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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Barcelona%25E2%2580%2593Cerb%25C3%25A8re_railway
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en
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Barcelona–Cerbère railway
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The Barcelona–Cerbère railway is a 168-kilometre (104.39 mi) railway line linking Barcelona in Catalonia, Spain to Cerbère in France. It is served by the Rodalies de Catalunya commuter network, Renfe regional, MD, AVE, Avlo and Avant train services, and TGV trains. The line stars at Barcelona Sants railway station, and passes through the Catalan regional cities of Girona and Figueres before reaching the French border, and then Cerbère, just across the border. It is an important commuter and High Speed line, connecting Paris, Montpellier and Perpinyà to Spain.
|
en
|
Wikiwand
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Barcelona%E2%80%93Cerb%C3%A8re_railway
|
The Barcelona–Cerbère railway is a 168-kilometre (104.39 mi) railway line linking Barcelona in Catalonia, Spain to Cerbère in France. It is served by the Rodalies de Catalunya commuter network, Renfe regional, MD, AVE, Avlo and Avant train services, and TGV trains. The line stars at Barcelona Sants railway station, and passes through the Catalan regional cities of Girona and Figueres before reaching the French border, and then Cerbère, just across the border. It is an important commuter and High Speed line, connecting Paris, Montpellier and Perpinyà to Spain.
|
|||||
2884
|
dbpedia
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2
| 88
|
https://en.wikipedia-on-ipfs.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Spain
|
en
|
Rail transport in Spain
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[
""
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[] | null |
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Spain
|
History
The first railway line in the Iberian Peninsula was built in 1848 between Barcelona and Mataró.[4] In 1851 the Madrid-Aranjuez line was opened. In 1852 the first narrow gauge line was built; in 1863 a line reached the Portuguese border. By 1864 the Madrid-Irun line had been opened, and the French border reached.[4]
In 1900 the first line to be electrified was La Poveda-Madrid.[5]
In 1941 RENFE was created.[4]
The last steam locomotive was withdrawn in 1975, in 1986 the maximum speed on the railways was raised to 160 km/h, and in 1992 the Madrid-Seville high-speed line opened,[4] beginning the process of building a nationwide high-speed network known as AVE (Alta Velocidad España).
The current plans of the Spanish government are to finish the standard-gauge high-speed network by building new sections of track and upgrading and converting to standard gauge the existing line along the Mediterranean coast connecting the ports of Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia, Cartagena and AlmerÃa, and to link Madrid with Vigo, Santiago and A Coruña in Galicia, and to extend the Madrid-Valladolid line to Burgos and the Basque cities of Bilbao and San Sebastian and Hendaye on the French border, as well as to link Madrid with Lisbon and the port of Sines through Badajoz. Former plans by the Popular Party government under PM Aznar to link all provincial capitals with high-speed rail have been shelved as unrealistic, unaffordable, and contrary to all economic logic as no European funding would be made available for such projects.
Following the opening of the AVE network, the classic Iberian gauge railways have lost importance in inter-city travel, for example, the MadridâBarcelona railway takes over nine hours to travel between the two cities stopping at every station. With the MadridâBarcelona high-speed rail line, the longest possible journey is just three hours.[6] This has allowed the conventional lines to increase focus on regional and commuter traffic, along with freight. Some lines, including the Córdoba-Bobadilla section of the classic CórdobaâMálaga railway, have lost passenger traffic completely due to the opening of AVE serving the same destinations.
Many important mainland Spanish towns remain disconnected to the rail network, the largest being Marbella with a population of over 140,000, along with Roquetas de Mar (pop. 96,800), El Ejido (pop. 84,000), Chiclana de la Frontera (pop. 83,000) and Torrevieja (pop. 82,000). Other towns and municipalities are not on the national rail network but linked to light rail or metro systems, such as Santa Coloma de Gramanet, Barcelona (pop. 118,000); Getxo, Biscay (pop. 80,000); Torrent, Valencia (pop. 79,000); and Benidorm, Alicante (pop. 69,000).
|
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2884
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dbpedia
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3
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|
https://airporttaxis.com/airport/taxi-girona-airport/
|
en
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Girona Airport Transfers
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2022-08-17T14:04:47+00:00
|
Looking for a taxi to/from Girona Airport? Click here to book your airport transfer in Girona. ✓ Low-Cost Prices ✓Professional Drivers ✓24/7 Service
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en
|
Professional & Reliable Airport Transfers
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https://airporttaxis.com/airport/taxi-girona-airport/
|
Are you looking for a taxi from Girona Airport (GRO)?
We guarantee that we are among the most affordable, secure, efficient, and pleasant Girona airport taxi services in the area. Every day of the week and every hour of the day, our Girona airport taxi service is offered. Our drivers are reliable and punctual. They'll assist you with your luggage and never give your personal information to outside parties. Whether it's a different city, train station, significant event, city center, hotel, or Girona Airport itself, we make sure you get there with our Girona airport taxis.
Rates for airport
transfers in Girona
There are many taxi companies serving Girona airport, making it difficult to directly compare prices. However, to give you an idea, we've included a table showing the average costs for journeys between the airport and some popular destinations in the city. At our company, we believe in transparency, which is why we offer fixed fares with no hidden fees. When you book your taxi from Girona airport with us today on our website, you can be confident that you're getting a great deal. You can book a Girona taxi quickly and easily online up to 3 months in advance or on-demand.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO): Gateway to Beauty and Adventure
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO), known as GRO Airport code, serves as the gateway to beauty and adventure in the vibrant region of Catalonia, Spain.
Location and Transportation:
- Located just 12.5 kilometers (7.8 miles) southwest of Girona city and next to the small village of Vilobí d'Onyar, GRO offers access to both.
- The airport is well-connected by bus to Girona, Barcelona, and other destinations.
- Car rentals are available at the airport for those seeking independent exploration.
Facts and Figures:
- Opened in 1932, GRO has 2 runways and 4 terminals.
- In 2022, the airport handled over 5 million passengers and considerable aircraft movements.
- It serves as a hub for several airlines, including Ryanair, a major European low-cost airline.
A Perfect Blend of Relaxation and Exploration:
Girona-Costa Brava Airport caters to travelers seeking diverse experiences:
Relaxation: The Costa Brava coastline, known for its beautiful beaches and charming towns, is easily accessible from GRO.
Adventure: The majestic Pyrenees mountains, offering hiking, skiing, and other outdoor activities, are also within reach.
Culture: Girona, a historic city with medieval architecture and Jewish heritage, awaits exploration.
Additional Advantages:
- GRO is known for its shorter queues and a more relaxed atmosphere compared to larger airports.
- The airport offers a variety of amenities, including:
- Duty-free shops
- Restaurants and cafes
- Car rental services
Here are some additional facts about GRO:
- The airport has a capacity of 7 million passengers per year.
- It is home to a small cargo handling facility.
- GRO has been recognized for its efficiency, receiving awards like the "Best Airport Staff in Europe" by the Airports Council International (ACI) in 2017.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport provides a convenient and enjoyable gateway to explore the captivating beauty and diverse experiences offered by the Costa Brava region, the Pyrenees mountains, and the historic city of Girona.
Vehicle Distance (km) Travel Time (approx.) Convenience Notes Bus 12 30-40 min Most Convenient & Budget-Friendly Regular bus connections from the airport to Girona bus station. Purchase tickets online or at the airport. Taxi 12 20-30 min Convenient (Fastest) Taxis are readily available at the airport. Consider pre-booking a taxi for guaranteed service, particularly during peak travel times. More expensive option compared to the bus. Ride-sharing 12 N/A Potentially Convenient (depending on availability) Consider potential wait times and surge pricing. Train N/A N/A Not Recommended Girona Airport does not have a direct train station. Consider buses or taxis for a more efficient journey to the city center.
Notes:
- Distances are estimated via Google Maps.
- Travel times are approximate and may vary depending on traffic conditions, bus schedules, and taxi availability.
- Buses are generally considered the most convenient and budget-friendly option for traveling from Girona-Costa Brava Airport to Girona city center.
- Consider researching current fares for buses and taxis before your trip.
- If you have luggage or limited mobility, a taxi might be a more convenient option despite the higher cost.
Factor Potential Impact on Traffic Notes Time of Day * Rush hour (typically 7-9 am & 5-7 pm weekdays):** Increased traffic on access roads, especially during tourist season.
* Mid-day (10 am - 4 pm):** Generally lighter traffic.
* Evenings & Weekends:** Traffic congestion less likely, except during peak tourist season or special events. Traffic volume fluctuates throughout the day. Consider these patterns when planning arrivals and departures. Day of the Week * Weekends:** Generally lighter traffic compared to weekdays, especially during tourist season.
* Public Holidays:** Increased traffic possible, especially during national holidays in Spain or France. Weekends and holidays can see increased travel volumes, particularly during peak tourist months. Time of Year * Peak Tourist Season (Summer months - June to August):** Significantly higher traffic volume on access roads and in Girona city center.
* Shoulder Seasons (Spring & Autumn):** Moderate traffic volume.
* Off-Season (Winter months):** Generally lighter traffic. Tourist season significantly impacts traffic conditions around the airport.
Important Note:Due to limitations of publicly available real-time traffic data, this spreadsheet cannot provide specific details on traffic conditions around Girona-Costa Brava Airport. However, it offers general insights based on common travel patterns.
Notes:
- Utilize live traffic apps or websites for up-to-date information on road conditions before your trip.
- Consider carpooling or public transport options, especially during peak travel times, to reduce congestion.
- Allow extra time for airport commutes, particularly during peak seasons or times with historically higher traffic volumes.
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https://www.thetrainline.com/en-us/train-times/barcelona-to-cerbere
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en
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Barcelona to Cerbère by Train from €34
|
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Travel by train from Barcelona to Cerbère in 2h 4m. Get train times, compare prices & buy cheap train tickets ✅ for Barcelona to Cerbère today.
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en
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Trainline
|
https://www.thetrainline.com/en-us/train-times/barcelona-to-cerbere
|
If you want to travel from Barcelona to Cerbère by train, you've come to the right place.
You can expect the journey from Barcelona to Cerbère by train to take around 2 hours 37 minutes. If you want to get there as quickly as possible, it can take as little as 2 hours 4 minutes on the fastest services. You'll usually find around 5 trains per day running on this route, which spans 143 km. You'll have to make 1 change along the way on your journey to Cerbère. TGV, AVE or Avlo are the main rail operators on this route, all of which offer modern trains with plenty of space for luggage and comfortable seating.
Use our Journey Planner at the top of the page to search for cheap ticket prices and we'll show you how much you can save. Tickets from Barcelona to Cerbère start from €34.00 when you book in advance.
If you want to know more about the journey, keep reading for train schedules, tips on finding cheap tickets and FAQs, including first and last train times. Want to go straight to booking? Start a search with us today!
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https://www.instagram.com/pazalberto269/%3Flocale%3Dgb
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Instagram
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https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
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HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
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[
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2016-12-29T00:00:00
|
HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
|
This study analyses the costs for citizens, business, and other stakeholders of the absence of a consolidated framework for passenger rights as well as the feasibility and the merits of such a possible consolidation in a single legislative instrument. In order to assess such costs, this study analyses the current legislative instruments on passenger rights in the four modes of transport to identify any gap and inconsistency within each mode and between the modes of transport. The study then assesses the estimated types of costs relating to those gaps and inconsistencies. Finally, it identifies and analyses possible options for codification of passenger rights in a single instrument.
