeld, but I couldn’t be sure.
So I searched for his sister Lili. I first searched for her as Lili Hecht, but had no luck, so I searched for Lili Bielefeld and found her first on an English ship manifest dated September 18, 1940, from Liverpool bound for Montreal, Quebec. Lili was listed as 36, having last resided in London, but born in Germany. Her occupation was given as a domestic. The age, birthplace and name seemed correct, so I considered it likely that this was the right person.
Then I found her listed with the same information on a US manifest for passengers entering the United States from Canada. But since Lili did not arrive until September, 1940, she is not listed on the 1940 census, making it extremely difficult to find her in the online databases on Ancestry. There were a number of Fred Hechts, but how would I know if any of them were married to Lili?
So I turned to Google and entered “Lili Bielenfeld Fred Hecht,” and once again I hit the jackpot. Like Fred and Ilse Michel, Fred Hecht and Lili Bielenfeld have papers in the collection at the Leo Baeck Institute entitled “Hecht and Gottschalk Family Collection; AR 5605.” In the biographical note included with this collection, I learned that Fred Hecht came from a German Jewish family with a long history. I will quote here only the sections relevant to Fred, Lili and Hans:
Jakob and Therese Hecht had a son, Siegfried Max Hecht (alternatively Fritz, later Fred, 1892-1970). Siegfried Hecht became a merchant and served in the German military during World War I. Siegfried and his wife Emma née Cahn divorced in 1939, and he immigrated to the United States in 1940, where he took on the name Fred. He settled in New York City and became a jewelry salesman. In December of 1944, he and Lili née Bielefeld (1904-1977) were married.
The Bielefeld family can be traced back to the late 18th century. The family lived in Karlsruhe, Mainz, and Mannheim until the 1930s, when some members immigrated to the United States. Lili Hecht née Bielefeld was the daughter of Alfred Bielefeld, a wine merchant, and Johanna Bielefeld née Seligmann. Despite efforts to procure passage to the U.S., both Alfred and Johanna perished in the Holocaust. Alfred died in Theresienstadt, and Johanna was deported from Theresienstadt to Auschwitz, where she perished.
Lili Hecht née Bielefeld’s brother Hans Ludwig Bielefeld (1902-1948) was a merchant. He married Lilli née Kiritz in 1933, and the couple divorced in 1936. Hans Ludwig immigrated to the United States under the sponsorship of his cousin, Irma Rosenfeld, and settled in Cleveland, Ohio, where he worked in insurance. After his death, his sister Lili Hecht née Bielefeld was the sole heir to the Bielefeld family property, which she claimed in the 1960s alongside restitution for her parents’ deaths.
Thus, from these papers and this biographical note, I was able to find out a great deal about what had happened to Johanna Seligmann Bielefeld, her husband, and her two children, Hans and Lili. I will write more about them in a separate post once I have a chance to examine the LBI collection more carefully and obtain translations where necessary.
Number 4 on the list, Bettina Arnfeld, was more difficult to locate, but I found a Bettina Elizabeth Arnfeld listed on FindAGrave with the notation, “Body Lost or Destroyed.” Her birthdate was given as March 17, 1875. This may have been the “Elizabeth” whom Elsa claimed was not a child of Hieronymus Seligmann. I then looked for and found Bettina Elizabeth Arnfeld in the Yad Vashem Database. The entries there confirmed that her birth name was Seligmann, that she was born on March 17, 1875, and that she had resided in Muelheim Ruhr in Germany at the time she was deported. She was exterminated at Thieresenstadt on January 23, 1943.
The list of heirs indicated that Bettina had a son, Heinz Arnfeld, living on 22 Gloucester Square in London, and he was not difficult to locate. I found several entries for Heinz and Liselotte Arnfeld at that address in London, England, Electoral Registers on Ancestry. I also found Heinz and Liselotte listed in the England & Wales Marriage Index on Ancestry. They were married in Doncaster, Yorkshire West Riding in 1945. Heinz is also listed as a survivor of the Holocaust in the Shārit ha-plātah database on JewishGen.
Heinz died in 1961 and left his estate to Liselotte; she died in 1988. I do not know whether they had any children. Since they were married in 1945 when Liselotte was 37, it does not seem likely.
That brings me to Numbers 17 and 18 on the list, putting Numbers 5 and 14 aside for now. Who were Eva Hansu and Rosa Reisz? If these were nieces of English James Seligmann, then they had married and changed their surnames, so how could I find them? Since they were listed right after Emil and Eugen, sons of Carolina Seligmann and Siegfried Seligmann, I went back to the list of Carolina’s children and realized that she had daughters named Eva and Rosa. Thus, I assumed that Eva became Eva Hansu and Rosa became Rosa Reisz.
I had good luck searching for Rosa Seligmann Reisz. I knew her daughter’s name was Hedwig Neter from the list of heirs, and that seemed unusual enough that I decided to search for it first. Sure enough the name came up on a passenger’s manifest dated August 31, 1940, for the ship Cameronia departing from Glasgow, Scotland, for New York. Sailing with Hedwig was her husband Emil Neter and her mother Rosa Reis. Emil was a 61 year old manufacturer, Hedwig a 48 year old housewife, and Rosa was 73 without occupation. They all had last been residing in London and said the US was their intended permanent residence.
According to FindAGrave, Rosa Seligmann Reis died on January 29, 1958, and is buried at Hauptfriedhof in Mannheim, Germany. Her son-in-law Emil Neter died on July 8, 1971, in Washington, DC, and is also buried at Hauptfriedhof in Mannheim, as is her daughter Hedwig Reis Neter, who died on May 28, 1979, in Washington. I found it very interesting that after living in the United States all those years, Rosa, Emil, and Hedwig chose as their burial place the country they had escaped so many years before. A little more searching turned up Hedwig’s birth certificate and a family record from 1891, both of which revealed that Rosa’s husband’s name was Ludwig Reis, son of Callman Reis, a merchant. Searching at Hauptfriedhof on FindAGrave, I found that Ludwig had died in 1928 and had been buried at Hauptfriedhof. It seems that Rosa and her daughter Hedwig wanted to be buried where Ludwig had been buried years before. With the help of Matthias Steinke in the German Genealogy group on Facebook, I was able to locate the headstone for all four of them at the Stadtarchiv Mannheim website.
At first I couldn’t find anything about Eva Hansu, Number 17. I couldn’t find her husband’s first name, and although the heirs’ list gives her daughter’s married name as Alice Kauffman of France, I had not been able to find her either. Then after Matthias introduced me to the Stadtarchiv Mannheim website where he had found the headstones for Rosa and her family, I decided to search for all people with the birth name Seligmann and found Eva as Eva Seligmann Hanau, not Eva Hansu as I had mistakenly read it on the list of heirs. It provided the same birth date I’d already found for Eva, March 18, 1861, and it reported her date of death as March 18, 1939. Her husband was Lion Hanau, born May 24, 1854, in Altforweiler, Germany, and he died February 7, 1921. The archive also included photographs of their headstone.
As for their daughter, now that I had the correct spelling of her birth name Hanau, I was able to find her marriage certificate for her marriage to Ernst Kaufmann on August 10, 1911.
I do not know what happened to either Alice or Ernst during or after the war.
So that leaves me with only two names on the list of heirs for whom I as yet have no answers: Anna Wolf, Number 5, and Bettina Ochs, Number 14. Anna Wolf is listed as a fraulein, so that is her birth name, not a married name. It says that Johanna Bielfeld was her aunt, so presumably Anna’s mother was a sister of Johanna. If, in fact, Johanna was a child of Hieronymus Seligmann, she had two sisters, Mathilde and Auguste and perhaps Bettina. I don’t have any information about them aside from what was listed in Elsa’s letter, posted above. More work to be done.
And Number 14, Bettina Ochs, is even more of a puzzle. I’d have assumed that Ochs was her married name, Seligmann her birth name. But the note on the document mentions a brother as her next of kin, and his name was Arthur Erlanger. That would suggest that Bettina Ochs was born Bettina Erlanger, not Seligmann. So how is she related? Who was her husband? Which one is the blood relative of English James Seligmann? I found one listing on JewishGen.org for Bettina Ochs-Erlanger with a secondary name as Bettina Oberdorfer. She was born May 7, 1870, and her nationality was Italian, consistent with the Milan address provided on the heirs list. She was listed in the Switzerland, Jewish Arrivals, 1938-1945 database; I can’t see the original document, but the index indicates that she arrived in Switzerland on August 5, 1944.
It’s amazing how much information I could mine from this one little document. Unfortunately, although I should have gotten great satisfaction from finding so many people and so much information, I ended up feeling very sad and very drained as I added all these names of my cousins to the list of those killed in the Holocaust. It is beginning to overwhelm me. So much loss, so much evil. Incomprehensible.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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3
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https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/nuremberg
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en
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Milestones in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations
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[
"https://history.state.gov/resources/images/Office-of-the-Historian-logo_500x168.jpg",
"https://static.history.state.gov/milestones/.png"
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history.state.gov 3.0 shell
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/resources/images/favicon.ico
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The Nuremberg Trial and the Tokyo War Crimes Trials (1945–1948)
Following World War II, the victorious Allied governments established the first international criminal tribunals to prosecute high-level political officials and military authorities for war crimes and other wartime atrocities. The four major Allied powers—France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States—set up the International Military Tribunal (IMT) in Nuremberg, Germany, to prosecute and punish “the major war criminals of the European Axis.” The IMT presided over a combined trial of senior Nazi political and military leaders, as well as several Nazi organizations. The lesser-known International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) was created in Tokyo, Japan, pursuant to a 1946 proclamation by U.S. Army General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in occupied Japan. The IMTFE presided over a series of trials of senior Japanese political and military leaders pursuant to its authority “to try and punish Far Eastern war criminals.”
The origins, composition, and jurisdiction of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals differed in several important respects beyond their geographical differences and personalities. Plans to prosecute German political and military leaders were announced in the 1942 St. James Declaration. In the declaration, the United States joined Australia, Canada, China, India, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, the Soviet Union, and nine exiled governments of German-occupied countries to condemn Germany’s “policy of aggression.” The Declaration stated that these governments “placed among their principal war aims the punishment, through the channel of organized justice, of those guilty of or responsible for these crimes, whether they have ordered them, perpetrated them or participated in them.”
In August 1945, the four major Allied powers therefore signed the 1945 London Agreement, which established the IMT. The following additional countries subsequently “adhered” to the agreement to show their support: Australia, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Greece, Haiti, Honduras, India, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Poland, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia.
The Charter of the International Military Tribunal (or Nuremberg Charter) was annexed to the 1945 London Agreement and outlined the tribunal’s constitution, functions, and jurisdiction. The Nuremberg tribunal consisted of one judge from each of the Allied powers, which each also supplied a prosecution team. The Nuremberg Charter also provided that the IMT had the authority to try and punish persons who “committed any of the following crimes:”
(a) Crimes Against Peace: namely, planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression, or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances, or participation in a Common Plan or Conspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the foregoing;
(b) War Crimes: namely, violations of the laws or customs of war. Such violations shall include, but not be limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other purpose of civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the seas, killing of hostages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity;
(c) Crimes Against Humanity: namely, murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of domestic law of the country where perpetrated.
The IMT prosecutors indicted twenty-two senior German political and military leaders, including Hermann Goering, Rudolph Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Alfred Rosenberg, and Albert Speer. Nazi leader Adolf Hitler was not indicted because he had committed suicide in April 1945, in the final days before Germany’s surrender. Seven Nazi organizations also were indicted. The prosecutors sought to have the tribunal declare that these organizations were “criminal organizations” in order to facilitate the later prosecution of their members by other tribunals or courts.
The Nuremberg Trial lasted from November 1945 to October 1946. The tribunal found nineteen individual defendants guilty and sentenced them to punishments that ranged from death by hanging to fifteen years’ imprisonment. Three defendants were found not guilty, one committed suicide prior to trial, and one did not stand trial due to physical or mental illness. The Nuremberg Tribunal also concluded that three of the seven indicted Nazi organizations were “criminal organizations” under the terms of the Charter: the Leadership Corps of the Nazi party; the elite “SS” unit, which carried out the forced transfer, enslavement, and extermination of millions of persons in concentration camps; and the Nazi security police and the Nazi secret police, commonly known as the ‘SD’ and ‘Gestapo,’ respectively, which had instituted slave labor programs and deported Jews, political opponents, and other civilians to concentration camps.
Unlike the IMT, the IMTFE was not created by an international agreement, but it nonetheless emerged from international agreements to try Japanese war criminals. In July 1945, China, the United Kingdom, and the United States signed the Potsdam Declaration, in which they demanded Japan’s “unconditional surrender” and stated that “stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals.” At the time that the Potsdam Declaration was signed, the war in Europe had ended but the war with Japan was continuing. The Soviet Union did not sign the declaration because it did not declare war on Japan until weeks later, on the same day that the United States dropped the second atomic bomb at Nagasaki. Japan surrendered six days later, on August 14, 1945.
At the subsequent Moscow Conference, held in December 1945, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States (with concurrence from China) agreed to a basic structure for the occupation of Japan. General MacArthur, as Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, was granted authority to “issue all orders for the implementation of the Terms of Surrender, the occupation and control of Japan, and all directives supplementary thereto.”
In January 1946, acting pursuant to this authority, General MacArthur issued a special proclamation that established the IMTFE. The Charter for the International Military Tribunal for the Far East was annexed to the proclamation. Like the Nuremberg Charter, it laid out the composition, jurisdiction, and functions of the tribunal.
The Charter provided for MacArthur to appoint judges to the IMTFE from the countries that had signed Japan’s instrument of surrender: Australia, Canada, China, France, India, the Netherlands, Philippines, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Each of these countries also had a prosecution team.
As with the IMT, the IMTFE had jurisdiction to try individuals for Crimes Against Peace, War Crimes, and Crimes Against Humanity, and the definitions were nearly verbatim to those contained in the Nuremberg Charter. The IMTFE nonetheless had jurisdiction over crimes that occurred over a greater period of time, from the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria to Japan’s 1945 surrender.
The IMTFE presided over the prosecution of nine senior Japanese political leaders and eighteen military leaders. A Japanese scholar also was indicted, but charges against him were dropped during the trial because he was declared unfit due to mental illness. Japanese Emperor Hirohito and other members of the imperial family were not indicted. In fact, the Allied powers permitted Hirohito to retain his position on the throne, albeit with diminished status.
The Tokyo War Crimes Trials took place from May 1946 to November 1948. The IMTFE found all remaining defendants guilty and sentenced them to punishments ranging from death to seven years’ imprisonment; two defendants died during the trial.
After the Nuremberg and Tokyo War Crimes trials, additional trials were held to try “minor” war criminals. These subsequent trials, however, were not held by international tribunals but instead by domestic courts or by tribunals operated by a single Allied power, such as military commissions. In Germany, for example, each of the Allied powers held trials for alleged war criminals found within their respective zones of occupation. The United States held twelve such trials from 1945 to 1949, each of which combined defendants who were accused of similar acts or had participated in related events. These trials also were held in Nuremberg and thus became known informally as the “subsequent Nuremberg trials.” In Japan, several additional trials were held in cities outside Tokyo.
The Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals contributed significantly to the development of international criminal law, then in its infancy. For several decades, these tribunals stood as the only examples of international war crimes tribunals, but they ultimately served as models for a new series of international criminal tribunals that were established beginning in the 1990s. In addition, the Nuremberg Charter’s reference to “crimes against peace,” “war crimes,” and “crimes against humanity” represented the first time these terms were used and defined in an adopted international instrument. These terms and definitions were adopted nearly verbatim in the Charter of the IMTFE, but have been replicated and expanded in a succession of international legal instruments since that time.
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FactBench
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2
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https://www.whastingsburke.com/hermann-goering/
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en
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Biography, Death & Unknown Facts
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Hermann Göring (aka Hermann Goering) was a German WWI fighter ace, leading Nazi official, Hitler's successor and convicted war criminal.
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en
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William Hastings Burke
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https://www.whastingsburke.com/hermann-goering/
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Hermann Göring
(aka Hermann Goering)
GÖRINGopedia
Hermann Göring (also spelt Hermann Goering) was a German WWI fighter ace, key Nazi official, military leader and convicted war criminal.
He was Hitler’s designated successor in the Nazi Party, the Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan, the Commander of the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) and Reichsmarschall, the highest military office. He established the first concentration camps, oversaw the rearmament of Germany and authorised the Final Solution.
The spelling of the family name varies across the English-language literature. For the most part, this biography uses the German spelling of ‘Göring’, except in areas with stronger associations with the English spelling of ‘Goering’, such as around the Nuremberg trials and FAQs circulating in the English-speaking world.
Origins
Hermann Wilhelm Göring was born on the 12th of January 1893 at Marienbad Sanatorium in Rosenheim, Bavaria (Germany).1 He was the fourth child of Heinrich Ernst Göring (1839 – 1913) and Franziska Göring, née Tiefenbrunn (1859 – 1923). His mother was known to the family as Fanny. Her family were yeoman land holders situated between Tyrol (Austria) and Southern Bavaria (Germany). Hermann’s father came from a long line of Prussian statesmen and bureaucrats.
At the time of Hermann’s birth, Heinrich Ernst Göring was the German Consul General to Haiti. Before which, he served as a circuit judge in Germany and the Reichskommissar (Imperial Commissioner) of German South-West Africa.2
Hermann’s first name comes from his godfather Dr Hermann Epenstein (more below) and his middle name was either a tribute to Kaiser Wilhelm I or his grandfather Wilhelm Göring.
Hermann was the second youngest of a large family. He had five half-siblings through his father’s earlier marriage to Ida Remd and four full brothers and sisters, including Karl Ernst (b. 3 August 1885), Olga Sofie Therese (b. 16 January 1889), Paula Rosa Elisabeth (b. 13 May 1890) and Albert Günther Göring (b. 9 March 1895), a humanitarian and Nazi opponent.
Heinrich Ernst Göring
Source: Koloniales Bildarchiv | Date: 1906
Troubled
Hermann was just six weeks old when his mother Fanny left him to be by her husband’s side in Haiti. He was placed in the care of Frau Graff, a close family friend living in the town of Fürth near Nuremberg. She acted as Hermann’s surrogate mother until the Görings returned some three years later.3
Upon the birth of Hermann’s younger brother Albert, the Göring family was invited to live in Burg Veldenstein, a Franconian castle owned by the Göring children’s godfather Dr Hermann Epenstein. The family spent their summers in Epenstein’s other castle, Burg Mauterndorf, in the Tauern mountains of Austria.
The future Reichsmarschall had a troubled school life. He first attended a local kindergarten in Fürth but was pulled out for behavioural issues. He was educated by a private tutor for the next four years and then shipped off to a boarding school in Ansbach. Hermann immediately disliked his new environment. He detested his music classes and the school’s cuisine. At one stage, he led a student protest against the school conditions. When the revolt failed, he reportedly sent his bedding ahead, sold his violin for ten marks for his train fare and absconded home to Burg Veldenstein.4
Outside of school, young Hermann was said to be a confident and athletic young boy. By the age of ten, he had scaled the cliffs of Burg Veldenstein, and by thirteen he had reached the peak of Austria’s highest mountain, the 3798m Großglockner.5
Did you know that Hermann’s godfather and idol was half-Jewish?
Dr Hermann Epenstein was a wealthy physician and Austrian aristocrat with the title Ritter von Mauternburg. He inherited most of his wealth from his father, who was a physician at the court of King Frederick Wilhelm IV of Prussia and a real estate speculator. He was also Jewish. He converted to Catholicism when he married Epenstein Jr’s mother.6
Though born and raised Catholic, Dr Hermann Epenstein would have been deemed half-Jewish according to the Nuremberg Race Laws. This set of laws was, of course, enacted by the Nazi regime spearheaded by his godson, Hermann.
Hermann was Epenstein’s favourite godson, according to older sister Olga Rigele. The feeling was mutual. While in boarding school, Hermann wrote an essay about his hero, Epenstein. He was reprimanded by the principal and forced to write a hundred lines of: ‘I shall not write essays in praise of Jews.’ He was then bullied by his peers and forced to walk around the schoolyard with a sign attached to his neck stating: ‘My godfather is a Jew’.7
Many years later during the 1938 pogrom Kristallnacht, the Jewish victims of Hermann’s Nazi regime were forced to wear similar signs around their necks.
Cadet
After a series of altercations in boarding school, Epenstein stepped in and enrolled Hermann in a military academy in Karlsruhe.
Hermann flourished in his new environment. In March 1911, he attained a ‘quite good’ in Latin, English and French, a ‘good’ in cartography and comprehension, a ‘very good’ in history, maths and physics and an ‘excellent’ in geography. His report card read: ‘Goering has been an exemplary pupil and he has developed a quality that should take him far: he is not afraid to take a risk.’8 With such a report card, Hermann was offered a place at the renowned cadet college in Lichterfelde, near Berlin. This was the breeding ground for Germany’s future officers.
In December 1913, Hermann was awarded the title of officer after achieving magna cum laude in each subject. A month later, he was assigned a commission in the Prinz Wilhelm Regiment No. 112 in Mülhausen (now Mulhouse), located then in the south-west of Germany, on the French/German border.9
Cadet Hermann Göring
Source: Bundesarchiv, Bild 183-R25668 | Date: 1907
Oberleutnant Göring
Author: Nicola Perscheid | Date: 1918
Fighter Ace
At the outbreak of WWI, Hermann’s Prinz Wilhelm Regiment No. 112 was initially held back on the other side of the Rhine. Once the signal for attack was finally granted, he saw action over only a few skirmishes before being invalided with an acute case of rheumatoid arthritis.
In a sanatorium in Freiburg, Hermann met Bruno Lörzer, a young air force aspirant. Lörzer invited him on board his plane as an observer. During one reconnaissance flight over Verdun, he took vivid and invaluable pictures of the French battery at Côte de Talon. These crucial photos won him the Iron Cross First Class on the 25th of March 1915 and the chance to train as a pilot.10
In 1916, Hermann’s plane was shot down, consigning him to a year of idleness. In February 1917, he was able to join the Jagdstaffel (fighter squadron). By June 1918 he had notched up twenty-one hits. For this, he was awarded the Pour le Mérite.11
Hermann all of a sudden burst into the realm of German celebrity. His face was all over the front pages of newspapers and on magazine covers. His portrait was passed between the sticky fingers of children trading World War I fighter ace cards.
Did you know that Hermann took over the Red Baron’s squadron?
On the 21st of April 1918, the hitherto untouchable Red Baron was shot down by anti-aircraft fire. Richthofen was succeeded by Hauptmann Wilhelm Reinhard, but he would not lead the squadron for long. While flight-testing a new Zeppelin-Lindau D.I on 3 July 1918, he plunged to his death after a strut connected to the upper wing broke. It was the same plane that Hermann had tested only minutes before.
And so another twist of fate saw the appointment of ‘No. 178.654, 8. 7. 18 Oberlt. Hermann Göring’ as the commander of the Red Baron squadron on 8 July 1918.12 He led the squadron until the end of the war.
Vagabond
After the war, there came a period of political and social unrest in Germany. The streets were flooded with disenfranchised war veterans like Hermann. In Berlin, Hermann joined the ranks of the Freikorps, a group of paramilitary units formed in the wake of WWI. Here, he took an active role as a leader, marking his first step into politics. However, his political aspirations fizzled out ultimately with the Freikorps’ failed 1920 Kapp Putsch.
After working as a consultant with Anthony Fokker for a stint, Hermann formed a flying circus in the summer of 1920 with four of his old fighter-pilot comrades. Together, they entertained the crowds of Scandinavia with aerobatic stunts.
He later found work at the Swedish airline Svenska Lufttrafik in Stockholm as a pilot. While transporting a wealthy passenger, Count Eric von Rosen, to Rockelstad Slott, he met Carin von Kantzow.13 Love struck, Carin divorced her officer husband Nils von Kantzow in December 1922. Hermann and Carin married on 3 February 1923 in Stockholm before moving to Munich.14
In November 1922, Hermann heard Adolf Hitler speak for the first time in a beer hall in Munich. Hitler struck a chord with Hermann when he denounced the Treaty of Versailles and spoke of restoring German pride. Hermann soon joined the Nazi Party and within a year, he was commanding the party paramilitary group, the Sturmabteilung (SA). At this stage, Hitler and his party were not taken seriously by the military, the industrialists and the established order in Germany. Hermann’s big name and clout provided the party the legitimacy that Hitler craved.
Carin Göring
Source: Henry B. Goodwin | Date: December 1927
Hermann & Hitler
Source: National Archives Collection of Foreign Records Seized | Date: 1929
Outlaw
Exactly one year on from their first meeting, the budding partnership between Hermann and Hitler nearly came to a fatal end after the failed Beer Hall Putsch on 9 November 1923. In a clash with the Bavarian state police, Hermann was shot in the groin.15 With a warrant out for his arrest, Hermann fled to Austria and ultimately Sweden. The morphine that he was given for the pain led to an addiction that he would maintain right up until his arrest after WWII. Swinging between comatose and lunatic rage, he was admitted to multiple Swedish mental institutions.16 His only saviour was his loyal wife Carin.
The Beer Hall Putsch and Hitler’s subsequent trial for treason elevated the small Bavarian Nazi party onto the national stage. Hitler served only nine months in jail before his release in December 1924. Hermann returned to Germany in 1927 after receiving amnesty. The following year in the German Federal Election, Hermann won a seat in the Reichstag, alongside eleven other party colleagues.17
In the July 1932 federal election in Germany, the Nazi party capitalised on the turmoil of the Great Depression to win 230 seats. This made them the largest party in the Reichstag.18 It also allowed Hermann to be elected the President of the Reichstag. It was bitter-sweet for Hermann as a year before he had lost his dear wife Carin. Having long suffered from a chronic heart condition, she died in Stockholm at 4:00am on 17 October 1931.19
The Nazi party won less seats (196) in the following federal election in November 1932.21 But after months of political manoeuvring, President Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Reich Chancellor on 30 January 1933.
Did you know that Hermann was not initially impressed with Hitler?
While awaiting trial in Nuremberg, Hermann Goering described his first encounters with Hitler to the American psychiatrist Leon Goldensohn:
‘I was against the Versailles Treaty and I was against the democratic state, which failed to solve the problem of unemployment and which instead of making Germany a powerful nation was turning it into a small, minor state. I am a German nationalist and have high ideals for Germany. … I met Hitler in 1922 at a meeting and was not too impressed with him at first. Like myself, he said very little at this first meeting. A few days afterward I heard Hitler give an address in a Munich beer hall where he spoke about a greater Germany, the abolition of the Versailles Treaty, arms for Germany, and a future glory of the German people. So I joined forces with him and became a member of the National Socialist Party.’20
Heir apparent
Hermann and the party used the Reichstag Fire of 27 February 1933 to eliminate their Communist rivals, who were blamed for the fire. The Reichstag Fire Decree was passed the next day and around 4,000 Communist party members were arrested.22 As the Interior Minister of Prussia, Hermann oversaw the formation of the first concentration camps in Germany, which initially arose to accommodate these mass arrests.
Around the same time, he created the Gestapo before passing the leadership to Heinrich Himmler in April 1934, along with control of the concentration camps. This period saw Hermann expand his power in Germany. In 1933, he was appointed the Minister of Aviation, the Minister-President of Prussia and the Chief of the Prussian Police.23
In October 1936, he was appointed the Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan to lead the German rearmament programme. This was a violation of the Treaty of Versailles.
In July 1937, Hermann established the Reichswerke Hermann Göring industrial conglomerate. With a nominal capital of 2.4 billion Reichsmarks and a labour force of 500 million, it would become the largest company in Europe between 1941 and 1945.24
On his way to becoming the second most powerful man in the Third Reich, Hermann found love again in the actress Emmy Sonnemann. The pair married on 10 April 1935 in Berlin.25 Three years later, their daughter Edda Carin Wilhelmine Göring was born on 2 June 1938.
President of the Reichstag
Source: La BnF | Date: 1937
Blitzkrieger
On 12 March 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany in what was known as the Anschluss. On 26 March 1938, Hermann triumphantly rolled into Vienna to deliver a bellicose speech before heading to his hometown of Mauterndorf where he was warmly greeted by the townsfolk.
At the outbreak of World War II on 1 September 1939, Hermann’s Luftwaffe (air force) played a crucial role in Germany’s blitzkrieg and battlefield success. The major cities of Poland were bombed and the Polish Air Force was decimated within a week.26 The Luftwaffe achieved similar success in the subsequent invasions of Norway (8 April – 10 June 1940), the Netherlands (10–17 May 1940), Belgium (10–28 May 1940 and France (10 May – 25 June 1940).
In the Field Marshal Ceremony of 19 July 1940, Hitler awarded Hermann the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross and promoted him to the highest military office with the title of Reichsmarschall.27 Meanwhile, Hermann began to amass a collection of artwork and treasures that were commandeered in each vanquished country.
Hermann and the Luftwaffe could not repeat their feats against the Royal Air Force (RAF) in the Battle of Britain. The strategic bombing campaign and the terror bombing over London failed to pressure Britain into peace negotiations or facilitate the planned land invasion Operation Sea Lion.
Cracks began to appear in Hermann’s political standing in the Nazi Party.
Did you know that Hermann had an anti-Nazi brother?
It is little known that Hermann had a younger brother who fought against the Nazi regime. Albert Göring (1895-1966) was a German-Austrian engineer, businessman, prominent Nazi opponent and humanitarian. Prior and throughout World War II, he either aided, protected or saved Jews, members of the Czech Resistance and other victims of his brother’s regime.
There are many cases documented where Hermann intervened at the request of a family member and wielded his power to assist the very people his regime persecuted. The first case involved a request by his wife Emmy Sonnemann to help a fellow actress Henny Porten whose husband was Jewish. Through the petitioning of Albert and sometimes their older sister Olga, Hermann provided assistance to other prominent individuals, including Archduke Joseph Ferdinand of Austria, Austrian Chancellor Dr Kurt von Schuschnigg and the Austro-Hungarian composer Franz Lehár.
Hermann also came to the aid of his brother on numerous occasions when he fell in trouble with the Gestapo. This protection enabled Albert to continue his work in helping victims of Nazi persecution.28
Call me Meyer
Hermann, the Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe, once famously declared: “No enemy bomber can reach the Ruhr. If one reaches the Ruhr, my name is not Göring. You can call me Meyer.”29 Meyer was a very common surname in Germany. With this reference, Hermann seemed to suggest that he would reduce himself to a commoner should an Ally bomb land on the Ruhr – the industrial hub of Germany at the time.
As History shows, the Allies‘ bombs not only reigned over the Ruhr but all of Germany. By the end of World War II, the RAF estimated that 19 German cities were ‘virtually destroyed’, including Hamburg, Cologne and Hannover, as well as 19 ‘seriously damaged’, including Berlin, Frankfurt, Stuttgart and Munich.30
As further failures in the East built up, Göring and the General Staff of the Luftwaffe placed all their hopes on the development of Wunderwaffe (wonder weapons) to sway the war in their favour. Despite the deployment of the V-1 and V-2 ballistic missiles, jet-engine aircraft and some other projects, the wonder weapons could not be produced in scale and time to deliver the decisive blow.31
By the end of the war, Hermann’s status in the Third Reich was at rock bottom.
Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe
Source: Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe | Date: September 1940
Goering, Hermann - wanted
Source: U.S. Air Force | Date: 11 May 1945
Downfall
On 20th of April 1945, Hermann attended Hitler’s fifty-sixth birthday at the Führerbunker with other top Nazi officials. He then hurried down south to his residence in Berchtesgaden.
Three days later, with Berlin about to fall to the Red Army, he sent a telegram to Hitler’s bunker. He requested permission to implement the Führer’s succession decree of the 29th of June 1941. This decree stated that Göring would succeed the leadership of the Third Reich if Hitler was to be ever incapacitated. He ended the telegram with a final condition: if he did not receive a reply by ten o’clock that evening, he would assume that Hitler was in fact incapacitated and would therefore actualise the edict.
Hitler decried it as a treasonous act, calling Hermann a ‘morphine addict’ before weeping ‘like a child’. He then authorised a radio broadcast composed by Martin Bormann, his private secretary. It accused Hermann of high treason, an act warranting the death penalty. Though in Hermann’s case, it would be downgraded to a dismissal of all offices.32 On 29 April 1945, Hitler expelled Hermann from the party.
On 7 May 1945, Hermann surrendered to the US Brigadier General Robert Stack of the 36th Infantry Division outside the Austrian town of Radstadt.33
Charge sheet and role in Nazi crimes against humanity
March 1933: As the Interior Minister of Prussia, Hermann oversaw the formation of the first concentration camps in Germany in response to The Reichstag Fire Decree and the mass arrests of Communist party members.34
26 April 1933: Hermann created the Gestapo before transferring control to Heinrich Himmler in April 1934, along with the management of the concentration camps.35
15 September 1935: On the day the Nuremberg Laws were enacted, Hermann declared to the Reichstag: “God has created the races. He did not want equality and therefore we energetically reject any attempt to falsify the concept of race purity by making it equivalent with racial equality. … This equality does not exist. We have never accepted such an idea and therefore we must reject it in our laws likewise and must accept that purity of race which nature and providence have destined for us.”36
26 March 1938: In a speech in annexed Vienna, Hermann announced: “Today Vienna cannot rightly claim to be a German City. One cannot speak of a German City in which 300,000 Jews live. This city has an important German mission in the field of culture as well as in economics. For neither of these can we make use of the Jews.”37
12 November 1938: After the November Pogroms known as Kristallnacht, Hermann ordered the Jewish community to pay one billion Reichsmarks as compensation to the German people, despite the majority of the damage having occurred a Jewish-owned premises.38
31 July 1941: Hermann authorised Reinhard Heydrich to initiate the Final Solution by submitting ‘an overall plan that shows the preliminary organizational, practical and material measures requisite for the implementation of the projected final solution of the Jewish question [Endlösung der Judenfrage].’39
1942-1945: Hermann’s industrial conglomerate Reichswerke Hermann Göring employed slave labour in a collection of industrial plants, including forced ammunition plant workers from concentration camps in Drütte (from 1942), Watenstedt/Leinde (from 1944) and Salzgitter-Bad (from 1944).40
Criminal
After being temporarily interred in Augsburg (Bavaria), ‘Prisoner Number One: Hermann Goering’ was flown to Camp Ashcan in Luxembourg and held with other Nazi prisoners of war. He lost around 80 pounds (36kg) after being weaned off his morphine addiction and receiving a strict diet.41 He was tested to have an IQ of 138.42
On paper, Hermann was the second highest-ranking Nazi official to be tried during the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. But that was only on account of Hitler’s last minute decree to make Admiral Karl Dönitz the Reich President. Hermann was indicted on four counts: (1.) Common Plan or Conspiracy, (2.) Crimes against Peace – ‘waging of a war of aggression’, (3.) War Crimes and (4.) Crimes against Humanity – the ‘murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population’. In regards to the latter, Chief United States Prosecutor Robert H. Jackson stated at the time: ‘Of the 9,600,000 Jews who lived in the parts of Europe under Nazi domination, it is conservatively estimated that 5,700,000 have disappeared, most of them deliberately put to death by the Nazi conspirators.’43
In a trial lasting 218 days, Hermann’s cross-examination and defence lasted over two weeks. Hermann pleaded not guilty and remained defiant during his famous court battle with Robert H. Jackson. He was found guilty on all four counts and was sentenced to death by hanging on 30 September 1946.44
Prisoner Number One: Hermann Goering
Source: U.S. Army | Date: 8 March 1946
Cheating the hangman
On the 15th of October 1946, Hermann was found dead in his Nuremberg cell after taking potassium cyanide. It was the morning of his scheduled execution. When Hermann was sentenced to death, he requested a soldier’s death by firing squad. This was denied. Faced with a common criminal’s hanging, he chose to cheat the hangman.
Speculation continues to this day as to how the capsule was smuggled into his jail cell. Initially, it was thought that he had hidden it himself in a jar of skin cream.
Herbert Lee Stivers, a former US Army who served as a guard during the trials, came forward in 2005. He claimed that he was approached by a young German woman and unwittingly passed on what he thought was medicine to Goering. It was alleged to be hidden inside a fountain pen.45
Hermann’s body, one eye open in a frozen wink, was taken to the execution hall and displayed in front of witnesses. Just after midnight, Hermann’s corpse was dispatched, along with the corpses of his ten former Nazi colleagues, to a US crematorium in Munich. His ashes were tossed later that day into the barely three-metre-wide Wentzbach creek.46 There is no gravestone or official marking for Hermann Wilhelm Göring.
Hermann Goering Q&A
Who was Hermann Goering?
Hermann Göring (AKA Hermann Goering) was a German WWI fighter ace, politician, military leader, convicted war criminal and Hitler’s designated successor in the Nazi Party. He was the most important Nazi official to be tried and sentenced to death at the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. On the night before his execution, he committed suicide by cyanide poisoning.
What did Goering do?
Goering was the second most powerful figure in the Nazi regime. He held numerous civil and military positions in the Third Reich, including the President of the Reichstag, the Interior Minister of Prussia, the Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan, the Commander of the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) and Reichsmarschall, the highest military office. He established the first concentration camps, oversaw the rearmament of Germany leading up to World War II and authorised the Final Solution.
How did Goering die?
On the night before he was to be hanged on 15 October 1946, Goering committed suicide with a potassium cyanide capsule. To this day, speculation continues as to how the capsule was smuggled into his jail cell. Initially, it was thought that he had hidden it himself in a jar of skin cream or that a young woman had passed him the capsule. Herbert Lee Stivers, a former US Army who served a guard during the trials, came forward in 2005. He claimed that he was approached by a young German woman and unwittingly passed on what he thought was medicine to Goering. It was alleged to be hidden inside a fountain.
Where is Hermann Goering buried?
The convicted war criminal was not buried in a cemetery. His corpse was cremated, along with ten other condemned Nazi colleagues, in a US crematorium in Munich. His ashes were tossed later that day into the barely three-metre-wide Wenzbach creek in Munich. There is no gravestone or physical marking for Göring and his Nazi co-conspirators.
What was Goering charged with?
Goering was indicted on four counts: (1.) Common Plan or Conspiracy, (2.) Crimes against Peace – ‘waging of a war of aggression’, (3.) War Crimes and (4.) Crimes against Humanity – the ‘murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population’. In regards to the latter, Chief United States Prosecutor Robert H. Jackson stated at the time: ‘Of the 9,600,000 Jews who lived in the parts of Europe under Nazi domination, it is conservatively estimated that 5,700,000 have disappeared, most of them deliberately put to death by the Nazi conspirators.’47
Notes
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 21.
Singer, K. (1940) Göring: Germany’s most dangerous man, (Melbourne, Australia: Hutchinson & C0. LTD), p. 17.
Mosley, L. (1974) The Reich Marshal: a biography of Hermann Goering, (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson), p.4.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 22-24.
Mosley, L. (1974) The Reich Marshal: a biography of Hermann Goering, (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson), p.9.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 22-24.
Mosley, L. (1974) The Reich Marshal: a biography of Hermann Goering, (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson), pp 6-8.
Ibid, p.9.
Ibid, p.10.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 28-29.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 31-32.
Frischauer, W. (1951) Ein Marschallstab Zerbrach: eine Göring-Biographie, (Ulm: Münster Verlag), p. 28.
Frischauer, W. (1951) Ein Marschallstab Zerbrach: eine Göring-Biographie, (Ulm: Münster Verlag), pp. 36-37.
Dungern, O. (1936) ‘Uhnentafel des Ministerpräsisdenten und Reichsluftfahrtministers Generalobersten Hermann Göring’ IN: Ahnentafeln berühmter Deutscher: Herausgegeben von der Zentralstelle für Deutsche Personen und Familiengeschichte, (Leipzig: Zentralstelle für Deutsche Personen und Familiengeschichte).
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 56.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 60-61.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 66.
Evans, R. J. (2003) The Coming of the Third Reich, (New York: Penguin), p. 297.
Mosley, L. (1974) The Reich Marshal: a biography of Hermann Goering, (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson), p.166.
Goldensohn, L. (2004) The Nuremberg Interviews. Ed. R. Gellately, 19th ed., (New York: Alfred A. Knopf), p. 132.
Gonschior.de
Evans, R. J. (2005) The Coming of the Third Reich, (New York: Penguin), p. 11.
Evans, R. J. (2005) The Coming of the Third Reich, (New York: Penguin), p. 29.
Neumann, K. (2000) Shifting memories: the Nazi past in the new Germany, (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press), pp. 20-21; Overy, R. J. (1994) War and economy in the Third Reich, (New York: Oxford University Press), p. 159.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 139.
Hooton, E. (1999) Phoenix Triumphant: The Rise and Rise of the Luftwaffe, (London : Brockhampton Press), p. 179.
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 245.
Burke, W. H. (2009) Thirty Four, (London: Wolfgeist Ltd.).
Fleming, N. (1979), August 1939: The Last Days of Peace, (London: Peter Davies), p. 171.
Frankland, N. (1951) The Planning of the Bombing Offensive and its Contribution to German Collapse, UK Air Ministry: Air Historical Branch. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Neufeld, M. (2020) The Myth of the German “Wonder-Weapons”, Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Fest, J. (2002) Der Untergang: Hitler und das Ende des Dritten Reiches; Eine historische Skizze, (Berlin: Alexander Fest Verlag), p. 102.
Brigadier General Robert I. Stack (Assistant Division Commander) Eyewitness Account, Capture of Goering, The 36th Infantry Division Association Library. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), pp. 108-109.
Evans, R. J. (2005) The Coming of the Third Reich, (New York: Penguin), p. 29.
United States Office of Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality United States, Department of State, United States War Department and the International Military Tribunal (1946) Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Vol VI, (Washington: United States Government Printing Office), pp. 158-159. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Hermann Göring speech in Vienna, 26th March 1938, Hermann Wilhelm Goering, The Jewish Virtual Library. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
German Jews are Fined, The Jewish Virtual Library. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Authorisation letter of Goering to Heydrich, July 31, 1941, House of the Wannsee Conference: Memorial and Educational Site. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
The Memorial Place KZ Drütte, Gedenk- und Dokumentationsstätte KZ Drütte. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Kelley D. M. (1961) 22 Cells in Nuremberg: A Psychiatrist Examines the Nazi Criminals, (New York: MacFadden Publications), p. 44.
Gilbert, G. (1961) Nuremberg Diary, (New York: the New American Library), p. 34.
First Day, Reading of the Indictment, 20 November 1945, Nuremberg Trial Proceedings, Volume 2, pp. 29 – 94. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Manvell, R. & Fraenkel, H. (2011) Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader, (London: Skyhorse), p. 337.
Borger, J. (2005), US guard tells how Nazi girlfriend duped him into helping Goering evade hangman, The Guardian. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
Maser, W. (2000) Hermann Göring: Hitlers janusköpfiger Paladin; die politische Biographie, (Berlin: Quintessenz Verlags-GmbH), pp. 466-467.
First Day, Reading of the Indictment, 20 November 1945, Nuremberg Trial Proceedings, Volume 2, pp. 29 – 94. [Accessed 24 October 2023]
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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0
| 40
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https://issuu.com/elinortatum/docs/amnews072822_1_
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en
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New York Amsterdam News Issue #30 July 28-August 3, 2022
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"AmsterdamNews Follow this publisher"
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2022-07-27T00:00:00+00:00
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New York City's oldest Black newspaper offering the "New Black View" within local, national and international news.
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en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Issuu
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https://issuu.com/elinortatum/docs/amnews072822_1_
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Welcome to Issuu’s blog: home to product news, tips, resources, interviews (and more) related to content marketing and publishing.
Here you'll find an answer to your question.
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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0
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https://picclick.co.uk/Antiques/Manuscripts/
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en
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Manuscripts, Antiques
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[] |
[] |
[
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[] | null |
Manuscripts, Antiques. Shop the Largest Selection, Click to See! Search eBay faster with PicClick. Money Back Guarantee ensures YOU receive the item you ordered or get your money back.
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3 watchers
Charles II Reign Legal Documents 1660 on Vellum, Pair, Year of Restoration
£60.00 Buy It Now or Best Offer
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c1835 school workbook copy of the foundation the free grammar school Old Malton
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Old Pretender JACOBITE RISING of 1715 Manuscript Copy OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 1718
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1646 Large Charles I Civil War Period Vellum Indenture - Gore Milton Hampshire
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Published 1589-1667 Antique Book Lot Eight Vols Plus Early Manuscript Fragments
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Battle of Waterloo, original contemporary doc. 31 May 1815, perfect4 re-enactors
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Original Antique Death Notice From 1864 Black Edged Card And Envelope. Ex Cond
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1604 Antique Paper Document
£15.80 10 Bids 12h 17m
Charles II Reign Legal Indenture 1679 on Vellum, Lease of Land, Wax Seals Intact
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Mamluk Quran Page 1516AD Manuscript Handwritten
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Antique 1677 Deeds Wax Sealed Manuscript - N47
£9.99 1 Bid 3d 7h
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Voynich Manuscript Facsimile Faithful Leatherbound Reproduction
£199.90 Buy It Now or Best Offer
2 watchers
1859 large antique indenture document College Terrace Stepney Green name Sabey
£2.00 0 Bids 2d 21h
2 watchers
1827 antique document Blakeley Street Manchester names Hesketh, Neden, Shepherd
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Very Rare 1800's Album Handwritten Journal on Love and Death drawings engravings
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1883 Conveyance Coventry Blackwell Street Kidderminster Harrison General Dealer
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1633 Old Vellum Document
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Medieval BoH manuscript leaf,very fine vellum,2 painted Miniatures.France,c.1460
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c. 1240 MEDIEVAL MANUSCRIPT BIBLE LEAF in LEATHERBOUND BOOK w ESSAY by FERRINI
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1786 Antique Manuscript Vellum Handwritten Document Signed Calligraphy 1 Leaf
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Prime Minister Arthur Wellesley Duke Of Wellington Written Invitation Autograph
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1860 antique document College Terrace West, Stepney Green Nowell & Thornton
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The Voynich Manuscript On Usb - Mysterious Medieval Book Secret Language Occult
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Laurel And Hardy World Funniest Men Book
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Antique Vellum Indenture dated 1712 concerning Hemel Hempstead with one wax seal
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1605 Copy Bill Found Ruins Wentworth House - Repairs Roman Catholic Chapel
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A Beautiful Antique Burmese Manuscript On Parchment
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1860 antique document College Terrace West, Stepney Green John & Eliza Riggs
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1795 Indenture Will And Testament William Govan Senior Edinburgh Scotland @
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KING FRANZ JOSEPH 1 -- Austria Hungary -- HABSBURG MONARCHY || Letter WW1
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correct_death_00048
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FactBench
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2
| 18
|
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/sep/11/nazis-nuremberg-executed-hermann-goring
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en
|
Final moments of Nazis executed at Nuremberg
|
[
"https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=Second+world+war%2CWorld+news"
] |
[] |
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Guardian Staff"
] |
2009-09-11T00:00:00
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<p>A prison psychologist remembers Hermann Göring, and the last words of the executed war criminals</p>
|
en
|
the Guardian
|
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/sep/11/nazis-nuremberg-executed-hermann-goring
|
Inside the cells: The prison psychologist remembers
On 3 January 1946, Albert Speer disrupted Göring's united front by announcing that he had attempted to assassinate Hitler in February, and planned to deliver Himmler to the allies. Gustave Gilbert interviewed Göring and Speer in their cells soon afterwards.
Göring's cell
Tonight Göring looked tired and depressed. "This was a bad day," he said. "Damn that stupid fool, Speer! Did you see how he disgraced himself in court today? How could he stoop so low as to do such a rotten thing to save his lousy neck? I nearly died with shame! To think that Germans will be so rotten to prolong this filthy life. Do you think I give that much of a damn about this lousy life?" He faced me squarely with blazing eyes. "For myself, I don't give a damn if I get executed, or drown, or crash in a plane, or drink myself to death! But there is still a matter of honour in this damn life! Assassination attempt on Hitler! Ugh! I could have sunk through the floor. And do you think I would have handed Himmler over to the enemy, guilty as he was? Dammit, I would have liquidated the bastard myself! Or if there was to have been any trial, a German court should have sentenced him! Would Americans think of handing over their criminals to us to sentence?"
He was called to see his attorney, and as we left the cell he reverted to his usually pose of jocularity for the benefit of the guards and any prisoners who might be listening.
Edited extract from Nuremberg Diary by Gustave Gilbert (Da Capo Press)
End of the trial: Guardian report on the executions, 16 October 1946
Hermann Göring last night died by his own hand. Two and a quarter hours before he was to be executed he took poison under the eyes of the American security guard watching him every moment through the grating in the door of his cell.
Without the guard noticing any unusual movement, Göring – who asked for a soldier's death before a firing squad and was refused – slipped a phial of cyanide of potassium into his mouth and crushed it with his teeth. He thus used the same type of poison and phial adopted by Heinrich Himmler, who committed suicide 17 months ago.
While Göring was lying in the prison morgue, the 10 other Nazi leaders sentenced to death with him were hanged in the bomb-blasted gymnasium of the prison, its dirty walls lit up by 10 blazing lights in the ceiling. The 10 Nazis were hanged one after the other in one hour and 34 minutes.
It was 1.11am when Ribbentrop, the first to be hanged in Göring's place, walked through the gymnasium door, his face white but set, his grey hair ruffled. It was 2.45 when Seyss-Inquart – shouting "I believe in Germany!" – fell to his death.
Not one of them broke down. Each was given a chance to say a last word, and only Alfred Rosenberg, the Nazi party philosopher and most prolific writer of them all, could find no word except a murmured "nein" to leave to history.
Ribbentrop said firmly "God protect Germany", and then: "My last wish is that German unity should remain and that an understanding between the east and west will come about and peace for the world."
Julius Streicher, the Jew-baiter, unrepentant to the end, shouted "Heil Hitler" as he was led up the steps. From the top of the scaffold he shouted: "The Bolsheviks will hang you all next. Jewish holiday! Jewish holiday, 1946! Now it goes to God."
Kaltenbrunner, asked if he had any last words, said in a mild voice: "I have loved my German people and my Fatherland from the bottom of my heart. I have done my duty by the laws of my country. I regret that my people were not led by soldiers only and that crimes were committed in which I had no share. I fought honourably. Germany – good luck."
Hans Frank, the "butcher of Poland", said in a low voice: "I beg the Lord to receive me mercifully. I am grateful for the good treatment I have received in prison."
Seyss-Inquart, in a quiet voice, said: "I hope this execution will be the last act in the tragedy of a second world war and that its lessons will be learned, so that peace and understanding will follow." Then he shouted: "I believe in Germany."
Manchester Guardian, 17 Oct 1946
Chief US prosecutor Robert Jackson's closing statement
It is common to think of our own time as standing at the apex of civilisation from which the deficiencies of preceding ages may patronisingly be viewed in the light of what is assumed to be progress. The reality is that in the long perspective of history the present century will not hold an enviable position unless the second half is to redeem its first.
They stand before the record of this tribunal as bloodstained Gloucester stood by the body of his slain king. He begged of the widow, as they beg of you: "Say I slew them not." And the Queen replied: "Then say they were not slain. But dead they are."
If you were to say of these men that they are not guilty, it would be as true to say that there has been no war, that there are no slain, that there has been no crime.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 36
|
https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/forum/threads/what-exactly-was-hermann-goering-found-guilty-of.305510/page-2
|
en
|
[
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null | null | ||||||||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 61
|
https://www.theholocaustexplained.org/survival-and-legacy/postwar-trials-and-denazification/de-nazification/
|
en
|
Denazification – The Holocaust Explained: Designed for schools
|
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1933-07-14T00:00:00
|
en
|
https://www.theholocaustexplained.org/survival-and-legacy/postwar-trials-and-denazification/de-nazification/
|
Denazification is the term used to describe the process of removing Nazis and Nazism from public life in Germany and across occupied Europe following the fall of the Third Reich.
After the war, Germany was split into four zones of Allied occupation. These were: North East Germany (controlled by the Soviet Union), South East Germany (controlled by the United States), South West Germany (controlled by France) and North West Germany (controlled by Great Britain). Each zone of occupation carried out the denazification process differently.
In October 1946, the Allied Control Council announced five categories of Nazis, each of which were dealt with separately:
Major offenders (to be sentenced to life imprisonment/death)
Activists, militarists and profiteers (up to ten years imprisonment)
Lesser offenders (probation for up to three years)
Nazi followers and supporters (surveillance and fine)
Exonerated individuals (no punishment)
Denazification took place within all layers of German society, government and administration, including in the economic sphere, culture, judiciary and government. For example, libraries were purged of Nazi publications and some former Nazis were removed from public positions.
Denazification was difficult and complex, and never fully completed. The developing Cold War meant that Britain and America felt that West Germany was a useful ally against communism and the Soviet Union, and therefore the Nazis that remained in their positions in society were viewed as less of a threat than communism. On top of this, even the process of establishing who was and who was not a Nazi was challenging and often relied on citizens providing information about themselves.
The first German chancellor of the new republic, Konrad Adenauer, who came to power in 1949, was opposed to the process of denazification. Adenauer instead opted for a strategy of integration – integrating old Nazis into the new republic in order to move forward.
Ultimately, many of those involved in Nazi activities were not punished and retained their personal and professional positions, and much of the wealth plundered by the Nazis was not immediately returned to its rightful owners.
In the summer of 1945, legal representatives from the four Allied nations met in London to establish a charter for an International Military Tribunal. The Tribunal was in charge of prosecuting the major Nazi war criminals for their crimes throughout the Second World War, including the Holocaust. The Tribunal decided on four charges: conspiracy against peace, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the waging of aggressive war. The crimes of the Holocaust were included under crimes against humanity.
The first trial took place between October and November 1946 in the German city of Nuremberg. The twenty-one defendants were primarily high-ranking Nazis who had been captured by the Allies at the end of the war, such as Hermann Göring , Wilhelm Frick , Hans Frank , Joachim von Ribbentrop , Albert Speer and Julius Streicher .
The trial covered the crimes and failures of the Third Reich as a whole, and there was no specific part which focused solely on the persecution and mass murder of Jews. The genocide was revealed bit by bit throughout the trial, in witness statements from extermination camp inmates, in clips from Nazi films, or the account of Rudolf Höss, the commandant of Auschwitz, who described the camp’s function and activities.
The verdicts were announced on the 1 October 1946. Twelve of the defendants were sentenced to death, including Hermann Göring and Julius Streicher, three received life imprisonment, four received prison terms, and three were found innocent and acquitted of all charges. The death sentences were carried out ten days later on 16 October 1946. On 15 October, Hermann Göring took his own life.
Adolf Eichmann (19 March 1906 – 1 June 1962) was a leading member of the Nazi Party in charge of organising mass deportations of Jews to ghettos, concentration camps, and extermination camps.
At the end of the war, Eichmann was captured by the United States (although his identity remained unknown as he used a false name) and placed in a camp for SS officials in Germany. However, in 1946, after US officials discovered his identity, Eichmann fled the camp using false papers and went into hiding. In 1950, made his way to Argentina.
In 1960, Eichmann’s hiding place was discovered by the Israeli Secret Service. He was kidnapped and brought to Israel to stand trial.
On 11 April 1961, the trial against Eichmann began in Jerusalem. It drew attention from around the world. Eichmann was charged with crimes against the Jewish people, the first time a high-ranking Nazi had been charged with this crime, crimes against humanity and membership of criminal organisations. 112 witnesses were called to provide evidence.
Throughout the trial, Eichmann proclaimed his innocence. He asserted that, as a bureaucrat , he had no responsibility for his actions, and was simply obeying orders from Hitler. In December 1961, Eichmann was found guilty of crimes against the Jewish people and sentenced to death.
The Eichmann Trial had a significant impact in raising public awareness of the Holocaust. Although the Nazis crimes against the Jewish people were known about, they were often discussed as part of the larger tragedies of wartime, and not noted for their specificity. Eichmann’s trial and the publicity it received changed this.
The Frankfurt-Auschwitz Trials were the trials of twenty-two Nazi personnel who served at the Auschwitz Camp Complex between 1940 and 1945. The trials primarily took place in Frankfurt am Main between 20 December 1963 and 20 August 1965.
First Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial
Although some of the more high-profile Nazis who had served at Auschwitz, such as Rudolf Höss or Arthur Liebehenschel , had been convicted at trials such as 1947 Auschwitz Trial in Krakow, most of the approximately 8200 camp personnel who survived the war were not tried in the immediate post-war period.
In 1958, an inquiry into Auschwitz was launched by the Central Office of the State Justice Administrations for the Investigation of National Socialist Crimes (ZS) and the German Supreme Court. The sheer amount of evidence meant that the trial took five years to prepare. In this period, over eight hundred people were investigated, although just twenty-two were officially brought to court and accused.
Of these people, two died before the trial began. The trials were based on German state law, rather than the International Law used in the 1945 Nuremberg Proceedings and each of the accused were therefore charged with either murder or accomplice to murder, rather than crimes against humanity (which included genocide ). Two of the twenty defendants were acquitted , twelve received sentences between three and ten years and six received life imprisonment.
Most of the trials to punish Nazi perpetrators and collaborators took place as not as large group trials, such as the Nuremberg or Auschwitz trials, but as individual trials. In total, courts across Europe sentenced approximately 100,000 Germans and Austrians for their crimes in wartime. On top of this, Soviet courts convicted approximately 26,000 Germans and Austrians for their actions during the Third Reich.
One example of an individual trial was that of Klaus Barbie. Barbie was a German SS and Gestapo officer stationed in France during the war. He was known as ‘The Butcher of Lyon’ for his role in deporting Jews and dismantling the French Resistance. Following the war, he escaped to Bolivia. In 1981, he was extradited to France to face trial. In 1987, he was charged with crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment. He maintained his innocence throughout.
In addition to the trials of Germans and Austrians, courts across Europe and the Soviet Union extensively prosecuted local collaborators. For many countries, the prosecution of collaborators was a significant and symbolic task. In Hungary, approximately 26,000 people were convicted for treason , war crimes, or crimes against humanity during the Second World War. Similarly, in Czechoslovakia around 32,000 people were brought to court for their role in collaborating with the Nazis.
As a result of the scale of collaboration throughout Europe, it was difficult to punish all collaborators. In the Netherlands, for example, it was calculated that as many as 500,000 people (5% of the population) actively collaborated with the Nazis.
Trials for both Nazis and Nazi collaborators have continued to occur in the twenty-first century, albeit in a very small numbers.
In 2011, the trial of 91-year-old John (Ivan) Demjanjuk set a new precedent in Germany. Until Demjanjuk’s 2011 trial, former Nazis were charged with individual murders, rather than genocide or mass murder. As a result of this, to convict a former Nazi or collaborator of murder, the courts had to find direct evidence of their role in a specific crime, meaning that it was extremely difficult to charge.
However, at Demjanjuk’s 2011 trial, he was, charged and found responsible for the mass murder of 28,060 people at Sobibor, where he served as a camp guard. The prosecution were successful in arguing that Demjanjuk was essential (if replaceable) to the smooth running of the camp, and without people like Demjanjuk, the camp would not have been able to operate.
Following the Demjanjuk case, several other former Nazis have been brought to court on accounts of mass murder. In 2015, Oskar Gröning, a former SS officer at Auschwitz, was charged as an accessory to murder of 300,000 people. He was found guilty and sentenced to four years imprisonment. In 2019, Bruno Day, who served as a SS camp guard at the Stutthof Concentration Camp, was brought to trial accused of contributing to the murder of 5230 people at the camp. In July 2020, Dey was found guilty and given a two-year suspended sentence.
|
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FactBench
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3
| 97
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/nuremberg-trials-goering.html
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en
|
res stock photography and images
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Find the perfect nuremberg trials goering stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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en
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Alamy
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/nuremberg-trials-goering.html
|
Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 19/07/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 34
|
https://www.roberthjackson.org/nuremberg-event/cross-examination-of-goering-regarding-the-treatment-of-jews/
|
en
|
Cross Examination of Goering Regarding The Treatment of Jews
|
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Excerpts from United States government film of Justice Robert H. Jackson, the chief U.S. prosecutor before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, Germany, cross-examining defendant Hermann Goering on March 20, 1946. Specific topics covered in these excerpts include: (1) Goering’s plan to eliminate Jews from Germany’s large industries; (2) Goering’s September 1935 proclamation of the Nuremberg laws; (3) Goering’s April 1938 publication of penalties for concealing Jewish participation in business enterprises; and (4) Goering’s July 31, 1941, directive regarding “solution of the Jewish question.” Regarding the last, Goering, reading from the German document, states that Jackson’s English translation of the document mistranslates “total solution” as “final solution.”
|
en
|
Robert H Jackson Center
|
https://www.roberthjackson.org/nuremberg-event/cross-examination-of-goering-regarding-the-treatment-of-jews/
|
Excerpts from United States government film of Justice Robert H. Jackson, the chief U.S. prosecutor before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, Germany, cross-examining defendant Hermann Goering on March 20, 1946. Specific topics covered in these excerpts include: (1) Goering’s plan to eliminate Jews from Germany’s large industries; (2) Goering’s September 1935 proclamation of the Nuremberg laws; (3) Goering’s April 1938 publication of penalties for concealing Jewish participation in business enterprises; and (4) Goering’s July 31, 1941, directive regarding “solution of the Jewish question.” Regarding the last, Goering, reading from the German document, states that Jackson’s English translation of the document mistranslates “total solution” as “final solution.”
Produced by US Army Signal Corps 1945-1956, housed in National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). Digitized and provided by The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Steven Spielberg Film and Video Archive.
|
|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
3
| 81
|
https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2017/02/22/the-nazi-mind/
|
en
|
What the Nazi Rorschach Tests Say About American Leaders
|
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""
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[
"Damion Searls"
] |
2017-02-22T00:00:00
|
During the Nuremberg Trials, psychologists administered Rorschach tests to Nazis. The results? That Nazis “could be duplicated in any country of the world.”
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
The Paris Review
|
https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2017/02/22/the-nazi-mind/
|
How psychiatrists used Rorschach tests to examine Nazis during the Nuremberg trials.
By 1945, the word Nazi—for a member of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party—had become shorthand around the world for a cold-blooded sadistic monster beyond the pale of humanity. Six million Jews had been killed. How could any of the Nazis not have known? There was an overwhelming desire to stage the World vs the Nazis, with the defendants all guilty and deserving to die, but there was no clear legal basis for doing so. And the truth was that not all of the Holocaust’s perpetrators were party members, and vice versa. It was impossible, logistically and in principle, to condemn every single party member as a war criminal. The atrocities were unprecedented in human history, but for that very reason it was unclear what laws fit the crime.
The legal issues were resolved by negotiation among the Allies and by fiat. An international military tribunal was created. “Crimes against humanity” were prosecuted for the first time, at the Nuremberg trials, beginning in 1945. Twenty-four prominent Nazis were chosen as the first group of defendants. But the moral quandaries remained. The defendants claimed that they had been following their own country’s laws, which in this case meant whatever Hitler wanted. Could people legally be held to account on the basis of a higher law of common humanity? How deep does cultural relativity go? And if these Nazis really were deranged psychopaths, then weren’t they unfit to stand trial, or even not guilty by reason of insanity?
The prisoners were held in solitary, on the ground floor of a three-story prison block with cells on both sides of a wide corridor. Each cell was nine by thirteen feet, with a wooden door several inches thick, a high barred window onto a courtyard, a steel cot, and a toilet, with no seat or cover, from which the prisoner’s feet remained visible to the guards. Personal belongings were kept on the floor. A fifteen-inch panel in the middle of the cell door was open at all times, forming a shelf in the cell on which meals were placed and a peephole for guards to look through, one guard per prisoner at all times. The light was always on, dimmer at night but still bright enough to read by, and heads and hands had to be kept visible while the prisoner was in bed, asleep or awake. Aside from harsh corrections when any rules were broken, the guards never spoke to the prisoners, nor did the wardens who brought them their food. They had fifteen minutes a day to walk outside, separate from the other prisoners, and showers once a week, under supervision. Up to four times a week, the prisoner was stripped and the room searched so thoroughly it took four hours to straighten up afterward.
They also had medical care, to keep them healthy for the trial. A staff of doctors weaned Hermann Göring off his morphine addiction, restored some of the use of Hans Frank’s hand after he had slashed his wrist in a suicide attempt, helped reduce Alfred Jodl’s back pain and Joachim von Ribbentrop’s neuralgia. There were dentists, chaplains—one Catholic, one Protestant—and a prison psychiatrist. This was none other than Douglas Kelley, coauthor of Bruno Klopfer’s 1942 manual, The Rorschach Technique.
Kelley had been one of the first members of the Rorschach Institute to volunteer after Pearl Harbor, and by 1944 he was chief of psychiatry for the European Theater of Operations. In 1945 he was in Nuremberg, assigned to help determine whether the defendants were competent to stand trial. He saw them for five months, making the rounds every day and talking to them at length, often sitting on the edge of a prisoner’s cot for three or four hours at a time. The Nazis, alone and bored, were eager to talk. Kelley said he had never had a group of patients so easy to interview. “In addition to careful medical and psychiatric examinations, I subjected the men to a series of psychological tests,” Kelley wrote. “The most important technique employed was the Rorschach Test, a well-known and highly useful method of personality study.”
Kelley needed a translator to administer the tests; another American, the Nuremberg morale officer Gustave Gilbert had little experience in diagnostic testing, having studied social, not clinical, psychology, but he was the only American officer on the prison staff except the chaplains who spoke German. Plus he “could hardly wait to get to work on the Nazis.” Both he and Kelley knew that objective data on the personalities of these world-historical criminals were a gold mine, and both wanted to use the era’s most advanced psychological technique on the captive audience, to discover the secrets of the Nazi mind.
No one at Nuremberg had ordered Rorschachs. The test results were never used in the trial. Kelley and Gilbert simply decided, in the unprecedented, supercharged atmosphere of Nuremberg, to administer it themselves. The Rorschach, never as popular in Germany as in America, had been used under the Nazis but primarily in aptitude testing, or as evaluations to help “weed out disruptive social and ‘racial’ elements.” The Nazis had not generally been interested in psychological insight, except into other countries, to try to develop effective psychological warfare. Now the test would be used to gain insight into the Nazis themselves.
Kelley gave the Rorschach to eight prisoners and Gilbert to sixteen, five of them previously tested by Kelley. Albert Speer, Rudolf Hess, racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg, Hitler’s ambassador Joachim von Ribbentrop, the “Butcher of Poland” Hans Frank, the head of Nazi-occupied Netherlands—each was shown ten inkblots and asked, “What might this be?” Göring had a great time with the Rorschach. He laughed, snapped his fingers in excitement, and expressed “regret,” according to Kelley, “that the Luftwaffe had not had available such excellent testing techniques.”
The prisoners’ results shared a few common elements—a certain lack of introspection, a propensity for chameleonlike flexibility in adapting to orders—but the differences far outweighed the similarities. Some of the defendants seemed paranoid, depressed, or clearly disturbed. Joachim von Ribbentrop was “emotionally barren” and a “markedly disturbed personality” overall; the Butcher of Poland’s results were those of a cynical, antisocial madman. Others were average, and some were “particularly well adjusted.” The cultured Schacht, almost seventy years old, “could call on an inner world of satisfying experiences to stand him in good stead in the stressful months prior to sentencing.” He rated as an “exceptionally well-integrated personality with excellent potential” and would later look back on his Rorschach testing rather fondly: “a game that, if I remember correctly, had been used by Justinus Kerner. Through the process [of spilling ink and folding the paper], many bizarre forms are created which are to be detected. In our case this task was made even more enjoyable since inks of different colors were used on the same card.”
An intelligent madman was one thing; a sane and exceptionally well-adjusted leading Nazi with excellent potential was something else. But those seemed to be the results. Gilbert refused to accept it. In his Nuremberg Diary, published in 1947, he described how Göring, after the guilty verdict,
lay on his cot completely worn out and deflated … like a child holding the torn remnants of a balloon that had burst in its hand. A few days after the verdict he asked me again what those psychological tests had shown about his personality—especially that inkblot test—as if it had been bothering him all the time. This time I told him. “Frankly, they showed that while you have an active, aggressive mind, you lack the guts to really face responsibility. You betrayed yourself with a little gesture on the ink-blot test.” Göring glared apprehensively. “Do you remember the card with the red spot? Well, morbid neurotics often hesitate over that card and then say there’s blood on it. You hesitated, but you didn’t call it blood. You tried to flick it off with your finger, as though you thought you could wipe away the blood with a little gesture. You’ve been doing the same thing all through the trial—taking off your earphones in the courtroom, whenever the evidence of your guilt became too unbearable. And you did the same thing during the war too, drugging the atrocities out of your mind. You didn’t have the courage to face it. That is your guilt … You are a moral coward.” Göring glared at me and was silent for a while. Then he said those psychological tests were meaningless … A few days later he told me that he had given [his lawyer] a statement that anything the psychologist or anybody else in the jail had to say at this time was meaningless and prejudiced … It had struck home.
It was a dramatic moment, a Shakespearean moment. But what did the inkblot test add, beyond confirming what Gilbert already knew from Göring’s behavior and history? No double-blind study would ever prove that flicking the red was a sign of genocidal moral cowardice. Kelley, a far more expert Rorschacher, saw the results differently. As early as 1946, even before the Nuremberg verdicts were handed down, Kelley published a paper stating that the defendants were “essentially sane,” though in some cases abnormal. He didn’t discuss the Rorschachs specifically, but he argued “not only that such personalities are not unique or insane, but also that they could be duplicated in any country of the world today.”
Kelley insisted on going against what the postwar public strongly believed, and even more strongly wanted to believe. The Nazis were, he wrote, “not spectacular types, not personalities such as appear only once in a century,” but simply “strong, dominant, aggressive, egocentric personalities” who had been given “the opportunity to seize power.” Men like Göring “are not rare. They can be found anywhere in the country—behind big desks deciding big affairs as businessmen, politicians, and racketeers.”
So much for American leaders. As for followers: “Shocking as it may seem to some of us, we as a people greatly resemble the Germans of two decades ago,” before Hitler’s rise to power. Both share a similar ideological background and rely on emotions rather than the intellect. “Cheap and dangerous” American politicians, Kelley wrote, were using race-baiting and white supremacy for political gain “just one year after the end of the war”—an allusion to Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi and Eugene Talmadge of Georgia; he also referred to “the power politics of Huey Long, who enforced his opinions by police control.” These were “the same racial prejudices that the Nazis preached,” the very “same words that rang through the corridors of Nuremberg Jail.” In short, there was “little in America today which could prevent the establishment of a Nazilike state.”
Adapted from The Inkblots: Hermann Rorschach, His Iconic Test, and the Power of Seeing. Copyright © 2017 by Damion Searls. Published by Crown, an imprint of Penguin Random House LLC.
Damion Searls has written for Harper’s, n+1, and The Paris Review. He has been the recipient of Guggenheim, NEA, and Cullman Center fellowships.
|
||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 98
|
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/the-soldier-his-sweetheart-and-the-suicide-of-hermann-goering-5386315.html
|
en
|
The soldier, his sweetheart and the suicide of Hermann Goering
|
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[
"Internal"
] | null |
[
"David Usborne"
] |
2005-02-08T00:02:00+00:00
|
A case of puppy love has been revealed as the key to a 60-year- old mystery surrounding the death of one of Hitler's key henchmen. David Usborne reports
|
en
|
/img/shortcut-icons/favicon.ico
|
The Independent
|
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/the-soldier-his-sweetheart-and-the-suicide-of-hermann-goering-5386315.html
|
It has taken almost 60 years, but historians may now have the answer to one of the oldest mysteries concerning the demise of the Third Reich. How did Hermann Goering, the former commander of the Luftwaffe and architect of the Nazi concentration camps, manage to cheat the gallows in Nuremberg by taking his own life on the eve of his scheduled execution after more than a year in captivity?
It seems that a 19-year-old American guard, charmed by a dark-haired German beauty, may have slipped him the poison.
Not provable and perhaps barely believable, but this - long-delayed - explanation of one of the last century's most teasing puzzles has come not from some scholar or researcher of the Nuremberg era but from that same guard, now a 78-year-old retired sheet-metal worker in southern California.
"I did it," he told the Los Angeles Times. "I gave Goering the vial of cyanide that dispatched him before the hangman had a chance. It does not makes me proud."
It is a version of history that contradicts a multitude of theories that have surrounded the Goering suicide over the decades. His success in cheating justice - robbing the Allies of the satisfaction of executing a man who embodied the essence of Nazi evil - spawned academic papers and books.
That this suicide should have generated so much fascination is not surprising. Goering, as vain as he was obese, did more than build the Luftwaffe from scratch and command its operations. He was Deputy Fuhrer and the most trusted member of Adolph Hitler's inner circle. He drove the effort to build Germany's concentration camps and was one of the signatories to the so-called Final Solution that called for all Jews to be exterminated. Executing such a figure was meant to be a defining moment in the process of post-war punishment and catharsis. Yet, despite all the security around him, Goering was able to short-circuit the efforts at justice by the Allies. If somebody helped him do it, it is no wonder they kept quiet about it. Especially if it was someone on the Allies' side.
In telling his story to the LA Times, Mr Stivers provides numerous intriguing details - where he got the cyanide vial that killed Goering, and what drove him to pass it to the prisoner in the first place, apparently hidden inside the barrel of a fountain pen.
All the other characters in his tale, who might have been in a position to corroborate it, have long ago died. Some scholars seem willing, though, to accept what he says.
Did Mr Stivers have some calculated intent when he so dramatically subverted the cause of post-war justice and, indeed, of post-war history? Therein lies perhaps the most startling element of his story, published by the LA Times yesterday. He gave Goering the vial, he says, for no better reason than to impress a pretty local girl.
Some Jewish scholars have asserted over the years that it was indeed an American who gave Goering the vial with which he took his own life because of some lingering sympathies for the Nazis. Other historians have posited that a guard slipped him the vial in return for a bribe, like the gift of his watch. Or maybe the poison came from the German doctor who regularly visited him, squeezed inside a bar of soap. Even more tantalising has been speculation that his wife, Emmy, passed Goering the vial mouth to mouth during a last "kiss of death".
More popular, however, has been the more prosaic theory that Goering, even though he was in solitary confinement and under relentless round-the-clock surveillance, simply managed, somehow, to keep hold of a single cyanide vial all the way through his trial. It was hidden, perhaps, somewhere on his body or under a crown on a tooth. That was the explanation given by the US Army after a formal investigation into Goering's suicide.
In their official report, the US investigators concluded that Goering had always had the suicide vial, which was standard issue to Nazi commanders as their war effort crumbled. It had been "secreted in the cavity of the umbilical" or otherwise "in his alimentary tract", they argued. Adding credence to this scenario, it was noted that Goering had refused to bathe in the prison showers for two weeks before he died.
And indeed this is what Goering himself asserted in a note written in his cell before he succeeded in taking his life on 15 October 1946, shortly after he had been convicted and sentenced to hang. He boasted in his note that he had indeed been in possession of the cyanide all along.
But still doubts persisted, and one man who never believed that this was the real story was Mr Stivers. He remained convinced that he had been instrumental in allowing Goering to frustrate the hangman - a secret that he held, with feelings of deep regret, over all these years.
"I felt very bad after his suicide. I had a funny feeling; I didn't think there was any way he could have hidden it on his body," Mr Stivers said.
And there was something else that made Mr Stivers uneasy about the official explanation. Over the months, he had got to know Goering fairly well. They chatted from time to time, often about aviation.
"Goering was a very pleasant guy," he told the LA Times. "He spoke pretty good English. We'd talked about sports, ball-games. He was a flier and we talked about Lindberg." Most of all, Mr Stivers did not see a man who seemed on the verge of suicide. "He was never in a bad frame of mind."
Fear was apparently what persuaded Mr Stivers to keep quiet about what he had done. But he had told a daughter, Linda Dadey, 15 years ago about what he thought he had done back in Germany, and it was she who finally induced him to tell the story while he was still alive. He was further encouaged to shed light on the mystery when he understood that, because the statute of limitations on the episode had run out long ago, there was no risk of the authorities stepping forward and trying to prosecute him.
By his account, it was a combination of tedium and teenage infatuation that led him to insert himself into history. Mr Stivers was one of a phalanx of young GIs who, always in green uniforms and shiny white helmets, formed a backdrop to the proceedings at Nuremberg. Their tasks were mundane, however. They escorted the defendants to and from the courtrooms in the Palace of Justice and, during testimony and arguments, stood half at attention along the back wall.
Entertainment was hard to come by for these young men. But there were always the girls. Mr Stivers, who already had one girlfriend, an 18-year- old local named Hildegaard Bruner, relates how one day he met another girl, dark-haired and beautiful, outside a building that housed a military officers' club. They talked and flirted a little and he told her that he was a guard of the defendants at the trial. A day later he proved it to her by bringing the autograph of one the less important prisoners, Baldur von Schirach.
When next he saw her, he gave her a new autograph, this time from Goering himself. At this point, the girl, apparently named Mona, said she had two friends who were anxious to meet him. They were called Erich and Mathias, and they were interested in knowing if Mr Stivers would be willing to take notes to Goering hidden in a fountain pen. He willingly acquiesced, seeing no harm in it and still intent on impressing the girl.
Then, the third time that they met, the two men said they wanted him to take something else to Goering hidden in a pen. It was medication, because Goering, they said, "was a very sick man". They told him that: "It was medication, and that if it worked and Goering felt better, they'd send him some more." Mr Stivers, apparently not thinking much of it, duly obliged, saying he would return the pen empty to Mona another day. But after the "medicine" reached Goering's hands, Mona and the two men disappeared. "I never saw Mona again, I guess she used me."
It was just two weeks later, on 15 October 1946, that the shocking news broke that Goering had taken his own life and the execution that was set for the next day had become moot. Mr Stivers immediately thought he was responsible. But investigators never interrogated him or any of the other guards, beyond asking them if they had seen anything suspicious about Goering's behaviour or activities.
The regret and anxiety never left Mr Stivers. "I would have never knowingly taken in something that I thought was going to be used to help someone cheat the gallows," he told the LA Times. But neither could he ever really believe the explanation offered by the Army - that Goering had been in possession of the cyanide all the time he was in captivity.
It is true that, when the investigation was under way, officials found another vial of cyanide in belongings that had come with Goering when he was first transferred to Nuremberg. But his baggage had been kept under lock and key in a storage room. How would the prisoner have had access to it unless taken there by one of the guards. This always seemed unlikely given how closely Goering was monitored.
In the Fifties, the late Ben Swearingen wrote a book, The Mystery of Hermann Goering's Suicide, in which he named a US Army lieutenant, Jack Wheelis, as having allowing Goering into the storeroom to retrieve a vial of poison shortly before his suicide. But the book never explains how the two could have entered the storeroom without being seen.
As for keeping a vial on his body over a period of around a year, this also stretched belief. What was true was that Goering had arrived very rotund and, as he lost weight, the folds of loose skin may have made concealing a vial a little easier. But, if he had the poison all that time, why did he wait so long to use it?
Among those who think that the confessions of Mr Stivers could be plausible is Aaron Breitbart, a researcher at the Simon Wiesenthal Centre in Los Angeles. His story, he said, "is crazy enough to be true," adding: "Nobody really knows who did it except the person who did it."