The Stockholm – Arlanda airport rail link is a public-private build-operate-transfer project (sometimes referred to as PPP), opened for traffic in late 1999. At the time of decision in 1993, the project was seen as a role model for funding rail infrastructure; it infused private money into the sector, with a hope of improving cost efficiency performance; it broke up the train service monopoly of the national railway company; and it opened up the sector for ideas and impulses from a new actor. The paper seeks to identify the costs and benefits of providing a private company with a monopoly franchise over one particular section of the network. It also highlights tradeoffs present in public-private partnerships and in creating facility-based competition within the railroad industry without ex ante regulation of access. Evidence indicates that losses of allocative efficiency, due to that the number of passengers is far below expectations, are substantial. Since available information abo...
Environmental concerns show that transport is responsible for almost a quarter of all greenhouse gas emissions, and it is also the fastest growing sector. Modal shift towards public transport could help slow down, or even reverse, this trend. There appear to be a number of constraints that are preventing this from happening. This paper explores the constraints to modal shift to rail transport from the perspective of cognitive work analysis, specifically the abstraction hierarchy, the contextual activity template and social organisational and cooperation analyses. Whilst these analyses may not present any new barriers, they do show how the constraints are interlinked in an explicit manner. These interrelations are important for two reasons. First, in consideration of constraint removal, one must anticipate the likely effects on the remainder of the system. Second, by linking functions and situations, new concepts of travel may be identified and explored. Practitioner Summary: The purpose of this study was to use a semi-structured approach to identifying constraints to modal shift from a variety of perspectives. It is argued that cognitive work analysis offers a new way of thinking about the modal shift problem and helps to generate new insights into potential solutions.
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https://www.metrodebarcelone.com/en/barcelona/transports/barcelona-trains.php
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How to get around Barcelona by train
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Suburban or regional trains, Renfe or FGC, which networks and train lines to use to discover the surroundings of Barcelona, by train.
|
en
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/images/favicon.png
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https://www.metrodebarcelone.com/en/barcelona/transports/barcelona-trains.php
|
Barcelona trains FGC lines
R5, R6, R50, R60, S1, S2, S3, S4, S8 and S9 of Barcelona train lines are part of FGC's railway network (Ferrocarils de la Generalitat de Catalunya), connects a large number of municipalities such as Manresa, Igualada, Terrassa, Castellbisbal or Sabadell with Barcelone via Plaça Espanya and Plaça Catalunya stations.
The FGC train lines also provide access to many tourist attractions such as Colonia Guell or Montserrat Abbey.
Barcelona S1 train line
Barcelona - Terrassa
The S1 line of the FGC Barcelona railway runs from the Plaça Catalunya stop, located at the foot of Barcelona's famous Ramblas and Plaça Catalunya, to the Terrassa Nacions Unides stop in the town of Terrassa, over a total of 22 stations.
Barcelona train S2 line
Barcelona - Sabadell
The S2 line of Barcelona's FGC suburban trains runs from the Plaça Catalunya stop, located at the foot of the square of the same name and the Gothic quarter, to the Sabadell Parc del Nord stop in the municipality of Sabadell, over a total of 24 stations.
Barcelona train line S3
Barcelona - Sant Vicenç dels Horts -
The S3 line of the Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat runs from Pl Espanya station in Barcelona to the Can Ros stop located in the municipality of Sant Vicenç dels Horts, on a total of 15 stations.
Barcelona S4 train line
Barcelona - Olesa de Montserrat
The Barcelona S4 suburban train line (FGC) runs from Barcelona's Pl Espanya station to the Olesa de Montserrat stop, with a total of 23 stations.
Barcelona 58 Train line
Barcelona - Martorell
on a total of 22 stations, the S8 line of the suburban train network (FGC) runs from Pl Espanya station in Barcelona to the Martorell Enllaç stop,
Barcelona S9 train line
Barcelona - Sant Vicenç dels Horts
The Ferrocarrils (FGC) S9 line follows the same route as the S8 between the Pl Espanya stations at the foot of Montjuic and the Quatre Camins stop, in a total of 16 stations.
Barcelona R5 train line R5
Barcelone - Manresa
With a total of 27 stations, the R5 line of the Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat network runs from Barcelona to Manresa from Plaça Espanya.
Barcelona R6 train line
Barcelona - Igualada
The FGC (Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat) R6 suburban train line runs from Plaça Espanya to the town of Igualada with a total of 30 stations.
Barcelona R50 train line
Barcelona - Manresa
From Plaça Espanya, the Barcelona FGC R50 train line runs from Barcelona to the municipality of Manresa in a total of 21 stations.
Barcelona R60 train line
Barcelone - Igualada
From Plaça Espanya, the R6 train line of the Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat runs to the town of Igualada on a total of 21 stations.
Essentials Pass
Public transport + visits
Combine unlimited access to public transport with your tickets for two of Barcelona's most emblematic tourist attractions.
Book now and save time !
Barcelona Renfe train lines
The lines R1, R2, R3, R4, R7, R8, R11, R12, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1, RT1, and RT2 of the Barcelona trains are part of the Rodalies de Catalunya railway network, supported by the RENFE, which links a large number of municipalities from the north to the south of Catalonia, such as Puigcerdà, Lleida, Tarragona, Portbou, Sitges, Cambrils, Castelldefels or Salou to Barcelone through Barcelona's largest train stations such as Sants or Estacio de França.
Barcelona train line R1
Molins de Rei - Maçanet-Massanes
The R1 train line, which crosses Barcelona to connect Molins de Rei and Maçanet de la Selva, runs along the north coast from Sant Adrià de Besòs to Malgrat de Mar, passing through the towns of Mataró, Arenys de Mar, Calella and Blanes, among others.
Barcelona train line R2
Castelldefels - Granollers Centre
The Renfe R2 Rodalies de Catalunya line runs from the municipality of Granollers to Castelldefels ; the R2 train line provides quick access to the heart of Barcelona from the seaside destinations of Castelldefels, Gava or Vila decans.
Barcelona R2 Nord train line
Barcelona Airport - Maçanet-Massanes
The R2 North line is the Renfe's Rodalies de Catalunya train line, which allows you to travel from Barcelona airport to the city centre of the Catalan capital to access many tourist sites such as the Passeig de Gracia and the famous Casa Batllo.
Barcelona R2 Sud train line
Barcelone - Sant Vicenç de Calders
The R2 South line of Renfe's Rodalies de Catalunya trains is the train line that allows you to travel along the southern coast from Barcelona to reach a large number of beaches from Calafell to Sitges, passing through Gava, Castelldefels or Cunit
Barcelona R3 train line R3
Barcelona - Latour-de-Carol - Enveitg
The R3 train line, the northern line of Renfe's Rodalies network, runs from L'Hospitalet de Llobregat to Latour-de-Carol - Enveitg, passing through the municipalities of Barcelona, Centelles, Vic, Ripoll and Puigcerdà, among others.
Barcelona train line R4
Sant Vicenç de Calders - Manresa
The Renfe R4 train line crosses Barcelona at the Sants, Plaça Catalunya, Arc de Triomf and Sagrera stations, connecting 28 municipalities that stretch from Sant Vicenç de Calders to Manresa.
Barcelona R7 train line
Barcelona - Cerdanyola Universitat
Between Barcelona Sant Andreu Arenal and Cerdanyola Universitat, the R7 line of the Rodalies de Catalunya network (Renfe) is a small line that consists of 7 stations extending over 15 kilometres.
Barcelona R8 train line
Martorell – Granollers Centre
Over a distance of 40 kilometres, which serves 9 stations, the R8 line of the Rodalies de Barcelona trains runs from Martorell to Granollers, via Rubi or Montmelo, without passing through Barcelona.
Barcelona R11 train line
Barcelona-Sants - Portbou / Cerbère
Over no less than 172 kilometres, 28 stations and 25 municipalities, the R11 line of the Rodalies de Catalunya network runs from Barcelona's Sants station to Cerbere, via Girona, after following the coast.
Barcelona R12 train line
Hospitalet de Llobregat - Lérida
Via Manresa, passing through the municipalities of Sant Vicenç de Calders, Terrassa or Sabadell, the R12 line serves 39 stations to connect the cities of Lerida and Hospitalet de Llobregat, through Barcelona.
Barcelona R13 train line
Barcelona - Lérida
From the Estación de Francia train station of Barcelona to the municipality of Lérida, passing through the city of Valls, the R13 train line of Renfe runs through a total of 30 stations.
Barcelona R14 train line
Barcelona - Lérida
As well as the R13 Renfe train line, the R14 line runs from Barcelona's Francia station to Lérida, with the difference that it passes through the municipality of Tarragona and Reus and serves a total of 31 stations.
Barcelona R15 train line
Barcelona - Ribarroja de Ebro
From the Estacio de Francia railway station in Barcelona, the R15 line connects the town of Ribarroja de Ebro from Barcelona via Tarragona and Reus with a total of 23 stops, including El Prat, Viladecans and Sant Vicenç de Calders
Barcelona R16 train line
Barcelona - Tortosa / Ulldecona-Alcanar-La Sénia
No less than 17 municipalities served on a 172-kilometre route between Barcelona-França station and Tortosa, passing through Tarragona, the R16 train line of Renfe's Rodalies network consists of 19 stations.
Barcelona R17 train line
Barcelona - Port Aventura
The R17 train line of the Rodalies de Catalunya network runs from França station to the PortAventura theme park along the southern coast, covering a total of 7 municipalities from Barcelona to PortAventura.
Barcelona RT2 train line
Port Aventura - L'Arboç
Over its 55-kilometre route that links the stations of Port Aventura and L'Arboç, the RT2 train line of the Rodalies de Catalunya network serves the towns of El Vendrell, Sant Vicenç de Calders, Torredembarra and Altafulla, among others.
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https://rail.cc/blog/barcelona-marseille-nice-train
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Barcelona to Marseille and Nice by Train
|
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From Barcelona to Marseille and Nice by train. Review of Interrail options, ticket prices and schedules. Journey time of 9 hours. Tickets from 80 Euro.
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The route along the Mediterranean coast from Barcelona to Marseille and Nice is very popular especially amongst Interrailers. Since the direct high speed services (TGV and AVE trains) from Barcelona to France require quite high reservation fees I always recommend travellers on a budget to travel on the old line along the coast using regional trains only. Although this will take a few hours longer you do not need to buy any reservation and get to see the beautiful landscapes along the coast. If you don't want to sit the whole day on trains there are also many beautiful cities along the way where you can break your journey: Perpignan, Montpellier, Nîmes or Avignon come to mind. On my last Interrail trip back in July I travelled from Barcelona to Nice using regional trains only. Since I was coming from Lisbon I couldn't do the trip in one day and had to stay overnight in Perpignan - however in the following blog post I will show you how to travel from Barcelona to Nice within just one day and without any reservation fees.
Barcelona - Portbou - Cerbere
The first part of the route runs from Barcelona to the French border in Cerbere. You will find direct trains across the border to Cerbere about every two hours. These trains are regional trains and do not require a seat reservation. Trains leave from Barcelona Sants and Passeig de Gracia stations in the city centre and take about 2h30 to get to Cerbere. Interesting intermediate stops are Girona and Figueres, as well as the Spanish border station of Portbou. Here, you can walk to a small beach just a few hundred metres away from the station before continuing across the border to Cerbere.
The journey is not particularly scenic, only on the last few kilometres before you reach Portbou the train runs close to the sea and you can catch some glimpses of the rocky coast of Costa Brava. The stations of Portbou and Cerbere still give a feeling of the former importance of these border crossings, where Iberian broad gauge and European standard gauge trains meet. However their days of glory are long gone nowadays, as long distance trains take the new normal gauge high-speed line. If you have time and are travelling with small luggage you could also hike from Portbou to Cerbere and cross the border on foot. The steep hike along the road will reward you with fantastic views of the surroundings.