"It doesn't sound like something made up," said Cornelius Schnauber of the University of Southern California. "It sounds even more believable than the common story about the poison being in the dental crown."
If Mr Stivers feels better now for having lifted the guilt of his actions off his chest, he has his daughter to thank. Ms Dadey, 46, explained to the LA Times, "I said: `Dad, you're part of history. You need to tell this story before you pass away.' It's been on his conscience all his life."
|
||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 22
|
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/nuremberg
|
en
|
Milestones in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations
|
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The Nuremberg Trial and the Tokyo War Crimes Trials (1945–1948)
Following World War II, the victorious Allied governments established the first international criminal tribunals to prosecute high-level political officials and military authorities for war crimes and other wartime atrocities. The four major Allied powers—France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States—set up the International Military Tribunal (IMT) in Nuremberg, Germany, to prosecute and punish “the major war criminals of the European Axis.” The IMT presided over a combined trial of senior Nazi political and military leaders, as well as several Nazi organizations. The lesser-known International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) was created in Tokyo, Japan, pursuant to a 1946 proclamation by U.S. Army General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in occupied Japan. The IMTFE presided over a series of trials of senior Japanese political and military leaders pursuant to its authority “to try and punish Far Eastern war criminals.”
The origins, composition, and jurisdiction of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals differed in several important respects beyond their geographical differences and personalities. Plans to prosecute German political and military leaders were announced in the 1942 St. James Declaration. In the declaration, the United States joined Australia, Canada, China, India, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, the Soviet Union, and nine exiled governments of German-occupied countries to condemn Germany’s “policy of aggression.” The Declaration stated that these governments “placed among their principal war aims the punishment, through the channel of organized justice, of those guilty of or responsible for these crimes, whether they have ordered them, perpetrated them or participated in them.”
In August 1945, the four major Allied powers therefore signed the 1945 London Agreement, which established the IMT. The following additional countries subsequently “adhered” to the agreement to show their support: Australia, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Greece, Haiti, Honduras, India, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Poland, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia.
The Charter of the International Military Tribunal (or Nuremberg Charter) was annexed to the 1945 London Agreement and outlined the tribunal’s constitution, functions, and jurisdiction. The Nuremberg tribunal consisted of one judge from each of the Allied powers, which each also supplied a prosecution team. The Nuremberg Charter also provided that the IMT had the authority to try and punish persons who “committed any of the following crimes:”
(a) Crimes Against Peace: namely, planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression, or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances, or participation in a Common Plan or Conspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the foregoing;
(b) War Crimes: namely, violations of the laws or customs of war. Such violations shall include, but not be limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other purpose of civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the seas, killing of hostages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity;
(c) Crimes Against Humanity: namely, murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of domestic law of the country where perpetrated.
The IMT prosecutors indicted twenty-two senior German political and military leaders, including Hermann Goering, Rudolph Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Alfred Rosenberg, and Albert Speer. Nazi leader Adolf Hitler was not indicted because he had committed suicide in April 1945, in the final days before Germany’s surrender. Seven Nazi organizations also were indicted. The prosecutors sought to have the tribunal declare that these organizations were “criminal organizations” in order to facilitate the later prosecution of their members by other tribunals or courts.
The Nuremberg Trial lasted from November 1945 to October 1946. The tribunal found nineteen individual defendants guilty and sentenced them to punishments that ranged from death by hanging to fifteen years’ imprisonment. Three defendants were found not guilty, one committed suicide prior to trial, and one did not stand trial due to physical or mental illness. The Nuremberg Tribunal also concluded that three of the seven indicted Nazi organizations were “criminal organizations” under the terms of the Charter: the Leadership Corps of the Nazi party; the elite “SS” unit, which carried out the forced transfer, enslavement, and extermination of millions of persons in concentration camps; and the Nazi security police and the Nazi secret police, commonly known as the ‘SD’ and ‘Gestapo,’ respectively, which had instituted slave labor programs and deported Jews, political opponents, and other civilians to concentration camps.
Unlike the IMT, the IMTFE was not created by an international agreement, but it nonetheless emerged from international agreements to try Japanese war criminals. In July 1945, China, the United Kingdom, and the United States signed the Potsdam Declaration, in which they demanded Japan’s “unconditional surrender” and stated that “stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals.” At the time that the Potsdam Declaration was signed, the war in Europe had ended but the war with Japan was continuing. The Soviet Union did not sign the declaration because it did not declare war on Japan until weeks later, on the same day that the United States dropped the second atomic bomb at Nagasaki. Japan surrendered six days later, on August 14, 1945.
At the subsequent Moscow Conference, held in December 1945, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States (with concurrence from China) agreed to a basic structure for the occupation of Japan. General MacArthur, as Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, was granted authority to “issue all orders for the implementation of the Terms of Surrender, the occupation and control of Japan, and all directives supplementary thereto.”
In January 1946, acting pursuant to this authority, General MacArthur issued a special proclamation that established the IMTFE. The Charter for the International Military Tribunal for the Far East was annexed to the proclamation. Like the Nuremberg Charter, it laid out the composition, jurisdiction, and functions of the tribunal.
The Charter provided for MacArthur to appoint judges to the IMTFE from the countries that had signed Japan’s instrument of surrender: Australia, Canada, China, France, India, the Netherlands, Philippines, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Each of these countries also had a prosecution team.
As with the IMT, the IMTFE had jurisdiction to try individuals for Crimes Against Peace, War Crimes, and Crimes Against Humanity, and the definitions were nearly verbatim to those contained in the Nuremberg Charter. The IMTFE nonetheless had jurisdiction over crimes that occurred over a greater period of time, from the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria to Japan’s 1945 surrender.
The IMTFE presided over the prosecution of nine senior Japanese political leaders and eighteen military leaders. A Japanese scholar also was indicted, but charges against him were dropped during the trial because he was declared unfit due to mental illness. Japanese Emperor Hirohito and other members of the imperial family were not indicted. In fact, the Allied powers permitted Hirohito to retain his position on the throne, albeit with diminished status.
The Tokyo War Crimes Trials took place from May 1946 to November 1948. The IMTFE found all remaining defendants guilty and sentenced them to punishments ranging from death to seven years’ imprisonment; two defendants died during the trial.
After the Nuremberg and Tokyo War Crimes trials, additional trials were held to try “minor” war criminals. These subsequent trials, however, were not held by international tribunals but instead by domestic courts or by tribunals operated by a single Allied power, such as military commissions. In Germany, for example, each of the Allied powers held trials for alleged war criminals found within their respective zones of occupation. The United States held twelve such trials from 1945 to 1949, each of which combined defendants who were accused of similar acts or had participated in related events. These trials also were held in Nuremberg and thus became known informally as the “subsequent Nuremberg trials.” In Japan, several additional trials were held in cities outside Tokyo.
The Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals contributed significantly to the development of international criminal law, then in its infancy. For several decades, these tribunals stood as the only examples of international war crimes tribunals, but they ultimately served as models for a new series of international criminal tribunals that were established beginning in the 1990s. In addition, the Nuremberg Charter’s reference to “crimes against peace,” “war crimes,” and “crimes against humanity” represented the first time these terms were used and defined in an adopted international instrument. These terms and definitions were adopted nearly verbatim in the Charter of the IMTFE, but have been replicated and expanded in a succession of international legal instruments since that time.
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|||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 20
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https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/pa1046163
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en
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United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
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Search All 1 Records in Our Collections
The Museum’s Collections document the fate of Holocaust victims, survivors, rescuers, liberators, and others through artifacts, documents, photos, films, books, personal stories, and more. Search below to view digital records and find material that you can access at our library and at the Shapell Center.
|
||||||
correct_death_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 75
|
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1706921/characters/nm0004051
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en
|
Im Namen der Menschlichkeit" Episode #1.2 (TV Episode 2000)
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[
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"Nürnberg - Im Namen der Menschlichkeit" Episode #1.2 (TV Episode 2000) Brian Cox as Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring
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IMDb
|
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1706921/characters/nm0004051
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2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 7
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Barcelona%25E2%2580%2593Cerb%25C3%25A8re_railway
|
en
|
Barcelona–Cerbère railway
|
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[] | null |
The Barcelona–Cerbère railway is a 168-kilometre (104.39 mi) railway line linking Barcelona in Catalonia, Spain to Cerbère in France. It is served by the Rodalies de Catalunya commuter network, Renfe regional, MD, AVE, Avlo and Avant train services, and TGV trains. The line stars at Barcelona Sants railway station, and passes through the Catalan regional cities of Girona and Figueres before reaching the French border, and then Cerbère, just across the border. It is an important commuter and High Speed line, connecting Paris, Montpellier and Perpinyà to Spain.
|
en
|
Wikiwand
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Barcelona%E2%80%93Cerb%C3%A8re_railway
|
The Barcelona–Cerbère railway is a 168-kilometre (104.39 mi) railway line linking Barcelona in Catalonia, Spain to Cerbère in France. It is served by the Rodalies de Catalunya commuter network, Renfe regional, MD, AVE, Avlo and Avant train services, and TGV trains. The line stars at Barcelona Sants railway station, and passes through the Catalan regional cities of Girona and Figueres before reaching the French border, and then Cerbère, just across the border. It is an important commuter and High Speed line, connecting Paris, Montpellier and Perpinyà to Spain.
|
|||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 16
|
https://www.routeyou.com/en-es/route/view/5956103/cycle-route/olot-to-girona-via-verda-carrilet-1-traffic-free
|
en
|
Olot to Girona: Via Verda Carrilet 1 (traffic-free) - Cycle route
|
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View, print and download the cycle route 'Olot to Girona: Via Verda Carrilet 1 (traffic-free)' from EnjoySport Girona (57.8 km).
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en
|
/img/logo/small-16x16.png
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RouteYou
|
https://www.routeyou.com/en-es/route/view/5956103
|
This easy to medium ride of 57km crosses 3 counties and 12 villages, along the river valleys of the Fluvià, Brugent i Ter Rivers. The Ruta del Carrilet Olot-Girona has a gentle downhill slope for almost its entire length, from Olot at 440m, to Girona at 70m of elevation. The highest point is the Coll d’en Bas, at 558 metres over sea level, which is reached in the early stages of the ride. The route, which is open to walkers, runners and cycle tourists, is built for the most part on an old narrow-gauge railway, and is in very good condition throughout, with new bridges, signage and infrastructure.
For more information on the Vies Verdes network, click here
To view our animated map video of the route, with photos, click here
Tags: Best touring bike holidays, cycling tourism Catalonia, bicycle trips Spain, E-Bike tours, E-MTB trails, gps & gpx tracks
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
| 60
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https://lauramadeleine.com/2017/09/04/les-transbordeuses-the-forgotten-female-activists-of-cerbere/comment-page-1/
|
en
|
Les transbordeuses: the forgotten female activists of Cerbère
|
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2017-09-04T00:00:00
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He had brought a large basket with him. From it came tumbling oranges, impossibly bright against the old, scrubbed wood. 'Where did these come from?' I asked Clémence, fetching a clean knife to copy Aaró's peeling and slicing. 'I haven't seen any groves.' 'Spain. They're why this town exists. Buy an orange or a lemon…
|
en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c00bf6c1e55cac01acce133bdb9c97b1ffa1912f53adb3789a582a9c9f6bef29?s=32
|
Laura Madeleine
|
https://lauramadeleine.com/2017/09/04/les-transbordeuses-the-forgotten-female-activists-of-cerbere/comment-page-1/#comments
|
He had brought a large basket with him. From it came tumbling oranges, impossibly bright against the old, scrubbed wood.
‘Where did these come from?’ I asked Clémence, fetching a clean knife to copy Aaró’s peeling and slicing. ‘I haven’t seen any groves.’
‘Spain. They’re why this town exists. Buy an orange or a lemon anywhere in France, or England for that matter,’ she slid a look at me, ‘and it will have come through Cerbère.’
‘How so?’ The air around me was a spritz of juices, fresh and sweet.
‘The trains,’ she said. ‘Oranges have to travel somehow.’
Where the Wild Cherries Grow, p.204
If you were to walk through the bustling Les Halles market, “the belly of Paris” at the end of the nineteenth century, you would have come across barrows full of citrus fruits, their skins gleaming bright against the grey winter city.
A luxury for the wealthy, those oranges and lemons arrived in Paris after a journey of nearly a thousand miles. In 1900, lorries and commercial haulage didn’t yet exist. Canals were too slow for perishable goods, always at risk of spoiling. No, there was only one way to ship the precious cargo of winter citrus fruit from the southern coast of Spain all the way to the chilly, fog-wrapped Northern cities of Europe. The railroad.
On the surface it might seem simple, to load crates or oranges and lemons into a freight compartment in Spain and send them on their way, to arrive in Paris a few days later. It would have been, had it not been for a hitch: the gauges of the tracks in France and Spain were – and still are in many places – different sizes. This one distinct problem was a catalyst, bringing together the citrus freight, the railroad and a group of indomitable female workers into a remarkable, if forgotten, story of bravery, industrial exploitation and activism.
The setting for this story is the small frontier town of Cerbère, the last station in France before the border with Spain, at the very edge of French Catalonia. Cerbère is a child of the railroad and the sea; a place that manages to be many things at once. French and Catalan, rural and international. For many years, it could only be reached by boat or by walking the goat tracks over the arid maquis.
Before 1870, Cerbère was a sleepy place, home to a few wine-growing families, fishermen, and the odd customs official trying to stop smugglers from crossing the border. But on January 21st 1878, the French Chemins du fer du Midi and the railway company of Tarragona met at the Cerbère border. There, they encountered the problem that was to give rise to one of the most fascinating chapters in Cerbère’s history, and in the history of women’s labour. The French rail gauge was set to the European standard – 1,435mm – while the Spanish was 1,668mm. As a result, nothing could roll from one country into the other. Any passengers or freight needing to cross the border had to be unloaded and reloaded, every time.
The solution that presented itself was both simple and indicative of the Victorian-era, when industry built profit upon the backs of the labouring poor. To move the freight, all that was required were hands, and a lot of them.
Soon, freight forwarding companies were springing up on either side of the border, eager to exploit the situation. They began to employ women specifically to move the citrus cargo, believing that they would treat the fruit more carefully and dextrously than male haulers. These women became known locally as les transbordeuses.
The job was hard and the pay was meagre – 75 centimes per team for every wagon loaded, and 1 extra centime for the team leader – but for several months of every year, these women were an essential part of the supply chain, moving vast quantities of fruit between carriages. It was tricky work; the oranges were a valuable winter crop, a luxury had to be expertly packed to prevent spoilage on the long journey north, to Paris, Brussels, sometimes even as far as Russia.
Five women worked every compartment. Two “remplisseuses” unloaded the oranges into straw-padded baskets, two “passeuses” carried those baskets across narrow gangplanks to the French wagons, where a last woman, the “videuse”, carefully stowed the oranges in stacks, inserting long, hollow reeds throughout to ensure airflow around the fruit.
Between November and May every year, the women often worked sixteen or seventeen hour days, from six in the morning to eleven o’clock at night, hauling twenty kilogram baskets back and forth. Due to the seasonality of the work and the intense, busy hours, women would end up as the breadwinners of their families, sometimes earning twice as much as their husbands or fathers.
Soon, however, the freight companies began to find ways to abuse their workforce. They created a hierarchy of teams; the fastest and most loyal workers were at the top, and would win the most wagons. Those at the bottom might not get any work at all. This resulted in huge wage inequalities, and bred resentment, rather than cooperation between teams of women.
But by the beginning of the twentieth century, with change sweeping across Europe, the transbordeuses had had enough of poor working conditions and even poorer pay. On 26th February 1906, one hundred and seventy of the women went on strike, demanding a 25% pay increase and an end to the hierarchy system. After twenty-four hours, with three-quarters of the citrus wagons blocking the station and at a risk of spoiling, the freight forwarding companies gave in, and agreed to the pay-rise as well as a fairer rotation of teams. As a result of this victory, the women went on to form one of the first working class women’s unions in France; the Syndicat des transbordeuses d’oranges.
The newfound accord was not to last. Soon, tensions began to grow. Some workers were encouraged by the freight forwarding companies to start a union of their own to counter the Syndicat. The freight companies then refused to recognise the “red” Syndicat as an official trade union, while simultaneously signing a contract with the new, “yellow” union, promising them priority. The fair rotation scheme was destroyed, workers pitted against each other.
Throughout 1906, Syndicat members fought fiercely against the injustices, including abuse and unfair dismissal. In late autumn, they went on strike again and blocked the station doors, stopping “yellow” workers from reaching the wagons. The situation eventually grew so tense that the state dispatched two companies of infantry soldiers to the area. Fruit businesses in Spain appealed to the Spanish ambassador in Paris, begging him to try and resolve the situation.
But the women of the Syndicat refused to be bullied or threatened into going back to work. For two long months, they stood firm, all the while wreaking havoc at Cerbère station. On 29th November, they even lay down on the tracks in front of a train from Perpignan in protest, not moving until the train was finally called to a halt only two metres from where they lay.
In December, with the busiest months imminent, the freight forwarding companies and the Syndicat were finally brought together to discuss the situation. As a meeting, it was not without conflict. But in the end a solution, of sorts, was reached. The outcome was not what the Syndicat had hoped for; the freight forwarders demanded and won the right to give priority to their own “yellow” workers, though only during morning work hours.
Although the final outcome of the long strike left many of the transbordeuses angry and disappointed, it does not diminish the importance of their actions. By standing up for better pay, for fairer hours, against unjust dismissals, they made history by staging one of the first all-female strikes in France. They also formed one of the first women’s unions, captured international attention, and fought for the rights of the individual worker against company exploitation.
By 1930, buoyed by freight, Cerbère a thriving border station. Villas and ornate customs offices were built into the hills; a new road for touring cars, and a grand art deco hotel that jutted out above the sea like the prow of a ship. Passengers could travel along the coast, taking in the glittering bays of the Côte Vermeille, and alight at Cerbère to spend a night or two at the elegant Hôtel Belvédère du Rayon Vert, perched above the tracks. When their papers had been stamped by officials, they could re-board and continue their leisurely way into Spain.
And all the while, the transbordeuses worked, passing the trade down from mother to daughter over the years. Amongst the glamour and money that came to the Cerbère thanks to customs taxes, it is easy to forget the women who made it all possible.
By the 1950s, with the introduction of the variable gauges and gauge change systems, work for the transbordeuses dried up. As the decades went on, freight passing through Cerbère began to decrease, as long-distance haulage, cheap shipping and air freight were introduced. The railroad was no longer an artery, feeding the town, and traffic at the once hectic station slowed to a trickle.
Today, Cerbère must be one of the quietest international stations in the world, with one or two freight passenger trains passing through, on the long journey between Paris and Barcelona. Most of the ornate customs houses that line the track are derelict, home to pigeons. The imposing Hôtel Belvédère du Rayon Vert was left to fall into disrepair after being occupied during World War II, but is now being renovated, slowly, a room at a time. Thankfully much of its art deco charm, its floor tiles and auditorium, grand dining room and entrance hall remains intact, albeit a little battered and faded.
Cerbère’s history as a border station makes it a fascinating place; humble yet grand, proud yet wry and welcoming, somehow more real and vivid than other nearby seaside towns like touristy Collioure.
Until last year, it was possible to take the sleeper train from the Gare d’Austerlitz in Paris at ten o’clock at night, and wake up at the feet of the Pyrénées-Orientales, and in Cerbère, in time for breakfast the next morning. Sadly, the train company have discontinued this route (although there’s a rumour that it might start up again soon) so I’m glad it’s a journey I was able to make while I could; tracing the route that the orange cargoes would have taken over a hundred years ago, packed by the hands of the courageous transbordeuses.
How to get there:
Cerbére can be reached direct by train from Paris in around six to eight hours, for as little as €20-€30, if booked in advance. Alternatively, fly to Carcassonne, Perpignan, Toulouse or Barcelona and take the train from there.
Places to Stay:
Hôtel la Dorade
This modest but friendly family-run hotel is right on the seafront, and was the inspiration for the Café Fi del Mon in Where the Wild Cherries Grow. Yves, the owner, knows the history of the town inside out. Onsite café and restaurant that serves Catalan-style food and fresh fish, still using many of Yves’ mother’s recipes. (Tell him I sent you…)
http://www.hotel-ladorade.com/index.php
La Dorade – Front de Mer 66290 Cerbère (00 33) 4 68 88 41 93
contact@hotel-ladorade.com
Hôtel Belvédère du Rayon Vert
It’s possible to stay in one of the renovated apartments in this fascinating hotel, complete with 1930s furniture. Don’t expect five star luxury, but if you’re after a truly unique experience, this is the place for you.
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https://www.renfe.com/es/en
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Train tickets AVE, Avlo Low Cost (with No Booking Fees)
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Buy cheap train tickets AVE, Avlo high speed Low Cost ✓ Timetables, Fares and Discounts ✅ No Booking Fees! ▷ ( Renfe.com )
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/etc.clientlibs/renfe/clientlibs/clientlib-base/resources/images/favicons/favicon-32.ico
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https://www.renfe.com/es/en
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Take a look at our ideas for travelling by train and get inspired with Renfe.
Travelling at the best price and with all the comforts? It is possible! Step on board
Looking for inspiration?
Don't miss our most popular destinations. Allow your mind to wander. Discover what to see and what to do in each destination and make sure you don't miss anything with Renfe
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https://www.egtre.info/wiki/Border_Crossings:_France_-_Spain
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Border Crossings: France
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https://www.egtre.info/favicon.ico
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https://www.egtre.info/favicon.ico
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https://www.egtre.info/wiki/Border_Crossings:_France_-_Spain
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Cerbère SNCF - Port-Bou RENFE
[E*] Lines of both gauges (1435 mm and 1668 mm) cross the border. Until February 2019, advertised passenger carrying trains normally ran only from France to Port-Bou, whilst those from Spain normally ran only to Cerbère, i.e. trains ran empty in the opposite directions. However, since February 2019, passengers have been permitted to travel on these trains in both directions.
Most freight trains change bogies at Cerbère. RENFE 3000 V dc trains operate at reduced power under 1500 V dc catenary in the border areas.
Perpignan SNCF - Figueres Vilafant RENFE
[E] This is part of a high speed line, built to standard gauge and electrified at 25KV 50Hz, linking Barcelona with the French LGV network.
Standard gauge freight trains are able to reach Barcelona by use of the high speed line between as far as Mollet del Vallès and thence a dual-gauge line into the industrial and port area to the west of Barcelona. RENFE operates freight at least as far north as Perpignan St Charles.
La Tour de Carol-Enveitg SNCF - Puigcerdà RENFE
[E*] Lines of both 1668 mm and 1435 mm gauge cross the border. The 1435 mm gauge track is unusable and probably originated from the principle of reciprocity, carrying little or no traffic during its lifetime.
(Oloron -) Forges-d'Abel SNCF - Canfranc RENFE
[ED] Line closed. The break of gauge was at Canfranc.
In December 2017 the EU agreed to co-fund a study into the reopening of this line. A meeting was held in Dec 2019 between the president of Nouvelle Aquitaine and officials from Aragón to move matters forward.
Hendaye/Hendaia ET/FV- Irún/Irun Paseo de Colon ET/FV
[E] This border crossing is the upstream bridge of the two railway bridges over the Bidasoa river. It carries the metre gauge railway operated by Euskotren, which terminates at their own Hendaia station, outside the SNCF Hendaye station.
Hendaye/Hendaia SNCF - Irún/Irun RENFE
[E*] This border crossing is the downstream bridge of the two railway bridges over the Bidasoa river. It carries a 1668mm gauge track on the downstream side and a 1435mm gauge track on the upstream side.
It no longer carries any passenger services. In the past, 1668 mm gauge RENFE trains ran in passenger service to Hendaye and 1435 mm gauge SNCF trains ran in passenger service to Irún. The trains ran empty in the opposite direction. However, from December 2017 the new SNCF double deck TGVs were not authorised to run on ADIF lines so the only cross-border passenger movements were RENFE services to Hendaye. It is not known when local services ceased but later the only cross-border services were an arrival from A Coruña and the Sud Express to and from Lisboa Santa Apolonia, which ceased running on 17 March 2020, leaving the line with no passenger service.
Most freight trains change bogies at Hendaye. RENFE 3000 V dc trains operate at reduced power under 1500 V dc catenary in the border areas.
Contracts have been awarded to install mixed-gauge track between Irún and Astigarraga (south of San Sebastián/Donostia), the end point of the 'Basque Y' high speed line, to enable standard gauge freights to access the Basque high speed line. Completion was planned to be in 2024 but this seems most unlikely.
See also
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https://www.33rides.com/routes/france-to-spain-by-train-and-bike
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France to Spain by train and bike
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It's fun and easy to travel from France to Spain by train — and even more fun (and flexible) if you take a folding bike with you.
There are four main rail routes between France and Spain, although only one of them currently sees proper through trains.
The high-speed route: Paris to Barcelona
The
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https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/rooIqxTASE5qBp11-PTt8BtVJQYW9vAT_RF2Pl1oul_MMZSbTHwPiDqMt1xAAUX1BJyViyzFZWor_3l_EIej0VTXeeR4X8PxWYplnpbz1LmoNN8Q
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https://www.33rides.com/routes/france-to-spain-by-train-and-bike
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The quickest route: Paris to Barcelona by TGV
At the moment, the Paris - Barcelona high-speed route is served by a measly two TGV trains daily, run by the French railway operator SNCF.
Trains leave from the Gare de Lyon station in Paris as follows:
Morning train (journey time 6h 52min)
Paris Gare de Lyon depart: 09:42
Barcelona Sants arrive: 16:34
Afternoon train (journey time 6h 29min)
Paris Gare de Lyon depart: 14:56
Barcelona Sants arrive: 21:25
In the other direction, from Spain to France, trains leave as follows:
Morning train (journey time 6h 45min)
Barcelona Sants depart: 10:33
Paris Gare de Lyon arrive: 17:18
Afternoon train (journey time 6h 46min)
Barcelona Sants depart: 14:32
Paris Gare de Lyon arrive: 21:18
These TGV trains are reservation-only. Ticket prices vary depending on how early you book.
Interrail passes are accepted, but you'll still need to make (and pay for) a reservation.
The Spanish rail operator RENFE plans to introduce its own high-speed AVE trains on the Paris - Barcelona route from 2024. If this happens it will introduce some welcome competition on a route where SNCF currently has a monopoly.
The Catalan-Pyrenees route: France to Spain via Latour de Carol Enveitg and Puigcerdà
Combining two of the most scenic railways in France and Spain, this is one of our favourite rail routes, with an opportunity for a gentle (or not so gentle, depending on how adventurous you're feeling) bike ride to connect the two sections.
(If it's getting late or the weather is lousy, you can also make this a train-only connection, linking Paris to Barcelona with a single change of trains at Latour de Carol Enveitg. (Let's just call it Latour de Carol from here on, Latour de Carol Enveitg is a bit of a mouthful for a a station serving a tiny Pyrenean village, no matter its importance in the history of European railways.)
In fact we love this route so much that we've written a dedicated page with all the details.
But here's a quick summary.
From Toulouse to Latour de Carol
On the French side, 5 trains daily climb from Toulouse-Matabiau station up into the Pyrenees, reaching Latour de Carol around 2h 45mins later. These are local "TER" services, so no seat reservations are required: just buy your ticket at the station and hop on.
Current timings are as follows.
d. Toulouse Matabiau 07:47, a. Latour de Carol 10:28
d. Toulouse Matabiau 10:47, a. Latour de Carol 13:29
d. Toulouse Matabiau 13:47, a. Latour de Carol 16:35
d. Toulouse Matabiau 15:47, a. Latour de Carol 18:36
d. Toulouse Matabiau 17:47, a. Latour de Carol 20:32
From Latour de Carol to Barcelona
On the Spanish side, 5 local "Rodalies de Catalunya" trains make the journey down from Latour de Carol to Barcelona Sants (the main railway station in Barcelona).
Current timings are as follows:
d. Latour de Carol 08:25, a. Barcelona Sants 11:45
d. Latour de Carol 10:25, a. Barcelona Sants 13:45
d. Latour de Carol 13:25, a. Barcelona Sants 16:45
d. Latour de Carol 16:25, a. Barcelona Sants 19:45
d. Latour de Carol 18:25, a. Barcelona Sants 22:45
(Note: these local trains don't show up on the main European or even Spanish Renfre timetables. They're hidden away on the Rodalies de Catalunya website. And to find "Latour de Carol", you'll need to search for the Catalan version of its name, "La Tor de Querol-Enveig".)
You'll notice that these two sets of timings couldn't be worse coordinated. It's almost as if the two railway companies in question (SNCF on the French side and RENFE on the Spanish side) don't like each other.
The early-morning train from Toulouse arrives at Latour de Carol at 10:28, just missing the 10:25 departure for Barcelona. So you have to wait three hours.
The mid-morning train from Toulouse arrives at Latour de Carol at 13:29, just missing the 13:25 departure for Barcelona. So you have to wait three hours.
The early-afternoon train from Toulouse arrives at Latour de Carol at 16:35, just missing the 16:25 departure for Barcelona. So you have to wait two hours.
The late-afternoon train from Toulouse arrives at Latour de Carol at 18:36, just missing the final departure of the day for Barcelona at 18:25. So you have to stay overnight.
Whichever way you look at it, you will have at least a couple of hours to kill between arriving in Latour de Carol, and departing for Barcelona.
Fortunately, this is no bad thing, because there's enough to explore in Latour de Carol, and its sister-village on the Spanish side, Puigcerdà, to keep you entertained. See the Latour de Carol page for details.
The sleeper train option: overnight from Paris to Latour de Carol
Twice a week, and more often in high season, a direct sleeper train leaves Paris around 22:00, arriving around 09:00 the next morning. It's a hard-to-beat way to arrive in the heart of the Pyrenees. If you're in a hurry, you can connect with the 10:25 train from Latour de Carol to Barcelona, arriving in the Catalan capital at 13:45, in time for a late lunch.
If you book well in advance, you can get 2nd-class couchettes on this Paris-to-the-Pyrenees train from as little as €29. While prices do rise towards €100 as the travel date approaches, even that is not bad value for a ticket all the way across France, with a bed for the night thrown in.
From Portbou onwards to Girona, Blanes or Barcelona
From Portbou, trains run roughly hourly (though on an irregular schedule — check latest timetables!) direct to Barcelona Sants, with the earliest train leaving Portbou at 07:05, and the last train leaving at 20:24.
Regional ("R") trains take between 2 hours 30 mins and 3 hours to make the journey. The fare is €13.50, no advance booking necessary or possible. Buy your ticket from the machine or the ticket office in Portbou station, and remember to validate it at the little orange machine before boarding the train.
A handful of so-called "Medium-distance" trains ("MD", for media distancia) run the same route daily in slightly quicker time — 2 hours 16 minutes — and for a slightly higher fare (€18.10).
All Barcelona-bound trains call at Figueres and Girona en route.
If you're heading to Blanes or one of the coastal towns between Blanes and Barcelona, you'll normally have to change at Maçanet-Massanes.
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The R2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It is a major northsouth axis in the Barcelona metropolitan area, running from the southern limits of the province of Girona to the northern limits of the province of Tarragona, via Barcelona.
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History
The predecessor of the modern-day R2 started operating in 1989 as line 2 of Rodalies Barcelona, the Cercanías commuter rail system for the Barcelona area, created in the same year. Since its creation until 2009, the R2 had preserved its original line scheme with no branch lines, using only Maçanet-Massanes and Sant Vicenç de Calders stations as its northern and southern terminus, respectively. Due to the construction works of the new Sagrera railway station in Barcelona and the urban renewal project associated with it, the operational capacity at Sant Andreu Comtal railway station and its surroundings was restricted. Consequently, several rail services were modified, with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2 and R10 as the most affected. On 31 January 2009, the R10, which linked Barcelona–El Prat Airport to Barcelona's Estació de França, suspended services. The R2 then took over the service offered by the R10, incorporating the branch lines to the airport and Estació de França, and a new line scheme came into service. The R10 was initially scheduled to resume services two years later.
Infrastructure
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R2 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R2 operates on a total line length of 133 kilometres (83 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona–El Prat Airport stations. The trains on the line call at up to 34 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:
All of the infrastructure used by the R2 is shared with other services, except the section between Barcelona–El Prat Airport and El Prat de Llobregat stations, which is exclusively used by R2 Nord services. Between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona. R11 regional rail services commence their route at El Prat de Llobregat or Bellvitge stations, joining the route of the R2 and the other regional and long-distance services from these points on to Passeig de Gràcia. After Passeig de Gràcia, R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. The rest of R2 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R11 only. North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R2 only shares tracks with the R11 and freight services from this point on.
Operation
All services running south of Castelldefels railway station, to the south of Barcelona, use Estació de França as their northern terminus, with Vilanova i la Geltrú or Sant Vicenç de Calders stations serving as their southern terminus, in order from south to north. The services terminating at Vilanova i la Geltrú call at all stations along their route, whilst the ones terminating at Sant Vicenç de Calders operate limited service, running non-stop between Sitges and Castelldefels, as well as Gavà and Barcelona Sants. On the other hand, all services running north of Granollers Centre railway station, to the north of Barcelona, use the airport station as their southern terminus, with Sant Celoni or Maçanet-Massanes stations serving as their northern terminus, in order from south to north, calling at all stations. Some of the services terminating at the airport also use Granollers Centre as their northern terminus. The rest of the services on the R2 run between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre, calling at all stations, so that they do not terminate neither at the airport nor at Estació de França. The first trains run about 5:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 1:00 at night.
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. All services terminating at the airport are designated R2 Nord ("R2 North"), whilst the services terminating at Estació de França are designated R2 Sud ("R2 South"). The Nord and Sud designations refer to the fact that such services mostly run on the line's northern and southern portion, respectively. The through services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre are simply designated R2.
As of August 2015, the service routes operating on the R2 are as follows:
The line's activity gathers on its southern section, between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Barcelona, where an approximate peak-time service frequency of 10 minutes is offered. All services on the line converge on the section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, where they together offer an approximate peak-time service frequency of 8 minutes. The overall service frequency reduces as the line moves away from Barcelona, especially on the section north of Sant Celoni, where R2 Nord services only operate during the morning rush hour or at night. During the rest of the day, this section is served by regional rail line R11. Moreover, the services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre only run on weekdays.
As of August 2015, the approximate service frequencies on the R2 are as follows:
The trains used on the R2 are Civia—specifically, the 463, 464 and 465 Series, which consist of three, four and five cars per set, respectively, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series electrical multiple units (EMU). The 450 and 451 Series are technically and aesthetically identical, differing only in the number of cars per set; the first consist of six cars, whilst the latter consist of three cars. Furthermore, they consist of double-decker cars, becoming the only type of bilevel rolling stock on the Rodalies de Catalunya system. The R2 is the only Rodalies de Catalunya line where 450 and 451 Series trains operate. Normally, the 450 Series runs only on R2 Sud services between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona's Estació de França, whilst the 451 Series runs only either on R2 Sud services between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Estació de França, or on R2 services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre stations. Civia and 447 Series trains are used interchangeably on all R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud services on the line. On average, the trains used on the line operate a total of 216 services every day on weekdays, accounting for a ridership of 125,948, according to 2008 data.
Future
The 2008–2015 Rail Infrastructure Master Plan for the Barcelona Commuter Rail Service, developed by the Spanish Ministry of Public Works and Transport, plans to establish a "coast-to-coast" and "inland-to-inland" line scheme. According to this project, the current R2 will be extended southwards from Barcelona Sants to Sant Vicenç de Calders stations, via Vilafranca del Penedès, taking over the southern section of the present line R4. The R2 will become the "inland-to-inland" line, creating a new major south–north axis through the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area. R2 trains will continue to use the Aragó Tunnel in central Barcelona with the new line scheme, which is currently not possible due to the configuration of the southern rail accesses to Barcelona Sants. A long-term project with an uncertain completion date, the new configuration would require multimillion-euro investments since it is associated with the construction of a new underground route in L'Hospitalet de Llobregat for the Rodalies de Catalunya lines running through the city as well as the new rail link for Barcelona–El Prat Airport.
As stated in the master plan, the proposed peak-time service frequencies for the future R2 would be as follows:
List of stations
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R13 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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2021-12-31T13:41:03+00:00
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EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R13_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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R13
A 448 Series train on a R13 regional service to Lleida Pirineus in Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station in 2014.
OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona, Tarragona and Lleida provincesPredecessorCa4First service1 January 2010 (as R13)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteStartLleida PirineusStops32EndBarcelona Estació de FrançaDistance travelled176 km (109 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 1–2 hLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock448 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 521⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R13 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to the city of Lleida, passing through the Vallès Occidental, Baix Llobregat, Garraf, Baix Penedès, Camp de Tarragona, Baix Camp, Conca de Barberà and Urgell regions. With a total line length of 176 kilometres (109 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, into the inland of Catalonia.
R13 trains run primarily on the Tarragona-Lleida railway, La Plana-Picamoixons−Sant Vicenç de Calders railway and Madrid-Barcelona railway, using Lleida Pirineus as their westernmost terminus, and Barcelona Estació de França as its eastern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R11, R14, R15, R16 and R17, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Sud as far as Sant Vicenç de Calders, and with the Tarragona commuter rail services RT2 and RT1 from Tarragona to Sant Vicenç de Calders and Reus, respectively. It is one of the three lines that connect Barcelona Sants and Lleida Pirineus, the others being R12 and R14, and one of the two that connect the two cities via the Aragó Tunnel and the Madrid-Barcelona railway, along with R14, as R12 uses the Meridiana Tunnel and the inland Lleida-Manresa-Barcelona railway.
History[edit]
The current line scheme of the R13 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Tarragona-Lleida were branded as Ca4b for the Catalan rail division, and 35 in the nationwide regional rail network.
Infrastructure[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R13 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R13 operates on a total line length of 176 kilometres (109 mi), which is entirely double-track. The trains on the line call at up to 32 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from west to east:[2]
From To Railway line Route number Lleida Pirineus (PK 490.5) La Plana-Picamoixons (PK 559.1) Tarragona-Lleida 230 La Plana-Picamoixons (PK 559.1) Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) La Plana-Picamoixons–Sant Vicenç de Calders 234 Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6) Madrid–Barcelona 200 Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6) Madrid–Barcelona 260
List of stations[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R13 in order from west to east; the station's service pattern offered by R13 trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[3][4]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone ATM AdL ATM AdB Rod Lleida Pirineus#* ● R12, R14 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed rail services
FGC local rail services
National and international coach services Lleida 1 — — Puigverd de Lleida-Artesa de Lleida ● R14 — Puigverd de Lleida 1 — — Juneda ● R14 — Juneda 2 — — Les Borges Blanques ● R14 — Les Borges Blanques 2 — — La Floresta ● R14 — La Floresta 2 — — Vinaixa ● R14 — Vinaixa 2 — — Vimbodí ● R14 — Vimbodí — — — L'Espluga de Francolí ● R14 — L'Espluga de Francolí — — — Montblanc ● R14 — Montblanc — — — Vilaverd ● R14 — Vilaverd — — — La Riba ● R14 — La Riba — — — La Plana-Picamoixons# ● R14 — Valls — — — Valls ● — — Valls — — — Nulles-Bràfim ● — — Nulles — — — Vilabella ● — — Vilabella — — — Salomó ● — — Salomó — — — Roda de Barà ● — — Roda de Barà — — — Roda de Mar ● — — Roda de Barà — — — Sant Vicenç de Calders# ● R2 Sud, R4, R14, R15, R16, R17, RT2 — El Vendrell — 6A 6 Calafell ● R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Calafell — 5A 5 Segur de Calafell ● R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Calafell — 5A 5 Cunit ● R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Cunit — 5A 5 Cubelles ● R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Cubelles — 4A 5 Vilanova i la Geltrú ● R2 Sud, R14, R15, R16, R17 — Vilanova i la Geltrú — 4A 4 Sitges ● R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Sitges — 3A 4 Castelldefels ● R2, R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Castelldefels — 1 2 Gavà ● R2, R2 Sud, R14, R15 — Gavà — 1 2 Barcelona Sants* ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R11, R12, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R11, R14, R15, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Estació de França#* ● R2 Sud, R14, R15, R16, R17 Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta station Barcelona — 1 1
References[edit]
[edit]
Rodalies de Catalunya official website
Schedule for the R13 (PDF format)
Official Twitter accounts by Rodalies de Catalunya for lines R14 with service status updates (tweets usually published only in Catalan)
Geographic data related to R14 at OpenStreetMap
R13 (rodalia 13) on Twitter. Unofficial Twitter account by Rodalia.info monitoring real-time information about the R16 by its users.
Information about the R13 at trenscat.cat Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
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Train tickets AVE, Avlo Low Cost (with No Booking Fees)
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Buy cheap train tickets AVE, Avlo high speed Low Cost ✓ Timetables, Fares and Discounts ✅ No Booking Fees! ▷ ( Renfe.com )
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Take a look at our ideas for travelling by train and get inspired with Renfe.
Travelling at the best price and with all the comforts? It is possible! Step on board
Looking for inspiration?
Don't miss our most popular destinations. Allow your mind to wander. Discover what to see and what to do in each destination and make sure you don't miss anything with Renfe
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New rail links in Italy, Spain and France
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http://www.europebyrail.eu/site/assets/files/3608/dt-marseille-st-charles.jpg
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[
"Renfe Marseille to Madrid",
"train service Barcelona to Lyon",
"new Trenitalia rail service Bari to Naples",
"Elipsos",
"Perpignan to Valence by train",
"Lyon to Narbonne Renfe",
"French night trains",
"Europe by rail"
] | null |
[
"hidden europe",
"Nicky Gardner",
"Susanne Kries"
] |
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July 2023 sees changes to train services in Italy, France and Spain with a number of important new routes launched. They include Naples to Bari, Madrid to Marseille and Lyon to Barcelona.
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This month sees the launch of several new train services in Europe. Today marks the debut run of the new direct TGV train from Bordeaux to Frankfurt about which we reported in an article earlier this week.
Bari to Naples
It has been many a year since the southern Italian cities of Bari and Naples enjoyed a direct link. That changes on Tuesday when Trenitalia launches a new Intercity train between the two cities. This isn’t a seasonal summer service, but a year-round addition to the timetable. The service runs up the coast from Bari to Foggia, where the train reverses and then runs through the hills to Caserta where it turns south to reach Naples. This new service leaves Bari each morning at 07.05, with the evening return run from Naples departing at 18.55.
Barcelona to Lyon
Thursday 13 July marks the happy return of Renfe high-speed trains to France, when the Spanish operator launches a direct high-speed service from Barcelona to Lyon and back.
Renfe AVEs have not ventured beyond Spain’s borders since the collapse late last year of the Elipsos operation (under which Renfe and SNCF cooperated on cross-border high-speed services between France and Spain). Since then the only fast trains across the French-Spanish border have been the twice-daily Paris to Barcelona TGVs. From today, SNCF adds a third daily TGV from Paris to Bareclona and back; this additional train is a seasonal service to boost capacity during the summer. It runs daily in each direction from 8 July to 3 September.
Renfe’s Barcelona to Lyon service debuts on 13 July and then runs four times a week in each direction. That initial run on 13 July is unusual in being on a Thursday. This summer there will normally be departures from Barcelona and Lyon on Fridays, Saturdays, Sundays and Mondays. The idea is to shift to daily operation in each direction in September.
It’s a five hour journey from Barcelona to Lyon with departures from Barcelona at 08.22 and from Lyon at 14.35. One-way fares between the two cities start at €29. This new service also brings some stiff competition to SNCF on some inner-French journeys like Perpignan to Valence or Lyon to Narbonne. Fares for short hops within France start at just €9.
Marseille to Madrid
Spanish operator Renfe lobs another challenge to its French rival later this month with the launch of a direct service from Marseille to Madrid which will also provide domestic French connections, eg. from Marseille to Perpignan and Aix-en-Provence TGV to Narbonne. In fact, these are both city pairs where SNCF offers no direct service, so the new Renfe offer will be especially welcome.
The Marseille to Madrid train will initially run four times each week (Fridays to Mondays inclusive), increasing to daily in October 2023. Departure from Marseille is at 08.03 and arrival in Madrid at 15.45, thus allowing onward same-day connections to cities in Andalucía. In the northbound direction departure is at 13.25 from Madrid Atocha to give arrival at Marseille St Charles at 21.30.
Changes to French Night Trains
Today sees the start of France’s summer season timetables with some tweaks in the pattern of night train services. As last summer, there will be an overnight train from Paris to Hendaye in France’s Basque region and right by the border with Spain. Departure times from Paris vary from day-to-day (only SNCF manage to make things complicated like this) but arrival in Hendaye is usually as 10.24. This seasonal train will run every night until 3 September.
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https://www.seat61.com/international-trains/trains-from-Barcelona.htm
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Trains from Barcelona to other European cities
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A guide to train travel from Barcelona to other European cities, including Barcelona to Paris, Barcelona to Lisbon, Barcelona to Amsterdam, Barcelona to Geneva, Zurich & Switzerland, Barcelona to Brussels
|
en
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https://www.seat61.com/international-trains/trains-from-Barcelona.htm
|
Barcelona Sants station guide
1st class lounge at Barcelona Sants
I want to go from Barcelona to...
Click here if your journey starts in another city
Barcelona Sants station guide
Recommended hotels in Barcelona
This page explains how to travel by train from Barcelona to other cities all over Europe, and how to buy tickets the cheapest way. Information current for 2024.
Before you buy your tickets
Take a moment to read these tips for buying European train tickets. They answer the usual questions including "Do I need to book in advance or can I just buy at the station?", "Can I stop off?", "Are there Senior fares?" and the old favourite, "Should I buy an $800 railpass or buy a 35 point-to-point ticket online?". How far ahead can you buy train tickets?
European train travel FAQ
Barcelona to other Spanish cities
Popular train routes from Barcelona:
Barcelona to Madrid
Barcelona to Malaga, Cordoba & Seville
Barcelona to Granada
Barcelona to Valencia & Alicante
Barcelona to San Sebastian & Bilbao
Barcelona to Santiago de Compostela, A Coruña & Vigo
Barcelona to Ibiza by ferry
Barcelona to Mallorca by ferry
All Spanish long-distance trains and even many regional trains require seat reservation and have variable pricing, so yes, trains can sell out although although outside busy holiday periods it's easy to buy tickets at the station on the day of travel if you want.
Renfe has airline-style fares for its long-distance trains, so tickets will be much more expensive bought on the day, much cheaper booked in advance. So pre-book if possible.
For more information including an explanation of Renfe's fare types & classes, see the train travel in Spain page.
How to buy tickets
Arguably the quickest & easiest way to buy Spanish train tickets is at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com with print-at-home tickets and Renfe's cheap prices shown. Raileurope & Thetrainline link to Renfe's ticketing system and sell Renfe's cheap fares at the same prices as Renfe in , £ or $ with the same print-at-home tickets, in plain English without Renfe's quirky translation or credit card acceptance problems. Anyone can use Raileurope or Thetrainline as they accept international credit cards. There's a small booking fee. More about Raileurope. More about Thetrainline.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
You can of course buy tickets direct from Spanish Railways at www.renfe.com, with no booking fee. The disadvantage is that Renfe.com has more than its fair share of quirks, so please read the advice on using Renfe.com here. The quirks include some odd English translations and a reputation for rejecting a significant proportion of overseas credit cards with various error messages. Although I have to say it has always worked OK with my credit card and it now also accepts PayPal.
You can also book Spanish trains online in US$ in plain English with no payment problems at www.petrabax.com. This is a US-based agency that also links to the Renfe ticketing system, so has the same trains and cheap prices, with a small mark-up. It issues the same print-at-home tickets as renfe.com, so anyone from any country worldwide can use it, including the United States, Canada & Australia.
Barcelona to Madrid by AVE, Ouigo, Avlo or Iryo
See the Barcelona to Madrid page for advice.
Every hour or two, high-speed AVE trains link Barcelona Sants with Madrid Atocha in as little as 2h30, faster (and a lot less hassle) than flying. The route has been opened up to competition, and as well as Renfe's AVEs you can now also choose a lo-cost Ouigo train, lo-cost Avlo train or competing full-service Iryo train.
A Barcelona-Madrid AVE (type S103) at Barcelona Sants. See virtual tour
Comfort (1st) class seating on an AVE train.
Cafe-bar on an S103 AVE train.
Scenery from the high-speed AVE between Barcelona & Madrid. Photo courtesy of DiscoverByRail.com.
Madrid Atocha station: One of my favourite stations, the old trainshed has been preserved and turned into a tropical garden, see Madrid Atocha station guide.
Barcelona to Malaga, Cordoba & Seville by AVE or Iryo
AVE: Direct AVE high-speed trains leave Barcelona Sants at 08:35 and 15:15 every day for Cordoba, Seville & Malaga.
It's beats flying: City centre to city centre with no formal check-in. Flying is a relay-race of train, airport, flight, airport, bus, taking around 4 hours so saving very little time over the train and denying you the relaxing journey across Spain through the countryside at ground level, seeing the country you're supposed to be visiting.
These trains leave Barcelona Sants on the high-speed line towards Madrid - you get great views of Montserrat on your right (see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Montserrat_(mountain) soon after departure. Just south of Madrid, a chord line allows the train to by-pass Madrid Atocha and join the Madrid-Andalucía high-speed line heading southwards. It's pretty scenic, especially where the train speeds through the mountains, short tunnels alternating with viaducts across rocky valleys.
Superb AVE-S103 trains are now used on this route, with Standard (2nd) class & Comfort (1st) class seats. The trains have a cafe-bar serving beer, wine, tea, coffee, snacks and some hot dishes. The train has power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. If you pay the Premium fare you get access to the Sala Club lounge in Barcelona, and a meal with wine served at your seat. More about Renfe's fares & classes.
Iryo: Since December 2023 you'll also find two direct Iryo trains competing with Renfe between Barcelona and Cordoba/Seville, use www.thetrainline.com to see times and prices and compare with Renfe AVE prices.
Fares start at around 36 in standard (2nd) class or 64 in comfort (1st) class.
Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead for the cheapest prices. Reservation is compulsory so trains can in theory sell out, and do so at very busy times, but there are usually places available even on the day.
Buy tickets at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket. More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens several months ahead but Renfe are inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
An AVE of type S103 at Barcelona Sants. See virtual tour
Comfort (1st) class seating on an AVE train.
Cafe-bar on an S103 AVE train.
Barcelona to Granada by AVE
There's a direct Barcelona to Granada AVE S112 high-speed train every day, they have varied it's departure time but as I write this it leaves Barcelona Sants at 06:45 every day and arrives Granada at 13:10.
It's city centre to city centre with no formal check-in. Flying is a relay-race of train, airport, flight, airport, bus, taking around 4 hours so saving very little time over the train and denying you the relaxing journey across Spain through the countryside at ground level, seeing the country you're supposed to be visiting.
These trains leave Barcelona Sants on the high-speed line towards Madrid - you get great views of Montserrat on your right (see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Montserrat_(mountain) soon after departure. Just south of Madrid, a chord line allows the train to by-pass Madrid Atocha and join the Madrid-Andalucía high-speed line heading southwards. It's pretty scenic, especially where the train speeds through the mountains, short tunnels alternating with viaducts across rocky valleys.
Superb AVE S112 trains are used on this route, with 3 classes: Standard (2nd class), Comfort (1st class seats without 1st class extras), Comfort (1st class for Premium ticket holders, access to Sala Club lounge, meal & wine included in fare served at seat on some trains). More about classes. The trains have a cafe-bar serving beer, wine, tea, coffee, snacks and some hot dishes, and free WiFi.
Fares start at around 36 in standard (2nd) class or 64 in comfort (1st) class.
Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead for the cheapest prices. Reservation is compulsory so trains can in theory sell out, and do so at very busy times, but there are usually places available even on the day.
Buy tickets at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket. More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens 60 days ahead but Renfe are inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings and it can be less than this.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
A distinctive AVE type S112 at Valencia. Known by Renfe staff as Pato (duck), for obvious reasons.
Comfort (1st) class on an AVE S112
Breakfast, included with the premium fare.
Cafe-bar on an AVE S112.
Standard (2nd) class on an AVE S112
Barcelona to Valencia & Alicante
Fast Euromed trains link Barcelona Sants with Valencia & Alicante, and slower but cheaper articulated Intercity trains built by Talgo also operate on this route.
Buy online at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket. More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens 60 days ahead but Renfe are very inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings and it can be less than this.
If you're going to Valencia, the slower Intercity trains use the classic Valencia Estació del Nord. The faster Euromed trains use Valencia Joaquin Sorolla station a little further from the city centre. In Alicante, both train types use Alacant Terminal.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
Euromed train at Barcelona Sants. These S130 trains are known as Patito (little duck) by staff, no prizes for guessing why.
Euromed cafe-bar.
Euromed standard (2nd) class.
Barcelona to San Sebastian & Bilbao
Every morning at 08:45 a comfortable high-speed Alvia train links Barcelona Sants with Bilbao in 6h51.
Every afternoon at 15:30 a comfortable high-speed Alvia train links Barcelona Sants with San Sebastian in 5h46.
There are other services during the day with a change of train.
The trains are fully-air-conditioned with Standard (2nd) class & Comfort (1st) class and a cafe-bar serving beer, wine, tea, coffee, snacks.
The train rolls out of Barcelona with views of Montserrat on your right (see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Montserrat_(mountain) on the standard-gauge high-speed line towards Zaragoza, this particular type of train travels at up to 250km/h (155 mph). Just beyond Zaragoza it shows of its party trick: It slows to 50 km/h and passes seamlessly through a gauge-changing system where the wheels adjust from standard gauge (the new high-speed lines are all standard 4' 8.5") to wider Iberian gauge (5' 6"). It then rolls across the plains on the classic lines calling at Pamplona, then (on the San Sebastian route) climbs into the mountains, twisting and turning. A lovely run!
Fares start at 22.90 in standard (2nd) class or 29.90 in comfort (1st) class.
Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead. Reservation is compulsory so trains can in theory sell out, and do so at very busy times.
Buy online at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket.
More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens 60 days ahead but Renfe are inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings and it's often less than this.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
Standard class (2nd class).
The cafe-bar sells drinks, snacks & sandwiches.
Barcelona to Santiago de Compostela, A Coruña & Vigo
Option 1, Barcelona to Galicia by direct train
Every day, a comfortable Alvia train links Barcelona Sants with Galicia, leaving mid-morning and arriving late evening. It's not the fastest option, but at least it's direct, a chill-out day across Spain on an excellent air-conditioned train with cafe-bar. Sit back and enjoy the ride.
On Wednesdays, Fridays & Sundays it leaves Barcelona Sants at 09:05 and goes to Vigo Guixar, arriving 23:35.
On Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays & Saturdays it leaves Barcelona Sants at 09:05 and arrives Santiago de Compostela 22:06 & A Coruña 22:38.
Check times & buy tickets at either www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket. More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens 60 days ahead but Renfe are inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings, it's often less than this.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
Option 2, Barcelona to Galicia with a change in Madrid - significantly faster and runs daily
Travel from Barcelona Sants to Madrid Atocha by AVE, change trains & stations in Madrid, then take an afternoon Alvia or AVE from Madrid Chamartin to Vigo Urzaiz, Santiago de Compostela or A Coruña.
Check times & buy tickets at either www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com and print your own ticket. More about buying Spanish train tickets. Booking usually opens 60 days ahead but Renfe are inconsistent in how far ahead they open bookings, it's often less than this.
Tip: To find times/tickets for this trip you need to split the booking: First search trains from Madrid to your destination in Galicia. Then look for a train from Barcelona to Madrid arriving at Madrid Atocha at least 90 minutes before the onward train leaves Madrid Chamartin.
Note that in Spain, although infants under 4 go free, for journeys on any mainline long-distance train wholly within Spain, you'll need to obtain a free infant ticket at a Renfe ticket office before boarding, see the advice here.
Barcelona to Ibiza by ferry
Trasmed (formerly Acciona Trasmediterranea) offer an overnight ferry from Barcelona to Ibiza most nights, around 22:00, arriving 07:00.
The ferry has cosy cabins, bar & restaurant, it sails from the Trasmed terminal in central Barcelona, a few minutes' walk from the Columbus monument at the foot of La Rambla. Check sailing dates & times at the Direct Ferries website or www.trasmed.com.
Balearia also operate an overnight ferry to Ibiza on most nights of the week, times vary but it typically sails at 22:00, arriving in Ibiza town (Ibiza Ciudad) at 06:00. Check sailing dates & times at the Direct Ferries website or www.balearia.com.
Blue arrow = Balearia ferry terminal, white arrow = Trasmed terminal. Above right, the Balearia terminal. See map of Barcelona showing ferry terminals.
Balearia ferry in Ibiza harbour. Courtesy of Discoverbyrail.com.
Barcelona to Mallorca by ferry
Overnight ferry: There are two overnight ferries from Barcelona to Palma de Mallorca, both with restaurants, bars & cosy en suite cabins. One is run by Trasmed (formerly Acciona Trasmediterranea) (www.trasmed.com
, UK agent Southern Ferries on 0844 815 7785), the other run by Balearia (www.balearia.com).
Both ships usually sail from Barcelona around around 22:00 and arrive in Palma around 07:00. Check times & buy tickets at the Direct Ferries website.
The Trasmed & Balearia ferry terminals are located in central Barcelona, a few minutes' walk from the Columbus monument at the foot of La Rambla. I recommend Trasmed, as they have the bigger, nicer ships which usually sail from right alongside the terminal so you can walk straight onto the ship, whereas the smaller Balearia ship requires an awkward shuttle bus transfer between the ferry check-in and the vessel in both Barcelona and Palma.
Fast ferry: On many days in summer Balearia operate a daytime fast ferry (SeaCat) from Barcelona to Alcudia, on the northeast corner of Mallorca near both Alcudia and Pollensa, calling at Minorca on the way. This leaves from directly alongside the Balearia terminal in central Barcelona around 17:00 and arrives at 23:00. See www.balearia.com or use the Direct Ferries website to check whether it is running on your dates of travel. There will be plenty of taxis waiting at Alcudia ferry terminal, it's a 10 minute taxi ride to Pollensa.
Train service on Mallorca: There are two train lines on Majorca, from Palma to Inca & Soller, see www.tib.org & (for Soller) trendesoller.com.
Blue arrow = Balearia ferry terminal, white arrow = Trasmed terminal. Above right, the Balearia terminal. See map of Barcelona showing ferry terminals.
Balearia's fast ferry from Barcelona to Alcudia. That's the Columbus Monument at the foot of La Rambla in the background, the terminal is that central!
Balearia ferry. Photo courtesy of Luke Sibieta.
Grimaldi Trasmed's Ciudad de Barcelona, at Barcelona port. Photo courtesy of Luke Sibieta.
Barcelona to Tenerife, Gran Canaria & the Canary islands
There are no direct ferries from Barcelona to the Canary Islands, but 3 ferry companies sail from southern Spain to the Canaries, all with comfortable ships with a choice of reclining seats or private en suite cabins, bars & restaurants. The voyages takes 1 night & 1½ days or 2 nights, 1 day.
Naviera Armas sail weekly from Huelva to Tenerife & Gran Canaria, see www.navieraarmas.com or book on the Direct Ferries website.
Fred Olsen/Balearia ferries sail 2 or 3 times a week all year round from Huelva to Tenerife & Gran Canaria, see www.fredolsen.es or book on the Direct Ferries website.
Trasmediterranea sail from Cadiz in mainland Spain with Arrecife (Lanzarote), Las Palmas and Tenerife once or twice a week, taking 2 nights, www.trasmediterranea.es.
After checking ferry sailing dates & times, check train times & buy tickets from Barcelona to Huelva or Cadiz at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com. You may well need to stay overnight in Cadiz or Huelva.
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Barcelona to Gibraltar
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Algeciras, taking the 11:00 high-speed AVE train from Barcelona Sants to Madrid Atocha then the 15:16 Intercity train from Madrid Atocha to Algeciras, arriving 21:13.
The trains are comfortable, air-conditioned with cafe-bar. There's great scenery both on the high-speed line between Madrid and Cordoba through the mountains and on the classic line twisting through the hills to Algeciras, the Spanish town across the bay from Gibraltar, see a video of the journey here.
Fares start at around 50.
Buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, both easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee, or at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (much more fiddly, may reject some overseas credit cards, see this advice on using it first). You print your own tickets. Booking should open 60 days ahead but it varies.
Step 2, take a bus or taxi from Algeciras to la Linea & walk into Gibraltar.
A taxi from Algeciras railway station to La Linea costs 24.75 and takes about 22 minutes. Taxis don't use the meter on this run, and aren't normally allowed to cross the border into Gibraltar.
To go by bus, cross the roundabout outside Algeciras railway station and enter the San Bernado bus station, then take bus M-120 to La Linea for around 2.50. Bus M-120 runs every 30 minutes Mon-Fri at xx.00 and xx.30 past each hour or every 45 minutes at weekends, journey time about 45 minutes to La Linea, for bus information see siu.ctmcg.es.
La Linea is the Spanish town outside the border crossing to Gibraltar, and La Linea's bus stop and taxi rank are right outside the entrance to Gibraltar. Walk through the Spanish then UK passport checkpoints into Gibraltar (5-10 minutes). Then either (a) keep walking straight ahead into Gibraltar town, it's takes about 15 minutes to the centre or (b) take a frequent local Gibraltar bus from the border into town or (c) look for the taxi stop on the right just after the passport check and wait for a taxi to your hotel for a few pounds - Gibraltar taxis will accept euros. The walk from the border to Gibraltar's Main Street takes you across Gibraltar airport's runway, though they stop cars and pedestrians when an aircraft is landing or taking off. Map of Algeciras - La Linea - Gibraltar area.
Alternative via San Roque-La Linea station: The closest station to Gibraltar is actually San Roque-La Linea, and all trains to Algeciras call here around 20 minutes before arriving at Algeciras. So if you prefer, you can get off here and take a taxi to La Linea, or walk the 1.6 km (1 mile) to the Bar La Redonda bus stop on the main road on the M-120 bus route from Algeciras to La Linea. Buses run to La Linea every 30 minutes weekdays, every 45 minutes weekends. Taxis are usually available outside San Roque station, San Roque to the La Linea/Gibraltar border is about 16 km (10 miles) and it takes just over 30 minutes depending on traffic.
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Barcelona to London from 96
Barcelona to Paris by TGV, Paris to London by Eurostar, see the London to Spain page.
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Barcelona to Dublin & Ireland
Option 1, Barcelona to Dublin using a direct ferry from Spain to Ireland
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Bilbao by train.
There's a daily 08:45 train from Barcelona Sants to Bilbao Abando station, journey time 6h50.
Check ferry sailing times and dates first, then check train times & buy tickets at either www.thetrainline.com (easiest to use, in , £ or $) or www.renfe.com (in , much more fiddly). Look for a train which arrives several hours before the ferry sails, to allow for any delay and the transfer to the port. If necessary travel the day before.
On arrival at Bilbao Abando, take the metro to Santurtzi metro station, 21-23 minutes, see www.metrobilbao.net. Then take a 5 km 18 taxi ride to the ferry terminal at Zierbena, 16 km northwest of central Bilbao.
Step 2, sail from Bilbao to Rosslare with Brittany Ferries.
The ferry sails twice a week for most of the year, typically either sailing at 13:01 arriving at 20:46 next day, or sailing at 18:00 and arriving at 06:00 2 nights later. Check sailing dates and book online at www.brittany-ferries.ie.
The ferry has restaurants, bar, lounges, and cosy private cabins all with shower & toilet.
Step 3, take a train from Rosslare to Dublin, www.irishrail.ie. In Rosslare, the ferry terminal is a few minutes walk from the railway station platform.
Option 2, Barcelona to Dublin via Paris and ferry from Cherbourg to Dublin
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV as shown below.
You can book this at www.thetrainline.com from 39.
Stay overnight in Paris, see suggested hotels near Paris stations.
Alternatively, travel from Barcelona to Paris using a sleeper, as shown on the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper page.
Day 2, take a morning train to Cherbourg & ferry overnight to Dublin as shown in the Paris to Dublin section, arriving in the morning on Day 3.
Irish Ferries sails Cherbourg-Dublin several times a week. Start by booking the ferry at www.irishferries.com and add a train connection using www.thetrainline.com, see the Paris to Dublin section for full details.
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Barcelona to Paris from 39
Option 1, Barcelona to Paris by high-speed train in 6h30 from 39
High-speed TGV Duplex trains link Barcelona Sants with Paris Gare de Lyon every day in around 6h30, with departures from Barcelona at 09:28 & 13:25 all year round, see the timetable & information here. An additional afternoon departure may run in July & August.
A flight from Barcelona to Paris takes up to 5 hours when ground transportation, check-in time and airport security are added. The train takes hardly any longer but is the relaxing option with a chance to chill out and see Spanish & French countryside roll past your window, see here for the sights to see from the train on the way. I recommend selecting an upper deck seat for the best views on thee impressive & comfortable 320km/h (199mph) double-decker trains, with a cafe-bar on board and power sockets at all seats.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at either www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) or www.raileurope.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Raileurope) or www.thetrainline.com (also easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Trainline).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Tip: www.sncf-connect.com & www.thetrainline.com allow you to choose your seat from a seat map when booking 1st class tickets.
See the TGV from Paris to Barcelona page for more details of times, fares, how to buy tickets & photos & a video guide to the journey.
The morning TGV to Paris, boarding at Barcelona Sants. Courtesy of Brian's Coffee Spot. Watch TGV Duplex video.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou. More photos of what to see on the Paris-Barcelona train journey.
Option 2, Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train via Latour de Carol
The Barcelona-Paris Elipsos sleeper train was discontinued in 2013, but you can still travel overnight, using a local train through the scenic Pyrenees from Barcelona to Latour de Carol, then the French overnight train from Latour de Carol to Paris. Departure from Barcelona around 14:00, arrive Paris around 07:00 next day.
See the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train page for full details, prices, tips & how to buy tickets.
Option 3, Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train via Cerbère/Perpignan
This is very similar to option 2, but uses the Cerebère-Perpignan-Paris overnight train rather than the Paris-Latour one, so you go along the coast rather than directly through the Pyrenees. This night train runs daily in summer, but usually only Fridays & Sundays in winter. Departure from Barcelona around 15:15, arrival in Paris around 07:00 next day.
See the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train page for full details, prices, tips & how to buy tickets.
Barcelona to Perpignan, Narbonne, Montpellier, Nîmes
Option 1, Barcelona to southern France by high-speed train - the fastest option
Up to 5 high-speed TGV Duplex & AVE services link Barcelona Sants with Narbonne, Perpignan, Montpellier & Nîmes.
SNCF (French Railways) run two daily TGV Duplex trains leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28 & 13:35 en route to Paris, with a 3rd in July & August.
Renfe (Spanish Railways) run two cross-border AVEs leaving Barcelona Sants at 08:19 & 16:34, en route to Lyon and Marseille respectively.
Until December 2022, Renfe & SNCF co-operated in running and marketing all these trains, now each runs its own trains and you won't find the Spanish trains listed on the French Railways website, and vice versa!
Fares start at around 29 in 2nd class or 39 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
You can buy tickets for both SNCF's TGV and Renfe's AVE at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, international payment cards no problem).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Alternatively, you can book the French TGV trains at www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) and the Spanish AVE trains at www.renfe.com (significantly more fiddly, in , see advice on using it).
Tip: www.sncf-connect.com & www.thetrainline.com allow you to choose your seat from a seat map when booking 1st class on a TGV.
Tip: Plain Nîmes is the main station in the city centre, sometimes called Nîmes Centre. Nîmes Pont du Gard is a new out-of-town station on the high-speed bypass line. If you are visiting Nîmes, I recommend using the city centre station. Similarly, Montpellier Saint-Roche is the main station in the city centre, Montpellier Sud de France is a new out-of-town station on the high-speed bypass line.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou.
Option 2, Barcelona to southern France by classic train - slower, but cheaper, scenic and with a much wider range of departures!
With the high-speed service so sparse, the classic route can be a useful alternative, Barcelona to Portbou on the border by Spanish local train, then Portbou to Narbonne, Perpignan, Montpellier & Nîmes by French TER regional train.
Furthermore, the high-speed service is cheap when booked in advance, expensive at short notice. This route uses local trains with fixed prices, you can pay affordable fares even on the day of travel. And if you've an Interrail or Eurail pass, no reservation is needed.
The only catch? Renfe has chosen to put Barcelona-Portbou local trains in a totally separate database, unconnected with any other system in the outside world, so they don't show up on normal booking systems such as www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or the official French Railways site www.sncf-connect.com or the Spanish Railways site www.renfe.com. Stupid, eh? So you need to look up these trains on a special website, then look up onward trains from Portbou at the normal booking websites.
Step 1, check times from Barcelona Sants to Portbou at the Barcelona suburban lines website rodalies.gencat.cat.
At the time I write this, you'll find departures from Barcelona Sants as follows:
Mondays-Saturdays at 06:16, 07:16, 07:46, 08:16, 09:16, 10:16, 11:16, 11:46, 13:16, 15:16, 15:46, 17:16.
Sundays at 07:46, 08:46, 09:46, 10:46, 11:46, 12:46, 13:46, 15:16, 17:16.
Journey time varies from 2h13 to 3h14.
All trains are air-conditioned.
The fare is 13.50 on most trains marked R (Rodalies, suburban), or 18.10 on a few fast services marked MD (Media Distancia).
These are fixed-price unlimited-availability fares, you can turn up on the day and pay this, it cannot sell out. You can check fares using the journey planner at rodalies.gencat.cat.
You can also join these trains at Barcelona Plaza Catalunya which might be more convenient for you.
Step 2, check times from Portbou to Narbonne, Perpignan, Montpellier & Nimes at www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or the official French Railways site www.sncf-connect.com.
I'd allow at least 10 minutes to change at Portbou.
Trains leave Portbou every 2 hours until early evening, taking 57 minutes to Perpignan, 1h47 to Narbonne, 3h to Montpellier, 3h41 to Nimes.
For example, you could leave Barcelona Sants at 11:16, change at Portbou, arriving Perpignan 15:01, Narbonne 15:51, Montpellier St Roche 17:04, Nimes 17:42.
These trains run along the coast via Port Vendres and Collioure, with great coastal scenery.
The fare is 9.20 from Portbou to Perpignan, 19.10 to Narbonne, 33 to Montpellier, 39.10 to Nimes.
These are fixed price, unlimited-availability fares, cannot sell out, you can buy on the day at this price.
If you book in advance, you'll find some limited-availability fares from 1, only good for the specific train you book.
Barcelona to Lyon
Option 1, Barcelona to Lyon by direct AVE train - recommended
A direct AVE high-speed train leaves Barcelona Sants at 08:19 and arrives Lyon Part Dieu at 13:20.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Look out for great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou on the left as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses on the left by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral on the left, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (in , significantly more fiddly, see advice on using it).
Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
Option 2, Barcelona to Lyon with a change of train
There are two other good options, using French-run trains, with a change of train en route:
Leave Barcelona Sants at 09:28 daily, change at Valence, arrive Lyon Part Dieu 15:50.
Leave Barcelona Sants at 13:25 daily, change at Valence, arrive Lyon Part Dieu 18:50.
As with the direct AVE, you'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral.
Fares start at around 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Check train times & buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Barcelona to Bordeaux
Option 1, Barcelona to Bordeaux via Narbonne - this is fastest & easiest
Take a high-speed TGV Duplex from Barcelona Sants to Narbonne then an Intercité from Narbonne to Bordeaux St Jean.
Leave Barcelona Sants at 09:28, change at Narbonne, arrive Bordeaux St Jean at 15:39.
Leave Barcelona Sants at 13:25, change at Narbonne, arrive Bordeaux St Jean at 19:35.
The TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, you'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan.
The Intercité has a refreshment trolley & free WiFi.
Barcelona-Narbonne starts at 29, Narbonne-Bordeaux at around 20. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book from Barcelona Sants to Bordeaux St Jean at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. In the search results, look for options with just 1 change. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Option 2, Barcelona to Bordeaux via San Sebastian - how about lunch in San Sebastian?
This route takes longer, but is usually cheaper. And I'd be tempted to go this way with a stop for lunch and a wander (or an overnight stop) in the lovely city of San Sebastian!
Step 1, take an Alvia train from Barcelona Sants to San Sebastian Renfe station, journey time around 5h46.
If you take a morning train you can reach Bordeaux the same day, and could easily fit in a stop in San Sebastian for lunch and a look round. If you take the direct afternoon Alvia train you'll need to overnight in San Sebastian. See the Barcelona-San Sebastian section above.
Fares start at 28 in Standard class or 38 in Comfort class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy a ticket at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com. Booking normally opens 60 days ahead, but this varies. You print your ticket.
In San Sebastian it's an easy 10-minute walk from the Renfe station to Amara station, see walking route.
Step 2, take the little Euskotren from San Sebastian Amara to Hendaye, trains leave every 30 minutes through the day, journey time 37 minutes, fare 2.75, no reservation necessary or possible, it's a metro, you just turn up, buy a ticket with cash or card and hop on.
Step 3, take a train from Hendaye to Bordeaux, trains leave regularly through the day, journey time 2h40.
Some departures are TER regional trains, some are TGV. TER trains have a fixed price of around 38.40 which you can buy at the station on the day, it cannot sell out. TGVs require reservation and have dynamic pricing starting from 20.
Check times and buy online at www.thetrainline.com or www.raileurope.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee). You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Option 3, Barcelona to Bordeaux via Latour de Carol
Step 1, take the slow but cheap & scenic route from Barcelona Sants to Toulouse Matabiau via Latour de Carol as shown as option 2 in the Barcelona-Toulouse section below. This involves local trains with no reservation required (or even possible) and fixed (cheap!) prices, so is good if you have to travel at short notice when TGVs are expensive or if you have a Eurail or Interrail pass and want to avoid hefty TGV passholder reservation fees.
Step 2, then take an Intercité from Toulouse to Bordeaux St Jean taking around 2h07 with fares from 15 upwards. Reservation is required for this bit, and prices are dynamic, cheaper if you book ahead, more expensive (over 40) bought on the day.
Barcelona to Toulouse & Carcassonne
Option 1, Barcelona to Toulouse via Narbonne - the high-speed option, reservation required, dynamic pricing so book ahead.
There are two departures every day from Barcelona to Carcassonne & Toulouse with 1 easy change of train at Narbonne:
Leave Barcelona Sants at 09:28, change Narbonne, arrive Carcassonne 12:29 & Toulouse Matabiau at 12:17. Arrival times may vary.
Leave Barcelona Sants at 13:25, change Narbonne, arrive Carcassonne 16:32 & Toulouse Matabiau at 17:20. Arrival times may vary.
The TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, you'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan.
Fares start at 29 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Check times and buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Option 2, Barcelona to Toulouse via Latour de Carol - through the Pyrenees, slower, cheaper, always 12 + 28.10 any day, any date.
Alternatively, there's a cheap & scenic option from Barcelona to Toulouse taking the slow but direct route through the Pyrenees via Latour de Carol, no pre-booking necessary and if you don't want to book in advance it's much cheaper than the high-speed route. It cannot sell out and you can even buy tickets on the day at the same price.
You won't find this route listed on train booking websites because it involves two separate trains and two separate tickets, one of which is classed as a Spanish suburban train to cannot even be booked online, you just buy a ticket on the day at the station. But it's easy to check times and use it, buying tickets on the day at the station. Here's how...
Step 1, travel from Barcelona Sants to Latour de Carol (Tor de Querol in Catalan) by local train, these leave every couple of hours, journey time 3h05, fare 12, buy at the station from the staffed counter or self-service ticket machines, no advance booking necessary or possible. This is a fixed-price open ticket which cannot sell out. Easy!
You will not find this train on normal journey planners, so read this paragraph carefully!!!! To check times for this train. use the special Barcelona suburban train website rodalies.gencat.cat/en/inici. Alternatively, you can use www.renfe.com but ignore the main journey planner. Click Welcome at the top for English, then COMMUTER TRAINS AND FEVE then select Barcelona as this train is classed as a Barcelona suburban route. Then search for Barcelona Sants to Tor de Querol.
If there's a wait between trains at Latour de Carol - as there usually is, the French and Spanish don't co-ordinate timetables - simply enjoy lunch, coffee or a beer at the station bistro, www.facebook.com/bistrotdutrainjaune.
Step 2, then take a local TER train from Latour de Carol to Toulouse for a fixed-price 28.10 bought at Latour de Carol station, journey time 2h56. These leave every few hours, you can check times for this leg at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com.
This journey is also very scenic, as the train negotiates the Pyrenees for the first hour. At Porté-Puymorens (the last station just before Latour) the train reaches the highest point on any normal standard-gauge railway in Europe, 1,562m (5,125 feet) above sea level. Look out for the castle at Foix on the left.
Barcelona to Avignon, Marseille, Cannes & Nice
Option 1, Barcelona to Avignon, Aix-en-Provence & Marseille by direct AVE train - the easiest option for these 3 cities, recommended
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Avignon & Marseille by direct AVE high-speed train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 16:34 and arriving Avignon TGV 20:43, Aix-en-Provence TGV 21:08 & Marseille St Charles at 21:23.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Look out for great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou on the left as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses on the left by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral on the left, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (in , significantly more fiddly).
Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
For Cannes, Nice or Monaco, stay overnight in Marseille. Inexpensive hotels with good reviews near Marseille St Charles station include the Ibis Marseille Centre Gare St Charles & Holiday Inn Express Marseille St Charles.
Step 2, travel from Marseille to Cannes, Nice & Monte Carlo on any suitable train next day.
For example, the 07:57 TER local train from Marseille St Charles arrives Nice Ville 10:36, or an 08:28 TGV arrives Nice 10:56, and so on. But why not spend a morning in Marseille? It's a wonderful city, well worth a look around, see the Marseille station page.
Book onward trains from Marseille at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou.
Option 2, morning departure, Barcelona to Nice in a day
Travel from Barcelona to Avignon, Marseille Cannes or Nice, leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28 every day, change at Nîmes, arriving Marseille St Charles 14:36. Change at Marseille St Charles for Cannes & Nice, arriving Nice Ville at 17:36.
Barcelona to Nîmes is by TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Nîmes to Marseilles is by Intercité with refreshment trolley & free WiFi. Marseille to Cannes & Nice is by TER regional train.
Fares start at around 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at either www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) or www.raileurope.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Raileurope) or www.thetrainline.com (also easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Trainline).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Tip: www.sncf-connect.com & www.thetrainline.com allow you to choose your seat from a seat map when booking 1st class tickets.
Option 3, afternoon departure, Barcelona to Nice in a day
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Marseille, leaving Barcelona Sants at 13:25 every day, change at Nîmes, arriving Marseille St Charles 18:36.
Barcelona to Nimes is by TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here. Nîmes to Marseille is by Intercité with refreshment trolley & free WiFi.
Or change at Nimes for a TER regional train to Avignon Centre, arriving 19:10.
Fares start at 29 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at either www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) or www.raileurope.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Raileurope) or www.thetrainline.com (also easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Thetrainline).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Tip: www.sncf-connect.com & www.thetrainline.com allow you to choose your seat from a seat map when booking 1st class on a TGV or Intercité.