Cerbere - Perpignan - Montpellier - Avignon - Marseille
The second leg takes you along the French coast to Marseille. From Cerbere long-distance TER (regional trains) run via Perpignan - Narbonne - Montpellier - Nimes - Avignon to Marseille about every one to two hours. There you have onward connections to Nice. Depending on the time of day you might need to change trains at an intermediate station on the way (see schedule below). Again, no reservation is needed so you can take any train and just grab a seat. Be sure to sit on the right hand side to catch the best views of the Mediterranean.
The first part of the journey takes you along the beautiful Cote Vermeille from Cerbere to Perpignan. Perpignan is a lovely small city and worth a visit - I had to make a stopover here on my journey from Lisbon to Nice. From Perpignan you can also reach the Petit Train Jaune - if you have time, travel from Barcelona to Latour de Carol instead of travelling along the coast and take the Petit Train Jaune down to Villefranche. There you have connections to Perpignan from where you can continue along the coast towards Marseille and Nice.
From Perpignan the line continues inland for a little while before probably the most beautiful part of the whole trip begins: the journey through the lagoons to Narbonne. The large and shallow lakes are a famous surf spot as the region is notorious for strong winds. Here you will find nice views on both sides of the train. About half an hour later we reach Narbonne, where there are connections to Carcassonne, Toulouse and Bordeaux. After Narbonne the trains stop at a number of interesting cities such as Beziers, Montpellier and Nîmes - all of which are useful for an intermediate stop if you want to make a break.
A last highlight on this part of the route is the stretch running in between the sea and another set of lagoons just before and after the city of Sète. Finally the train arrives in Avignon where you have connections to TER trains along the Rhone valley from Lyon to Marseille - I have already written a short blog about this connection. These TER run through the Camargue with stops in Arles and Miramas - change here if you want to make a stop at the Cote Bleue. Some trains do not call at Avignon however and travel directly from Nimes to Marseille - you can see an example in the schedule below.
Marseille - Nice
On the line from Marseille to Nice you find a handful of long distance regional trains. There are several connections in the morning and afternoon/evening, while during the day there is only one train around midday. Other trains running here (TGV and Intercités) would require a reservation but are not considerably faster so make sure to catch one of the TER trains.
On the way to Toulon the line runs more or less close to the sea, then turns inland until St Raphael, from where it follows the coast until Nice. Again the reminder to sit on the right hand side of the train to enjoy the best views. My favourite part of line is along the stunningly red rocks of the Esterel Massif between St Raphael and Cannes.
Finally the train arrives at Nice Ville station, a beautiful 19th century building. From here you have connections along the Cote d'Azur to the Italian border at Ventimiglia and on to Genoa, Milan and Rome as well as to the fantastic Tenda line through the Alps to Turin.
Timetables
Monday - Friday Saturday - Sunday Barcelona Sants 07:16 08:46 Barcelona Passeig de Gracia 07:20 08:50 Girona 08:58 10:23 Figueres 09:37 11:02 Portbou 10:03 11:26 Cerbere 10:07 10:34 11:30 12:37 Perpignan 11:14 11:19 13:19 Narbonne 12:09 14:09 Beziers 12:25 14:25 Montpellier Saint Roch 13:14 15:10 16:33 Nimes 13:51 17:03 Avignon Centre 14:23 15:17 | Arles 15:36 17:32 Miramas 15:56 17:52 Marseille St Charles 16:43 17:32 18:29 20:22 Toulon 18:20 21:14 Les Arcs Draguignan 18:56 21:51 St Raphael Valescure 19:16 22:09 Cannes 19:46 22:41 Antibes 19:59 22:52 Nice Ville 20:14 23:07
These are example timetables and show the best connections if you want to cover the whole route within one day using trains without compulsory reservation. For the full schedule, use a schedule planner or the Rail Planner App. Faster connections are available using high speed trains from Barcelona to different stations in France, however these would require a reservation whichs costs between about 10-25€ depending on the distance covered.
Daily Monday - Friday Saturday - Sunday Nice Ville 08:44 Antibes 09:06 Cannes 09:19 St Raphael Valescure 09:49 Les Arcs Draguignan 10:10 Toulon 10:51 Marseille St Charles 11:33 11:50 Miramas 12:22 Arles 12:41 Nimes 13:12 Montpellier St Roch 13:50 Beziers 14:36 Narbonne 14:57 Perpignan 15:40 17:11 Cerbere 17:50 Portbou 17:54 19:03 19:41 Figueres 19:28 20:06 Girona 20:06 20:46 Barcelona Passeig de Gracia 21:35 22:15 Barcelona Sants 21:39 22:19
Tickets
This blog is mainly aimed at Interrail and Eurail travellers.
If you are travelling with a rail pass, you can use the above mentioned regional trains without any extra seat reservations. Avoid AVE, TGV and Intercités services on this route and use regional trains only if you want to save money.
If you are travelling with regular tickets, you can buy tickets from Barcelona to Nice including the high speed trains from Barcelona to France on Omio. Tickets for the regional trains from Barcelona to Portbou and Cerbere are available locally at the stations in Barcelona, while tickets for the remaining part within France are also available online at Omio and SNCF.
I hope you found this blog useful. If you have questions regarding the route, don't hesitate to ask either directly here in the comments or in the railcc forum.
Update: December 2016
👁 37816
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https://issuu.com/revistatren/docs/tren-9-ing-issuu
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en
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TREN Magazin #9
|
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2012-12-24T00:00:00+00:00
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#9 December 2012
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Issuu
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https://issuu.com/revistatren/docs/tren-9-ing-issuu
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Welcome to Issuu’s blog: home to product news, tips, resources, interviews (and more) related to content marketing and publishing.
Here you'll find an answer to your question.
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R15_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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en
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R15 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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[
"EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki"
] |
2021-12-31T13:41:23+00:00
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en
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/favicon.ico
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EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R15_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
R15
A 448 Series train on a R15 regional service to Barcelona at Riba-roja d'Ebre in 2010.
OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona and Tarragona provincesPredecessorCa3First service1 January 2010 (as R15)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteStartRiba-roja d'Ebre[lower-alpha 1]Stops32EndBarcelona Estació de FrançaDistance travelled184 km (114 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 1–2 hLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock448 Series, 449 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 521⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R15 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to the town of Riba-roja d'Ebre, passing through the Vallès Occidental, Baix Llobregat, Garraf, Baix Penedès, Camp de Tarragona, Baix Camp and Ribera d'Ebre regions. With a total line length of 184 kilometres (114 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, along the Mediterranean coast as well as further inland.
R15 trains run primarily on the Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders railway and Reus-Caspe-Zaragoza railway, using Riba-roja d'Ebre as their southernmost terminus, and Barcelona Estació de França as its northern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R11, R13, R14, R16 and R17, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Sud as far as Sant Vicenç de Calders, and with the Tarragona commuter rail services RT2 and RT1 from Tarragona to Sant Vicenç de Calders and Reus, respectively.
History[edit]
The current line scheme of the R15 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Tarragona-Riba-roja d'Ebre were branded as Ca3 for the Catalan rail division, and 36 in the nationwide regional rail network.
Infrastructure[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R15 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R15 operates on a total line length of 184 kilometres (114 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between Reus and Riba-roja d'Ebre stations. The trains on the line call at up to 32 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[2]
From To Railway line Route number Riba-roja d'Ebre (PK 504.2) Reus (PK 579.5) Reus-Caspe-Zaragoza 210 Reus (PK 579.5) Tarragona (PK 594) Tarragona-Lleida 230 Tarragona (PK 594) Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders 600 Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6) Madrid–Barcelona 200 Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6) Madrid–Barcelona 260
List of stations[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R15 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R15 trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[3][4]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone ATM AdT ATM AdB Rod Riba-roja d'Ebre#* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Riba-roja d'Ebre — — — Flix* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Flix — — — Ascó ● — — Ascó — — — Móra la Nova* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Móra la Nova — — — Els Guiamets ● — — Els Guiamets — — — Capçanes ● — — Capçanes — — — Marçà - Falset ● — — Marçà — — — Pradell ● — — Pradell — — — Duesaigües–L'Argentera ● — — L'Argentera — — — Riudecanyes-Botarell ● — — Riudecanyes — — — Les Borges del Camp ● — — Les Borges del Camp — — — Reus#* ● R14, RT1 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Reus 1 — — Vila-seca ● R14, R16, RT1 — Vilaseca 1 — — Tarragona* ● R14, R16, R17, RT1, RT2 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Tarragona 1 — — Altafulla-Tamarit ● R14, R16, R17, RT2 — Altafulla 1 — — Torredembarra ● R14, R16, R17, RT2 — Torredembarra 1 — — Sant Vicenç de Calders ● R2 Sud, R4, R13, R14, R16, R17, RT2 — El Vendrell 2, 4 6A 6 Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Calafell — 5A 5 Segur de Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Calafell — 5A 5 Cunit ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Cunit — 5A 5 Cubelles ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Cubelles — 4A 5 Vilanova i la Geltrú ● R2 Sud, R13, R14, R16, R17 — Vilanova i la Geltrú — 4A 4 Sitges ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Sitges — 3A 4 Castelldefels ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Castelldefels — 1 2 Gavà ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Gavà — 1 2 Viladecans ● R2, R2 Sud — Viladecans — 1 2 El Prat de Llobregat* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud) El Prat de Llobregat — 1 1 Bellvitge* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud Barcelona Metro line 8, as well as Baix Llobregat Metro and other commuter rail services at Gornal station L'Hospitalet de Llobregat — 1 1 Barcelona Sants* ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R11, R12, R13, R14, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R11, R13, R14, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Estació de França#* ● R2 Sud, R13, R14, R16, R17 Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta station Barcelona — 1 1
Notes[edit]
References[edit]
[edit]
Rodalies de Catalunya official website
Schedule for the R15 (PDF format)
Official Twitter accounts by Rodalies de Catalunya for lines R15 with service status updates (tweets usually published only in Catalan)
Geographic data related to R15 at OpenStreetMap
R15 (rodalia 15) on Twitter. Unofficial Twitter account by Rodalia.info monitoring real-time information about the R16 by its users.
Information about the R15 at trenscat.cat Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
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Home
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en
|
/web/resources/fwkResponsives/common/img/favicon.ico
|
Rodalies de Catalunya
|
http://rodalies.gencat.cat/en/inici/index.html
|
Fares
The Catalan suburban railway services offers different fees depending on the customer and travel type. Find the ticket that best suits your needs.
20/07/2024 08:26h
Per obres de millora de la infraestructura que executa Adif, s'interromp el servei ferroviari entre Martorell Central i Rubí Can Vallhonrat. Servei alternatiu amb autobús. Més informació en Afectacions Programades d'aquesta web.
19/07/2024 10:11h
Del 22 de juliol al 23 d'agost, els dies laborables es modifiquen els horaris d'aquesta línia adaptant-se a la demanda de la temporada estival. Més informació en el cercador d'horaris i apartat d'Actualitat del web de Rodalies de Catalunya.
19/07/2024 10:11h
Del 22 de juliol al 23 d'agost, els dies laborables es modifiquen els horaris d'aquesta línia adaptant-se a la demanda de la temporada estival. Més informació en el cercador d'horaris i apartat d'Actualitat del web de Rodalies de Catalunya.