Step 2, travel from Marseille to Cannes & Nice, leaving Marseille at 18:57 arriving Cannes 21:07 and Nice Ville 21:38.
Check times & buy tickets at either www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) or www.raileurope.com (in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Raileurope) or www.thetrainline.com (in , £ or $, small booking fee, about Trainline).
Booking opens up to 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show a mobile ticket on your phone.
Tip: www.sncf-connect.com & www.thetrainline.com allow you to choose your seat from a seat map when booking 1st class on a TGV or Intercité.
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Barcelona to Brussels & Bruges from 68
Option 1, Barcelona to Brussels in a single day, via Lyon - breakfast in Barcelona, dinner in Brussels, avoids crossing Paris
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Lyon by AVE high-speed train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 08:19 and arriving Lyon Part Dieu at 13:20.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Look out for great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou on the left as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses on the left by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral on the left, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (in , significantly more fiddly, see advice on using it). Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
Step 2, travel from Lyon to Brussels by French TGV, leaving Lyon Part Dieu at 14:00 and arriving Brussels Midi at 17:43.
The TGV has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. The TGV by-passes Paris using the high-speed Paris avoiding line through Marne la Vallée & CDG.
If you'd like lunch in Lyon and an extra-safe connection, given that this involves two different operators, a later TGV leaves Lyon Part Dieu at 17:00 arriving Brussels Midi at 20:43. See suggested brasserie for lunch near Lyon Part Dieu.
Fares start at 29 in 2nd class or 39 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show it on your phone.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou.
Step 2, Lyon to Brussels by TGV. Above left, 2nd class seats with a mix of unidirectional seats & tables for 4. Seats 2+2 across car width. Larger photo.
Option 2, Barcelona to Brussels in a single day, via Paris - slightly faster, but involves crossing Paris
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28 and arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 16:12.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Book an upper deck seat for the best views, any seat number >60 is upper deck.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Cross Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare de Lyon to the Gare du Nord. Always allow at least 60 minutes between trains.
Step 2, travel from Paris to Brussels by Eurostar (formerly Thalys) leaving Paris Gare du Nord at 17:54 arriving Brussels Midi at 19:18.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Fares start at 35 in 2nd class or 79 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
The easiest way to buy tickets is at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com.
You can then book Barcelona to Brussels all in one go as one easy transaction with print-your-own tickets for both trains. Prices are in , £ or $, you can use it wherever you live as all overseas credit cards are accepted. There's a small booking fee. Booking for the TGV & Eurostar usually opens 4 months ahead.
Tip: Using www.raileurope.com, you can click More options and add Paris (any station) as a via with a 1 hour duration to ensure a robust connection. Otherwise the French Railways system has been known to offer cross-Paris connections as tight as 42 minutes.
Tip: I recommend an upper deck seat on the TGV Duplex for the best views. You can request an upper deck seat and you'll be shown your seat number before you pay. Any seat number over 60 is on the upper deck, if you don't get an upper deck seat simply leave it in your basket & try again until you get an upstairs seat, then delete the tickets you don't want from your basket. If you use www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com you can select a seat from a seat map if booking 1st class.
Alternatively, you can book at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , with no booking fee). Split the booking into Barcelona-Paris and Paris-Barcelona if you want longer to cross Paris, it makes no difference to the price as you get two tickets anyway. You print your tickets or can show them on your phone.
Step 1, Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex, seen here at Barcelona Sants. Courtesy of Brian's Coffee Spot. Watch TGV video.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou. More photos of what to see on the Paris-Barcelona train journey.
Step 2, Paris to Brussels by Eurostar, seen here at Brussels Midi. More about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Option 3, Barcelona to Brussels with overnight stop in Paris - as option 2, but with an overnight stop
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex leaving Barcelona Sants at 13:25, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 20:18.
From early July to early September there should also be a later TGV, leaving Barcelona Sants around 16:10, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon 23:35.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Book an upper deck seat for the best views, any seat number >60 is upper deck.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Cross Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare de Lyon to the Gare du Nord.
Stay overnight in Paris. If you want a hotel room on arrival at the Gare de Lyon, I suggest the Mercure Paris Gare De Lyon as it's part of the station complex. If you'd prefer to stay near the Gare du Nord I suggest the excellent 25 Hours Terminus Nord, directly across the road from the Gare du Nord with great reviews & great feedback from Seat61 users. See other suggested hotels near the Gare de Lyon or Gare du Nord.
Day 2, take any Eurostar (formerly Thalys) you like from Paris to Brussels, the 06:21 from Paris Gare du Nord arrives Brussels Midi at 07:44, but by all means have a leisurely breakfast and take a later one, they leave every hour or so.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Fares start at 29 in 2nd class or 55 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com. First book from Barcelona to Paris for day 1, add to basket, then book from Paris to Brussels for day 2, add to basket and check out. You can pay in , £ or $, there's a small booking fee.
You can also book at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Option 4, Barcelona-Paris using a French overnight train, then high-speed train to Brussels
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris overnight, taking a mid-afternoon local train from Barcelona Sants to either Latour de Carol in the Pyrenees or to Cerebère on the French border, then a French sleeper train overnight to Paris Gare d'Austerlitz.
See the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train page for train times, prices, tips & how to buy tickets
Allow at least 60 minutes to change trains & stations in Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare d'Austerlitz to the Gare du Nord.
Step 2, travel from Paris Gare du Nord to Brussels Midi by Eurostar (formerly Thalys), these leave every hour or so taking 1h22 with fares from 29.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Book the Eurostar at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
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Barcelona to Amsterdam from 74
Option 1, Barcelona to Amsterdam in a single day
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28 and arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 16:12.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Book an upper deck seat for the best views, any seat number >60 is upper deck.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Allow at least 60 minutes to change trains & stations in Paris by metro or taxi from Paris Gare de Lyon to the Gare du Nord.
Step 2, travel from Paris to Amsterdam by Eurostar (formerly Thalys), leaving Paris Nord at 18:23 & arriving Amsterdam Centraal at 21:44.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys). Times may vary.
Fares start at 35 in 2nd class or 79 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
The easiest way to buy tickets is at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com.
You can book Barcelona to Amsterdam all in one go as one easy transaction with print-at-home tickets for both trains. Prices are in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem. There's a small booking fee. Booking for the TGV & Eurostar usually opens 4 months ahead.
Tip: Using www.raileurope.com, you can click More options and add Paris (any station) as a via with a 1 hour duration to ensure a robust connection. Otherwise the French Railways system has been known to offer cross-Paris connections as tight as 42 minutes.
Tip: I recommend an upper deck seat on the TGV Duplex for the best views. You can request an upper deck seat and you'll be shown your seat number before you pay. Any seat number over 60 is on the upper deck, if you don't get an upper deck seat simply leave it in your basket & try again until you get an upstairs seat, then delete the tickets you don't want from your basket. If you use www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com you can select a seat from a seat map if booking 1st class.
Alternatively, you can book at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , with no booking fee). Split the booking into Barcelona-Paris and Paris-Barcelona if you want longer to cross Paris, it makes no difference to the price as you get two tickets anyway. You print your tickets or can show them on your phone.
Step 1, Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex, seen here at Barcelona Sants. Courtesy of Brian's Coffee Spot. Watch TGV video.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou. More photos of what to see on the Paris-Barcelona train journey.
Step 2, Paris to Amsterdam by Eurostar, seen here at Paris Nord. More about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Option 2, Barcelona to Amsterdam with overnight stop in Paris - as option 1, but with an overnight stop
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex, leaving Barcelona Sants at 13:25, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 20:18.
From early July to early September there should also be a later TGV, leaving Barcelona Sants around 16:10, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon 23:35.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, book an upper deck seat for the best views, any seat number >60 is upper deck.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Cross Paris by metro or taxi from Paris Gare de Lyon to the Gare du Nord.
Stay overnight in Paris. If you want a hotel room on arrival at the Gare de Lyon, I suggest the Mercure Paris Gare De Lyon as it's part of the station complex. If you'd prefer to stay near the Gare du Nord I suggest the excellent 25 Hours Terminus Nord, directly across the road from the Gare du Nord with great reviews & great feedback from Seat61 users. See other suggested hotels near the Gare de Lyon or Gare du Nord.
Day 2, travel from Paris Gare du Nord to Amsterdam Centraal by Eurostar (formerly Thalys) on any departure you like, journey time 3h30.
The 06:21 from Paris arrives Amsterdam 09:44, but by all means have a leisurely breakfast and take a later one, they leave every hour or two.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Fares start at 35 in 2nd class or 79 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, first booking from Barcelona to Paris on day 1, add this to your basket, then book Paris to Brussels on day 2, add to basket and check out, paying for all tickets at one transaction. Booking for the TGV & Eurostar usually opens 4 months ahead. You can pay in , £ or $, small booking fee. Alternatively, you can book at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com, in , no booking fee.
Option 3, Barcelona-Paris using a French overnight train, then high-speed train onwards to Amsterdam
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris overnight, taking a mid-afternoon local train from Barcelona Sants to either Latour de Carol in the Pyrenees or to Cerebère on the French border, then a French sleeper train overnight to Paris Gare d'Austerlitz.
See the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train page for train times, prices, tips & how to buy tickets
Allow at least 60 minutes to change trains & stations in Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare d'Austerlitz to the Gare du Nord.
Step 2, travel from Paris Nord to Amsterdam Centraal by Eurostar (formerly Thalys), they leave every hour or two, journey time 3h20.
Eurostar trains have 3 classes, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, see more about Eurostar (formerly Thalys).
Fares start at 35 in 2nd class or 79 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book the Eurostar at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.in , o booking fee).
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Barcelona to Luxembourg
Option 1, Barcelona to Luxembourg in a single day
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28 and arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 16:12.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Allow at least 60 minutes to change stations in Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare de Lyon to the Paris Gare de l'Est.
Step 2, travel from Paris to Luxembourg by TGV, leaving Paris Gare de l'Est at 19:39, arriving Luxembourg 21:52.
The TGV has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
Fares start at 25 in 2nd class or 45 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem. There's a small booking fee.
Booking usually opens 4 months ahead. Try booking from Barcelona to Luxembourg as one transaction, if you have any problems, book each train separately, adding each to your basket and checking out at the end. You print your own tickets.
Tip: Using www.raileurope.com, you can click More options and add Paris (any station) as a via with a 1 hour duration to ensure a robust connection. Otherwise the French Railways system has been known to offer cross-Paris connections as tight as 42 minutes.
Tip: I recommend an upper deck seat on the TGV Duplex for the best views. You can request an upper deck seat and you'll be shown your seat number before you pay. Any seat number over 60 is on the upper deck, if you don't get an upper deck seat simply leave it in your basket & try again until you get an upstairs seat, then delete the tickets you don't want from your basket. If you use www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com you can select a seat from a seat map if booking 1st class.
Alternatively, you can book each train at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com, in , no booking fee.
Option 2, Barcelona to Luxembourg with overnight stop in Paris
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris by TGV Duplex leaving Barcelona Sants at 13:25, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon at 20:18.
From early July to early September there should also be a later TGV, leaving Barcelona Sants around 16:10, arriving Paris Gare de Lyon 23:35.
This impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Stay overnight in Paris. If you want a hotel room on arrival at the Gare de Lyon, I suggest the Mercure Paris Gare De Lyon as it's part of the station complex. If you'd prefer to stay near the Gare de l'Est I suggest the Libertel Gare de l'Est Français or OKKO Hotels Paris Gare de l'Est, both right next to the station with great reviews. See other suggested hotels near the Gare de Lyon or Gare de l'Est.
Day 2, next morning travel from Paris to Luxembourg by TGV.
On Mondays-Fridays the 07:27 from Paris Gare de l'Est arrives Luxembourg at 09:44. On Saturdays, the 08:14 from Paris Gare de l'Est arrives Luxembourg at 10:32. On Sundays, the 10:40 from Paris Gare de l'Est arrives Luxembourg at 12:52. Or there are later trains.
The TGV has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
Fares start at 25 in 2nd class or 45 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, you can then buy all your tickets together in one place, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem.
Booking usually opens 4 months ahead. First book from Barcelona to Paris, add to basket, then book from Paris to Luxembourg for the following day and add that to your basket, then check out. You print your own tickets. There's a small booking fee.
Alternatively, you can book each train at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com, in , no booking fee.
Tip: I recommend an upper deck seat on the TGV Duplex for the best views. You can request an upper deck seat and you'll be shown your seat number before you pay. Any seat number over 60 is on the upper deck, if you don't get an upper deck seat simply leave it in your basket & try again until you get an upstairs seat, then delete the tickets you don't want from your basket. If you use www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com you can select a seat from a seat map if booking 1st class.
Option 3, Barcelona-Paris using a French overnight train, then high-speed TGV onwards to Luxembourg
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Paris overnight, taking a mid-afternoon local train from Barcelona Sants to either Latour de Carol in the Pyrenees or to Cerebère on the French border, then a French sleeper train overnight to Paris Gare d'Austerlitz.
See the Barcelona to Paris by sleeper train page for train times, prices, tips & how to buy tickets
Allow at least 60 minutes to change trains & stations in Paris by metro or taxi from the Gare d'Austerlitz to the Gare de l'Est.
Step 2, next morning travel from Paris Gare de l'Est to Luxembourg by TGV in around 2h20.
Fares start at 25 in 2nd class or 45 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, book ahead.
Times vary, so check times & buy tickets at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Back to top
Barcelona to Geneva, Zurich & Switzerland
Option 1, Barcelona to Switzerland in a day, morning departure - recommended option, using the direct AVE to Lyon
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to Lyon by AVE high-speed train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 08:19 and arriving Lyon Part Dieu at 13:20.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Look out for great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou on the left as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses on the left by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral on the left, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.thetrainline.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (in , significantly more fiddly, see advice on using it). Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
Step 2, travel from Lyon to Geneva by TER regional train, leaving Lyon Part Dieu at 14:38 and arriving Geneva at 16:38.
These TER trains use former inter-city carriages, old but comfortable. There's no catering, so bring your own food & drink. It's a lovely journey along the river Rhône and through the Jura.
Lyon to Geneva costs a fixed-price 31.90 in 2nd class, 42.40 in 1st class.
Book this train at www.thetrainline.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee). Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
Step 3, take onwards trains from Geneva to anywhere in Switzerland.
Check times and buy tickets at either www.thetrainline.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the Swiss Railways site www.sbb.ch.
Mt Canigou & the Pyrenees. One of the highest peaks in the mighty Pyrenees, the 2,784m (9,137 feet) high Mt Canigou dominates the skyline on the right all the way from Girona to Perpignan, see en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canigou.
Step 2, Lyon to Geneva by TER: This is a TER from Lyon at Geneva.
Option 2, Barcelona to Switzerland in a day, late morning departure
Leave Barcelona Sants at 09:28, change at Valence & Lyon Part Dieu arriving Geneva 18:38.
Take an onward train from Geneva to anywhere in Switzerland, check times at www.thetrainline.com or the Swiss Railways website www.sbb.ch.
You travel from Barcelona to Valence by impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & information here.
You then travel from Valence to Lyon on another TGV also with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, and from Lyon to Geneva along the Rhône by TER regional train.
Fares from Barcelona to Lyon start at around 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Lyon to Geneva costs a fixed-price 31.90 in 2nd class, 42.40 in 1st class.
Book from Barcelona to Geneva at www.thetrainline.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee). Then add an onward ticket from Geneva to anywhere in Switzerland also at www.thetrainline.com. If you buy the Swiss ticket in advance (but less than 60 days ahead) you may find Swiss Supersaver fares or a Saver Day Pass available, saving up to 50% off regular Swiss rail fares.
Alternatively, book Barcelona-Geneva at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) then onward Swiss tickets at the Swiss Railways website www.sbb.ch.
Option 3, Barcelona to Switzerland in a day, afternoon departure
Leave Barcelona Sants at 13:25, change at Valence & Lyon Part Dieu arriving Geneva 22:35.
You travel from Barcelona to Valence by impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, see the photos, tips & information here.
You then travel from Valence to Lyon on another TGV also with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, and from Lyon to Geneva along the Rhône by TER regional train.
For other destinations in Switzerland, stay overnight in Geneva and continue next day. Hotels with good reviews near Geneva station include Hotel Cornavin Genève, Hotel Les Arcades, ibis Styles Geneva Gare.
Fares from Barcelona to Lyon start at around 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Lyon to Geneva costs a fixed-price 31.90 in 2nd class, 42.40 in 1st class.
Book from Barcelona to Geneva at www.thetrainline.com (easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee). Then add an onward ticket from Geneva to anywhere in Switzerland also at www.thetrainline.com. If you buy the Swiss ticket in advance (but less than 60 days ahead) you may find Swiss Supersaver fares or a Saver Day Pass available, saving up to 50% off regular Swiss rail fares.
Alternatively, book Barcelona-Geneva at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) then onward Swiss tickets at the Swiss Railways website www.sbb.ch.
Back to top
Barcelona to Milan, Venice, Florence, Rome & Italy
So many people want to travel this route, and many of them mistakenly think you have to fly. You don't. You can travel cheaply and time-effectively by comfortable and civilised train with lots to see on the way, from the Pyrenees to the Alps.
Option 1, Barcelona to Turin or Milan in a single day - from the Pyrenees to the Alps in a day
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Lyon by AVE S100 high-speed train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 08:19, arriving Lyon Part Dieu at 13:30.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
You now have time for lunch and a wander around Lyon, see suggested brasserie near the station.
Tip: A later 09:28 departure is possible by French TGV Duplex, with a change in Valence, see the Barcelona to Lyon section for details.
Day 1, travel from Lyon to Turin & Milan by Frecciarossa, leaving Lyon Part Dieu 17:20 & arriving Turin Porta Susa 21:18 & Milan Centrale 22:07.
This is a lovely ride at low speed snaking through the Alps, see the photos & information here. The train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, sit back and enjoy the ride.
Fares start at 29 in standard (2nd class) or 36 in business (1st class) or 165 in executive class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Update: The direct Paris-Milan line via Modane was blocked by a landslide in August 2023, and remains blocked in 2024. Until further notice, all direct Paris-Lyon-Milan trains are cancelled. Please use alternative routes, for example options 3 or 4. More information.
Stay overnight in either Turin or Milan.
Personally I'd choose Turin, a lovely city even if you're not a fan of the 1969 Michael Caine film The Italian Job which was set there. I'd allow some time for a look around next morning.
In Turin I suggest the Hotel Torino Porta Susa or Hotel Diplomatic, Best Quality Hotel Dock Milano or small Al Porta Susa B&B, all right next to Turin Porta Susa station where the TGV arrives and where your onward train leaves next morning, with good or great reviews. Alternatively, the excellent Turin Palace Hotel is in the centre right next to Porta Nuova station, a 7 minute taxi ride, 3-stop 1.50 metro ride or 20 minute walk from Porta Susa, but next morning you can board your train to Venice, Florence, Rome or Naples at Porta Nuova station where these trains start their journey.
In Milan, hotels near Milan Centrale with good or great reviews include Made to Measure Business, 43 Station Hotel, Starhotel Echo or Starhotel Anderson.
Day 2, take a morning train to anywhere in Italy.
For Florence, Rome or Naples take a 300 km/h (186 mph) Frecciarossa train from Turin Porta Nuova, Turin Porta Susa or Milan Centrale to Florence SMN from 19.90, to Rome Termini or Naples Centrale from 29.90. There are regular departures throughout the day, Turin-Florence takes 2h48, Milan-Florence takes 1h40, Turin-Rome 3h55, Milan-Rome 2h55.
For Verona or Venice take a 186mph Frecciarossa high-speed train from Turin Porta Nuova, Turin Porta Susa or Milan Centrale to Verona Porta Nuova or Venice Santa Lucia. Milan to Venice takes 2h35 from 19.90. Turin to Venice takes 3h25 from 19.90. It's easier to change in Turin as that's a same-station change. In Milan, a transfer from Porta Garibaldi to Centrale is a 25 minute walk or 8 8-minute taxi ride.
For Cinque Terre take a train from Milan Centrale to Monterosso, some direct in as little as 2h57 from 19.90, or there are other departures involving a change. There are also trains from Milan Centrale to Genoa (1h32) and Pisa (3h47).
How to buy tickets
The easiest way to buy tickets is to use either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, as you can buy all the tickets together in one place, in plain English, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee. Booking normally opens up to 4 months ahead. About Raileurope. About Thetrainline.
Go to www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, book the direct morning train from Barcelona Sants to Lyon Part Dieu for day 1 and add this to your basket. Then book the direct afternoon train from Lyon Part Dieu to Turin or Milan and add that to your basket. Then book a train from Turin or Milan to your final Italian destination for the following morning, add to basket and check out.
For the AVE you can print your ticket or select a mobile ticket to show on your phone. Italian high-speed trains are ticketless, you simply print out your booking reference or show it on your phone.
How to buy tickets, advanced
You can of course book each train separately with the relevant operator, with no booking fee. This means more work and it won't necessarily make it any cheaper.
Step 1, book from Barcelona to Lyon at the French Railways website, www.sncf-connect.com, or if using the direct Barcelona-Lyon AVE, at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com. Step 2, now buy tickets from Lyon to Turin or Milan and from Turin or Milan to anywhere in Italy at either www.italiarail.com (easy to use, in plain English, they'll refund seat61 users their booking fee if you email seat61@italiarail.com afterwards) or Trenitalia's site www.trenitalia.com, you'll need to use Italian-language place names and it has a few quirks so see this advice on using it. Both sites sell the same tickets at the same prices and both usually offer ticketless travel, you simply print out your booking reference or show it on your phone.
Option 2, Barcelona to Italy with an overnight stop in Lyon
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Lyon, leaving Barcelona Sants at 13:25, change at Nîmes, arriving Lyon Part Dieu at 18:50.
You travel from Barcelona to Nîmes by impressive 320 km/h (199 mph) double-deck TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, then on another TGV from Nîmes to Lyon, also with with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi.
You'll get great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 59 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this at either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee). You print your own ticket.
Stay overnight in Lyon, The Ibis Budget Lyon Centre - Gare Part Dieu is affordable & right next to Lyon Part Dieu station with good reviews, the Radisson Blu Hotel, Lyon also gets great reviews and is just a few minutes walk away.
Day 2, travel from Lyon to Turin & Milan by Frecciarossa, leaving Lyon Part Dieu 09:30 & arriving Turin Porta Susa 13:18 & Milan Centrale 14:07.
This is a lovely ride at low speed snaking through the Alps, see the photos & information here. The train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi, sit back and enjoy the ride.
Fares start at 29 in standard (2nd class) or 36 in business (1st class) or 165 in executive class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book from Lyon to anywhere in Italy at either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or the Italian Railways website www.trenitalia.com (in , no booking fee). You print your own ticket.
Update: The direct Paris-Milan line via Modane was blocked by a landslide in August 2023, and remains blocked in 2024. Until further notice, all direct Paris-Lyon-Milan trains are cancelled. Please use alternative routes, for example options 3 or 4. More information.
Day 2, travel from Milan to Verona, Venice, Florence, Rome or Naples by connecting high-speed train.
Fares from Milan to Venice or Florence start at 19.90 in 2nd class or 29.90 in 1st class. Milan to Rome or Naples starts at 29.90 in 2nd class or 39.90 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this as a single transaction from Lyon to anywhere in Italy.
Option 3, Barcelona to Italy with an overnight stop in Marseille
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Marseille by AVE S100 high-speed train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 16:34 & arriving Marseille St Charles 21:23.
This comfortable Spanish high-speed train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. Look out for great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou on the left as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses on the left by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral on the left, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
Fares start at 39 in 2nd class or 49 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book this train at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the Spanish Railways website www.renfe.com (in , much more fiddly, see this advice on using it).
Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket.
Stay overnight in Marseille. Inexpensive hotels with good reviews near Marseille St Charles station include the Ibis Marseille Centre Gare St Charles & Holiday Inn Express Marseille St Charles.
Day 2, travel from Marseille to Nice by TER regional train, leaving Marseille St Charles at 09:57 and arriving Nice Ville at 12:36.
This is a regional express train, there's no catering so bring your own supplies. It's a lovely run along the French coast.
Book this at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Day 2, now travel from Nice to Genoa, Milan, Verona or Venice, leaving Nice Ville on the 13:20 departure shown on the Nice to Italy page.
You take the 13:20 double-deck TER regional train from Nice to Ventimiglia on the Italian border, then the 15:10 Trenitalia Intercity train from Ventimiglia to Genoa & Milan. Change in Milan for Verona, Venice, Florence & Rome, see the timetable on the Nice to Italy page.
Book from Nice to anywhere in Italy at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, but please read my booking advice for this route on the Nice-Italy page.
Option 4, Barcelona to Italy with an overnight stop in Nice
Day 1, travel from Barcelona to Nice, leaving Barcelona Sants at 09:28, change at Nîmes & Marseille St Charles, arriving Nice Ville at 17:36.
You travel from Barcelona to Nimes by TGV Duplex with cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. There are great views of the imposing 2,784m Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees, you'll pass the historic Fort de Salses right by the tracks just after Perpignan, flamingos on the lakes in the South of France between Narbonne & Montpelier, and Béziers cathedral, see the photos, tips & journey information here.
You travel from Nimes to Marseilles by Intercité with refreshment trolley & free WiFi, then from Marseilles to Nice by TER regional train along the scenic Cote d'Azur past rocky headlands, millionaires' villas and yacht-filled harbours.
Fares start at around 49 in 2nd class or 69 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Book at www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both sites easy to use, in , £ or $, overseas credit cards no problem, small booking fee) or at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee).
Booking normally opens 4 months ahead. You print your own ticket or can show it on your phone.
Stay overnight in Nice. The Hotel 64 is just 3 minutes walk from the station, 15 minutes walk from the old town & sea front, and gets great reviews. The Hotel Paganini is also just outside the station with good reviews.
Day 2, travel from Nice Ville to anywhere in Italy along the coast, on any departure shown on the Nice to Italy page.
You take a double-deck TER regional train from Nice through Monte Carlo to Ventimiglia on the border, then an Italian Intercity train to Genoa & Milan. Change in Milan for trains to Venice, Florence, Rome & Naples. If you left Nice soon after 07:00 you'd reach these cities late afternoon, if you left Nice after 09:00 you'd reach them early evening. See the timetable on the Nice to Italy page.
Book from Nice to anywhere in Italy at either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com, but please read my booking advice for this route on the Nice-Italy page.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Spain
|
History
The first railway line in the Iberian Peninsula was built in 1848 between Barcelona and Mataró.[4] In 1851 the Madrid-Aranjuez line was opened. In 1852 the first narrow gauge line was built; in 1863 a line reached the Portuguese border. By 1864 the Madrid-Irun line had been opened, and the French border reached.[4]
In 1900 the first line to be electrified was La Poveda-Madrid.[5]
In 1941 RENFE was created.[4]
The last steam locomotive was withdrawn in 1975, in 1986 the maximum speed on the railways was raised to 160 km/h, and in 1992 the Madrid-Seville high-speed line opened,[4] beginning the process of building a nationwide high-speed network known as AVE (Alta Velocidad España).
The current plans of the Spanish government are to finish the standard-gauge high-speed network by building new sections of track and upgrading and converting to standard gauge the existing line along the Mediterranean coast connecting the ports of Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia, Cartagena and AlmerÃa, and to link Madrid with Vigo, Santiago and A Coruña in Galicia, and to extend the Madrid-Valladolid line to Burgos and the Basque cities of Bilbao and San Sebastian and Hendaye on the French border, as well as to link Madrid with Lisbon and the port of Sines through Badajoz. Former plans by the Popular Party government under PM Aznar to link all provincial capitals with high-speed rail have been shelved as unrealistic, unaffordable, and contrary to all economic logic as no European funding would be made available for such projects.
Following the opening of the AVE network, the classic Iberian gauge railways have lost importance in inter-city travel, for example, the MadridâBarcelona railway takes over nine hours to travel between the two cities stopping at every station. With the MadridâBarcelona high-speed rail line, the longest possible journey is just three hours.[6] This has allowed the conventional lines to increase focus on regional and commuter traffic, along with freight. Some lines, including the Córdoba-Bobadilla section of the classic CórdobaâMálaga railway, have lost passenger traffic completely due to the opening of AVE serving the same destinations.
Many important mainland Spanish towns remain disconnected to the rail network, the largest being Marbella with a population of over 140,000, along with Roquetas de Mar (pop. 96,800), El Ejido (pop. 84,000), Chiclana de la Frontera (pop. 83,000) and Torrevieja (pop. 82,000). Other towns and municipalities are not on the national rail network but linked to light rail or metro systems, such as Santa Coloma de Gramanet, Barcelona (pop. 118,000); Getxo, Biscay (pop. 80,000); Torrent, Valencia (pop. 79,000); and Benidorm, Alicante (pop. 69,000).
|
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dbpedia
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2
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https://memim.com/portbou-railway-station.html
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en
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Portbou railway station
|
https://memim.com/static/favicon.ico
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https://memim.com/static/favicon.ico
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Portbou railway station
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Railway Barcelona Cerbère
I8i12i13i15i16i16i18i20
The Portbou Station (in Catalan Estacio de Portbou - also Port Bou Bou or port ) is the penultimate station of the cross-border railway line Cerbère Barcelona in Spain. The area lying on the border station was up to the commissioning of the new line Perpignan - Figueres next to Irun railway station is the most important border station in the direction of France. The goods and marshalling yard bears the name Portbou Mercancías.
Location
Portbou situated on the Catalan Mediterranean coast at the eastern edge of the foothills of the Pyrenees in the province of Girona. The passenger station is located on the western edge of the town, the train yard behind it was partially " built into " the mountain. The plant is similar to that of the neighboring French border station Cerbère.
History
The station was built in 1878 by the Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Tarragona a Barcelona y Francia and taken over in 1929 by the Compañía de los Ferrocarriles de Madrid a Zaragoza y Alicante. 1941, the track and the train station were nationalized. He is stop or end point for long-distance and regional trains as well as the Spanish Renfe terminus for trains of SNCF. The infrastructure was since 1996 the Gestor de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias (GIF), since 2005 is the successor to the Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias ( ADIF ).
Description
The station located in 30.8 meters has two different track widths, the Central European standard gauge and the Iberian broad gauge. The Colera coming out of a tunnel broad-gauge, double track main railway runs directly north of the station Portbou in a single-track tunnel in the French border town of Cerbère. From there the station achieved in a parallel tunnel the standard gauge, double track line from France that ends in Portbou.
The building of the passenger station is located between the two ending here standard gauge tracks and the broad gauge tracks, which lead on to Cerbère. The standard gauge tracks are located on the eastern side facing the city, they end up in a tunnel. Four of the broad gauge tracks are in the cantilever concourse, a fifth next to west. To the south of the building is the former Hall of border crossing in the south of the lead tracks both gauges. Other tracks of through station serving the freight.
The up to 560 meters long stump tracks of large estates area obliquely applied to the transit station. From the Spanish side, they can only be reached via a Sägefahrt. The 28 tracks are mostly in standard gauge, partly in broad gauge and partially implemented as a three-rail tracks for both gauges. There are open and covered Umladebereiche, scales and crane systems.
In a hall at the northern end of the station is a built in 1968 Umspuranlage for continuous Talgo trains from and to France, Switzerland and Italy. There, the track width of the car is at a slow passage, adapted to the rail network.
Gallery
Two Talgo trains before the tunnel from Colera
Concourse and interlocking
Parked Talgo usually trace
Spanish passenger train on the broad gauge page 1989
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2
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https://www.eurail.com/en/plan-your-trip/trip-ideas/top-destinations/spain-train
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en
|
Spain By Train
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Travel Spain with a Eurail pass! Discover trains, routes, and the best places to visit in Spain. Plan your trip with Eurail!
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en
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https://www.eurail.com/en/plan-your-trip/trip-ideas/top-destinations/spain-train
|
Quick facts
Capital: Madrid
Population: 47.2 million
Language: Spanish
Currency: Euro (EUR)
Dialing code: +34
Spelling of city names
On Spanish train timetables and at train stations in Spain, you'll usually find the local spelling of Spanish cities and stations.
Here is the local spelling of some popular Spanish cities:
Alicante = Alacant
Seville = Sevilla
Spanish hub stations
Spain's main hub stations are Madrid Puerta de Atocha-Almudena Grandes, Barcelona Sants, Irun and Portbou. At these train stations, it's possible to connect to trains to Spain's main cities and many international destinations.
Station facilities
Stations in Spain usually have excellent facilities, often including:
Luggage lockers
Foreign exchange desks
Restaurants and cafés
Tourist information offices
ATM cash machines
Elevators and escalators
Access for disabled passengers
Gate at stations for some local lines
Barcode paper or mobile Pass cannot be used.
There is a number of stations with access gates. In these stations, customers can ask the staff to open them by showing the pass (and the seat reservation if necessary). In case there’s no staff at the station, the gates will be permanently open or will open automatically.
|
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https://airporttaxis.com/airport/taxi-girona-airport/
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en
|
Girona Airport Transfers
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2022-08-17T14:04:47+00:00
|
Looking for a taxi to/from Girona Airport? Click here to book your airport transfer in Girona. ✓ Low-Cost Prices ✓Professional Drivers ✓24/7 Service
|
en
|
Professional & Reliable Airport Transfers
|
https://airporttaxis.com/airport/taxi-girona-airport/
|
Are you looking for a taxi from Girona Airport (GRO)?
We guarantee that we are among the most affordable, secure, efficient, and pleasant Girona airport taxi services in the area. Every day of the week and every hour of the day, our Girona airport taxi service is offered. Our drivers are reliable and punctual. They'll assist you with your luggage and never give your personal information to outside parties. Whether it's a different city, train station, significant event, city center, hotel, or Girona Airport itself, we make sure you get there with our Girona airport taxis.
Rates for airport
transfers in Girona
There are many taxi companies serving Girona airport, making it difficult to directly compare prices. However, to give you an idea, we've included a table showing the average costs for journeys between the airport and some popular destinations in the city. At our company, we believe in transparency, which is why we offer fixed fares with no hidden fees. When you book your taxi from Girona airport with us today on our website, you can be confident that you're getting a great deal. You can book a Girona taxi quickly and easily online up to 3 months in advance or on-demand.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO): Gateway to Beauty and Adventure
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO), known as GRO Airport code, serves as the gateway to beauty and adventure in the vibrant region of Catalonia, Spain.
Location and Transportation:
- Located just 12.5 kilometers (7.8 miles) southwest of Girona city and next to the small village of Vilobí d'Onyar, GRO offers access to both.
- The airport is well-connected by bus to Girona, Barcelona, and other destinations.
- Car rentals are available at the airport for those seeking independent exploration.
Facts and Figures:
- Opened in 1932, GRO has 2 runways and 4 terminals.
- In 2022, the airport handled over 5 million passengers and considerable aircraft movements.
- It serves as a hub for several airlines, including Ryanair, a major European low-cost airline.
A Perfect Blend of Relaxation and Exploration:
Girona-Costa Brava Airport caters to travelers seeking diverse experiences:
Relaxation: The Costa Brava coastline, known for its beautiful beaches and charming towns, is easily accessible from GRO.
Adventure: The majestic Pyrenees mountains, offering hiking, skiing, and other outdoor activities, are also within reach.
Culture: Girona, a historic city with medieval architecture and Jewish heritage, awaits exploration.
Additional Advantages:
- GRO is known for its shorter queues and a more relaxed atmosphere compared to larger airports.
- The airport offers a variety of amenities, including:
- Duty-free shops
- Restaurants and cafes
- Car rental services
Here are some additional facts about GRO:
- The airport has a capacity of 7 million passengers per year.
- It is home to a small cargo handling facility.
- GRO has been recognized for its efficiency, receiving awards like the "Best Airport Staff in Europe" by the Airports Council International (ACI) in 2017.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport provides a convenient and enjoyable gateway to explore the captivating beauty and diverse experiences offered by the Costa Brava region, the Pyrenees mountains, and the historic city of Girona.
Vehicle Distance (km) Travel Time (approx.) Convenience Notes Bus 12 30-40 min Most Convenient & Budget-Friendly Regular bus connections from the airport to Girona bus station. Purchase tickets online or at the airport. Taxi 12 20-30 min Convenient (Fastest) Taxis are readily available at the airport. Consider pre-booking a taxi for guaranteed service, particularly during peak travel times. More expensive option compared to the bus. Ride-sharing 12 N/A Potentially Convenient (depending on availability) Consider potential wait times and surge pricing. Train N/A N/A Not Recommended Girona Airport does not have a direct train station. Consider buses or taxis for a more efficient journey to the city center.
Notes:
- Distances are estimated via Google Maps.
- Travel times are approximate and may vary depending on traffic conditions, bus schedules, and taxi availability.
- Buses are generally considered the most convenient and budget-friendly option for traveling from Girona-Costa Brava Airport to Girona city center.
- Consider researching current fares for buses and taxis before your trip.
- If you have luggage or limited mobility, a taxi might be a more convenient option despite the higher cost.
Factor Potential Impact on Traffic Notes Time of Day * Rush hour (typically 7-9 am & 5-7 pm weekdays):** Increased traffic on access roads, especially during tourist season.
* Mid-day (10 am - 4 pm):** Generally lighter traffic.
* Evenings & Weekends:** Traffic congestion less likely, except during peak tourist season or special events. Traffic volume fluctuates throughout the day. Consider these patterns when planning arrivals and departures. Day of the Week * Weekends:** Generally lighter traffic compared to weekdays, especially during tourist season.
* Public Holidays:** Increased traffic possible, especially during national holidays in Spain or France. Weekends and holidays can see increased travel volumes, particularly during peak tourist months. Time of Year * Peak Tourist Season (Summer months - June to August):** Significantly higher traffic volume on access roads and in Girona city center.
* Shoulder Seasons (Spring & Autumn):** Moderate traffic volume.
* Off-Season (Winter months):** Generally lighter traffic. Tourist season significantly impacts traffic conditions around the airport.
Important Note:Due to limitations of publicly available real-time traffic data, this spreadsheet cannot provide specific details on traffic conditions around Girona-Costa Brava Airport. However, it offers general insights based on common travel patterns.
Notes:
- Utilize live traffic apps or websites for up-to-date information on road conditions before your trip.
- Consider carpooling or public transport options, especially during peak travel times, to reduce congestion.
- Allow extra time for airport commutes, particularly during peak seasons or times with historically higher traffic volumes.
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https://en.wikivoyage.org/wiki/Rail_travel_in_France
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To find your train, locate your train number and the departure time on the departures board. There will be a track ("Voie") number next to the train and departure time. Follow signs to that track to board the train. You will have a reserved seat on TGV trains. On other long-distance trains, you can make reservations (at least one day in advance); if you do not have one you may use any unused seat not marked as reserved. To find your reserved seat, first look for the train coach number ("Voit. No"). Pay attention to the possible confusion between track number ("voie") and coach ("voiture", abbreviated "voit") number. As you go down the track, the coach number will be displayed on an LCD screen on the car, or maybe just written in the window or right next to the doors. Within Paris, on the RER and Transilien networks, four-letter codes (such as COHI, FACA, QYAN, VICK) are generally used in place of train numbers.
The reserved-seat rules are lax; you are allowed to switch seats or use another seat (of the same class, of course) if it is empty because the TGV is not fully booked or the other person agrees to switch with you. The only requirement is not to continue using a reserved seat if the person holding the reservation claims it.
On the main lines, TGVs often run in two. There are two possibilities: either the two TGVs are considered as one train with one train number (in this case each coach has a different number); or the two TGVs are considered as separate trains which run together during a part of their journey, with two different train numbers (in this case, the two trains may have two close numbers such as 1527 and 1537), and each train will have its own coach numbering. So be sure you are in the right train (the train number is shown on the LCD screen, with the coach number).