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
| 68
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https://nctp.eu/en/historical-context-project/
|
en
|
Historical context of the project of new crossing of the Pyrenees
|
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2017-07-05T14:43:58+00:00
|
In 1865, the idea of creating more trans-Pyrenean lines was already at the center of the debates..
|
en
|
INFORMATION WEBSITE OF THE NAFGCT/TGC-P
|
https://nctp.eu/en/historical-context-project/
|
For a long time France and Spain have only been connected by two lines at each end of the Pyrenees: that of the Mediterranean coast, which connects Cerbère with Port-Bou (Narbonne-Port Bou line in service since 1878) and the coast Atlantic, from Hendaye to Irún (line Bordeaux-Irún in operation since 1864). Compared with the other trans-Pyrenean lines, today these two lines continue to absorb most trans-Pyrenean traffic.
In 1865, the idea of creating more trans-Pyrenean lines was already at the center of the debates..
A Franco-Spanish Joint Commission had even been set up to undertake studies: between 1865 and 1904, 12 voyage possibilities were examined. Finally, after several misrepresentations, an agreement was signed in 1904 between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Ambassador of Spain in Paris, who definitively agreed on 3 routes: by the port of Somport (west), by the port of Salau and by the Puymorens (to the east). It has been called in three routes western itinerary, central itinerary and eastern itinerary respectively. The Cerdagne line, of metric width, will also appear in this history. The map below illustrates these different paths.
WESTERN TRANSPYRENEAN
As early as 1853 this Franco-Spanish communication was contemplated by the Somport port. It was designed to connect Pau with Zaragoza, passing through Olorón and Bedous (on the French side), the international station Canfranc (in Spain), and then through Jaca and Huesca (on the Spanish side).
Its construction began in 1908 with the drilling of the key work, the Somport international tunnel. The two drilling teams, French and Spanish, were found four years later, in 1912, at the end of the excavation of the 7875 meters tunnel. During World War I, although they did not stop being interrupted, the works of the international station underwent serious delays. The works on the Spanish side were carried out in parallel. The years 1926 and 1927 were dedicated to the ballasting of the tracks and to its electrification respectively.
The first train crossed the Pyrenees in July of 1928. The transpyrenean entered service after 20 years of works.
The characteristic elements of the line continue to be its strong ramps (it is the zip line with the most accent ramps of the time) and its helix tunnel to the height of Urdos, built between 1917 and 1918. The international station of Canfranc is also important, both for its dimensions and for its aesthetics. It is one of the few stations with two widths of tracks: 1,435 m for the French and 1,668 m for the Spaniards.
Between 1928 and 1970, two major wars, the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War affected the line. During the Spanish Civil War numerous disturbances took place, and the international tunnel was blocked from 1936 to 1940. In contrast, the Germans used the line during World War II although the sabotages of the caused disturbances. Between 1945 and 1948 the Francoists blocked the tunnel, cutting off international traffic.
The most important event remains the accident of March 27, 1970 occurred on the line of the French side, near Lescun. A train stops on a 35 mm ramp because of a lack of ice-induced adhesion, and it is put into braking. But a power outage leaves the convoy without braking, so that it begins to creep down the slope. He stops when one of the cars strikes the metal bridge of the Estanguet, dragging it in its fall to the river. Luckily, there was no regret for any victim. The stretch between Canfranc and the bridge of the Estanguet (towards Bedous) have not been used again.
Today, on the French side, the Pau – Bedous stretch is still being exploited. But its operation went from electric traction to thermal traction in 2008. The Pau – Olorón section was completely renewed during the second quarter of 2010, with a budget of 30 million euros. The renovation of the Olorón-Bedous section was renewed in June 2016.
In the Spanish part, at present the traffic is maintained until Canfranc, with two daily routes for passengers. In Canfranc specific facilities have been created to allow the loading of freight cars (to Spain) from trucks arriving from the French side. The section Zaragoza – Huesca has been renovated, passing to the standard track width UIC. In 2007 the new variant of Huesca, of 10.2 km, is in service, which allows to suppress six level steps. The Santa María and Peña – Anzanigo sections were renewed in 2004 and the Caldearenas – Jaca section between 2007 and 2010. Another more direct route between Huesca and Caldearenas is currently under study.
For more than 40 years, no cross-border traffic has ensured international communication due to the lack of an active cross-border rail link between Olorón and Canfranc, in spite of the numerous pressures exerted by multiple actors who claim certain openness.
CENTRAL TRANSPYRENEAN
This itinerary was never completed, neither on the French side nor on the Spanish side. It was planned that this route passed through Foix – Saint – Girons – Oust in the French part and by Sort – Tremp – Lérida in the Spanish part.
The French section Foix – Saint – Girons, with a single and normal route and 47 km in length, entered service in 1903 (the section Foix – Labastide – de – Sérou in 1902, and the rest in 1903). After World War I, the works of the Saint-Girons-Oust section were programmed. However, in the early 1930s, neither the western and eastern Pyrenean links that were in service at the time nor the economic crisis favored this central layout. In 1933, the National Economic Council decided to postpone works that would never come to an end, as the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War relegated them to oblivion. It is interesting to note that between 1914 and 1933 there was a 16 km railroad service for the tram between Oust and Aulus les Bains, with an interruption from 1915 to 1922. But this route was not part of the planned itinerary that was to arrive in Salau.
On the French side, the only section operated for commercial purposes was the Foix – Saint – Girons line, which closed to traffic in 1955. Today, this line is being transformed into a greenway (cycle route tourism and trekking).
On the Spanish side, the planned route was Lleida – Balaguer – Tremp – La Pobla de Segur – Sort and then Salau. For the same reasons as those set forth with reference to the French side, the itinerary only reached La Pobla de Segur. The Lleida-Balaguer section was inaugurated in 1924 and the section from Balaguer to Tremp in 1950. The line arrived in La Pobla de Segur on November 13, 1951. At present, there are three daily trains make the Lleida-La Pobla route.
Unlike the western Pau – Huesca link, this central link was never able to channel trans – Pyrenean traffic, since its construction never ended, and the two parts have never been communicated.
EASTERN TRANSPYRENEAN
This line, which as its name indicates is the most located to the east, must connect two metropolis, Toulouse and Barcelona. More concretely, it must cross Foix, Ax-les-Thermes, Latour-de-Carol and Puigcerdá.
On the French side, there are four characteristic stretches:
The Toulouse – Foix section: 82 km, with maximum gradients of 7 mm. The works of this section were executed quickly and the line was inaugurated the 7 of April of 1862.
The section Foix – Ax-les-Thermes: 41 km, with maximum gradients of 25 mm. The uneven relief of this section greatly slowed the works, which lasted for more than 26 years, until the inauguration of the line on April 22, 1888.
The Ax-les-Thermes – Porté-Puymorens section (the highest point of the line): 27 km which allow to pass from 701 meters to 1562 meters of altitude. This stretch includes two main factory works: the 1752 m long Saillens helical tunnel and the 5400 m long Puymorens tunnel that ends shortly after Porté-Puymorens and allows to cross the highest point of the line. After about ten years of construction work, construction of this stretch was greatly accelerated by the signing of the Franco-Spanish agreement of 1904 which fixed the three trans-Pyrenean tracts (see page 3). The declaration of public utility was signed in 1907. The works of this stretch were extended until July 22, 1929, the date of opening of this trans-Pyrenean link. The next section (Puymorens Tunnel – Latour-de-Carol – Puigcerdá) had been inaugurated a year earlier, on June 5, 1928.
The Tunnel section of Puymorens – Latour-de-Carol – Puigcerdá: 20 km, totally sloping section with gradients of 40 mm.
The station of Latour-de-Carol, in addition to being an international station, has the peculiarity of having three track gauges: the normalized, the metric of the Cerdagne line (see next page) and the width of RENFE. In addition, it has three supply voltages: 750 V by 3rd rail, 1500 V DC and Spanish 3000 V DC current.
On the Spanish side, the line actually consists of two lines that have met together into one :
The first one is the Barcelona – Vic – Ripoll – Sant-Joan de los Abadesses line. Initially, this line was built to carry charcoal from the Pyrenees to Barcelona. When approaching Barcelona, take the Granollers – Barcelona section of the Port Bou – Barcelona line. The section Granollers – Vic entered service in 1876 and the section Vic – Ripoll – Sant-Joan of the Abadesses in 1880.
The second line is that of Puigcerdá – Ripoll. As it was developed during the period of the trans-Pyrenean studies (late nineteenth century), the construction of this line to Ripoll made us think of the possibility of uniting it with a trans-Pyrenean line. The line went into operation in 1919 between Ripoll and Ribes, in 1922 between Ribes and Puigcerdá, and in 1929 between Puigcerdá and Latour-de-Carol. This stretch between Ripoll and Puigcerdá is a section of high mountain, a true succession of works of factory, among them the helix tunnel of Toses, of 3.8 km. It ascends quickly to Ribas de Freser (altitude 906 m), San Cristóbal de Toses (altitude 1408 m), and continues through the tunnel helix of Toses until arriving at La Molina (altitude 1421 m) and Urtx (altitude 1182 m) to finish in Puigcerdá.
However, this Spanish line was not as productive as expected. As a result, little by little, sections were closed. In 1980, the Ripoll – Sant-Joan de los Abadesses section (which was not part of the trans-Pyrenean line) was closed to traffic, and today it has been converted into a greenway.
It should be noted that in 1984, the Puigcerdá line was included in the Spanish government’s program which contemplated the closure of more than 913 km of Iberian gauge line, but this program did not affect the line. The section Granollers center – Franqueses del Vallès, however, closed to the traffic of travelers and today is dedicated exclusively to the transport of goods.
Although trans-shipment of passengers or goods from one train to another at Latour-de-Carol international station or at Puigcerdá station (due to the difference in gauge) is essential, this eastern trans-Pyrenean line is the only one actually crosses the mountain range today.
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dbpedia
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2
| 13
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https://www.happyrail.com/en/trains-in-europe/barcelona-to-cerbere
|
en
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ALL Cheap Train Tickets & Great Rail Tours
|
https://www.happyrail.com/favicon.ico
|
https://www.happyrail.com/favicon.ico
|
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Book cheap train tickets Barcelona Sants (Main Station) to Cerbere ✓ All prices and costs ✓ Train times ✓ Timetable ✓ Distance: 143 kilometers ✓ 12 trains per day ✓ Best price
|
/favicon.ico
| null | |||||
2884
|
dbpedia
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1
| 11
|
https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%25252c-july-26%25252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
|
en
|
2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures." (Spain)
|
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Global-Regulation Translation of "Law 11/2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures."
|
/img/favicon.png
|
https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%252c-july-26%252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
|
JOHN CARLOS I
KING OF SPAIN
To all who present it and understand it.
Sabed: That the General Courts have approved and I come to sanction the following law.
PREAMBLE
I
The Spanish economy is characterized by its dynamism as it has been shown in the spectacular development of the last decades. In that time, their integration has increased internationally, which has enabled them to benefit from increased opportunities for growth.
In this process of development, economic and financial imbalances have been accumulating. Spain has made progress in 2012 towards the correction of its vulnerabilities, implementing an economic policy strategy that pursues the transition towards a sustainable balance and laying the foundations for growth that will enable employment to be generated.
In this context, the structural reforms that have been implemented in Spain since the beginning of 2012 pursue three main objectives: firstly, to provide the Spanish economy with macroeconomic stability both in terms of public deficit and inflation as an external balance. Secondly, to achieve sound and sound financial institutions, which will enable credit to be channelled back into productive investment. Finally, to achieve a high degree of flexibility in order to adjust relative prices and wages, so as to increase the competitiveness of our economy.
From this set of actions, some of the fundamental obstacles to economic reactivation have been overcome. In any case, it is necessary to continue with the reformist effort to recover the path of economic growth and job creation.
Therefore, in order to develop the third area of the aforementioned economic policy strategy, in addition to maintaining and culminating the actions already initiated, a second generation of necessary structural reforms is begun. to grow back and create jobs.