If you are early, there is often a map somewhere on the platform (displayed either on LCD screens, or on older LED panels marked "Composition des trains") that will show how the train and car numbers will line up on the platform according to letters that appear either on the ground or on signs above. That way, you can stand by the letter corresponding with your coach number and wait in order to board the train closest to your coach. You can easily go from one coach to another, so if you are very late, jump in any coach of the same class before the train starts, wait until most people are seated, then walk to your coach and seat number.
Beware: To avoid any form of fraud, paper tickets must be punched (composté) by an automatic machine (composteur) to be valid. Older machines are bright orange, newer machines are yellow and gray. The machines are situated at the entrance of all platforms, but there is no barrier preventing you from entering the platform or boarding the train without stamping your ticket; the onus is on you, the passenger, to remember to do so. There is a knack to using the composteur, and it can take several attempts if you don't know what you're doing: insert the ticket face up, left end (with the SNCF logo on it) first, into the slit of the machine, as far to the left of the slit as you can. If the validation is successful, you will hear a buzz that's a bit like the sound of paper being torn, and see a small light on the machine flash green. The ticket won't look any different after validation.
Failure to punch the ticket may entitle you to a fine even if you are a foreigner with a limited French vocabulary, depending on how the conductor feels, unless you approach the conductor as quickly as possible and request that your ticket be validated. Likewise if you step aboard a train without a ticket, you must find the conductor ("contrôleur") and tell him about your situation before he finds you. However, printouts of e-Billet electronic tickets do not have to be punched: in doubt, punch it anyway, you won't be fined for punching an e-Billet.
French information booths, especially in larger train stations, can be quite unhelpful, especially if you do not understand much French. If something does not seem to make sense, just say "excusez-moi" and they should repeat it.
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General Information
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Country Name
Spain (España)
National Railway System
Red Nacional de los Ferrocarriles Españoles (RENFE). Since 1 January 2014 this has been divided into four subsidiaries: Renfe Mercancías (freight), Renfe Viajeros (passenger traffic), Renfe Fabricación y Mantenimiento (manufacturing and maintenance) and Renfe Alquiler (equipment hire).
National Railway Operator
Train operation is the responsibility of RENFE Operadora. Initially, at least, the existing operating divisions continue, with passenger services provided by four divisions:
Cercanías - Suburban services around main towns and cities; this is known by the Catalan word Rodalies in and around Barcelona
Media Distancia - Interurban local services
Larga Distancia - Long distance
AVE - High speed trains using the Madrid - Valladolid - Oviedo/Burgos, Madrid - Medina del Campo - Zamora - Ourense, Madrid - Córdoba - Sevilla/Malaga/Granada, Madrid - Zaragoza - Barcelona - Perpignan, Madrid - Zaragoza - Huesca, Madrid - Cuenca - València/Alicante/Murcia and Madrid - Toledo lines.
RENFE launched a low-cost Avlo high speed service between Madrid and Barcelona in June 2021. Madrid to València services started on 21 February 2022.
There is a separate division for freight, Mercancías, subdivided into various businesses. It was announced on 14 December 2017 that a ‘strategic partner’ is to be sought for the freight business to on continuing recent growth and increasing activity outside Spain.
Other Operators
Ouigo, a separate subsidiary company of SNCF (French Railways), started running between Madrid and Barcelona from 10 May 2021.
Iryo, the brand name of ILSA, a joint venture of Trenitalia and Air Nostrum, started running between Madrid and Barcelona from 25 November 2022, to València on 16 December 2022 and to Málaga and Sevilla on 31 March 2023. Madrid - Albacete and Alicante/Alacant services are scheduled to start on 2 June 2023.
The Elipsos agreement between SNCF and RENFE, which was the basis for cross-border services between France and Spain, formally ended at the end of 2022.
Languages
Spanish (Español) is the principal language. This is known as Castellano (i.e. Castilian) in Spain. Other languages predominate in certain regions: Català (Catalan) is used in Catalunya and a variant of it (Valenciano) in the València region; Gallego (Galician) is a Portuguese dialect, used in North West Spain; Euskara (Basque) is used in Euskadi (Pais Vasco, the Basque region): it is an isolate with no clear relationship to any other known language or language group. The regional languages are more likely to be encountered on notices and name signs than in spoken form. Català place names have been in general use for many years and are unlikely to cause confusion, although it is worth noting that the Valenciano for Alicante is Alacant. Gallego and Castilian names are mostly similar, except for prefixes. For example, La Coruña and El Ferrol are A Coruña and O Ferrol in Gallego. Place names in Castilian and Euskara can be quite different. San Sebastían is known in Euskara as Donostia and Vitoria as Gasteiz. It should be noted that the Euskara name for Pamplona (the main city of Navarra) is Iruñea or Iruña, which should not be confused with the border town, Irún.
Currency
Euro
UIC code
numeric 71, alpha E
Timetable
Journey Planner
Website
The following Journey Planner websites are available:
RENFE Main line services - this defaults to a drop-down list of principal departure and arrival stations. Note:
To make a query on all stations (except those served only by Cercanias (suburban) services) use the main line services planner and click on Ver todas las estaciones in the bottom right hand corner. This brings up an alphabetical list of stations. Click on the relevant letter and select the departure station. The system defaults to showing only stations served by direct services from the selected departure station. If the destination is not shown, click on lista completa de estaciones.
neither option will initially advise if the potential journey is disrupted, e.g. long term engineering works. This will only be revealed if 'Query and Buy' is selected: a warning triangle then appears to the left of the ticket options and hovering the cursor over the triangle will reveal the issue, El servicio... autobus etc, etc
requesting "Query and Buy" frequently results in the screen hanging and no answer displayed. Once this occurs click on the basket for "Internet Price" immediately above "Query and Buy" and a different screen displays any warning triangle, plus prices for all journeys deemed possible that day, not just the requested service.
Some surprisingly long routes are served only by Cercanías (suburban) services, so the separate Cercanías Journey Planner (see below) should be checked if a station cannot be found in the journey planner.
This planner also finds services on the longer distance inter-regional metre gauge former-FEVE lines such as Oviedo to Ferrol.
RENFE Cercanías services then select the region required. This also finds journeys on the metre gauge former-FEVE services within the relevant regions.
Cercanías AM (Ancho Métrico) for the metre gauge former-FEVE services in the Ferrol, Cartagena and León areas.
Euskotren Euskadi - the Basque Region. Choose the mode of transport required.
FGC Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya.
The ADIF (Infrastructure Authority) website shows train arrivals and departures for all ADIF stations, with separate "tabs" for main line and suburban services.
Smartphone
The following smartphone apps are available to complement the websites - search the App Store or Play Store as appropriate for your specific smartphone:
The dōcō app by RENFE permits planning of journeys by train, local train (Cercanías), taxi, motorcycle and hire car, and in the future Metro, bicycle and bus. It enables users to choose parameters such as the fastest journey or the most sustainable and then suggest routes and modes of transport.
The RENFE app for main line RENFE train services and also the longer distance former-FEVE services.
The RENFE Cercanías app for suburban services including the former-FEVE services where relevant. Select the region required.
The ADIF app shows train arrivals and departures for all ADIF stations (with separate "tabs" for main line and suburban services) including former-FEVE metre gauge stations; in most cases, platform numbers are shown. Note that in the present version (June 2024) this produces erroneous train times when used in time zones different from Spain: a train departing at 20:55 (Spanish time) will be shown as departing at 19:55 (UK time) for example.
Downloadable Timetable
RENFE: No known downloadable timetable is available for RENFE.
RENFE Ancho Métrico - the former FEVE lines: the downloadable timetable seems to have been discontinued.
EuskoTren: Horarios de Tren and select the line required.
FGC: Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya Select the required line from the list.
FGV (Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat Valenciana): ex FEVE Lines around Valencia here, or Tram/Train from Alicante via Benidorm to Dénia. For the latter there is no timetable per se, just a list of departures from Station Timetables on their Journey Planner page.
SFM: Serveis Ferroviaris de Mallorca Click on 'ENG' then the 'Timetables / Fares' tab.
Printed Timetable
RENFE: RENFE does not publish a national timetable and printed timetable books have not been published for many years. Individual leaflets are available for particular routes, but these are distributed only in the area served and may not be widely available. However, coverage of Spain in the European Rail Timetable is quite comprehensive.
RENFE former FEVE services: Individual timetable leaflets for particular routes are sometimes available.
FGC: Timetable leaflets are available for particular routes
EuskoTren: No timetable book is published but individual leaflets are available for particular routes.
Engineering and Current Performance Information
Engineering
ADIF: Current closures and a list of disrupted services.
RENFE: Some information is provided in English on the 'Alerts' page but it is extremely limited and may apply only to international traffic with France. Use the Renfe al día/Avisos page in Spanish, select the required region and, if necessary, translate it by means of Google Translate.
RENFE former FEVE services: Limited information at the RENFE FEVE Page.
EuskoTren: The Noticias page.
Note that the journey planner still shows the scheduled train times even if the train has been substituted by a bus service. To find out if the journey involves a bus it is necessary to "buy" a ticket and see if an Aviso is displayed against the train chosen. Click on the Aviso to see the information.
Current Performance Information
Positrén gives a map of the network showing the location of trains. Click on a train symbol to find its location or on a station for real time arrivals and departures.
Bus Information
The compilers are not aware of a national bus journey planner. One of the largest companies is Alsa
Timetable information for all companies operating in Andalucia is avaialble at Transportes Generales Comes > English
Maps
Printed Maps
European Railway Atlas (All-Europe Edition) by M.G. Ball.
European Railway Atlas (Regional Atlas Series, Book 1: Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Great Britain, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg) by M.G. Ball.
Web-based Maps
A map dated 2022 is available on Geotren.
Useful maps exist on ADIF's Network Statement page: scroll down to "Mapas de la Red Ferroviaria de Interés General" for the link to a downloadable PDF file plus elsewhere on their website here.
Map of Iberia dated March 2024, with enlargements for Barcelona (dated May 2020) and Madrid (dated September 2022) - on the Railroad Maps site.
Some useful maps and plans are available on the via libre website but last additions/upload dates are 2015.
Maps and Plans - Spain.
Some AVE line diagrams with stations, junction names and distance are linked in the individual AVE line pages from this wiki.
Former FEVE System ; Cercanías and Overall route maps.
Ticketing
Following the fiasco of the new rolling stock for the FEVE network being too large for the tunnels on the network, it was announced that travel on the network in the Asturias and Cantabria will be free of charge until the new stock starts coming into service in early 2026.
Conventional Tickets
Anybody contemplating travel in Spain is strongly advised to make their reservations before leaving their home country to guarantee travelling on the train of their choice as one is necessary to travel on any train other than Regional or Cercanías services.
At most main stations access to platforms used by long-distance trains is possible only upon production of a valid reservation. At busy times trains may become fully booked days in advance and standing passengers are not admitted. Tickets can be purchased through the RENFE website: foreign credit cards and addresses are accepted by the system. Reservations can also be made at main stations. Although the system is quite efficient, long queues can develop at the busier stations and it is often necessary to obtain a 'queue ticket'. Waiting times are generally much shorter early in the morning.
Conventional fares vary according to the type of train and time of travel. RENFE maintains a rigid distinction between the four passenger service divisions. If a through journey involves a connection between trains of different divisions, a separate ticket will be issued for each division's portion of the journey. Note that when booking an inter-city journey, a free Cercanías (commuter) ticket can be requested for the networks in both the origin and destination or if quoted on it as a "Combinado Cercanias", the ticket barcode will open barriers.
Usually fares are more expensive at busy times, but on Madrid Cercanías (commuter) services fares are higher at weekends. AVE passengers have a money-back guarantee if the train is more than five minutes late and refunds may be available in event of extreme lateness on other long-distance services.
RENFE offers over 60s the annual [or since at least early 2023] three year Tarjeta Dorada which gives significant discounts on ordinary fares, including on Cercanías and FEVE services. The Tarjeta Dorada reference number can be entered into ticket machines to obtain the discount, though some machines only display this option in the Spanish language setting but note on most Cercanias machines that the Tarjeta Dorada discount is only available by presenting a Spanish Resident "credit card" version, with no option offered when using the English language setting. Also note if you buy any paper Cercanias ticket that a small fee is added as it is has a chip and can be re-loaded [in the same Cercanias area of purchase] but whether a chip paper Tarjeta Dorada ticket can be reloaded is not known...
Tickets can be purchased on the RENFE Apps - there are separate Apps for 'Renfe Cercanías' (commuter) and 'Renfe' main line services. Experience shows that both require a good quality internet connection to work reliably. The Tarjeta Dorada reference number can be stored in the App for use by the registered user.
Passes
RENFE does not offer any type of network ticket. However, the RENFE Spain Pass enables non-residents to purchase a predetermined number of journeys up to 10 within one month at a flat rate, but from the 2023 prices this is an option only if long high speed journeys are planned as it is more expensive than a One Country Pass. Note it has features potentially making it attractive but a ticket must still be obtained for the actual journey:
Purchase of the Pass itself and all train reservations can be made in advance from home.
There are no additional booking fees or extra charges for trains requiring reservation, even for AVE services. In contrast most other passes are not valid on AVE services. Holders of other types of pass have to pay reservation fees, because these include compulsory travel insurance, and on certain long-distance trains may be able to obtain only a discounted fare.
Reservations can be made on any train with available seats. Unlike other passes, there are no quotas for Spain Pass holders; the number of seats available for other passes can be quite low, resulting in it being impossible to obtain a reservation.
Infrastructure
Infrastructure Authority
RENFE/FEVE: Infrastructure is owned and managed by a public authority, Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias (ADIF).
Basque Region/Euskadi: Euskal Trenbide Sarea - Red Ferroviaria Vasca (ETS-RFV) is the infrastructure authority for the Basque Region.
Catalunya: Infraestructuras Ferroviàries de Catalunya IFERCATis the infrastructure authority for Catalunya.
Network Statement
See ADIF's Network Statement webpage.
Gauge
Gauge is more of an issue in Spain than in any other European country. Most of the RENFE system is 1668 mm gauge but there is probably an unspoken ambition to convert the network to UIC (1435 mm) gauge; many main lines are now being renewed with dual gauge sleepers even where no 1435 mm gauge track exists there. RENFE operates freight and passenger rolling stock able to work on both 1668 mm and 1435 mm gauge lines.
The high speed lines between Madrid and Sevilla/Malaga/Granada, Toledo, Madrid and León/Ourense (15 km short of there), Madrid and Barcelona (- Girona - French border)/Huesca, and Madrid and Valencia/Alicante/Murcia are 1435 mm gauge, as is also the new freight access to Morrot (Barcelona) port. The high speed lines between Ourense and Santiago de Compostela and between Plasencia and Caceres are 1668 mm gauge but will be converted to 1435 mm gauge one day. The high speed line between Camp de Tarragona and Vandellós (SW of Tarragona) is 1435 mm gauge at its eastern end and 1668 mm gauge at its western end, which will be converted to mixed gauge.
One track of the existing main line between Girona and Vilamalla (south of Figueres) has been converted to mixed gauge (with 1435 mm gauge passing loops), and similarly both tracks of the Mollet Sant Fost - Cerdanyola - El Papiol line, avoiding Barcelona, in order to provide access to Morrot port. The highest priority is supposedly converting the Barcelona - Tarragona - València - Silla "Mediterranean Corridor" to mixed gauge in order to serve the needs of freight, in particular fruit & vegetable traffic and the Ford plant at Almusafes, where the company plans to convert the internal network to 1435 mm gauge.
The former FEVE system and the branch north of Madrid between Cercedilla and Los Cotos are 1000 mm as are the Alicante, Bilbao, Valencia and Vitoria-Gasteiz tramways.
Gauge Changers
There are more gauge-changing installations (cambiadores de anchos) in Spain than anywhere else in Europe, as follows. Only those installations which carried commercial passenger or freight traffic are listed.
Future Installations
Location In Service Type Usage Granada, Cerrillo de Maracena November 2024? Talgo/CAF Madrid - Almeria Altaria services via Antequera SA Campomanes (North of Pajares tunnel) Not known Talgo/CAF Madrid - Asturias region high speed services when 1435 mm track completed north of León
In Use (Oldest first)
Location In Service Type Usage Cerbère 1952 Axle changer Freights to & from France Hendaye 1950 Axle changer Freights to & from France Sevilla Majarabique 1993 Talgo Was used for Madrid - Cádiz and Huelva services but thought to be now out of use. Plasencia de Jalón 2003 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Pamplona and Logroño Zaragoza-Delicias 2003. Regular use from 15 September 2008. Talgo/CAF Barcelona - Salamanca/Galicia/Asturias/Basque region services. Also diesel unit transfers to workshops. Note: a plan for an installation at Miraflores, to the east of Zaragoza, was abandoned. Antequera-Santa Ana 17 December 2006 2 x Talgo/CAF Madrid - Algeciras services. Madrid - Granada services ceased in 2015 and had no need to change gauge when they resumed. Sevilla Majarabique 15 June 2009, replacing one dating from 1999 CAF Madrid - Cádiz and Huelva, plus from 2 August 2021 the Torre del Oro Barcelona - Cádiz service. Was used by the Cádiz - Jaén high speed service, withdrawn after 27 July 2013. Alcolea [east of Córdoba] 15 June 2009 - 27 July 2013. In use again 5 October 2020 Talgo/CAF Cádiz - Jaén high speed service, which was withdrawn after 27 July 2013. However use resumed from 5 October 2020 by the Torre del Oro Barcelona - Sevilla service (extended beyond Sevilla to Cádiz from 2 August 2021). València Joaquín Sorolla 19 December 2010 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Castelló de la Plana Alvia (not AVE) services. Albacete 19 December 2010 - 18 June 2013. In use again 17 September 2018 but out of use again from 13 September 2022 Talgo/CAF Initially Madrid - Alacant & València Alvia services. Out of use after the high speed lines to these cities were opened. Not used by Madrid - Murcia/Cartagena services until 2018, when these became variable gauge Alvia trains. Temporarily out of use from 13 September 2022 when through services between Madrid and Archena-Fortuna were withdrawn for engineering work. León Mercancias [at Vilecha] 30 September 2015 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Asturias services. Madrid/Barcelona - Galicia services until they started using the standard gauge platforms. León Clasificación 30 September 2015 - 21 September 2021. In use again from an unknown date prior to March 2024. Talgo/CAF Madrid/Barcelona - Galicia services using the standard gauge platforms at León. Went out of use when services started using the low level through station. Not known when the Galicia services started using the standard gauge platforms. Villamuriel de Cerrato [south of Palencia] 30 September 2015 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Cantabria (Santander) services Medina del Campo AV 17 December 2015 CAF Madrid - Salamanca services La Boella (Tarragona) 13 January 2020 2 x Talgo/CAF Barcelona - Valencia etc Euromed and Alvia services Taboadela (Ourense) 21 December 2021 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Galicia services running beyond Ourense Burgos Rosa Manzano 22 July 2022 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Basque region (Bilbao/Irún) and Barcelona - Galicia services
Out of Use for Passenger Traffic or Dismantled (Most recently out of use first)
Location In Service Type Usage Valdestillas 22 December 2007 - 22 July 2022 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Bilbao/Irún services. Out of use since opening of the high speed line to Burgos. Madrid Chamartin 2007 - 1 July 2022 Talgo/CAF Gijon/Santander - València/Alicante services. Out of use since opening of the standard gauge tunnel through Madrid and now disconnected. Madrid Puerta de Atocha 1992 - 1 July 2022 Talgo Gijon/Santander - València/Alicante services. Out of use since opening of the standard gauge tunnel through Madrid. Pedralba de la Pradería [NW of Zamora] 27 October 2020 - 21 December 2021 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Galicia services. Replaced by Taboadela León Clasificación 30 September 2015 - 21 September 2021 Talgo/CAF Asturias and Galicia services using the standard gauge platforms at León. Out of use since opening of the low level through station. Zamora 1 February 2016 - 27 October 2020 Talgo Madrid - Galicia services. Replaced by Pedralba de la Pradería and now removed. Medina del Campo 10 April 2008 - 1 February 2016 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Galicia services; diverted to new line from 1 February 2016 Valladolid Campo Grande Spring 2008 - 12 September 2015 Talgo/CAF Madrid - Basque region. It is thought this was removed to make room for standard gauge tracks north of Campo Grande. Irún 1981 - 15 December 2013 Talgo Talgo trains between Madrid and France. Out of use. Portbou 1969 - 15 December 2013 Talgo Talgo trains between Barcelona and France. Dismantled. Huesca 2003 - 28 April 2008 CAF Out of use since through services to Jaca were withdrawn Roda de Bará 19 December 2006 - 20 February 2008 2 x Talgo/CAF Madrid - Barcelona Alvia & Talgo services. Out of use Puigverd de Lleida 19 May 2006 - 19 December 2006 CAF Madrid - Barcelona Alvia. Out of use Lleida 2003 - 19 December 2006 Talgo Madrid - Barcelona Talgo. Out of use Córdoba 1992 - 17 December 2006 Talgo Madrid - Malaga Talgos. Out of use.
Electrification
The standard RENFE system is 3000 V dc.
Standard gauge high speed lines are 25 kV 50 Hz.
The following broad gauge high speed or upgraded lines are, or are being converted to, 25 kV 50 Hz:
Ourense - Santiago de Compostela.
Vigo - Santiago de Compostela - A Coruña.
Variante de Pajares.
Medina del Campo AV - Salamanca. Salamanca - Vilar Formoso (Portuguese border) was planned to be completed in 2022 but was still in progress in summer 2024.
Ourense - Monforte de Lemos (conversion from 3000 V dc to 25 kV 50 Hz in progress as at June 2024).
Monforte de Lemos - Lugo (electrification in progress as at June 2024).
the new line Plasencia - Caceres - Mérida/Badajoz.
The Euskotren and FEVE systems in northern Spain, the FGC metre- and standard-gauge lines in Catalunya, the Madrid Cercanias Cercedilla - Los Cotos line, Bilbao Metro and the SFM Mallorca system are all 1500 V dc.
Most tramway systems are 750 V dc.
Rule of the road
Generally right-hand running. Broad-gauge routes of the former FC del Norte, north and west of Madrid, are left-hand running. The changeover between left- and right-hand occurs by means of flyovers at the Las Rozas triangle: right-hand running applies south (towards Príncipe Pio) and east (toward Chamartín) of Las Rozas. However, right-hand running applies on the Madrid Chamartín - Valladolid - León, Olmedo - Zamora (although this is largely single track) and Ourense - Santiago de Compostela LAVs and on the upgraded Vigo - Santiago de Compostela - A Coruña line. It appears that the León - Pola de Lena (- Oviedo) line now has right-hand running, following the opening of the Variante de Pajares.
The former FEVE [now RENFE] metre gauge lines in the Oviedo area are left-hand running, including the El Berrón Crossing, although they are reversibly signalled.
Distances
A list of stations and junctions by line number, with distances for each, dating from about 2009 is available here.
Comprehensive information for the high speed network exists on the Ferropedia website.
Lists of current and former lines with km distances for stations at Federación Castellano Manchega de Amigos del Ferrocarril .
Other railways
Eusko Tren (Eusko Trenbideak, Ferrocarriles Vascos): Bilbao - Donostia [San Sebastían] - Hendaia [Hendaye]; Bilbao: Lutxana - Sondika; Kukullaga-Etxebarri - Sondika - Lezama; Amorebieta - Bermeo; Errekalde - Lasarte-Oria; Herrera - Altza; Bilbao Metro line 3: 1000 mm gauge, 1500 V dc.
Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya (FGC): Local services around Barcelona, principally Plaça d'Espanya to Igualada and Manresa (1000 mm gauge, 1500 V dc) and Plaça de Catalunya to Terrassa and Sabadell (1435 mm gauge, 1500 V dc), plus the rack lines Ribes de Freser - Núria in the Pyrenees and Monistrol - Montserrat (both 1000 mm gauge, 1500 V dc) and the Lleida - Pobla de Segur branch, taken over from RENFE in 2016. Also freight-only branches Manresa to Suria and Sallent, and San Boi de Llobregat to Barcelona Docks [Morrot] (1000 mm gauge, diesel).
Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat Valenciana (FGV) operates a network in Valencia (1000 mm gauge, 1500/750 V dc). Apart from sections of the Valencia tramway, these were converted from former FEVE lines, connected via new city centre through "metro" routes. Also Alacant - Creueta (1000 mm gauge, 750 V dc) and El Creueta - Benidorm - Dénia (electrification at 750 V dc in progress from Creueta, 1000 mm gauge).
Ferrocarril de Sóller: Palma - Sóller (Mallorca). 914 mm gauge. Electrified at 1200 V dc.
Serveis Ferroviaris de Mallorca (SFM): Palma - Sa Pobla and Manacor (1000 mm gauge).
Tourist Lines
The Museo del Ferrocarril de Asturias in Gijón has a short ~ 150 m dual 60/75 cm passenger carrying demonstration line for industrial locos.
Euskotren - Museo del ferrocarril (Basque Railway Museum); Azpeitia - Lasao: 10 km; 1000 mm gauge. The infrastructure is managed by ETS - Euskal Trenbide Sarea - the infrastructure authority for the Basque Region.
El Ferrocarril Turístic de l'Alt Llobregat El Tren del Ciment; La Pobla de Lillet - Museum del Ciment; 3.5 km; narrow gauge.
El Tren de Arganda Vapormadrid in Arganda del Rey on the south east outskirts of Madrid. La Poveda - Laguna del Campillo; 3.5 km; narrow gauge.
Pargue Temático de la Minería y el Ferrocarril de Utrillas: in Utrillas north east of Teruel; restored 3.2 km of the former mine line connecting the Santa Bárbara Pozo (shaft) with the Carbón Lavadero (washery); 600 mm gauge,
Museo Minero y Ferroviario in the Parque Minero de Riotinto: 11 km of the former Rio Tinto mineral system; Talleres Mina - Los Frailes, north of Huelva; 1067mm gauge, .
Metro
Barcelona, Bilbao (line 3 is operated by Euskotren), Madrid, Malaga, Palma, Sevilla, Valencia.
Information on metros is given a:-
Barcelona Metro [and tramway] at TMB Website.
Bilbao Metro at Bilbao Metro.
Madrid Metro at Metro de Madrid.
Malaga Metro at MM Website.
Palma Metro at Metro Palma.
Sevilla Metro at Metro de Sevilla.
Valencia Metro at Metrovalencia.
Basic line diagrams and other details can be found at the UrbanRailNet website
A track plan for the Barcelona system is available on the cartometro.com site.
Trams/LRT-Systems
Alacant/Alicante, A Coruña (suspended since 2011), Barcelona, Bilbao, Cádiz (a 1668mm gauge tram/train which shares RENFE tracks between Cádiz and Rio Arillo and is part of the Cercanías network), Granada, Jaén (after a brief period of operation in May 2011, a resumption of services seems highly unlikely), Madrid, Murcia, Parla, Sevilla, Sóller (Mallorca), Tenerife, Valencia, Vitoria/Gasteiz, Zaragoza.
The Sóller tram, owned by the Ferrocarril de Sóller S.A., is more of a tourist operation.
Track plans for the Alacant/Alicante, Madrid, Sóller and Valencia light rail and tram systems are available on the Gleisplanweb site. Track plans for the Barcelona and Tenerife systems are available on the cartometro.com site.
Some links are also available on the Sinfin.net site.
See also Spain- Tram services over obscure routes
Recent and Future Changes
Changes in 2024
The Martorell - Castellbisbal line reopened fully in early June with both tunnels in use, providing three tracks.
Madrid Cercanías line C-9, the 18km long metre gauge Cercedilla - Los Cotos line, closed from 6 May for approximately one year for renovation works.
The last section of the Almeria line, from Huercal-Viator to Almeria, closed (again) on 5 March for works for the integration of high speed line from Murcia. Trains were replaced by buses. (Re)opening in 2026 is quoted, but it is not clear if this means the opening of the new high speed line or reopening of the line from Huercal-Viator.
The double track tunnel between Martorell and Castellbisbal reopened fully to traffic in February.
The contract for the new underground platforms at Madrid Atocha, serving the line to Chamartín, was awarded in early February.
Changes in 2023
The León - Asturias high speed line between La Robla (Bif. Pajares) and Pola de Lena (- Oviedo), via the new 24.6 km Pajares tunnel, opened to public traffic on 30 November 2023, following a ceremonial opening the previous day. It opened as a broad gauge line, but with some mixed gauge track installed. As at that date, from León to Bif. Pajares there were dual gauge sleepers but mostly with only broad gauge rails. From Bif. Pajares, dual gauge rails were fully installed, as far as could be observed. Where the new line joins the old line, just south of Pola de Lena, the new line was broad gauge only, but on gauge convertible sleepers. The old main line over the Pajares Pass remains in use by one Regional train a day each way between Valladolid and Gijón until at least 30 September 2024. It is unclear if, when the passenger service is eventually withdrawn, it will also close to freight traffic.
The single track 1668 mm gauge Xàtiva - L’Alcúdia de Crespins - Moixent - La Encina line (re)opened on 9 September. Xàtiva - Moixent closed on 16 May 2022, when the Cercanias service from Valencia was withdrawn temporarily for engineering work on the line. The section west of Moixent closed on 20 May 1992 (when the double track 1668 mm gauge line between Xàtiva and La Encina opened); it has reopened as far as an end-on junction with the double track line, about 5 km east of La Encina. The double track line east of this point closed on 9 September for regauging to 1435 mm and conversion to a high speed line.
The Huesca - Canfranc line closed from 19 June 2023 for engineering work. It was planned to reopen in May 2024 but was still closed as at early July.
The final section of the FGV Alicante/Alacant - Dénia line from Gata to Dénia reopened on 16 January.
Changes in 2022
The high speed line west from Orihuela towards Murcia opened on 20 December.
The new 4.3 km section of 1668 mm gauge line in tunnel between El Clot Arago and Montcada opened on 11 December. The new Sant Andreu station opened, replacing the former Sant Andreu Comtal.
The Ourense - Monforte de Lemos line closed on 21 November for conversion to 25 kV. Initially it was scheduled to reopen in July 2023, then April 2024, but due to winter damage to an embankment wall this has been put back again to the end September 2024.
The heavily delayed Trambahía (Tranvía Metropolitano de la Bahía) 1668 mm gauge Cádiz tram-train system finally opened on 26 October. It shares the RENFE tracks from Cádiz to Rio Arillo and then diverges on a separate branch.
The 1668 mm gauge line between El Clot Arago and Montcada closed on 17 September for work on the new route in tunnel
Albacete - Archena-Fortuna closed temporarily on 13 September owing to engineering work in the Murcia area; however one pair of through broad gauge services (Madrid to Archena-Fortuna on Fridays, Archena-Fortuna to Madrid on Sundays) restarted from an unknown date. Archena-Fortuna to Murcia continued to be served by buses.
Sevilla Cercanías line C-2 to Cartuja (which ceased running on 15 March 2020) reopened on 5 September.
Madrid Cercanías line C-9 (the 18km long metre gauge Cercedilla - Los Cotos line, which ceased running on 15 March 2020) reopened on 3 September.
The FEVE branch from El Berrón to Pola de Laviana closed to all traffic from 1 September until 15 March 2023 for track renewal. There will be partial closures between El Berron and Gijón from 1 September 1 2022 until 15 July 2023.
The old single track Costablanca tunnel line between Martorell and Castellbisbal, closed in the 1980s, reopened on 20 August, enabling closure of the new double track line for conversion to mixed gauge.
The (Valladolid -) Venta de Baños - Burgos high speed line (91.3 km, suitable for both passenger and freight traffic) opened on 22 July. It was supposed to be available for test running by summer 2018 but substandard work on Frandovínez viaduct required that to be demolished and rebuilt, delaying the opening by several years.
Aranjuez - Cuenca, the last section of the 'classic' Aranjuez - Utiel (- Valencia) line, closed on 20 July, with trains being replaced by bus services.
44 km of the existing line between Cáceres and Bif. Peñas Blancas, north of Mérida, were permanently closed on 15 July to enable the new high speed line to be connected to the existing line southwards, in readiness for the public opening of a new section of the high speed line on 19 July. This is just a temporary phase, pending the opening of the next section south, the 'baipas Mérida', at some future date.
The next section of the FGV Alicante/Alacant - Dénia line from Teulada to Gata re-opened on 13 July 2022.
The 7km long third, standard gauge Madrid cross-city tunnel between Atocha and Chamartín, linking the existing high speed lines north and south of Madrid opened on 1 July, although initially it had no platforms at Atocha. The plans for Atocha include building new underground platforms serving the line to Chamartín. However, these will be in a box underneath the existing westernmost platforms, which required their temporary closure during the construction phase. This required that some services calling at Atocha were diverted during this period to reduce the demand for platform space. To accommodate this a “temporary” single track bore was constructed to the east of where the platform box will be. This enables some services from the south to be diverted to Chamartín but with no stop (or indeed platform or passenger access) at Atocha. The line involves use of three different signalling systems: LZB and ERTMS/ETCS Levels 1 and 2. Services to and from València and Alicante/Alacant were diverted in this way because they were the only ones that could access the tunnel. At the same time the second pair of tracks on the 28km section between Puerta de Atocha and Bif. Torrejón de Velasco (junction for the line to Valencia and Alicante/Alacant) was brought into use.
The Monforte de Lemos - Lugo line closed on 10 January for electrification work, reopening on 30 June.
The Valencia Cercanias line (route C2) between Xàtiva and Moixent closed on 16 May for the modernisation and electrification of the Xàtiva - L'Alcúdia de Crespins section.
A direct AVE service between Madrid and Orihuela Miguel Hernandez via the Monforte del Cid west curve started on 10 April.
Avant regional high-speed services between Granada and Malaga started on 4 April, resulting in the opening to traffic of the south <> east curve at Antequera Santa Ana.
EuskoTran tram services started running over the 2.3 km section; Atxuri - Bolueta [former Euskotren tracks] from 25 March.
Owing to engineering work closing the line between Murcia and Archena-Fortuna, an additional high speed train was provided between Oruihuela and Madrid via Alicante from 28 February, thus opening the south - east curve at Monforte del Cid to passenger service.
Changes in 2021
The 104 km (Zamora -) Pedralba de la Pradería - Taboadela (- Ourense) section of the Madrid - Galicia LAV opened on 21 December. The parallel 1668 mm gauge line thereby lost its passenger service completely. It is possible it may close completely.
Cáceres – Valencia de Alcántara reopened on 15 December, with one train each way WFSuO, having been closed since probably 15 March 2020.
The 1.6 km connection through the underground platform at León finally opened on 21 September. Restoration of the direct link between the Madrid line and the Oviedo line put an end to through traffic having to reverse at León or avoid it altogether and hence use of the León avoiding line [Sahagún (Bif. Rio Bernesga) – La Robla (Bif. Torneros)]. It also caused the reopening to passengers of the former route from León towards Astorga: Bif. Base León – Bif. Torneros – Bif. León.
The Torre del Oro Barcelona - Sevilla service was extended to Cádiz on 2 August.
Services to Almería, cut back to the former station of Huércal-Viator on on 14 November 2018, were reinstated on 28 July.
Special trains ran from Sevilla to Estadio Olimpico (on the closed line C2 to Cartuja) on on 14 and 19 June for Euro 2020 football matches which had been deferred a year.
The curve avoiding Santiago de Compostela, linking the high speed line from Ourense to the Vigo line, opened on 14 June.
Following a political agreement between the national government and the regional government of Andalucia on the use of the "variante de Aguadulce", the line between Osuna and Pedrera, which was breached on 21 October 2018 when a bridge was destroyed by floodwater, reopened on 31 May. Trains are now routed over the new line via the variante.
Following modernisation work on the Toses tunnel, the line between Ribes de Freser and Puigcerdá/La Tour de Carol reopened on 10 May.
The new station at Canfranc, on the opposite (east) side of the huge original station to the previous platform, opened on 15 April.
The Monforte el Cid - Elx - Murcia LAV opened between Monforte el Cid and PAET San Isidro (between Elche-Matola and Orihuela Miguel Hernández) on 1 February. Services run only between Madrid and Orihuela Miguel Hernández until the LAV into Murcia opens.
Heavy snow damaged the 'classic' Cuenca - Valencia line as a result of Storm Filomena. The Cuenca - Utiel section therefore closed on 9 January, with no replacement until a bus service was introduced in April.
Older Changes
For details of older changes dating back to the year 2004 see Spain - Older General Information.
Future changes
Standard gauge lines
On 4 March 2024 a contract was awarded for the first section of the 19 km Loja bypass on the Antequera – Granada high speed line. Trains at present use the 1435mm gauge route on the alignment of the 'classic' line through Loja.
Work is in progress in January 2024 on an 8km extension of Galicia LAV northwards from Taboadela via the Rante tunnel to Seixalbo, where it will come alongside the 1668mm gauge line. The continuation north of Seixalbo (approximately the same length) to join the Monforte de Lemos line east of Ourense station appears not to be committed as yet.
Work started in March 2022 on the 3.9 km link between the Trambaix and Trambesòs networks in Barcelona. Completion was planned in late 2023 and passenger service in the first quarter of 2024.
Palencia - Reinosa (- Santander) high speed line: work started on the Palencia - Alar del Rey section in July 2021. On 12 March 2024 drafting of the project for the 51.4km Alar de Rey - Reinosa section was approved.
Murcia - Almería high speed line: in September 2021 tenders were invited for the 31 km Lorca - Pulpí section, one of the last outstanding stretches on this line. Excavation of the 6km tunnel west of Murcia station was completed in late May 2024. Electrification work between Murcia and Lorca started in mid 2023. The official forecast is now that Murcia - Lorca San Diego should open in the first half of 2026. It appears that the Lorca San Diego - Lorca Sutullena section is being put underground, which will of course delay the opening. There is no known forecast date for Lorca San Diego to either Almería or Aguilas.
València and Castelló de la Plana: work should have started in 2019 on construction of this high speed line,
A new curve is being built at Almodóvar del Río, to avoid Avant services between Sevilla and Granada/Málaga having to reverse at Córdoba. The projected opening date is not known.
The Madrid - Almeria service will be diverted via the LAV to Granada and then the gauge changer at Cerrillo de Maracena, north east of Granada, possibly in November 2024. This will almost certainly mean that Linares-Baeza - Moreda will lose its passenger service.
In April 2012 the Minister for Public Works announced that the Mediterranean Corridor was to be equipped for standard gauge freight traffic by converting one track of the existing main line to dual gauge. Castellbisbal (Barcelona) - Valencia was supposed to be in service by 2015 and Valencia - Alacant by 2016. However only in May 2019 were tenders invited for the work on the last section between Sagunto and Castellon. This was scheduled be completed in 2022, but this has not occurred.
Public consultation has started on the Burgos - Miranda de Ebro - Vitoria/Gasteiz line. The alignment has already been decided for the Burgos - Pancorbo section but there are six options for the Pancorbo - Vitoria/Gasteiz.
Work is in progress on the 'Basque Y', the high speed line from Vitoria/Gasteiz to both Bilbao (90.8 km) and San Sebastián/Donostia (- Irún) (89.8 km from the start at Bergara to the French frontier). It is unclear what progress has been made on the construction and when the line(s) will open. The San Sebastian line will terminate between Hernani and Astigarraga, about 5 km south of San Sebastián. A contract was awarded in April 2016 to install mixed-gauge track between this point and and Irún. In March 2024 two tunnels between San Sebastián/Donostia and Irún were being enlarged and converted to mixed gauge. Consultation has also started on a line, suitable for both passenger and freight traffic, to connect the Basque Y with Pamplona. There are two route options.
1668 mm gauge lines
The line between Chinchilla and Murcia has been closed for engineering work since September 2022. It had still not reopened as at May 2024.