Within the Spanish business fabric, SMEs and the self-employed stand out for their quantitative and qualitative importance. Studies show that precisely these types of companies and entrepreneurs are one of the main engines to energize the Spanish economy, given its capacity to generate employment and its potential for value creation.
However, over the last few years, these economic agents have seen a decline in economic activity and have had to develop their activity in a working, fiscal, regulatory and financial environment that has diminished their economic activity. ability to adapt to changes. In addition, they are facing a structural dependence on bank-based funding that can, in circumstances such as the current ones, limit their ability to expand.
The regulatory and institutional framework in which business activities are developed is essential to drive productivity gains and optimize resources.
Therefore, it is essential that the public authorities strengthen and facilitate the business initiative, especially in the current economic situation. It is necessary to establish an environment that promotes entrepreneurial culture, as well as the creation and development of business projects that generate jobs and added value.
Support for entrepreneurial initiative, business development and job creation is the common logic that vertebra the set of measures contained in this law.
In this sense, measures are adopted in this law, as a matter of urgency, aimed at developing the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, to encourage business financing through alternative markets, to reduce late payments in commercial transactions and, in general, promote the competitiveness of the Spanish economy.
II
Youth unemployment in Spain is a structural problem, which has been exacerbated by the crisis, and which has serious consequences for the present and future situation of young Spaniards and limits the potential growth of the Spanish economy in the long run.
During the third quarter of 2012, Spain recorded an unemployment rate of 54.1% for young people under the age of 25, compared with 23% for the EU-27, according to Eurostat data.
If we look at the breakdown of the data from the Labour Force Survey (EPA) for the fourth quarter of 2012, the unemployment rate is 74% in the population group composed of young people aged between 16 and 19, in 51.7%. among young people aged between 20 and 24, and 34.4% among young people aged between 25 and 29.
In addition to the circumstances arising from the current economic situation, there are a number of structural weaknesses that directly influence the young and the proposed employment figures, such as the high school dropout rate, which doubles the values of the EU-27; the marked polarisation of the labour market, where young people leave their studies with low qualifications and others, highly skilled, are underemployed; on the medium-grade vocational training and the low employability of young people, In particular with regard to the knowledge of foreign languages; high temporality and unwanted partial recruitment; the difficulty of access to the labour market for groups at risk of social exclusion; and the need to improve the level of self-employment and entrepreneurship among young people.
Title I develops the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy 2013-2016 that is part of the objective of promoting measures aimed at reducing youth unemployment, whether through employment or employment. through self-employment and entrepreneurship, and is the result of a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners.
In addition, it responds to the recommendations that the European Commission has made in terms of young employment and is part of the National Reform Plan launched by the Government. In this way, it is in line with the objectives of the European Youth Guarantee and develops a good part of the specific recommendations or lines of action proposed from the European Union's areas.
Its objectives are to improve the employability of young people, to increase the quality and stability of employment, to promote equal opportunities in access to the labour market and to promote entrepreneurship. And the axes on which the strategy is based are: to encourage recruitment and entrepreneurship among young people, to adapt education and training to the reality of the labour market and to reduce the rate of school leaving early.
To make this possible, the Strategy contains a number of measures aimed at encouraging the integration of young people into the labour market, either as an employed person or through entrepreneurship, which are classified according to their impact and their temporary development.
The Strategy aims to serve as a means of participation for all public and private institutions, companies and all types of organizations that want to collaborate in achieving their goals.
To do this, it has been articulated as an open instrument, which can be added to all those who want to contribute their own initiatives to meet the challenge of youth employment in any of its forms, and self-employment, and shall have a stamp or mark which may be used in recognition of their contribution.
This set of measures has been designed after a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners. Similarly, consultations have been held with the principal entities and associations of autonomous work and the social economy, among others.
In this law, a first set of measures is developed which is expected to have a positive impact in reducing the youth unemployment rate and improving quality and stability in employment.
In Chapter I of Title I measures are taken to promote entrepreneurship and self-employment among young people under the age of 30, among whom the introduction of a reduced initial quota is highlighted. the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on its own account, or the extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
In addition, Chapter II establishes a more favourable fiscal framework for the self-employed, which initiates an entrepreneurial activity with the aim of encouraging the creation of companies and reducing the tax burden during the period of the first years of the exercise of an activity.
Thus, in the area of Corporate Tax, a tax rate of 15% is set for the first € 300,000 of tax base, and 20% for the excess over that amount, applicable in the first the tax period in which the tax base of the institutions is positive and in the tax period following this.
In line with the above, in the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons, with the aim of encouraging the beginning of entrepreneurial activity, a new reduction of 20 percent is established on net yields. of the economic activity obtained by taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity, applicable in the first tax period in which the net return is positive and in the tax period following that period.
Also, in the area of the Income Tax of the Physical Persons, the limit currently applicable to the exemption of unemployment benefits in the single payment method is abolished.
Chapter III contains measures to encourage the incorporation of young people into social economy enterprises, as well as incentives for the recruitment of young people in unemployment. Among the latter, the incentives for part-time recruitment with training links, the indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs and the recruitment of trainees stand out.
In addition, the recruitment of young self-employed people over 45 years of age and the recruitment of young people to acquire a first professional experience is encouraged.
Chapter IV incorporates measures related to the improvement of work intermediation, the effectiveness of which makes it necessary to remove any obstacles that hinder the rapid coverage of the available jobs by allowing any person has knowledge of the job offers. It is therefore envisaged that the public employment services will register all the vacancies and applications for employment in the database of the Information System of the Public Services of Employment, as laid down in Law 56/2003 of 16 December 2003, of Employment, ensuring the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations, as a guarantee of transparency and market unity.
In the same line of improvement of labor intermediation, a modification of the recast text of the Law on Public Sector Contracts, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, is included in this law. allow the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, and bodies and entities dependent on them and integrated in the National Employment System, to conclude jointly Framework agreements with a view to establishing the conditions for the adjustment of service contracts which are consider appropriate in order to provide employment services to public employment services.
III
Several measures to promote business finance are articulated in Title II, which require their adoption as a matter of urgency in view of the current economic situation.
An amendment to the Regulation on the Management and Supervision of Private Insurance to collect the possibility that insurance institutions may invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Market Securities, and that such investments are considered eligible for the coverage of technical provisions.
On the same line, the pension fund and plans regulation is amended to collect the possibility that pension funds can invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Stock Market as well as in venture capital institutions, setting a specific ceiling of 3% of the fund's asset for investment in each institution.
Finally, in order to facilitate access to the non-bank financing of Spanish companies, it is necessary to lift the limitation imposed by Article 405 of the Capital Companies Act, whereby the total amount of the Companies ' emissions cannot be higher than the paid-up share capital, plus reserves. The amendment raises this limitation for investment in multilateral trading systems (in line with what is already produced with regulated markets). This flexibility will only apply in cases where emissions are directed at institutional investors to ensure adequate protection for retail investors. In this way, the development of alternative markets, articulated as multilateral trading systems, is made a substantial contribution and, in line with the ongoing projects to improve the financing of Spanish SMEs, it is facilitated the emergence of markets specialised in the trading of debt of companies.
IV
In order to alleviate the difficult economic situation that some local entities and some autonomous communities are experiencing, the government approved last year the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, for which they are determined the information and procedures required to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and which was subsequently extended to the autonomous communities by means of an agreement of the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council of 6 March 2012. In addition, a Fund for Financing of Payments to Suppliers was established, through Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March.
The aforementioned regulations established an extraordinary financing mechanism for the payment and cancellation of debts contracted with the providers of local entities and autonomous communities, which allowed the payment of debts that They had with the contractors, at the same time as it was easier for the public administrations in debt to formalize long-term loans, but with the requirement of a fiscal and financial conditionality that was concrete, among others elements, in the requirement to have adjustment plans.
By means of the provisions contained in Chapter I of Title III of this Law, a new phase of the said mechanism is established at the same time as its subjective and objective scope of application is extended and established some of the procedures required for this new phase.
In this way, the municipalities of municipalities and local entities that are located in the Basque Country and Navarre are included.
With respect to the objective scope of application, the outstanding obligations arising from: conventions, administrative concessions, management fees in which the entrusted entity is assigned are included, among others. the condition of own resources and technical service of the Administration, of the lease on immovable property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water sectors, the energy, transport and postal services, of the concession contracts of the public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector and public service management contracts, in the form of concession, in which a grant from local authorities or communities has been agreed standalone.
On the other hand, this extension may include only those outstanding obligations to contractors that are accounted for and applied to the budgets.
Section 1. of general provisions regulates the subject matter of the first chapter which is concrete in the extension of the subjective and objective areas of the financing mechanism for payment to suppliers, as well as the establishment of the required specialties.
Section 2 on provisions applicable to local authorities regulates the subjective and objective scope of application, in accordance with the above criteria, and sets out the specialties relating to the procedure for the provision of information, with particular attention to the municipalities of municipalities, and the adjustment plans.
Section 3 of the provisions applicable to the Autonomous Communities lays down the subjective and objective scope of application, the procedural specialties relating to the provision of information and the payment of invoices. necessary revision of the adjustment plans in accordance with the new concerted credit operations, as well as the way in which the outstanding debt obligations that have been affected will be cancelled.
On the other hand, the payment of contractual debts between companies, as well as between them and public administrations, and the payment deadlines are the subject of particular attention both in the European Union and in the our country. The reason for this concern is due to the negative effects that both late payment and excessively long payment periods have on employment, competitiveness and the very survival of businesses.
The fruit of the above was the adoption of Directive 2000 /35/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 June 2000 laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions, which Spain transplaced our legal order through Law 3/2004, of December 29.
While the European Union was beginning the revision of Directive 2000 /35/EC, Spain also addressed the amendment of our law, which was embodied in Law 15/2010 of 5 July, amending Law 3/2004, 29 of
Commission also took the view that the Commission was not in a position to act.
In this way, a number of measures were anticipated which were subsequently included in Directive 2011 /7/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 February 2011 laying down measures to combat late payment in the commercial operations, which came to replace the previous Directive of the year 2000. This has happened with payment deadlines, including those in the public sector.
Although the Spanish right after the proposed amendment complies, in general terms, with the new requirements of the European Union, there are certain aspects in which there is some divergence that makes the reform of the Law 3/2004 of 29 December, which is carried out in the second chapter of Title III of this Law.
Among the changes that are now being made, in the first place, is the determination of payment deadlines, which is the subject of simplification. Both the payment periods and the calculation of the payment periods are required, with the novelty of the provision of the acceptance or verification procedure, which must be regulated to prevent their use in order to delay the payment.
The forecast for payment calendars is incorporated and interest will be calculated if any of the payments will not be paid on the agreed date.
The legal rate of interest for late payment that the debtor will be obliged to pay is also reformed, which goes from seven to eight percentage points to add to the interest rate applied by the European Central Bank to its most recent main funding operation.
In the compensation for recovery costs, it is anticipated that a fixed amount of EUR 40, without the need for a prior request, will be paid to the creditor, which will be added to the one resulting from the claim that follows: by the costs incurred in order to recover the amount due. In addition, the previous limit of this compensation, which could not exceed 15% of the main debt, disappears. This allowance may include, among other things, the costs incurred by the defaulting creditor for the hiring of a lawyer or a recovery management agency.
Another novelty is precisely the inclusion of the unfair terms and, therefore, the provisions of Law 7/1998 of 13 April on general conditions of employment, which exclude compensation for recovery costs, which shall be contrary to the law, unless the debtor demonstrates that such exclusion is not abusive. And along with those clauses the foresight that the violation of this law will occur through commercial practices, which also receive the rating of abusive and will have the same regime of impeachment.