On 29 June 2022, ADIF invited tenders for the extension of Madrid Cercanías line C-4B by ca. 10 km from Colmenar Viejo to Soto del Real. This would be a reopening to passengers of this section of the former Directo de Burgos.
Martorell - Castellbisbal is being converted to mixed gauge
Construction began in 2015 of a new 4.5 km rail link between Barcelona-El Prat Airport Terminal 1 and El Prat de Llobregat. It was to be completed in 2018 and was later expected some time in 2022. However, a contract for the trains was awarded only in September 2022, so it is unlikely to open until 2025.
Zaragoza - Teruel - Sagunt (Port). Upgrade work is in progress, including removal of speed restrictions between Teruel and Barracas and provision of more freight loops. This was originally to be completed in 2020. In January 2021 tenders were invited for electrification of the line at 25 kV 50 Hz in order to be compatible with the sections of high speed network designed for mixed traffic. Seven new 740m long passing loops were commissioned in September 2023 and this will be followed by electrification work.
The extension of the Plasencia - Badajoz "línea de altas prestaciones" from Bif. Peñas Blancas to Aljucén (- Mérida) and Bif. San Nicolas (- Badajoz) was originally planned to open in late 2022. It was supposed to open in December 2023 but had not done so as at late May 2024. Electrification of the isolated Plasencia - Caceres - Badajoz section was scheduled to be completed in the first quarter of 2023. Caceres - Badajoz went live on an unknown date in December 2023
There are plans to divert the main line through Valladolid into a tunnel with a new underground station. The earthworks of a new 1668 mm freight bypass to the east are complete. in April 2022 ADIF invited tenders for tracklaying and electrification of the line, which will be suitable for passenger traffic.
Metre gauge lines
On the FEVE line from El Berrón to Pola de Laviana work has been in progress for several years on diverting the line between La Felguera and Sama into a tunnel. It is now scheduled to be effected in 2024.
The Generalitat Valenciana has authorised FGV to request tenders for a connection linking the the TRAM d'Alacant Luceros terminus with a new underground station at the RENFE station.
The scheme to convert the León - Asuncion-Universidad section of the FEVE León - Bilbao line into a tramway has been abandoned and reinstatement of a single track metre gauge heavy rail line back into León was initiated early in 2014. However work was suspended because of technical difficulties and is also believed to have been abandoned. It will therefore remain served only by a bus service for the foreseeable future.
A new 4.2 km Euskotren cross-city route through Donostia/San Sebastian, between Lugaritz and a point south of Amara, is under construction. It will replace the present Amara terminus, avoiding the need to reverse there. Work will start on installing the track and overhead electrification in autumn 2023 so it seems unlikely to be completed until mid 2025 at the earliest.
Lines with a limited future
A number of lines have had passenger services severely pruned, and some lines may close.
The Madrid - Almeria service will be diverted - possibly in November 2024 - via Cordoba and the high speed line to Granada and then (via a gauge changer) the 'classic' 1668mm line to Almeria. This will almost certainly mean that Linares-Baeza - Moreda will lose its passenger service. Indeed, it is thought there may be no freight traffic, so the line may close completely.
The new Pajares tunnel, on the main line between León and Oviedo opened to public traffic on 30 November 2023. The 'classic' line over the Pajares Pass between La Robla and Pola de Lena will apparently carry a Regional service until 30 September 2024, but after that its future as a passenger or even freight-carrying line is uncertain.
The 'classic' 1668mm main line between Medina del Campo and Ourense is thought to have a limited future:
Medina del Campo - Puebla de Sanabria carries one train a day each way, subsidised by the Castilla y León region.
The line between Puebla de Sanabria and the gauge changer at Taboadela (near Ourense) has no booked traffic and is at risk of total closure.
Taboadela - Ourense will presumably go out of use when the 1435mm line is extended to Ourense.
Cáceres – Valencia de Alcántara reopened on 15 December 2021, after being closed for almost 2 years. With just one train each way on 3 days a week, its future must be very insecure.
Huelva - Zafra: although this line has been substantially re-laid, both the local service between Huelva and Jabugo-Galaroza and that to Zafra are under threat of withdrawal; the latter is no longer an IC service to/from Madrid
Cercedilla - Segovia: the slow Regionales service over the section beyond this interchange for the narrow gauge line to Los Cotos was thought to be threatened by Avant services to Segovia Guiomar station on the high speed line to Valladolid. The service beyond Cercedilla was drastically reduced from 16 November 2008 but no further reductions have occurred.
Special notes
RENFE operates a confusingly wide range of train types, and special fares apply on those that are fastest or offer superior facilities.
AVE (originally meaning Alta Velocidad Española): High speed trains operating over the 1435 mm gauge lines: Madrid - Córdoba - Sevilla, Malaga and Granada; Madrid - Zaragoza - Camp de Tarragona - Barcelona; Madrid - Zaragoza - Huesca; Madrid - Cuenca - Valencia - Castellón/Castelló; Madrid - Valladolid - León; Madrid - Albacete - Alicante/Alacant; Barcelona - Sevilla and Malaga. Also the international services: Madrid - Barcelona - Marseille; Barcelona - París, Lyon and Toulouse. From 21 May 2024, new variable gauge Talgo 'Avril' (class S-106) trains started operating some Madrid to Asturias and Galicia AVE services onto 1668 mm gauge lines.
Euromed: High speed trains between Barcelona, Valencia and Alacant.
Intercity: This term seems now to be applied to loco hauled trains of Talgo articulated stock on the following routes: Madrid - Algeciras/Almeira/Badajoz, Barcelona - Valencia/Murcia/Cartagena/Lorca and Albacete - Cartagena.
Alvia: High speed trains which operate on both 1668 mm and 1435 mm gauge lines on the following routes: Madrid - Valencia - Castellón; Madrid - Albacete - Murcia - Cartagena; Alicante/Alacant - Madrid - Vigo, A Coruña, Gijón and Santander; Madrid - Sevilla - Cádiz; Madrid - Huelva; Madrid - Segovia - Salamanca & Zamora; Madrid - Vigo - Pontevedra; Madrid - A Coruña; Madrid - Valladolid - Bilbao and Vitoria; Madrid - San Sebastián - Irún; Madrid - Pamplona & Logrono; Barcelona - Zaragoza - Valladolid, Gijon, A Coruña & Vigo; Barcelona - Zaragoza - Pamplona - Irún; Barcelona - Zaragoza - Bilbao.
Avant: Media Distancia high speed trains operating over shorter distances on the 1435 mm gauge high speed lines.
Media Distancia: Interurban local train.
Regional: Rural local train.
Cercanías: Suburban train.
Connections between Grandes Lineas and Regionales trains may not wait in event of late running. Indeed, in spite of some reasonable connections being generated by the RENFE website, the minimum connectional time generally recognised is 60 minutes.
Airport style luggage security checks using X-ray machines are made for nearly all main line services.
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Caro(a) Cliente,
Voc� sabia que o ADV - Advocacia Din�mica COAD � Reposit�rio autorizado de Jurisprud�ncia, reconhecido pelo STF e TST?
O que isto quer dizer? Instale o certificado digital.
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https://community.ricksteves.com/travel-forum/france/i-m-having-trouble-finding-a-direct-train-from-perpignan-france-to-barcelona-on-a-sunday
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I'm having trouble finding a direct Train from Perpignan France to Barcelona on a Sunday.
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[
"https://d1sigdaua9p397.cloudfront.net/assets/chevron-down-black-46a9552ce4b61495035a1d673bdb9341d180c07bac30bf9a0b27d3b1bde2f5f9.svg",
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"Elizabeth formerly Bets"
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2022-10-05T20:20:15+00:00
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Does anyone know the best rail system to take from Perpignan France into Barcelona? I cannot find a direct Train out of France. If this is not possible maybe another way to travel into Barcelona.
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https://community.ricksteves.com/travel-forum/france/i-m-having-trouble-finding-a-direct-train-from-perpignan-france-to-barcelona-on-a-sunday
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Something appears to be going on with the highspeed tracks the 30th and 31st or all the trains are completely sold out, or.... I checked all along the route, from Paris to Barcelona, Montpellier to Barcelona, nada.
I looked on SNCF Connect, Renfe, and Trainline. Trainline will sell you a ticket on a local train. I've taken it before, a commuter train. It will be crowded and no reserved seats, but you'll get there. Everyone will be taking the local trains those two days.
Yes, there's a bus. Trainline will sell you a ticket. Also, check rome2rio.com https://www.rome2rio.com for companies.
Can you go on Saturday night instead if you can get a hotel reservation? Barcelona hotels can fill on Saturdays.
The agreement between SNCF and Renfe to manage the train lines between France and Spain will end in December 2022.
According to the press there are many disagreements between SNCF on the French side and Renfe on the Spanish side.
Some say that the Elipsos company, which was created to manage these France-Spain lines, prevented booking portions of the route that were too short even if there are free seats, in order to favor long journeys like a Paris Barcelona. The reason would be that Elipsos wants to compete with the airlines.
There are also problems on the TER line (which goes to Cerbère on the French side) some trains that could continue to Spain now stop at the border because Spain requires French drivers to speak Spanish to travel the 1/2 miles that takes travelers to the first Spanish station.
Plan B could be the bus. See with Flixbus
https://www.flixbus.com/bus/perpignan
The Perpignan-Barcelona journey takes 2h30 and costs around 25€
Each company will run its own trains and Trenitalia will begin that route, too. But that's not the problem for October 30th. Perhaps there's an announced labor dispute, but even then trains aren't cancelled until the day before.
I checked all the way from Paris to Barcelona to see if that route was running at all. It's not bookable on any website on any part of the route but only the 30th and 31st.
We have always had to change trains at Port Bou due to track differences. Is this language issue in addition?
And wouldn't most everyone speak Catalan anyway?
It would seem (at least that's what I read) that some trains now stop at Cerbère, forcing travelers who are on their own to walk to Port Bou to catch a Spanish train.
Among the 13,500 SNCF train drivers, there must be a maximum of 3% who speak Spanish and 3 or 4 drivers who speak Catalan! :))
(a completely personal estimate that only engages me)
LOL. So what do you think is going on with that train on the 30th and 31st, JoLui? I have to go to the station for something else tomorrow, so I'll ask.
Yes, OP the bus is your best bet, if still available, or go on the 29th.
Going to the SNCF Connect website there are no direct trains, and all other indirect trains (not bookable) take 4 hours to make the journey.
In addition there is this message:
Due to work at a level crossing, the TGV INOUI to/from Perpignan will exceptionally depart from or arrive in Montpellier from Saturday 29 October at 11.40 p.m. to Monday 31 October at 11.40 p.m.
The bus makes the same trip in 2h25 and there are 9 a day...
The bus seems like a good plan B to me that could easily become a pretty good plan A
Personally when I go to Barcelona it's by car, but sorry for the OP, the 30th and 31st I'm not free, I'll be in Brittany eating crêpes and seafood......
Bets & JoLui,
THANK YOU!! I knew there had to be something going on with the train system when I couldn't find a train. We are flexible with this part of our trip. I will see what trains are available for Oct. 29th and if I can get another night at our hotel in Barcelona. Worse case we take the BUS into Barcelona Thank you both for clearing things up.
Bets and JoLui, can either of you recommend a drive service to take us from Perpignan to Barcelona? I have checked out Mydaytrip.com and GetTransfer.com companies. Do you have any suggestions for a good and safe company to use. We like the option of stopping and sight seeing along the way. Again thank you for the candid advice.
|
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
| 61
|
https://minimalist.travel/transport/trains/barcelona-sants-guide/
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en
|
An Insider’s Guide to Barcelona Sants Train Station—from a Local Who’s Lived next to it for 15 Years – Minimalist.Travel
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[
"Loulou McClaine"
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2024-07-18T02:08:51+02:00
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en
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https://minimalist.travel/transport/trains/barcelona-sants-guide/
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Our Reviewers’ Picks of Underrated, Useful Travel Gear
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2884
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dbpedia
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0
| 4
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
en
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R11 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
|
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The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains.
|
en
|
Wikiwand
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains.
R11 trains run primarily on the Barcelona–Cerbère railway, using Portbou and/or Cerbère as their northeasternmost terminus, and Barcelona Sants as its southwestern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Nord as far as Maçanet-Massanes, and with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 from Maçanet-Massanes to Portbou.
|
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2884
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1
| 18
|
https://profillengkap.com/article/Renfe
|
en
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Renfe
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Spanish Train redirects here. For the Chris de Burgh song, see Spanish Train and Other Stories.Not to be confused with Red Nacional de los Ferrocarriles Españoles.Spanish state-owned rail transport companyThis
|
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https://profillengkap.com/images/varico.ico
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https://profillengkap.com/article/Renfe
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"Spanish Train" redirects here. For the Chris de Burgh song, see Spanish Train and Other Stories.
Not to be confused with Red Nacional de los Ferrocarriles Españoles.
Spanish state-owned rail transport company
Renfe (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈreɱfe], Eastern Catalan: [ˈreɱfə]), officially Renfe-Operadora, is Spain's national state-owned railway company.[3]
It was created in 2005 upon the split of the former Spanish National Railway Network (Renfe) into the Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias (ADIF), which inherited the infrastructure, and Renfe-Operadora, which inherited the railway service.
History
The name "Renfe" (acronym of Red Nacional de los Ferrocarriles Españoles) is derived from that of the former Spanish National Railway Network created on 24 January 1941 with the nationalisation of Spain's railways. As per EU Directive 91/440, Renfe was divided into Renfe Operadora (operations) and ADIF (infrastructure) on 1 January 2005. At the same time, the existing Renfe logo (nicknamed the "galleta", Spanish for biscuit), first introduced in 1971, was replaced by a dark purple lower-case wordmark designed by Interbrand. Separate logos used by the other sectors were also replaced, but the old Renfe logo remains in use in some stations in Spain and on maps to indicate an ADIF station.
The Railway Sector Act, 2003 separated the management, maintenance and construction of rail infrastructure from train operation. The first activity is now the responsibility of Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias (ADIF), while the newly created Renfe-Operadora (also known as Grupo Renfe or simply Renfe) owns the rolling stock and remains responsible for the planning, marketing and operation of the passenger and freight services.[4]
Renfe no longer has a monopoly on domestic passenger services due to Ouigo España launching in 2021, followed by Iryo in 2022.[citation needed]
Structure
Renfe-Operadora inherited the management model of the old Renfe, which made Renfe-Operadora responsible for the operation of the passenger and freight services. In January 2006, Renfe-Operadora restructured the main business units into four general directorates:
Dirección General de Servicios Públicos de Cercanías y Media Distancia (General Public Utilities Directorate for Suburban and Medium Distance): responsible for commuter services (Cercanías), medium-distance high-speed rail AVE services and medium-range regional services (es:Regionales and es:Media Distancia). However, control of some Cercanías services were transferred to Spain's Autonomous communities.
Dirección General de Servicios de Larga Distancia (General Directorate of Long Distance Services): responsible for long-distance intercity and high-speed rail services (except medium-distance AVE services and Media Distancia, which is managed by the above business unit).
Dirección General de Servicios de Mercancías y Logística (General Directorate for Freight and Logistics Services): responsible for freight services.
Dirección General de Fabricación y Mantenimiento (General Directorate of Manufacturing and Maintenance): responsible for rolling stock maintenance and manufacture (also known as Integria)
In June 2013, Renfe's board agreed to restructure the group into four separate companies under the holding company:[5][6]
Renfe Viajeros, operating passenger trains;
Renfe Mercancías, freight;
Renfe Fabricación y Mantenimiento, rolling stock maintenance;
Renfe Alquiler de Material Ferroviario, train leasing.
Figures
Figures[7] 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Passengers (Mio.)[8] 527,975 517,583 510,176 476,334 463,012 476,917 472,145 466,057 464,961 465,201 471,359 487,881 507,088 510,453 Passenger-kilometer (Mio.) 20,480 20,167 22,281 21,895 21,166 21,585 21,319 22,563 23,754 24,825 25,291 26,060 26,931 27,263 AVE Passengers (Tsd.) 4.878 5.559 11.461 11.250 10.851 12.563 12.101 14.697 17.967 19.428 20.352 21.108 21.332 22.370 AVE Passenger-kilometer (Tsd.) 1.884 2.161 4.888 5.260 5.171 5.846 5.793 7.095 8.038 9.230 9.632 10.267 10.289 10.760
Operations
The company operates some 12,000 km (7,500 mi) of railways, 7,000 km (4,300 mi) of them electrified. Most of the tracks are constructed to the broad Iberian gauge of 1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in), the same as that used in Portugal but wider than the international gauge of 1,435 mm ( 4 ft 8+1⁄2 in) which is standard in most of the rest of the world. The newer high-speed (AVE) network has been built to the international standard gauge of 1,435 mm for the connection to the rest of the European railway system. For this reason, the 1,435 mm gauge is generally termed "European gauge" in Spain.[citation needed]
Construction of a high-speed rail line between Madrid and Seville began in 1988 and began operations in 1991, going 300 km/h (190 mph). The second high-speed rail line (Madrid to Barcelona) was completed in 2007 with the inaugural service commencing on 20 February 2008. The operational speed on this route is 350 km/h (220 mph). The greater part of the line (Madrid to Lleida) was entered service on 11 October 2003, with a connection to Huesca from Zaragoza. The third high-speed line (Madrid to Toledo) was opened in November 2005, followed by a spur from Córdoba to Málaga as far as Antequera in 2007. Another high-speed route from Madrid to Valladolid was opened in 2007. A line from Madrid to Valencia was opened in 2010, and the first stage of a high-speed line in Galicia opened in 2011. A line to Lisbon is being designed.[citation needed]
Other lines operated by Renfe include Euromed, a moderate-speed line between Barcelona and Alicante.
In addition to intercity transport, Renfe operates commuter train systems, known as Cercanías (or Rodalies in Catalonia and Cercanías-Aldirikoak in the Basque Country), in eleven metropolitan areas, including Madrid and Barcelona. In some cities, Renfe shares the market with other commuter railway operators, such as FGC.
In 2019, Renfe solicited bids for 31 new trains for the Asturias and Cantabria regions and the €258m contract was awarded to the CAF (Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles) in June 2020. Around February 2023, authorities discovered the designs were for the wrong loading gauge and would be too wide for the tunnels.[9] Amidst international embarrassment, Renfe and ADIF each tried to deflect responsibility, and some called for the firing of the executives deemed responsible. Fortunately, the trains were still being designed, however the Cercanía commuter trains will be delayed until 2026.[10][11][9] Subsequently, transport officials including the president of Renfe and the Secretary of State for Transport resigned.[12]
Passenger rolling stock
Renfe-Operadora utilises the following rolling stock and commercial products inside of its two divisions:
Rolling stock Region(s) Image Feve Class 2400 DMU Asturias
Cantabria
Galicia Feve Class 2600 DMU Asturias
Castile and León Feve Class 2700 DMU Asturias
Basque Country
Cantabria
Castile and León
Galicia Feve Class 2900 DMU Castile and León
Galicia
Murcia Feve Class 3300 EMU Asturias Feve Class 3500 EMU Asturias Feve Class 3600 EMU Asturias
Basque Country
Cantabria Feve Class 3800 EMU Cantabria
Rolling stock Metropolitan area(s) Image Renfe Class 442 EMU Madrid Renfe Class 446 EMU Bilbao
Madrid
Renfe Class 447 EMU Barcelona
Madrid
Valencia
Murcia/Alicante
San Sebastián
Santander Renfe Class 450 EMU Barcelona
Madrid Renfe Class 462/463/464/465 EMU Asturias
Barcelona
Cádiz
Madrid
Málaga
Sevilla
Valencia
Zaragoza Renfe Class 592 DMU Valencia
Murcia/Alicante
Mainline Medium Distance Services
Rolling stock Route(s) Image Renfe Class 440/470 EMU (to be phased out) Córdoba – Rabanales
León – Ponferrada – Vigo
León – Gijón
Valladolid – Santander
Valladolid – Ávila
Valladolid – León
Valencia − Barcelona
Valencia − Alicante Renfe Class 448 EMU Catalunya
Aragón Renfe Class 449 EMU Madrid – Jaén
León – Ponferrada – Orense – Vigo
Sevilla – Cádiz
Barcelona – Girona – Figueres – Portbou
Huelva – Sevilla
Jaén – Córdoba – Sevilla – Cadiz
Madrid − Alcázar de San Juan − Albacete
Madrid − Alcázar de San Juan − Ciudad Real
Alicante – Albacete – Ciudad Real
Madrid − León
Madrid – Vitoria
Irun - Vitoria - Miranda de Ebro
Córdoba – Bobadilla
Barcelona – Reus
Barcelona – Tortosa Renfe Class 592 DMU (to be phased out) Madrid – Talavera
Murcia – Cartagena
Valencia − Alcoi
CELTA:
Oporto - Vigo (Service CP) Renfe Class 594 DMU Valladolid – Zamora – Puebla de Sanabria
A Coruña – Ferrol
A Coruña – Lugo – Monforte de Lemos - Ourense
Madrid – Soria
Murcia – Cartagena Renfe Class 598 DMU Cáceres – Valencia de Alcántara
Sevilla – Cáceres - Madrid Renfe Class 599 DMU Madrid – Badajoz
Huelva – Zafra
A Coruña – Vigo Guixar
Salamanca – Ávila – Madrid
Salamanca – Palencia
Valencia – Cartagena
Zaragoza – Valencia
Zaragoza – Cartagena
Sevilla – Málaga
Sevilla – Almería
Granada – Algeciras
Málaga – Ronda
Granada – Linares
Madrid − Águilas
High-Speed Medium Distance Services
Service Rolling stock Route(s) Image Avant Renfe Class 104 EMU Madrid – Toledo
Madrid – Ciudad Real
Málaga – Granada
Sevilla – Córdoba
Barcelona – Camp De Tarragona
Sevilla - Málaga Renfe Class 114 EMU Madrid – Puertollano
Madrid – Valladolid
Barcelona – Figueres
Barcelona – Lleida
Sevilla – Granada Renfe Class 121 EMU Cádiz – Jaén
A Coruña – Ourense
A Coruña – Vigo Urzaiz
Madrid – Ponferrada
Ponferrada-Vigo
Madrid – Gandia
Madrid-Salamanca
Luxury Tourist Train Services
Service Route(s) Locomotive Passenger Car Image Al Ándalus Sevilla - Granada - Úbeda - Sevilla Renfe Class 319.3 Locomotive Al Ándalus Costa Verde Express Bilbao - Santiago de Compostela
Santiago de Compostela - Bilbao Feve Class 1900 Locomotive El Transcantábrico El Transcantábrico Gran Lujo San Sebastián–Santiago de Compostela
Santiago de Compostela–San Sebastián Feve Class 1900 Locomotive El Transcantábrico La Robla Express "La Robla Route:"
Bilbao - León
León - Bilbao
"Pilgrim's Route:"
Oviedo - Ortigueira - Santiago de Compostela - Oviedo Feve Class 1650 Locomotive La Robla
Mainline Long Distance Services
Service(s) Route(s) Locomotive Passenger Car Image Intercity Madrid – Algeciras
Madrid – Granada
Madrid – Murcia – Cartagena
Madrid – Almería
Barcelona – Murcia – Cartagena/Lorca
Madrid – Cáceres – Badajoz Renfe Class 334 Locomotive Talgo Pendular Madrid – Almería
Barcelona – Murcia – Cartagena/Lorca
Madrid – Valencia Renfe Class 252 Locomotive Talgo Pendular
High-Speed Long Distance Services
Service Rolling stock Route(s) Image AVE Renfe Class 100 EMU Madrid – Sevilla
Madrid – Alicante
Madrid – Marseille
Barcelona – Toulouse
Barcelona – Lyon Renfe Class 102 EMU Madrid – Huesca
Madrid – Zaragoza
Madrid – Valladolid
Madrid – Málaga
Valencia – Sevilla Renfe Class 103 EMU Madrid – Barcelona
Madrid – Málaga Renfe Class 112 EMU Madrid – Cuenca – Valencia
Madrid – Cuenca – Albacete
Madrid – León
Barcelona – Málaga
Barcelona – Zaragoza
Barcelona – Sevilla Alvia (mixed high-speed &
conventional service) Renfe Class 120 EMU Madrid – Pamplona
Madrid – Logroño
Madrid – Irún/Hendaya
Madrid – Bilbao
Madrid – Salamanca
Barcelona – Irún
Barcelona – Bilbao
Barcelona – Pamplona
Barcelona – Valladolid
Torre del Oro: Barcelona – Valencia – Sevilla – Cádiz Renfe Class 130 EMU Madrid – Gijón
Madrid – Santander
Alicante – Gijón
Alicante – Santander
Madrid – Cádiz
Madrid – Huelva
Madrid – Valencia – Castellón
Madrid – Valencia – Gandía
Barcelona – A Coruña
Barcelona – Vigo
Barcelona – Gijón
Euromed: Barcelona – Valencia – Alicante Renfe Class 730 HMU Alicante – Madrid – Pontevedra
Alicante – Madrid – A Coruña
Madrid – Ferrol
Madrid – Pontevedra
Madrid – Ponferrada
Madrid – Murcia
Madrid – Badajoz
Prototype rolling stock
Service Rolling stock Image AVE Renfe Class 105 EMU AVE Talgo AVRIL EMU
Future rolling stock
Service Rolling stock Quantity Ancho Metrico Unknown Meter Gauge CAF EMU 26 Unknown Meter Gauge CAF BMU 5 Cercanías X'trapolis Coradia EMU 152 FLIRT/KISS EMU 59 Unknown Meter Gauge CAF EMU 6 Media Distancia Unknown Iberian Gauge CAF EMU 28 AVE Renfe Class 106 EMU 30 Renfe Class 107 EMU 13
Vehicles register numbers
All classes are designated by three numbers. The first digit has a special meaning:
1xx: High speed multiple unit
2xx: Electric locomotive
3xx: Diesel locomotive
4xx: Electric multiple unit (EMU)
5xx: Diesel multiple unit (DMU)
6xx: Hybrid locomotive
7xx: Hybrid multiple unit (HMU)
8xx: Trams which can run on railways
Tickets
Travel tickets are available from rail stations and online. In 2023 the European Commission initiated an investigation into concerns that Renfe might have been abusing its dominant position in the online ticketing market by refusing to share journey time information with competing ticketing websites. Renfe offered a number of commitments intended to address these concerns, which the European Commission made legally binding in January 2024 under the EU's competition rules.[13]
See also
Renfe Feve
History of rail transport in Spain
Rail transport in Spain
Transport in Spain
Madrid, Zaragoza and Alicante railway
Notes
1.^ Operated by CP in Portugal.
2.^ Managed by Elipsos under the brand Renfe-SNCF en Cooperación/en Coopération.
References
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https://dbpedia.org/page/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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About: R11 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/R11_Rodalies_de_Catalunya.svg?width=300
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http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/R11_Rodalies_de_Catalunya.svg?width=300
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The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains.
|
DBpedia
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http://dbpedia.org/resource/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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dbo:abstract
The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains. R11 trains run primarily on the Barcelona–Cerbère railway, using Portbou and/or Cerbère as their northeasternmost terminus, and Barcelona Sants as its southwestern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations, while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Nord as far as Maçanet-Massanes, and with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 from Maçanet-Massanes to Portbou. The Maçanet-Massanes-Portbou section had not previously been considered part of the Barcelona commuter rail service; designated Ca2, the services running on it were part of Renfe Operadora's regional rail division in Catalonia. In 2010, after the administration of the Barcelona commuter rail service was transferred to the Catalan government, the line was passed from the Catalan regional rail division to Rodalies de Catalunya. (en)
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https://tripbytrip.org/2023/02/19/review-sncf-intercite-de-nuit-sleeper-train-from-paris-to-nice/
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REVIEW | SNCF Intercité de nuit sleeper train from Paris to Nice
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In January 2023 Jeroen undertook a solo train trip to France and Italy. He travelled to Nice, Monaco, La Spezia, Firenze, Pisa, Siena and Cinque Terre. He returned home with an ÖBB Nightjet to Munich and from there flew to Brussels. To reach Nice, he took a Intercité de nuit. This is his experience. For…
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en
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Trip By Trip
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https://tripbytrip.org/2023/02/19/review-sncf-intercite-de-nuit-sleeper-train-from-paris-to-nice/
|
In January 2023 Jeroen undertook a solo train trip to France and Italy. He travelled to Nice, Monaco, La Spezia, Firenze, Pisa, Siena and Cinque Terre. He returned home with an ÖBB Nightjet to Munich and from there flew to Brussels. To reach Nice, he took a Intercité de nuit. This is his experience.
For years I did not want to take a night train of the French Railways SNCF. The
night trains are known for not being nearly as comfortable as the former CityNightLine or the current Nightjet trains. The French have not had sleeping carriages for years, so they only operate couchette cars with four or six beds per compartment. There’s no sink in the compartment, and certainly not an ensuite bathroom. So very basic and old rolling stock.
Unmodernised coaches have nothing to offer: no power outlets and no wifi. Refurbished coaches do.
Route(s)
The route I’m taking is Paris-Austerlitz to Nice-Ville. This train used to be called Le Train Bleu or The Blue Train. There are also connections from Paris to Briançon, Rodez, Toulouse and Latour-de-Carol-Enveitg. In the summer, Lourdes and Cerbère are also added.
Coming from Belgium, you’ll probably arrive in Paris-Nord. Using metro line 5 to Place d’Italie you’ll reach Paris-Austerlitz Railway Station in about twenty minutes.
Booking
Booking was quite simple via the SNCF site. I could choose a seat or a
couchette 1ère classe (couchette with four beds) or 2ème classe (couchette with six beds).
You book your berth per bed, not per compartment. So it may be that you will share a compartment. If you do not want this, the site sometimes offers the option ‘espace privatif‘ or private space. By doing this, you book all berths in the compartment for you or your party.
The premium for this option was for me 70 euros. The total fare was around 120 euros. This is noticeably cheaper than the Nightjet, but it also noticeably less comfortable.
Women can also chose the option women-only.
Breakfast is not includes in the fare! You can buy this on the train itself from the coach or in advance order through the website. It cost me 7.50 euros for a hot chocolate, a carton of fruit juice and two brioches.
Honestly? It was a very sad breakfast and not worth the money.
Austere Austerlitz
The journey begins in Paris-Austerlitz, which has been under renovation for several years and the renovation do not seem to be evolving. There is only a Relay newsagent and a stand for pastries and sandwiches. There is nothing else besides pigeons fluttering around your head. There is no heated waiting room, let alone a cozy lounge or restaurant.
So don’t be there too long in advance, because you will be cold. There are some benches in the open hall with some sockets here and there if they are not vandalized. A shame for such a station where the tourists come in the evening suitcases and backpacks together.
The train itself arrives about half an hour before departure. Fortunately you can get up quickly. Ticket control is done on the platform and then you can go to your carriage.
The compartment
The train has more modernized carriages than old ones and soon all old will be a thing of the past. That is beautiful. The compartments are clean and tidy, the
outlets work and the wifi was even strong enough to have a video conversation with home.
The door can be locked from the inside with a classic door lock, no key card. There is a sticker with an emergency number on the inside of the compartment door can call or text in case of emergency or a security issue.
Each berth features a thick pillow neatly packed in a closed plastic, a sleeping bag also packed like this, bottle of water (500 cc) and a cardboard box with amenities.
The box contains an eye mask, ear plugs, a pack of paper tissues, a wet wipe and a tablet toothpaste (with a manual). The toilets in each carriage are clean and
certainly do not confirm the reputation that the French trains sometimes had.
There is no shower.
Spending the night
The train runs from Paris without stopping straight to Marseille-Blancarde, a smaller one station of the French port city to avoid the time-consuming front change at the large Marseille-Saint-Charles station.
While the train only arrives in Nice at 9.08 AM, the conductor starts his announcements at 6 AM. No more sleep, I guess.
The ride is pleasant and the noise is bearable, especially with earplugs in. Breakfast was not brought to my compartment (despite this being the promised service in first class), and I had to fetch it myself a carriage further, which resulted in spilling my hot chocolate.
The sea!
However, the view at breakfast is breathtaking and and makes up for a lot. Between Cannes and Nice, the morning sun shines wonderfully in from the Mediterranean Sea, making you immediately have a holiday feeling and you forget the cold from the north.
The atmosphere on the train is jovial, people talk to each other in the hallway and there is absolutely no sense of insecurity.
I must mention: for those who make the journey in the opposite direction, there are showers in Paris-Austerlitz. Those who arrive there in the morning can use it for free making the specific sanitary facilities for night train passengers, because this is missing on the night train.
Conclusion
The first time takes some getting used to the way things are done at SNCF and it’s a good idea to prepare your journey. Don’t come to Paris-Austerlitz too early and bring your own breakfast.
This is a creditable attempt to offer night traffic at a competitive price to nice destinations.
It is a pity that there are no more sleeping cars with at least one sink or even an en-suite bathroom in the compartment if you want something more than a place to lie down.
Jeroen in Spain and Portugal 2019
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2
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https://www.eurail.com/en/plan-your-trip/trip-ideas/trains-europe/high-speed-trains/sncf-tgv-inoui
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en
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SNCF TGV INOUI and RENFE AVE to Spain
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SNCF TGV INOUI and RENFE AVE are international high-speed trains connecting Spain and France. Find out more.
|
en
|
/etc/designs/default/favicon/favicon.ico
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Eurail
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https://www.eurail.com/en/plan-your-trip/trip-ideas/trains-europe/high-speed-trains/sncf-tgv-inoui
|
SNCF TGV INOUI trains run on the following route between France and Spain:
Paris - Barcelona
RENFE AVE trains run on the following route between France and Spain:
Lyon – Barcelona
Marseille – Madrid
Use Intercités de Nuit as an alternative route to France:
Both the night trains to Latour de Carol and Cerbère are good alternatives for the busy TGV route to Barcelona. The night train from Bayonne is a good alternative to reach San Sebastian and Bilbao via Hendaye.
Search for Paris to Latour de Carol in our timetable and find the local train to Barcelona on the Rodalies website (‘La Tor de Querol-Enveitg’).
Search for Paris to Cerbere and Cerbere to Barcelona in separate enquiries in our timetable. This train only runs daily during summer season.
Search for Paris to Hendaye in our timetable and find the local trains to San Sebastian and Bilbao on Euskotren* to Spain. RENFE trains to San Sebastian and Madrid depart from Irun, which is a 30 minute walk across the border or a 4 minute train ride by Euskotren.*
*Euskotren is not part of the Eurail network. Buy your tickets locally in Hendaye in vending machines or at the ticket desk.
SNCF TGV INOUI trains run on the following route between France and Spain:
Paris - Barcelona
RENFE AVE trains run on the following route between France and Spain:
Lyon – Barcelona
Marseille – Madrid
Use Intercités de Nuit as an alternative route to France:
Both the night trains to Latour de Carol and Cerbère are good alternatives for the busy TGV route to Barcelona. The night train from Bayonne is a good alternative to reach San Sebastian and Bilbao via Hendaye.
Search for Paris to Latour de Carol in our timetable and find the local train to Barcelona on the Rodalies website (‘La Tor de Querol-Enveitg’).
Search for Paris to Cerbere and Cerbere to Barcelona in separate enquiries in our timetable. This train only runs daily during summer season.
Search for Paris to Hendaye in our timetable and find the local trains to San Sebastian and Bilbao on Euskotren* to Spain. RENFE trains to San Sebastian and Madrid depart from Irun, which is a 30 minute walk across the border or a 4 minute train ride by Euskotren.*
*Euskotren is not part of the Eurail network. Buy your tickets locally in Hendaye in vending machines or at the ticket desk.
How to make reservations for SNCF TGV INOUI and RENFE AVE trains to Spain
You can make your reservations on the day of travel or for up to 6 months in advance for TGVs and up to a year in advance for AVEs.
Eurail reservation self-service system
TGV to Barcelona
Administration costs when booking through Eurail self-service
€ 2,- p.p. per train
Additional € 9,- per order (for paper tickets)
On other platforms
Rail Europe
TGV to Barcelona
Happyrail
RENFE AVE Barcelona-Lyon and Madrid-Marseille
Locally at the train station
The international AVEs connecting Lyon and Marseille in France with Barcelona and Madrid in Spain can only be booked at train stations in Spain.
The international TGVs connecting Paris in France with Barcelona in Spain can be booked at train stations in France
An explanation of how each booking platform works can be found here.
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2884
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dbpedia
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0
| 24
|
https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
|
en
|
HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
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[
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2016-12-29T00:00:00
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HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
|
This study analyses the costs for citizens, business, and other stakeholders of the absence of a consolidated framework for passenger rights as well as the feasibility and the merits of such a possible consolidation in a single legislative instrument. In order to assess such costs, this study analyses the current legislative instruments on passenger rights in the four modes of transport to identify any gap and inconsistency within each mode and between the modes of transport. The study then assesses the estimated types of costs relating to those gaps and inconsistencies. Finally, it identifies and analyses possible options for codification of passenger rights in a single instrument.
The Stockholm – Arlanda airport rail link is a public-private build-operate-transfer project (sometimes referred to as PPP), opened for traffic in late 1999. At the time of decision in 1993, the project was seen as a role model for funding rail infrastructure; it infused private money into the sector, with a hope of improving cost efficiency performance; it broke up the train service monopoly of the national railway company; and it opened up the sector for ideas and impulses from a new actor. The paper seeks to identify the costs and benefits of providing a private company with a monopoly franchise over one particular section of the network. It also highlights tradeoffs present in public-private partnerships and in creating facility-based competition within the railroad industry without ex ante regulation of access. Evidence indicates that losses of allocative efficiency, due to that the number of passengers is far below expectations, are substantial. Since available information abo...
Environmental concerns show that transport is responsible for almost a quarter of all greenhouse gas emissions, and it is also the fastest growing sector. Modal shift towards public transport could help slow down, or even reverse, this trend. There appear to be a number of constraints that are preventing this from happening. This paper explores the constraints to modal shift to rail transport from the perspective of cognitive work analysis, specifically the abstraction hierarchy, the contextual activity template and social organisational and cooperation analyses. Whilst these analyses may not present any new barriers, they do show how the constraints are interlinked in an explicit manner. These interrelations are important for two reasons. First, in consideration of constraint removal, one must anticipate the likely effects on the remainder of the system. Second, by linking functions and situations, new concepts of travel may be identified and explored. Practitioner Summary: The purpose of this study was to use a semi-structured approach to identifying constraints to modal shift from a variety of perspectives. It is argued that cognitive work analysis offers a new way of thinking about the modal shift problem and helps to generate new insights into potential solutions.
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dbpedia
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3
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https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/27658342/presentacian-de-powerpoint-rail-europe
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en
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Presentación de PowerPoint - Rail Europe
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Presentación de PowerPoint - Rail Europe
|
en
|
yumpu.com
|
https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/27658342/presentacian-de-powerpoint-rail-europe
|
Attention! Your ePaper is waiting for publication!
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2884
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dbpedia
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0
| 12
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Granollers_Centre_train_station
|
en
|
Category:Granollers Centre train station
|
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en
|
/static/apple-touch/commons.png
|
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Granollers_Centre_train_station
|
Granollers Centre railway station is a Rodalies de Catalunya railway station serving Granollers (Catalonia, Spain).