V
The current economic situation poses the need to intensify the rationalisation measures of the railway sector in order to achieve maximum efficiency in the management of services and to promote the processes of liberalisation already started.
In order to achieve the aforementioned purposes, as well as to unify the management of the state railway infrastructures, it is considered necessary to transfer to the business public entity Administrator of Railway Infrastructures (ADIF) the State-owned railway network. In this way, the railway infrastructure and stations that constitute the network of ownership of the State whose ADIF administration is entrusted, will become of ownership of this, with which the ownership of the functions of network administration for the benefit of effectiveness.
On the other hand, the Royal Decree-Law 22/2012 of 20 July, adopting measures in the field of infrastructure and railway services, provides for the restructuring of RENFE-Operadora in four commercial companies that assume the different tasks assigned to them, including the carriage of passengers and goods. In order for them to operate, according to the Law of the Railway Sector, at the moment they are actually constituted, it is necessary that they have the corresponding license of railway company, safety certificate and that they are assigned the required infrastructure capacity.
Certain amendments are also introduced in Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector. First, it is appropriate to comply with judgment 245/2012 of 18 December 2012 of the Constitutional Court in respect of the determination of the Railway Network of General Interest. The forecast of the next establishment of a catalogue of the lines and sections of the Network of General Interest to be approved by the Ministry of Public Works of the Autonomous Communities for whose territory shall run the network. As a transitional measure, as long as the establishment of the catalogue of lines and sections of the General Interest Rail Network does not occur, it shall be deemed to be composed of the lines and sections related to this law.
Also amended Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector, in relation to the progressive opening to the free competition of the rail passenger transport, within the scope of competences corresponding to the State on such transport, in accordance with the provisions of Article 149.1.21 of the Constitution. In this sense, it is considered transiently to establish a scheme of markets in which the access for the new operators will be carried out through the obtaining of the enabling titles. The Council of Ministers shall determine the number of securities to be awarded for each line or set of lines in which the service is to be provided and the granting of the enabling securities shall be carried out by the Council. Ministry of Public Works through the corresponding tender procedure.
However, passenger transport services for primarily tourist purposes (which include "tourist trains"), which are not defined in the Law of the Rail Sector and currently provided by RENFE-Operadora (and As a result of this, it is not necessary to provide services for mobility, but they are leisure services where there are no circumstances in which transitional periods may be required in the process of liberalisation.
VI
Given the current economic recession scenario and taking into account the evolution of the petroleum product prices, it is considered justified on grounds of national interest to ensure the stability of the prices of petroleum products. automotive fuels and to adopt direct measures of immediate impact on fuel prices, while allowing for a more efficient operation of this market.
The higher level of pre-tax prices of fuels in Spain with respect to Europe is consistently noted in the various monitoring reports issued by the National Energy Commission.
In addition, the National Competition Commission concludes in the various reports issued that, on the basis of a comparison of fuel prices in several countries in Europe, the behaviour of prices and margins Fuel distribution market in Spain shows signs of reduced effective competition.
In this regard, a number of measures are taken in both the wholesale and retail markets, which will allow effective competition in the sector to be increased, reducing barriers to entry to new entrants and impacting on positively on the welfare of citizens.
These measures are implemented through the timely modification of Law 34/1998, of 7 October, of the hydrocarbon sector, which establishes the basic sector framework, in particular the supply of liquid and oil hydrocarbons. Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures to Intensify Competition in Goods and Services Markets.
At the wholesale level, it is considered necessary to ensure that the efficiency of the hydrocarbon logistics allows the distribution costs to be as low as possible. For this reason, Articles 41, 43 and 109 of Law 34/1998 of 7 October 1998 are amended and the system of supervision of logistics and storage facilities which have an obligation to access third parties under conditions is deepened. transparent, objective and non-discriminatory, which will enable public administrations to properly follow the activity developed by these companies and their impact on competition in the market.
At the retail level of the sector, measures are proposed to remove administrative barriers, simplify procedures for the opening of new fuel retail facilities and measures to encourage the entry of new operators.
It facilitates the opening of service stations in commercial centers, commercial parks, technical inspection establishments of vehicles and industrial zones or polygons, deepening in the objectives set by the Royal Decree-law 6/2000 of 23 June.
In addition to the difficulties for the establishment of new service stations, the existence of exclusive retail supply contracts is considered one of the main barriers to entry and expansion of the operators in Spain alternative to the main operators. The contractual restrictions currently appearing in exclusive contracts limit competition in the sector, which is detrimental to consumers. In order to alleviate this effect, a new Article 43a is added to Law 34/1998 of 7 October to establish stricter conditions for the subscription of exclusive supply contracts and to prohibit the recommendations of the sale price to the public. The aim is to avoid economic management regimes for service stations with exclusive contracts where the retail distributor acts as a fixed discount reseller or as a commission. In these schemes, the recommended price or the maximum price are fundamental parameters in the establishment of the purchase price of the product, encouraging price alignment between standard service stations, thereby reducing the price of the product. intra-brand competition.
Likewise, and on a transitional basis, the growth in number of sales facilities for petroleum products is limited to the main operators in each province.
Royal Decree 459/2011 of 1 April, setting the mandatory targets for biofuels for the years 2011, 2012 and 2013, sets annual targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global and per year. product in that period. In order to achieve these ambitious objectives, the subjects are obliged to use significant quantities of biodiesel, as well as alternative products such as hydrobiodiesel, whose energy content is computable for the fulfilment of the (a) the above mentioned objectives and the advantage that, being a practically undifferentiated product of diesel, it meets the technical specifications in force at high mixing rates. However, these are more expensive products than the fossil fuel, which has a significant impact on the final price of diesel.
In the current economic and fuel price scenario, it is considered appropriate to revise the objectives of 2013, establishing objectives that will allow the price of fuels to be minimised and to ensure some stability to the (a) the use of biofuels, without any commitment to the achievement of the Community's objectives for 2020. The targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global, and products, are also set for the coming years.
With this same objective, a period of absence is established in such a way that compliance with the sustainability criteria set out in Article 4 of Royal Decree 1597/2011 of 4 November 2011 will not be required. However, the subjects shall submit truthful information in this respect and apply the expected mass balance system in a correct manner.
VII
This law is completed with nine additional provisions, six transitional provisions, one repeal and fifteen endings.
The additional provision first provides that the allowances and quota reductions provided for in this Act shall be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and shall be shall be supported by the Social Security revenue budget, respectively. It also establishes the actions to be carried out by the State Employment Public Service and by the General Treasury of Social Security in relation to the control of the reductions and bonuses practiced.
The second additional provision provides for the creation of an Inter-Ministerial Commission, whose composition and functions will be determined by regulation, for the monitoring and evaluation of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, and the additional third provision entrusts the Ministry of Employment and Social Security to articulate the procedure for accession to the Strategy and establishes the obligation of the Department to report regularly on the companies attached and the initiatives raised.
In addition, the fourth additional provision determines the 12-month period for the adaptation of the distribution contracts to the conditions laid down in the new Article 43a.
The fifth additional provision provides for the possibility for a temporary work company and a user to enter into making contracts.
In the sixth additional provision the tax base of the betting on sports or competition events and the bingo in the Cities with Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta and Melilla is modified. And in the seventh additional provision, Article 9 of Law 8/1991 of 25 March, which approves the tax on production, services and imports in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, is amended.
The transitional provision first provides that the measures and incentives referred to in Articles 9 to 13 of the Act shall remain in force until the unemployment rate is below 15%.
The second transitional provision, in respect of contracts of employment and pre-existing bonuses and reductions, specifies that they will continue to be governed by the rules in force at the time of their conclusion or the start of their enjoyment.
The third transitional provision refers to pre-existing contracts for late payment.
The fourth transitional provision refers to licenses that are requested for new supply facilities, which already have a municipal license for their operation. The fifth transitional provision determines that, in order to complete the new legal system introduced in Article 43.2, the wholesale operators of petroleum products with a market share of more than 30% will not be able to subscribe new exclusive distribution contracts with retail distributors engaged in the operation of the installation for the supply of fuels and fuels to vehicles, irrespective of who holds the actual right or right on the same. The sixth transitional provision provides for the beginning of the effects of changes in the field of equal treatment between women and men.
The derogating provision repeals the first transitional provision of Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures for the Intensification of Competition in Goods and Services Markets, as a result of the provisions of the provisions of the in this law.
With respect to the final provisions, it stands out, first of all, the extra character of the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, and 7/2012, of March 9.
The second final provision amends the recast text of the Law of the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, of March 24, to delete the last paragraph of article 11.1.c). The third, fourth and fifth final provisions amend Law 14/1994 of 1 June on the regulation of temporary employment undertakings, Article 3 of Law 3/2012 of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market, and Royal Decree 1529/2012 of 8 November for the development of the contract for training and learning and establishing the basis for dual vocational training, respectively, in order to authorise temporary work enterprises to conclude contracts for training and learning with workers to be made available to them user companies.
The seventh final provision amends various precepts of the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act. The amendments made to Articles 216 and 222 seek to specify the time for the payment of the interest on late payments provided for in the Directive laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions. a function of the various cases of receipt and processing of invoices, in a manner consistent with the regulation of Directive 2011 /7/EU of 16 February 2011. The amendment of the additional provision of the Law on Public Sector Contracts is excluded from the general regulation of the uses of electronic, computer and telematic means, the electronic invoices issued in the procurement procedures. To the extent that the invoice is an element associated with the performance of the contract, it is not covered by the provisions of Directive 2004 /18/EC on the use of electronic means in procurement procedures, and it seems appropriate. In the light of the fact that it has an effect on tax, banking, etc., it will provide for autonomous regulation. In the new 33rd additional provision, a new route for the submission of invoices to the administrative body with powers in the field of public accounting is articulated, in order to ensure that the administration has a exact knowledge of all the debts incurred by the performance of the contracts.
The ninth final provision amends Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers and provides that the ICO shall be responsible for the administration and administration of the funds. operations that are designed with the FFPP.
The 10th final provision amends the Royal Decree-Law 21/2012 of 13 July 2012 of liquidity measures of public administrations and in the financial field, providing that the fulfilment of the obligations arising from the Debt transactions with multilateral financial institutions, as well as those provided for in the adjustment plans, cannot be affected by the possible retentions of the resources of the financing system of the communities. standalone.
The final provision of the 13th amendment amends the Organic Law 3/2007 of 22 March for the effective equality of women and men; and the final provision fourteenth the recast text of the law of ordination and supervision of the private insurance.
TITLE I
Development measures of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy
CHAPTER I
Promoting entrepreneurship and self-employment
Article 1. Social security contribution for young workers on their own account.
One. The additional 30th text of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-fifth disposition. Reductions and bonuses to Social Security applicable to young self-employed workers.
1. In the case of self-employed persons, incorporated into the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomy as of the entry into force of the Statute of the Autonomous Work, under 30 years of age, or less than 35 years in the case of women, shall apply to the share of common contingencies which corresponds, on the basis of the contribution basis chosen and the rate of contribution applicable, in accordance with the scope of protection for which it has been chosen, reduction, during the 15 months immediately following the date of effects of the discharge, equivalent to 30% of the the fee to be applied on the minimum contribution basis applicable to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, and a bonus, within 15 months of the end of the period of reduction, of the same amount as this.
2. Alternatively to the system of allowances and reductions provided for in the preceding paragraph, self-employed persons who are less than 30 years of age and who are either initially high or who have not been in a high situation in the five years immediately preceding, from the date of effects of the discharge, in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomous, the following reductions and bonuses may be applied on the quota for common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum base of the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 30 months, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota for the 6 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A reduction equivalent to 50% of the quota for the 6 months following the period referred to in point (a).
(c) A reduction equivalent to 30% of the quota for the 3 months following the period referred to in point (b).
d) A bonus equal to 30% of the fee within 15 months of the end of the reduction period.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to self-employed persons who employ employed persons.
3. Self-employed persons who opt for the system of the previous paragraph may benefit from the allowances and reductions provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total calculation of the allowances does not exceed the maximum period of 30 monthly allowances.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the associated Cooperative Labour Party (s) who are in the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-employed Persons, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Two. The additional provision in the 11th of Law 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 of urgent measures for the reform of the system for the protection of unemployment and the improvement of occupational safety is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 11th. Reductions and allowances for Social Security contributions for persons with disabilities to be established as self-employed persons.
1. Persons with a degree of disability equal to or greater than 33%, who are initially high in the Special Scheme for Social Security of the Self-Employed or Self-Employed, shall benefit, for the five years following the date of the effects of the discharge, of a 50% reduction in the share of common contingencies resulting from the application of the minimum rate of contribution applicable at any time, including temporary incapacity, on the minimum basis of contribution.
2. Where self-employed persons with a degree of disability equal to or more than 33% are less than 35 years of age and who are initially high or have not been in a state of discharge in the immediately preceding five years, from the the date of the discharge, in the Special Scheme of Social Security of the Workers for the Own or Self-Employed, the following reductions and allowances may be applied for the share of common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum price base corresponding to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 5 years, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota during the 12 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A bonus equal to 50% of the quota for the following four years.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the self-employed persons with disabilities who employ employed persons.
3. Selfemployed persons with disabilities as referred to in the previous paragraph, who have opted for the system described therein, may, where appropriate, avail themselves of the allowances provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total computation of the same does not exceed the maximum time limit of 60 monthly payments.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the Associate Labour Cooperatives, who are in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Article 2. Possibility of reconciling the perception of unemployment benefit with self-employment when it is established by the employment promotion programs.
A new paragraph 6 is added to Article 228 of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" 6. Where a programme of promotion of employment is established for groups with a greater difficulty of insertion into the labour market, the perception of the unemployment benefit which is to be perceived by the labour market can be reconciled. own account, in which case the managing body may pay the worker the monthly amount of the benefit in the amount and duration to be determined, without including the contribution to Social Security. "
Article 3. Compatibilization by children under 30 years of the perception of unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on their own account.
In application of the provisions of Article 228 (6) of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, and as an exception to the provisions of the Article 221 of that law, the beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit which are constituted as self-employed persons, may be able to reconcile the monthly perception of the benefit corresponding to the work autonomous, for a maximum of 270 days, or for the lower time to be collected, provided that the following requirements and conditions:
(a) That the beneficiary of the contributory level unemployment benefit is under 30 years of age at the start date of the self-employed activity and has no workers in his or her capacity.
(b) The managing body is asked within 15 days to count from the date of the start of the activity on its own account, without prejudice to the fact that the right to the compatibility of the benefit takes effect from the date of start of such activity. After that period of 15 days, the worker shall not be eligible for this compatibility.
During the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the self-employed activity, the beneficiary of the benefit will not be required to comply with the obligations as a claimant of employment and those arising from the undertaking's activities provided for in Article 231 of the General Law on Social Security.
Article 4. Extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
One. The third rule is amended and a new fourth rule is introduced, passing the current fourth, which is also amended, to be the fifth, in paragraph 1 of the fourth transitional provision of Law No 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 on urgent measures for the reform of the system of protection for unemployment and improvement of occupational safety, which are worded as follows:
"3. The" 3. " rules 1. and 2. will also apply to:
(a) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit that they intend to constitute as self-employed workers and are not persons with a disability equal to or greater than 33%.
In the case of Rule 1, the one-time payment will be made for the amount corresponding to the investment required to develop the activity, including the amount of the tax charges for the start of the activity, with the ceiling of 60% of the amount of the contributory level unemployment benefit to be paid, the ceiling being 100% where the beneficiaries are young men under 30 years of age or young women under 35 years, considering the age at the date of the application.
(b) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit under the age of 30, where they capitalise the benefit to allocate up to 100% of their amount to make a contribution to the social capital of an institution a new constitution or a period of not more than 12 months prior to the transfer, provided that they carry out an occupational or occupational activity of an indefinite nature in respect of the same, and independently of the Social security in which they are framed.
For persons who perform an activity as an employed person of an indefinite nature, the activity must be maintained for a minimum of 18 months.
In this case, those persons who have maintained a prior contractual relationship with those companies, or economically dependent self-employed persons who have subscribed to the same company as such, shall not be included in this case. client a contract registered with the State Employment Public Service.
4. Young persons under 30 years of age who capitalise on unemployment benefit may also allocate the same to the costs of setting up and operating an institution, as well as the payment of the fees and the price of specific advisory, training and information services related to the activity to be undertaken.
5. The application for the payment of the contributory level unemployment benefit, as laid down in the rules 1. ª, 2. and 3. in any case shall be from the date before the date of incorporation into the cooperative or society employment, or at the start of the activity as a self-employed worker or as a partner of the business entity in the terms of the third rule, whereas such a start coincides with the date as such in the worker's application for discharge in the Social Security.
If the worker has challenged the termination of the employment relationship of the unemployment benefit, the application must be later than the corresponding procedure.
The economic effects of the payment of the requested right shall be produced from the day following that of their recognition, except where the date of commencement of the activity is earlier, in which case, the date of commencement of the that activity. "
Two. The Government may amend by royal decree as set out in paragraph One above.
Article 5. Suspension and resumption of recovery of the unemployment benefit after an activity on a self-employed basis.
The following amendments are made to the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994, of 20 June:
One. Article 212 (1) (d) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (d) While the rightholder holds an employment for an employed person of less than 12 months, or while the rightholder carries out a work for his or her own account of a duration of less than 24 months or less than Sixty months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially high in the Special Regime for the Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed or in the Special Regime of Security Social of the Sea Workers "
Two. Article 212.4 (b) is amended as follows:
" (b) Upon request of the person concerned, in the cases referred to in paragraphs (b), (c), (d) and (e) of paragraph 1, provided that the cause of suspension has been completed, which, where appropriate, constitutes a legal situation; of unemployment, or which, where appropriate, the requirement of a lack of income or the existence of family responsibilities is maintained. In the case of point (d) of paragraph 1, in the case of selfemployed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for Own or Autonomous Account or in the Special scheme for the Social Security of the Workers of the Sea, unemployment benefit may be resumed when the work on its own account is of less than 60 months.
The right to resume will be born from the end of the cause of suspension as long as it is requested within the next fifteen days, and the application will require registration as a jobseeker if the same is not has previously been carried out. In addition, the date of the application shall be deemed to have reactivated the undertaking of activity referred to in Article 231 of this Law, except in cases where the managing body requires the subscription of a new undertaking.
If the application is submitted after the deadline, the effects referred to in Article 209 (2) and in paragraph 1 (b) of Article 219 shall be produced.
In the event that the period corresponding to the paid annual leave has not been enjoyed, the provisions of Article 209 (3) of this Law shall apply. "
Three. Article 213 (1) (d) shall be worded as follows:
" (d) Realization of an employment for an employed person of a duration of 12 months or more, without prejudice to Article 210 (3), or to carry out an own-account work, for a period of equal or more (a) 24 months, or more than 60 months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed in the Special Regime of the Social Security of the Sea Workers "
Article 6. System of contributions by professional contingencies and cessation of activity.
A new third paragraph is added in the additional fiftieth-eighth provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" Protection against the contingencies of occupational accidents and occupational diseases, which includes coverage of the protection by cessation of activity, will be voluntary for the self-employed. under 30 years of age. "
CHAPTER II
Tax Incentives
Article 7. Incentives for newly created entities.
With effect for the tax periods starting from January 1, 2013, a new 19th additional provision is introduced in the recast text of the Company Tax Act, approved by the Royal Decree of the European Communities. Legislative Decree 4/2004 of 5 March, which is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 19th. Newly created entities.
1. Newly created entities, formed from 1 January 2013, which carry out economic activities shall be taxed in the first tax period in which the tax base is positive and in the following one, according to the following scale: except if, in accordance with Article 28 of this Law, they are to be taxed at a different rate than the general rate:
(a) For the taxable amount between EUR 0 and 300,000, at the rate of 15%.
b) For the remaining taxable amount, at the rate of 20 percent.
Similarly, the scale indicated in the previous paragraph will be applied, in the case of newly created cooperatives, both in respect of cooperative and extracooperative results.
When the tax period is shorter than the year, the tax base portion that will be taxed at the rate of 15 percent will be the one resulting from applying to 300,000 euros the proportion in which the number of days of the tax is tax period between 365 days, or the tax base of the tax period when it is lower.
2. Where the taxable person is applying the payment method provided for in Article 45 (3) of that law, the scale referred to in paragraph 1 above shall not apply to the quantification of the payments. fractious.
3. For the purposes of this provision, an economic activity shall not be understood as:
(a) Where economic activity has been carried out on a prior basis by other persons or entities related within the meaning of Article 16 of this Law and transmitted, by any legal title, to the entity of new creation.
(b) Where economic activity has been exercised, during the year preceding the institution's constitution, by a natural person holding a direct or indirect holding in the capital or in the own funds of the institution. new creation entity greater than 50 percent.
4. No consideration shall be given to newly established entities which are part of a group under the terms laid down in Article 42 of the Trade Code, irrespective of residence and the obligation to make annual accounts consolidated. "
Article 8. Incentives in the field of Income Tax for Physical Persons.
With effect from January 1, 2013, the following amendments are made to the Law 35/2006, of November 28, of the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons and of the partial modification of the laws of the Taxes on Societies, on the Income of Non-Residents and on Heritage:
One. Article 7 (n) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (n) The unemployment benefits recognised by the respective managing body when they are received in the single payment method set out in Royal Decree 1044/1985 of 19 June 1985 governing the payment of the unemployment benefit in its single payment method, provided that the amounts received are intended for the purposes and in the cases provided for in that standard.
This exemption will be conditional on the maintenance of the action or participation over the five-year period, in the event that the taxpayer has been integrated into working societies or associated worker cooperatives or have made a contribution to the social capital of a business entity, or to the maintenance, over the same time, of the activity, in the case of the self-employed person. '
Two. Article 14 (2) (c) is deleted.
Three. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 32, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Taxpayers who initiate the exercise of an economic activity and determine the net performance of an economic activity in accordance with the method of direct estimation may reduce the net positive return declared on the basis of the said method by 20%. the method, which has been undermined by the reductions provided for in paragraphs 1 and 2 above, in the first tax period in which it is positive and in the following tax period.
For the purposes of the preceding paragraph, an economic activity shall be deemed to be initiated if no economic activity has been exercised in the year preceding the date of commencement of the economic activity, without having consideration of those activities in which the exercise would have ceased without having achieved positive net returns since its inception.
When, after the beginning of the activity referred to in the first subparagraph, a new activity is initiated without having ceased in the exercise of the first subparagraph, the reduction provided for in this paragraph shall apply to the net income earned in the first tax period in which they are positive and in the following tax period, from the start of the first activity.
The amount of the net income referred to in this paragraph on which the reduction shall apply shall not exceed the amount of EUR 100 000 per year.
The reduction provided for in this paragraph shall not apply in the tax period in which more than 50% of the income of the same person comes from a person or entity from which the taxpayer has obtained returns from work in the year preceding the start date of the activity. "
Four. An additional 30th-eighth provision is added which is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-eighth disposition. Implementation of the 20 percent reduction by the start of an economic activity.