It is located on the Barcelona-Cerbère railway and the station serves as the northern terminus of Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2 and R8 as well as a stop for all trains on commuter line R2 Nord and regional line R11.
|
||||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 66
|
https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/9780230603172_4
|
en
|
The People of Cerbère Speak
|
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[
"Alexander Alland",
"Sonia Alland"
] |
2006-08-27T00:00:00
|
In 1996 we taped interviews with thirty-six people in Cerbère. The sample used was neither random nor stratified. Most interviews were conducted with single individuals, but there are a few exceptions to this general rule. We taped some married couples together,...
|
en
|
/oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png
|
SpringerLink
|
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230603172_4
|
In 1996 we taped interviews with thirty-six people in Cerbère. The sample used was neither random nor stratified. Most interviews were conducted with single individuals, but there are a few exceptions to this general rule. We taped some married couples together, and on three occasions, we interviewed groups of four individuals with more or less the same set of interests or social standing. I have selected nineteen of these interviews for inclusion in this chapter. Like the Portbou interviews these have been edited for continuity; furthermore, certain material, either too sensitive to include or irrelevant for this study, has been eliminated. What I have chosen to include from the tapes illustrates the general malaise felt in Cerbère concerning the well-being of the village in the future given the changes that have occurred in recent years. The interviews also provide some insight into the wide range of viewpoints in the village concerning personal identity in the context of possible Spanish, French, and Catalan identity. In Cerbère, somewhat unlike Portbou, we favored interviews with people who were associated with its stable population and who more or less saw themselves connected to Catalan culture. I do, however, include some interviews that reflect the feelings of the transient population of the village as well.
Cerbère is a theatre set because someone has decided that the frontier is really a frontier. Between Catalunya and el Rosselló [French Catalunya] there is no real frontier so the French have created a false scenic one. The urbanism of the village has been consciously created to signal the difference. Because of the absent border they have created houses with roofs that are un-Catalan and markedly French. If you go further north into France (Banyuls, Collioure) you will find typical Catalan roofs like the roofs found throughout the south. But in Cerbère they have to be different.
—Josep Pla, “How the French Established Their Identity in Cerbère.” Contraband i Altres Narracions. Barcelona: Edicions la Butxaca: III.
|
||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 89
|
https://www.pyrenees-cerdagne.com/en/le-train-jaune-english
|
en
|
The Yellow Train
|
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[
""
] | null |
[] |
2016-02-22T11:25:36+01:00
|
The "Train Jaune" - pride of the pyrenees, and a spectacular moving viewpoint!
|
en
|
https://www.pyrenees-cerdagne.com/sites/pyrenees-cerdagne/themes/theme_base/favicon.ico
|
Pyrénées Cerdagne Tourisme
|
https://www.pyrenees-cerdagne.com/en/le-train-jaune-english
|
The Yellow Train, also known as the canary due to its color, connects Villefranche-de-Conflent (427 metres altitude) to Latour-de-Carol (1232 metres) over a distance of 63 km, climbing 1200 vertical metres to Bolquère, the highest ski station in France at 1593 meters. The full journey takes three hours which will give you time to photograph the landscape of the valley of the Tet and Cerdan plateau.
|
||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 31
|
https://www.33rides.com/routes/barcelona-to-genova-by-train-overland-through-france-from-spain-to-italy
|
en
|
Barcelona to Genova by train: overland through France from Spain to Italy
|
https://lh4.googleusercontent.com/qmZO6dRwtR-M-QIUtnt9zRDq3GpYjHqC1LfGbZX3dzVA0NEFWb5cfHPeyRHFHFjqGl-S6px_ZB_PEWNOfCHMiRcVKX7O8h3gwdZo0dHFIra4gzyQhqLJvDQidgFIICb0wg=w1280
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This is a lovely train ride, mostly following the Mediterranean coast, with stops at Avignon, Nice and Monaco along the way.
|
en
|
https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/rooIqxTASE5qBp11-PTt8BtVJQYW9vAT_RF2Pl1oul_MMZSbTHwPiDqMt1xAAUX1BJyViyzFZWor_3l_EIej0VTXeeR4X8PxWYplnpbz1LmoNN8Q
|
https://www.33rides.com/routes/barcelona-to-genova-by-train-overland-through-france-from-spain-to-italy
|
Route Options, Barcelona to Italy
There are high-speed routes that make it possible to complete this journey within a day, but we decided to stick to the local "regional" trains and spread the journey over two days. (If you have time on your hands, you could easily stretch it over three or four days, because there's so much to see en route.
As usual, we had our Brompton bikes with us, which we pressed into action for a couple of stretches of the route. But you don't need bikes on this route: all the train rides join up.
So, here's how to travel by train all the way from Barcelona to Genoa (or Genova, to use its proper Italian name), via Portbou, Narbonne, Avignon, Marseille, Nice, Monaco and Ventimiglia.
Step 1: from Barcelona to Portbou
From Barcelona Sants, a dozen Rodalies de Catalunya trains run daily via Girona and Figueres to Portbou.
The earliest train leaves Barcelona at 06:16, with the last train of the day leaving at 19:16.
Interrail passes are accepted — but beware: you might have trouble getting through the automatic ticket barriers at Barcelona Sants, because they don't recognise Interrail QR codes. Head for one of the staffed ticket windows; show them your Interrail pass and they can give you a free ticket that will operate the barriers.
If you don't have an Interrail pass, a ticket to Portbou will cost you €13.50 on a Regional ("R") train, or €18.10 on the slightly faster Media Distancia ("MD") trains. Journey times are about 2 hours 15 minutes on the MD trains, 2 hours 45 minutes on the R11 trains, and 3 hours 15 minutes on the R11 trains, which take the slower coastal route via Mataró and Blanes .
Step 2: Portbou to Cerbère, Narbonne and Avignon
When you get to Portbou, you have two, or sometimes three options.
Option 1: Stay on the train straight through to Cerbère
Some (but not all) R11 regional trains continue across the border from Portbou and into France, terminating at Cerbère.
All Media Distancia and R1 regional trains to Portbou terminate there, so if you're on one of these, you'll have to pick option 2 or option 3.
Option 2: Take some time to explore Portbou, and then catch a connecting train through to France
We really recommend this.
Portbou is such a fascinating place, it's a pity to miss it.
It's worth taking 15 minutes just to take in the station itself — an enormous, grand station and train shed serving what is now something of an end-of-the-line third-string railway, but which in its heyday was a major international crossing point between France and Spain.
There's more information on our separate Portbou and Cerbère page.
Heading onwards to France from Portbou, both RENFE and SNCF run trains across the border through the Col de Belitres tunnel to Cerbère, the first French station. Trains run approximately hourly.
Spanish RENFE trains won't go any further than Cerbère, so you'll have to change again there — but this gives you the opportunity to explore Cerbère, perhaps find something to eat or (if it's a hot day) have a swim on the beach.
French SNCF TER (regional) trains will likely be heading further, so you can ride direct from Portbou at least as far as Perpignan or Narbonne, and, on a weekday, if you're lucky, straight through to Avignon. (At weekends you'll probably have to change at Narbonne for Avignon.)
Interrail passes are accepted, and no reservations are required on these regional trains.
If you don't have Interrail, a Portbou to Avignon ticket will set you back €45.70 in second class for the 4 hour 30 minute trip.
Option 3: As above, but walk or cycle over the border from Portbou to Cerbère, and catch an onward train from there
This is our favourite route: unfold the Bromptons at Portbou, head down to the beach for a quick swim if it's a hot day, and then pedal over the Col de Belitres.
There are ful details of the cycling route, and also the walking route, on the France to Spain by Train and Bike page.
It's about a 45 minute cycle-ride or an hour's walk, allowing time for a few photo-stops along the way.
|
|||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 28
|
https://en.wikipedia-on-ipfs.org/wiki/RENFE_Class_447
|
en
|
RENFE Class 447
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/RENFE_Class_447
|
The RENFE Class 447 is a class of electric multiple unit trains built by CAF, Alstom, Siemens, ABB, and Adtranz for RENFE CercanÃas, Spain's commuter railway networks. The first units entered service in 1993.
RENFE Class 447 EMU at GandÃa.
The interior of a CercanÃas Valencia RENFE Class 447.
In service1993-presentManufacturerCAF, Alstom, Siemens, ABB, AdtranzConstructed1993-2001Entered service1993Capacity702 (234 seated)Operator(s)Renfe OperadoraSpecificationsTrain length75,993 mm (249 ft 3.85 in)Width2,900 mm (9 ft 6.17 in)Height4,185 mm (13 ft 8.76 in)Doors6 per carMaximum speed120 km/h (75 mph)Weight157 t (154.5 long tons; 173.1 short tons)Power output2,400 kW or 3,218.5 hpElectric system(s)3 kV DC CatenaryCurrent collection methodPantographSafety system(s)ASFACoupling systemYesTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft521â32 in) (Iberian gauge)
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
| 70
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https://www.railway-technology.com/projects/perpignan/
|
en
|
Perpignan-Figueres
|
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2002-06-11T17:30:00+00:00
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In 2001 the French and Spanish governments agreed to create a new line between Perpignan, France and Figueres, Spain. On…
|
en
|
Railway Technology
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https://www.railway-technology.com/projects/perpignan/
|
In 2001 the French and Spanish governments agreed to create a new line between Perpignan, France and Figueres, Spain. On a near north-south axis through the Pyrenees, this would become the prime rail link between the two countries on their eastern border, supplanting the role occupied by the more easterly current main line close to the Mediterranean with the border crossing at Cerbère-Portbou.
The cross-border region has been subject to continuing traffic growth, notably for freight.
The project
The line will eventually connect an expanded French Ligne à Grande Vitesse (LGV) network to the Alta Velocidad Espñola (AVE) high-speed line being built from Barcelona to Figueres, an extension of the Madrid-Barcelona AVE opened in February 2008. As the AVE network is built to 1,435mm gauge and 25kV ac (as opposed to the main system at 1,668mm and 3,000V dc), the Perpignan-Figueres project is to form part of a standard gauge line linking the French and Spanish capitals.
As well as its role in the European high-speed network, the new line will give much shorter transit times across the border, which is constrained by the change of gauge at Portbou. Currently all through trains either pass through a gauge changer or are transhipped between wagons at the substantial rail installations shared at Cerbère-Portbou.
The line marks a departure for both LGV and AVE in that it is built with the intention of accommodating freight as well as high-speed trains. This is workable over the relatively short length and because of the lower frequencies of cross-border passenger services, which alone would not justify the line’s creation.
Apart from the consortium contribution, project funding is from the two countries and the European Community. In 2003 a 50-year concession to build and operate the Perpignan-Figueres line was won by the specially formed TP Ferro consortium, a 50/50 joint venture between Eiffage of France and Spain’s ACS-Dragados. Construction began in 2004.
Infrastructure
The capability for mixed-traffic use over the 44.4km (27.6) miles of the new route means that Perpignan-Figueres will have far less severe gradients than those of lines dedicated to high-speed trains. To contain environmental impact, the line is in part bundled with the A9 and AP7 (E15) motorways.
Needing over 60 bridges to carry the line from a junction on an existing line west from Perpignan to regaining the classic route near Figueres, the principal structure is the 8.17km (5.08 mile) twin-bore Perthus Tunnel through the Pyrenees from near Montesquieu-des-Albères to near El Llobregat. Initially projected to cost €301m, the tunnels were created in just over two years with two tunnel boring machines, Tramontane and Mistral, representing around one third of the project’s total at the outset.
Unexpected geological conditions accounted for several extra months needed for tunnel completion. Civil engineering and earthworks for open-air sections were complete by late 2007. Ballasted track is used, except for slab track in the tunnel.
Rolling stock
As Renfe standard gauge locomotives are limited to a small fleet supporting the AVE operation, locomotives from SNCF or open access operators will be the principal freight motive power, albeit not south of Figueres. Trains will switch via a flyover from left to right-hand running during the transit of the new line.
The future
The AVE extension from Barcelona via Gerona seems unlikely to be completed until 2012, thereby ruling out through running by French stock beyond Figueres.
Another incompatibility is on the French side, where the line joins an area of the French network fitted with 1,500V dc electrification, with which Spanish AVE stock is unusable. The LGV between Montpellier and Perpignan, approximately 150km, also lies well in the future beyond the Perpignan-Figueres completion.
“The project’s completion in early 2009 will create an island of 25kV ac standard gauge infrastructure.”
The manner of operation for Perpignan-Figueres is thus uncertain and will inevitably be a compromise of the project’s real potential.
One passenger service option is variable gauge Spanish stock such as the Renfe Class 120, as-yet unapproved for French operation, and continued use of the Talgo stock currently working Paris-Barcelona. Only when the line connections are fully completed will the target of around five-and-a-half hours between those cities become possible.
Freight will immediately gain from the faster routing, but continued transhipment and gauge changing will, however temporary it proves to be, negate part of the rationale for the Perpignan-Figueres project. With implications for return upon investment, the concession holders may seek renegotiation of the terms of the operating agreement.
|
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2884
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| 71
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https://www.marcieinmommyland.com/day-trips-from-barcelona-by-train/
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en
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11 Breathtaking Day Trips from Barcelona by Train
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[
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2023-03-21T16:52:17+00:00
|
Working on your Spain itinerary? Check out these easy day trips from Barcelona by train worth doing on your Spain vacation!
|
en
|
Marcie in Mommyland
|
https://www.marcieinmommyland.com/day-trips-from-barcelona-by-train/
|
Sharing is caring!
Planning a trip to Barcelona and are thinking about side trips? Keep scrolling for my list of the best day trips from Barcelona by train worth adding to your Spain itinerary!
Visiting the capital of Catalonia and want to escape the crowds by planning day trips from Barcelona by train?
It’s a great idea! Many visitors stay in Barcelona for their whole trip but there are so many beautiful places near Barcelona to explore too. Not only in the Catalan region, but also in other parts of Spain and even beyond the French border.
While day trips from Barcelona to Mallorca or other Spanish islands aren’t doable (unless you’ve got the cash to splash on a private jet!), hopping on train trips from Barcelona couldn’t be simpler.
No stressing over navigating foreign roads, rental insurance, or city traffic!
This guide lists all the best day trips from Barcelona by train, whether you’re in the mood to sip on cava in a local wine region or dive into the historic center of another bustling city.
It includes all the logistical info you need too!
Barcelona to Zaragoza Day Trip
Zaragoza is the capital city of Spain’s Aragorn region resting along the Ebro River. The jewel of Zaragoza is the Nuestra Señora del Pilar Basilica, a baroque church with many domes dedicated to the Virgin Mary.
There are lots of Moorish and Gothic buildings in Zaragoza which all make up the Mudéjar Architecture of Aragon which is a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
It’s one of the top day trips from Barcelona by train because it’s easy and not too far away. Zaragoza also looks nothing like Barcelona so despite it being a big city, you’ll definitely feel like you’re seeing another side of Spain.
How To Get From Barcelona to Zaragoza by Train
From Barcelona-Sants station, take a direct Renfe AVE service to Zaragoza-Delicias station which is approximately a 90-minute journey. Renfe is the name of Spain’s national rail service. There are around 13 trains per day that travel on this route and tickets start from €7.
Renfe’s AVANT, AVE, and EUROMED services all cater to this route which are different versions of high-speed trains but AVE trains are slightly faster.
On high-speed services, the carriage classes are Básica (2nd class) and Prémium (1st class). Sometimes, they have ‘Elige’ tickets which allow you to choose some of the perks of 1st class, but not all.
Day Trips from Barcelona to Figueres
Figueres is a small town north of Barcelona, not too far from the French border. Many travelers like to take a day trip to Figueres from Barcelona because it is the birthplace of world-renowned surrealist Salvador Dalí.
The Dalí Theatre-Museum was curated and built by the man himself and you can even visit his former home. Aside from the Dalí-related attractions, Figueres is a charming, walkable city with few crowds.
How To Get From Barcelona to Figueres by Train
From Barcelona-Sants take a direct Renfe MD train to Figueras station which takes less than two hours and departs every 30 minutes. MD (Media Distancia) high-speed trains are standard for Renfe’s regional services.
Ticket prices for this journey start from €11.10 which makes a day trip from Barcelona to Figueres perfect on a budget!
Barcelona to Cerbère, France Day Trip
Is it possible to take day trips to France from Barcelona? Absolutely! While some might suggest hopping on a train to cities like Perpignan or even Montpellier, these journeys will take over four hours.
But if you want to take day trips from Barcelona to France where you’re not spending half of the day sitting on a train, stopping by the seaside town of Cerbère is perfect. It’s just beyond the French border and has several rugged, pebbled beaches like Plage d’El Canu and Plage De Cerbère.
There’s a small harbor and a hilltop lighthouse you can hike to called Phare du Cap Cerbère. It’s not too strenuous and you’ll see beautiful views across the coastlines of both Spain and France.
How To Get From Barcelona to Cerbère by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, hop on a direct Renfe regional train service to Cervera de la Marenda which is the name of Cerbère’s local station. This train journey takes around three hours and there are approximately nine services every day. Tickets are around €48.40, so it’s better to book in advance to save money.
Day Trips from Barcelona to Girona
For travelers who are completely unsure where to go from Barcelona on a day trip, Girona is an easy recommendation. It’s one of the closest places to visit near Barcelona and it’s also absolutely gorgeous.
Girona’s Ciutat Antiga (Old Town) has patchwork-colored houses lined against the River Onyar which wouldn’t look out of place on the Italian Riviera. It has one of the best-preserved Jewish Quarters in Europe too.
How To Get From Barcelona to Girona by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, get a direct Renfe AVE, AVANT, MD, or EUROMED service to Girona station which can take 40 minutes to one hour. There are around 21 services a day for this train and tickets for this journey start from €7.
Barcelona to Ribes de Freser Day Trip
The Pyrenees mountains form a natural, mountainous border between France and Spain. This range stretches all the way from the Bay of Biscay on the west to the Mediterranean on the east coast.
Because they’re mountainous, it’s difficult to travel from Barcelona to Pyrenees by train as buses can weave between the peaks more easily. But it’s definitely doable! You can travel to the mountain town of Ribes de Freser, or get off earlier at the town of Vic if you prefer.
Ribes de Freser is a pretty town situated on the banks of three rivers with lots of hotels, restaurants, and tourist centers for hikers. There are lots of shorter walks you can do on a day trip, and the Mirador de Ribes de Freser observation deck offers an incredible panoramic view of the region.
How To Get From Barcelona to Ribes de Freser by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, take a direct Renfe Cercanías R3 service to Ribes de Freser station. These journeys take just over two hours and there’s only one service every four hours, so don’t miss it!
Cercanías services are commuter trains which means you cannot book in advance or reserve seats. You just buy them at the station before you travel! This does mean the tickets are cheaper than normal, with most costing between €2.40 – €6.95.
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Day Trips from Barcelona to Valencia
One of the best day trips from Barcelona that you can take is to Valencia. Sure, this large port city deserves a couple of days to explore it fully but one day in Valencia is far better than no days in Valencia! Plus, there are plenty of things to do in Valencia with kids!
It’s known as a city of Arts and Sciences and is the birthplace of Spain’s famous seafood dish, paella. Stroll around Valencia’s Old Town, check out the Cathedral, and don’t forget to wander through the city’s Central Market too.
How To Get From Barcelona to Valencia by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, hop on a direct Renfe Intercity service to Valencia Station North. These trains take around three hours and 30 minutes. Even better, catch a Renfe EUROMED service to Valencia Joaquín Sorolla which takes less than three hours.
Whichever train you take, book in advance to reserve a seat on an early service to make the most of your time in Valencia! There are around 11 trains that travel this route every day and tickets usually cost around €24 – €30.
Barcelona to Sitges Day Trip
If you’re looking for fun, beach day trips around Barcelona then you couldn’t choose anywhere better than Sitges. It’s a town just a little further south of the Catalan capital and offers a long stretch of beach with hotels and restaurants along the promenade.
Sitges is also famous for its fun festivals and nightlife. It’s a great place to go for Carnival if you’re traveling in February or March or Pride Festival in June!
How To Get From Barcelona to Sitges by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, take a direct Renfe Cercanías R2S service to Sitges station which only takes 40 minutes. Because these trains are Cercanías services, you cannot book them in advance but there are some regular regional services between the same stations too.
Trains travel on this route roughly every 20 minutes and tickets for regional trains start from €7.75.
Day Trips from Barcelona to Lleida
Staying in the Catalan region, Lleida is a medieval city with lots of centuries-old like La Seu Vella which is a ruined fortress on a hilltop overlooking the city.
It’s quite a small city so it’s the perfect size to explore on a one-day trip from Barcelona.
How To Get From Barcelona to Lleida by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, hop on a direct high-speed Renfe AVE or ALVIA service to Lleida station. These trains take just over an hour and there are roughly 15 services per day. Tickets start from €7.
Barcelona to Tarragona Day Trip
Tarragona is popular for travelers looking for one-day trips from Barcelona because it has so much to offer, no matter your interests.
As a former Roman colony, there are so many Ancient ruins, tombs, and walls dotted all around the city with the Roman amphitheater taking center stage.
It also has an impressive gastronomic scene and a couple of beaches too!
How To Get From Barcelona to Tarragona by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, get a direct Renfe regional service to Tarragona station which takes just over one hour with around 34 services per day. Ticket prices for this journey start from €6.80. One of the easiest day trips near Barcelona to take!
Day Trips from Barcelona to Montserrat
You won’t regret spending one day of your trip to Barcelona in Montserrat. Known by the Romans as Mons Serratus (Saw-Toothed Mountain) and by the Catalans as Montsagrat (Sacred Mountain), there’s no denying it’s a special place.
This mountain peak is where you’ll find the Benedictine monastery of Santa María de Montserrat which houses a wooden statue of the Virgin Mother and Child said to have been carved by Saint Luke.
There are countless panoramic viewpoints, churches, and hiking trails within the landscape of this mountain too.
How To Get From Barcelona to Montserrat by Train
Getting to Montserrat is a little trickier than taking some of the other Barcelona day trips, but worth it! From Barcelona-Sants, hop on a Renfe Cercanías R4 service to Martorell Central station. This journey should take about 40 minutes.
At this station, change trains to a Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya R5 service to Monistrol de Montserrat which is a 20-minute journey.
From there, you can take the funicular up to Montserrat. Despite the changes, this journey should only take about two hours in total. You can buy single tickets that will cover your entire journey from Barcelona to Montserrat for only €13.25.
Barcelona to Vilafranca del Penedès Day Trip
France has champagne, Italy has prosecco, and Spain has cava!
Not only that but it’s mostly grown in the Catalan region. It’s the most underrated and underappreciated of all the sparkling wines and you can help spread the word by spending a day in the wine region.
Vilafranca del Penedès is one of the easiest Barcelona day trips by train into the cava wine region. There are lots of wineries, like Cava Torreblanca and Família Torres, that are a quick five-minute taxi journey from the center.
Plus the city itself is beautiful and compact with so many great wine bars, you don’t even need to see the vines.
How To Get From Barcelona to Vilafranca del Penedès by Train
From Barcelona-Sants, take a direct Renfe Cercanías R4 service to Vilafranca del Penedès station. These services operate every 30 minutes and are just over one hour long. Tickets, which you can only buy at the station before you board, cost around €5 – €9.
Barcelona Day Trips by Train FAQs
Day Trips from Barcelona by Train Wrap-Up
These day trips from Barcelona, Spain by train will allow you to visit vineyards, mountain towns, other lively cities, and so much more!
Side trips from Barcelona are so easy to plan and you will have a richer, more memorable trip by exploring more of the gems that the Iberian peninsula has to offer.
Looking for more Spain travel resources? Check out my Madrid travel tips, top Barcelona family hotels, things to do in Barcelona with kids, Barcelona travel tips, tips for Mallorca, things to do in Madrid with kids, day trips from Madrid, how to plan a trip to Spain, best day trips from Benidorm, and hidden gems in Spain!
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is blocking night trains – Oui au train de nuit !
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Simultaneous demonstrations for night trains took place on July 2nd, 2022 in Lisbon, Madrid and on several Pyrenees'border stations. The demonstrators are celebrating the return of the Paris-Hendaye night train after a five-year absence. This event is an opportunity to put forward proposals to improve cross-border connections that are currently impaired by the conflict between…
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Oui au train de nuit !
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https://ouiautraindenuit.wordpress.com/2022/07/09/night-trains-to-reconnect-soon-the-iberian-peninsula-to-europe/
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Simultaneous demonstrations for night trains took place on July 2nd, 2022 in Lisbon, Madrid and on several Pyrenees’border stations. The demonstrators are celebrating the return of the Paris-Hendaye night train after a five-year absence. This event is an opportunity to put forward proposals to improve cross-border connections that are currently impaired by the conflict between railways and some EU rules.
[version en français, en español, artigo e vídeo em português]
Of the 100 million passengers travelling between France and Spain every year, less than 2% arrive by train. Indeed, between the border stations of Hendaye (France) and Irun (Spain), only 2 km apart, no passenger trains have been running for months. On the mediterrannean coast, 3 railways cross the border with some difficulties, including one High Speed Line (HSL). Because of distances of more 1000 km to European capitals, the HSL is hardly attractive, with journeys to Europe often taking more than 6 hours. Those long distances would favour night trains, but Spain removed them in 2020 and do not want to restart them rapidly. To denounce the lack of rail coherence, demonstrators coordinated between the three countries of South-West Europe for a marathon of mobilisations on July 2st, 2022.
Spain and France require to be bilingual to drive between border stations
09:17 AM – Cerbère-Portbou march with donkey
Since 1st of July of 2022, the Paris-Portbou night train can no longer enter the latter station of Portbou (Spain), and ends its route in the previous station of Cerbère (France), with no possiblity to cross the border. Mobilised on July 2nd, the Perpignan-Portbou Train Users’ Association (UTPP) proposed a new inter-border service to carry passengers’ luggage by foot and with donkey across the mountain to Portbou station, which is barely 1km away as the crow flies [photo].
Through this action day, the Catalan associations are asking for a cross-border train that serves the stations of the coast, with a real timetable coordination between RENFE and SNCF’s regional trains.
Explanation
The night train can no longer enter Portbou, because since July 1st 2022 the Spanish rail network requires a « B1 » language certificate for SNCF drivers.
A train driver explains: « For decades, a High-Speed Train (HST) driver could travel from Paris to Stuttgart without speaking German. Of course, she/he was trained for the German signalisation system. Now, a new European regulation imposes a B1 level. In the event of a signalling failure, a form is then given to the driver to be able to cross the faulty signals. Yet, railways has to negociate an exception for border stations with the national agencies have to negociate. »
A railway worker complained: « The railways have been pioneers in harmonising Europe since 1922. The International Union of Railways – UIC – guaranteed access to border stations. 100 years of experience confirmed that the most efficient way is that border station staff speak both languages, but, not the many drivers who come irregularly. Unfortunately since 2007 the UE has undermine some of the UIC rules. » (see legislation and debate on twitter).
France was the first to impose the strict regulation to border stations, as a freight driver from Portbou testifies on twitter. And in Irun, « a translator now accompanies all Spanish freight trains travelling to Hendaye. »
When questioned, the Occitania Region’s Vice-President for Transportation underlined : « We did not accept this unilateral decision of the railway safety authorities of the two countries … Thanks to the spanish training of controllers, Regional trens remain cross-border ». From Montpellier, the CGT union gave its analysis: « This is above all an economic war between SNCF and RENFE linked to the opening up to competition. »
For a railway worker in Irun « the required language level, B1, is not so hard to obtain. With a 2 or 3 month anticipation, we can train the drivers or controllers. » As Occitania Region, RENFE has trained its controllers to maintain regional trains. ADIF has also given a derogation for French trains until October 1st of 2022… but only for freight.
Once again being the last to be considered, the night train is the only train removed. The SNCF operator sent a bus to complete the last kilometre. Unfortunately the narrowness of the streets of the border village of Cerbère hardly allows the bus to reach the station. The train will always be more suitable… and it was finally a RENFE train that took the passengers to Spain.
The homologation war blocks services
09:30 AM – March from Irun to Hendaye to denounce the lack of connexions due to blockage of the homologations
The second march of the day was undertaken by the « Spanish Coordination for the Public, Social and Sustainable Train » and the Spanish railway union CCOO. They walked the 2 km between Irun and Hendaye stations to denounce the lack of connections due to blockage of the homologations:
* The new French duplex HSTs are not homologated to enter Irun, officially due to a gauge problem. For the Spanish railway workers « It’s an excuse. There is no tunnel nor obstacle. It’s rather an administrative blockage. » For the French railway workers the SNCF is also not interested in sending its HSTs far beyond Bordeaux for few passengers and prefers to shorten the ends of the lines.
* Concerning the new regional SNCF trains, Irun railway workers comment that « all the homologation stages have been completed. It was at the very last moment that there was a political blockage so that the homologation was not signed ». Today, as a consequence, no passenger trains – neither RENFE nor SNCF – can run between the two stations.
* The night train does not arrive in Irun either. A Spanish railwaywoman argued that « the night is the only one homologated to cross the border. It has been running for 40 years ! ». When questioned, the French Ministry of Transport (DGITM) and SNCF unfortunately denied this analysis: the homologation has been withdrawn because the night train was not running to Irun for 5 years. The homologation remains valid only for Portbou, as long as the train continues to run there… And beware, the Spanish Railway Safety Agency (AESF) already threatened since several month to withdraw the homologation for the night train to Portbou.
* On the other side, the french railway institutions are also blocking Renfe trains. The spanish HST are not homologated for the northern half of France: they cannot therefore enter Paris, Brussels and other European cities, although there is of course a demand from Europeans to reach Spain by train…
* Hendaye – Irun stations are only 2 km apart so it is possible to travel by foot. However, the French police have barricaded the pedestrian bridge that would make this crossing more direct and pleasant…
* Another possibility is to take the small metre-gauge « Euskotren », which is a real success with half-hourly timetables from 5.30 a.m. to 10.30 p.m., and even all night at weekends, which is what every user dreams of in France, and which is only seen abroad… Unfortunately, the Euskotren only covers 500m of French territory, which is of course insufficient to offer a real cross-border alternative to the private car. Note that the president of the Northern Basque Country wants to invest in railto reduce car congestion : 45,000 vehicles cross the border every day, more than 85% of cross-border journeys are made by car…
One freight railway worker calls the EU to solve the problem quickly and for the whole continent : « In the 20th century the UIC stipulated that trains homologated in one country could run to the border station of the neighbouring country. Unfortunately, the EU has undermined this agreement by creating national railway safety authorities that impose their decisions within the strict borders of the country. This is a no sense for cross-border railways, which are thus subject to double regulation and doble homologation. It adds layers of extra costs and that is what is killing the railways. Fortunately, this 2007 European regulation is currently being renegotiated. It is essential to ensure that it nows complies with UIC agreements. It is possible : under pressure from the DB and SNCF operators, the problem has already been solved positively for the Saarbrücken-Forbach border stations »… where it was often necessary to change locomotives twice for 6 km tracks.
Furthermore, European legislation already proposes an exemption for « networks separated from the rest of the railway system« . Yet the Spanish tracks in France (at Cerbère and Hendaye) are separate networks. They cannot be used by French trains because they are at Iberian gauge. The same separation occurs on the tracks used by French trains in Spain at Portbou and Irun. The choice not to apply the exception is therefore all the more absurd. It is apparently only motivated by the railway dispute between the public railway companies of both countries. However, this is a good opportunity to improve EU regulations, which have been seeking for years to bridge the gaps at the borders: in order for trains to be able to move more easily across the EU, the exception should not be left to the random arbitration of each Member State’s safety agencies. The European Rail Agency – ERA could generalise it to all EU border stations, in accordance with the UIC agreements.
Meanwhile, the deterioration is rapid: towards Italy, the border station of Ventimiglia no longer supplies power to the catenaries so that the Paris-Nice night train can access it. In Portugal, railway workers are also worried : « Another cancer spreading in Europe. It always worked well and safely, now we have this madness. The same thing is expected between Portugal and Spain.«
MEP Karima Delli questioned the European Commission. The Transport Commissioner replied in February 2023 that she was not aware of the UIC agreements and that she would « examine the possibilities of making the language regimes more flexible« … Senators Max Brisson and Jean Sol questioned the minister of Transport. The Mayor of Cerbère and the Occitanie Vice-President for Transport demonstrated in Cerbère.
Introduce a miminum of cooperation
10 AM – Demonstration in Hendaye, is competition both the source of blockage and the solution to everything ?
The trains are blocked. For a rail worker, the competition generates the blockage: « There was a non-aggression pact between SNCF and RENFE, which SNCF betrayed by launching the low-cost HST Ouigo in Spain. [600 million euros of French public funding is funding low fares and a level of service that Ouigo does not offer in France]. Their Elipsos cooperation has been shattered. » Now Spanish operators are eyeing the French market. RENFE or Euskotren would like to operate regional trains in New Aquitaine (Hendaye Region). In the meantime, they show no interest in unblocking traffic.
However, another strategy is possible: back in 2017, the CEO of SNCF confirmed the advantages of cooperation over competition: « between Germany and France we did not choose competition but cooperation. […] If we were in competition, that would mean that if you bought a ticket for a TGV, you could not get on an ICE, it is not exchangeable, and vice versa. We thus chose a model of cooperation and we are happy because with our German colleagues it has strengthened the links between the two companies. »
Cooperation was a widespread behaviour among the railways in the 20th century. The decline in cooperation dates back to the European regulations « 3rd and 4th railway packages » (2007 and 2016) – which put railways in competition. The hostility began in 2011, when the public companies SNCF and Trenitalia stopped their cooperation Artesia.
Already In 2016, « Oui au train de nuit » called on this subject on the European Commission – DG Move, which replied that the new regulatory tools would solve all the problems. Six years later, one question remains: how much longer will it take to finally be able to travel those 2 km by train, where the tracks and trains are already in place and only a signature is missing ?
And above all, isn’t it time to introduce a miminum of mandatory cooperation ? It would be useful to:
Create continuity between operators (rail benefit to operate as a network).
Relaunch night trains, which are fragile, cross several countries and need this cooperation.
Offer through tickets mixing night trains + day trains of all companies. This will allow in the future to travel 2000km and cross Europe.
Night trains return to South West Europe
The Iberian Peninsula benefited from some twenty night trains in 2009, running on both national and international connections. The operator RENFE has definitively dismantled all the night trains, on the occasion of the Covid crisis, despite Portugal’s opposition, which is seeking to revive the offer.
The night trains Lusitânia (Lisbon – Madrid), Sud Express (Lisbon – Hendaye) and Barcelona-Galicia have thus been dismantled, despite high occupancy rates. Portugal is isolated from the larger European rail network. Such a situation has not happened since the two World Wars.
In such desperate situations, « Oui au train de nuit » has already had the opportunity to sing « it’s only goodbye ». In fact, already, the night trains are coming back!
11 AM – the first night train arrives in Hendaye!
The new Paris-Hendaye night train approaches 500 m from the border, after 5 years of absence. This is a victory, but there is still a lot to be done.
First handicap: this night train to Hendaye only runs in the summer (like the night train Paris-Portbou which only runs on weekends and holidays). The demonstrators are asking for these 2 trains to be daily. Moreover, the time of arrival is very late (10.40am). In addition, numerous HSR works are likely to prevent traffic for the next 10 years. See the press release.
5 PM – debate in Bayonne between users, elected representatives, NGOs and railway workers
In the Basque Country, train is the subject of debate: the french Basque Country has voted against the High Speed Line project to reach the border. The EU is also reluctant to pay. Brussels seems to favour the modernisation of existing lines that are more useful for daily mobility.
This was the occasion for a debate which showed the importance of providing more funding for the conventional railroad network. This network is under-used by far: local trains could be operated at half-hourly intervals, with a wider range of hours. And to double the freight, the « rail freight highways », such as Cherbourg-Bayonne, are expensive and unsuitable. By only linking one unique depature with one destination, they abandon the territories located in between.
6 PM – Lisbon dances for the night train as an alternative to aviation
In Lisbon the Aterra collective is mobilising for alternatives to air travel [press release]. It has called for a demonstration with choreography in front of the historic Santa Apolonia station. Anne denounces Portugal’s railway isolation: « Lisbon is one of only two European capitals without any international rail links. We are completely dependent on aviation, which is the worst choice for the climate. The situation is dramatic. We want night trains to Europe and also national night trains to connect the North and South of Portugal ». [see video]
Aterra also calls for fair taxation between air and rail. It claims that a train journey should cost, at most, half the equivalent journey by plane.
7 PM – Madrid for the revival of night trains and the conventional rail network
In Madrid, the NGO Ecologistas en Acción denounces the imbalance of funding in favour of High Speed Rail, as well as the abandonment of the conventional railway network. The latter provides more social benefits with local trains, suburban trains in the regions, freight, and night and day long distance trains.
Beyond the demonstration, a joint declaration by 14 social, trade union and environmental organisations, was also proposed on July 4th, accompanied by a dossier of proposals. The action was particularly noticeable in medium-sized cities served by the night train, such as Salamanca, [press release] and Granada.
The left-wing coalition in the Spanish government has promised the return of night trains… by 2050. In 2022 it is carrying out a study (with no news about it) and at the same time authorising RENFE to cease operations and send some of its most modern night trains… to Turkey. As a reminder, Western Europe is experiencing a shortage of this type of equipment, and several operators are also looking to rent it.
8 PM – the first night train returns to Paris with a batch of demands
This long day of mobilisation ends with the night train sending a message back to Paris (and Brussels). Could such accumulations of dysfunctions take place in Paris regional trains? Or it is just an effect of over-centralism on the forgotten edges of France?
Oui au train de nuit had already occasions to denounce that the railway geography seen from Paris is overly simplified. So its proposals include night trains on a diversity of cross-country routes between regions (while actual night trains are strictly limited to connexions to Paris). Similarly Portugal’s government also denounce the excessive railway centralism in Madrid’s strategy and is calling for an real Iberian rail network, which would to be not limited to tracks to Madrid.
At present, french government is concentrating new tax revenues for infrastructure projects for Paris and the metropolises: the « Grand Paris Express » is typical of this trend – this new infrastructure plans a tax to collect at least €35bn. The South-West HSR project want to raise €14bn. Yet, these projects forget about the conventional railways for medium-sized towns and give rise to a feeling of abandonment and injustice.
In many rural areas, the Yellow Vest mouvement and then the rising scores of the Extrem Right parties have largely sounded the alarm: it is time to fix territorial divisions by funding the conventional railway at least at the same level as the big projects for the metropolises. This is especially relevant as there is a backlog of investment to be made up and more than 60% of the french population lives outside the metropolises. Spain also wants to balance those investments, but fails to achieve it.
Oui au train de nuit therefore demands :
The realisation from 2023 of the french electoral promise to build 300 new night carriages, or even raise ambition to 600 to 1200 carriages for France. The need is at least 5000 to 10000 carriages for all Europe.
A major investment plan for the french conventional rail network of at least €60bn over 10 years. SNCF CEO Jean-Pierre Farandou is asking for €100bn. Germany willl invest €86bn. The need would be at least €1000bn for conventional rail network in whole Europe. [Victory on 24 February 2023: Prime Minister pledges €100 billion over 17 years.]
Demands to the European Commission (EC), European Parliament (EP) and railway safety institutions (ERA for the EU, EPSF for France, EASF for Spain) to comply with UIC agrements on border stations, both for homologations and languages.
Demands to the EU institutions to include a mandatory cooperation between railways, for continuities at borders, for night trains and for through tickets.
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What is Sagrera's famous for?
Sagrera railway station is a major through station under construction in the Barcelona districts of Sant Andreu and Sant Martí, in Catalonia, Spain. It is intended to serve as the central station for northern and eastern Barcelona, with Sants serving as the central station for southern and western Barcelona. Together with El Prat de Llobregat and Sants, currently the only high-speed rail stations in the Barcelona area, it will be on the Madrid–Barcelona high-speed rail line. It will also be on the conventional Barcelona–Cerbère and Barcelona–Mataró–Maçanet-Massanes railways. Once fully completed, it will be a major public transport hub, with dedicated stations on Barcelona Metro lines 4 and 9/10, as well as a bus station. The complex will be fully underground excepting for the station building, with two levels of platforms, accounting for a total of 18 railway tracks.. You can find more here.
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