The provisions of Article 32 (3) of this Law shall only apply to taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity as from 1 January 2013. "
CHAPTER III
Stimulus to procurement
Article 9. Incentives for part-time recruitment with training links.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who enter into part-time contracts with a training link with unemployed young people under the age of 30, will be entitled, for a maximum of 12 months, to a reduction in the quota (a) the employer's employer, who is entitled to a contract, of 100% in the event that the contract is signed by undertakings whose staff is less than 250 persons, or 75% of the contract, in the case of that the contracting company has a template equal to or greater than that number.
This incentive may be extended for a further 12 months, provided that the worker continues to reconcile employment with the training, or has completed it in the six months prior to the end of the period referred to in the previous paragraph.
2. Workers must meet any of the following requirements:
a) Do not have work experience or is less than three months.
b) Proceed from another sector of activity, in terms that are determined to be regulated.
(c) Be unemployed and be registered uninterruptedly in the employment office for at least twelve months during the eighteen months prior to employment.
(d) Official compulsory education certificate, professional training certificate or certificate of professional qualification.
3. Workers must make use of the training compatible with training or justify having completed them within six months of the contract being concluded.
Training, not having to be specifically linked to the job object of the contract, may be:
a) Official creditable training or promoted by public employment services.
b) Training in languages or information technologies and communication of a minimum duration of 90 hours in annual computation.
4. For the purposes of this measure, the contract may be concluded for an indefinite period or for a fixed duration, in accordance with the provisions of the recast of the Law on the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, March 24.
The agreed working day may not exceed 50 percent of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
5. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
6. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking must maintain the level of employment achieved with the contract referred to in this Article for at least a period equivalent to the duration of the contract with a maximum of 12 months from its date of celebration. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
7. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
8. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as provided for in Article 2.7 of this Article. and 6.2.
Article 10. Indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who hire an unemployed young person under the age of 30 indefinitely, in full or in part, will be entitled to a 100 percent reduction in the business share of the company. Social for common contingencies corresponding to the contract worker during the first year of the contract, in the terms listed in the following paragraphs.
To be eligible for this measure, companies, including self-employed workers, must meet the following requirements:
a) Having, at the time of the conclusion of the contract, a template equal to or less than nine workers.
b) Not having any prior labor ties with the worker.
(c) Not having adopted, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
(d) Not having previously concluded another contract in accordance with this Article, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
2. This article does not apply to the following assumptions:
(a) When the contract is made pursuant to Article 4 of Law 3/2012, of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market.
b) When the contract is for discontinuous fixed work, in accordance with Article 15.8 of the Workers ' Statute.
(c) In the case of indefinite contracts included in Article 2 of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006.
3. The benefits referred to in paragraph 1 shall apply only in respect of a contract, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
4. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the employer must keep the employed worker at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons not attributable to the employer or to the employer. resolution during the test period.
You must also maintain the level of employment in the company reached with the contract referred to in this article for at least one year from the conclusion of the contract. In the event of non-compliance with these obligations, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The prior employment maintenance obligations referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated by objective reasons or by disciplinary dismissal when one or the other is declared or recognized as originating, or the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the agreed time or performance of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the trial period.
5. In the cases referred to in the last indent of the first subparagraph of paragraph 4, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total reduction period may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 thereof.
Article 11. Incentives for recruitment in new young entrepreneurship projects.
1. They shall be entitled to a reduction of 100 per cent of all business quotas for social security, including those for occupational accidents and occupational diseases and joint collection fees, for the 12 months following the end of the year. recruitment, self-employed persons under the age of 30, and without salaried workers, who, as of 24 February 2013, recruit for the first time, indefinitely, by means of a full-time or part-time employment contract, Unemployed persons aged 40 and over five years old, registered without interruption as unemployed at the employment office for at least 12 months in the 18 months preceding the recruitment or who are beneficiaries of the programme for the retraining of persons who have exhausted their unemployment protection.
2. For the purposes of applying the benefits referred to in this Article, the employed worker must be kept in employment for at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons other than imputable to the employer or by resolution during the probationary period. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
3. In the cases referred to in paragraph 2, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total period of application of the reduction may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
4. In the event that the recruitment of a worker could lead to the application of other allowances or reductions in social security contributions, only one of them may be applied, with the option of the beneficiary in the time to formalize the worker's discharge in Social Security.
5. As provided for in this provision, it shall apply as set out in Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment, with the exception of Article 2.7.
Article 12. First young job.
1. In order to encourage the acquisition of a first professional experience, companies may enter into temporary contracts with unemployed young people under the age of 30 who have no work experience or who are less than three months old.
2. These contracts shall be governed by Article 15 (1) (b) of the Staff Regulations and their implementing rules, with the exception of the following:
(a) The acquisition of a first professional experience shall be considered to be the cause of the contract.
(b) The minimum duration of the contract shall be three months.
(c) The maximum duration of the contract shall be six months, unless a higher duration is established by a collective state collective agreement or, failing that, by a sectoral collective agreement at a lower level, without in any case the duration may exceed 12 months.
In the event that the contract has been concluded for a duration less than the legal or conventionally established maximum, it may be extended by agreement of the parties, for one only time, without the total duration of the contract may exceed that maximum duration.
(d) The contract must be completed on a full-time or part-time basis, provided that, in the latter case, the day is more than 75% of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
3. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
In the case of work contracts concluded with workers to be made available to user companies, the limitation set out in the preceding paragraph shall in any case be understood as referring to the user undertaking.
4. Companies, including self-employed workers, who, after a period of at least three months after their conclusion, transform into indefinite contracts the contracts referred to in this Article shall be entitled to a subsidy in the quotas Social security of 41.67 euros/month (500 euro/year), for three years, provided that the agreed working day is at least 50 percent of that corresponding to a comparable full-time worker. If the contract was concluded with a woman, the processing allowance shall be EUR 58,33 per month (EUR 700/year).
In the case of workers hired under this article and made available to user companies, they shall be entitled to the same bonus, under the conditions set out in the preceding paragraph, when, without (a) a continuity solution, a contract of employment for an indefinite period of time with such workers, provided that a minimum period of three months has elapsed since the conclusion of the initial contract.
In the case referred to in the preceding paragraph, the obligation laid down in paragraph 5 of this Article shall in any event be construed as referring to the user undertaking.
5. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking shall maintain the level of employment achieved with the conversion referred to in this Article for at least 12 months. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 of this Article.
Article 13. Incentives for contracts in practice.
1. Without prejudice to Article 11 (1) of the Staff Regulations, contracts may be concluded with young people under the age of 30, even if five or more years have elapsed since the completion of the corresponding studies.
2. Companies, including self-employed workers, who have a contract in practice with a child under the age of 30, will be entitled to a 50 percent reduction in the business share to the Social Security for common contingencies. corresponding to the contract worker for the duration of the contract.
In the cases in which, in accordance with the provisions of Royal Decree 1543/2011 of 31 October 2011 governing non-employment practices in companies, the worker was carrying out such non-employment practices in the the time of the consultation of the contract of work in practice, the reduction of quotas will be 75 percent.
3. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
4. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006, except as provided for in Article 2.7, shall apply as regards incentives.
Article 14. Incentives for the incorporation of young people into social economy entities.
1. The following bonuses applicable to social economy entities are incorporated:
(a) Bonifications in the business quotas of Social Security for three years, the amount of which shall be EUR 66,67 per month (EUR 800/year), applicable to cooperatives or working companies incorporating workers unemployed under 30 years as working or working partners. In the case of cooperatives, the allowances shall apply where they have opted for a social security scheme of their own for employed persons, in the terms of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June.
(b) Bonifications in the social security contributions applicable to the insertion undertakings in the case of contracts of employment concluded with persons under 30 years of age in situations of social exclusion included in the article 2 of Law 44/2007, of 13 December, for the regulation of the regime of the enterprises of insertion, of 137,50 euros/month (1,650 euros/year) for the entire duration of the contract or for three years, in case of indefinite hiring. These allowances shall not be compatible with those provided for in Article 16.3 (a) of Law 44/2007 of 13 December.
2. In relation to paragraph 1.a), the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as set out in Article 6.2 thereof.
As provided for in paragraph 1 (b), the provisions of Section I of Title I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 on the improvement of growth and employment as regards the requirements to be met shall apply. beneficiaries, exclusions in the application of the bonuses, maximum amount, incompatibilities or reimbursement of benefits.
CHAPTER IV
Enhancement of intermediation
Article 15. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
A new 32nd additional provision is added to the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, in the following terms:
" Additional 30th Disposition. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
The Directorate General of the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, as well as the entities and agencies that are dependent on them and integrated into the National System of Employment, may conclude framework agreements with one or more employers in order to fix the conditions to which all contracts for services of homogeneous characteristics as defined in the conventions to which it refers are to be adjusted the following paragraph to facilitate the employment services of the Public Employment Services and which are intended to be awarded for a specified period, provided that the use of these instruments is not done in an abusive manner or in such a way that competition is impeded, restricted or distorted.
This joint conclusion of framework agreements will be carried out in accordance with the provisions of Chapter II of Title II of book III and after the adoption of the relevant collaboration agreement between the Public Employment Service State and Autonomous Communities or entities and bodies dependent on them and integrated into the National Employment System.
These contracts may not be the subject of a framework contract for work intermediation which may be provided for in the procedures for the selection of temporary work staff by public administrations, and to be carried out exclusively and directly by the relevant public employment services. '
Article 16. Common database of offers, job demands and training opportunities.
The following amendments are introduced in Law 56/2003, of 16 December, of Employment:
One. Article 8 (2) (b) is worded as follows:
" b) The existence of a common database, the Single Employment Portal, enabling the dissemination of the offers, job demands and training opportunities existing throughout the territory of the State, as well as in the rest of the Countries of the European Economic Area, respecting the provisions of the Organic Law 15/1999 of 13 December on the Protection of Personal Data.
To do this, public employment services will record all job offers and demands in the Public Employment Services Information System databases. The State Employment Public Service shall ensure the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations as a guarantee of transparency and market unity. "
Two. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 14 and renumbered the current paragraph 3, which becomes the number 4, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Prior to the release of funds within the Sectoral Conference on Employment and Labour Affairs, it is intended to enable the functions of labour intermediation, without territorial barriers, in the terms of point (c) of the Article 7a of this law, the State Employment Public Service shall check compliance by the public employment services as laid down in Article 8 (2) (b).
If the State Employment Public Service detected the non-compliance with this obligation by some autonomous community, it will not proceed to the payment of the amounts due as long as this situation is not remedied. For these purposes, the State Employment Public Service shall communicate to the Autonomous Communities that the need to remedy the detected non-compliance is in this situation. "
TITLE II
Business Finance Promotion Measures
Article 17. Amendment of the Regulation on the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November 1998.
The regulation for the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November, is amended as follows:
One. A sub-paragraph (c) is added to Article 50.5, with the following wording:
"(c) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. The sixth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" Investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), together with the shares and participation in collective investment investment institutions or in institutions for collective investment of collective investment investment institutions as referred to in Article 50 (2). holdings in companies and venture capital funds referred to in paragraph 5.a.3. of Article 50 and investment in securities or rights negotiated in the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by means of a royal decree, may not be computed by an amount greater than 10 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to cover. In the case of reinsurers and only for investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) this limit shall be 30 per 100. "
Three. The eighth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" The set of shares and units in a collective investment investment institution or in a collective investment institution of collective investment investment institutions, to which it refers Article 50 (2) (2) of this Regulation, or of shares and units in a company or venture capital fund referred to in Article 50 (3) (3), may not be counted for an amount exceeding 5 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to be covered. Investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution and in securities or rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is realized by real A decree issued by a single entity shall not, together, exceed 3% of the technical provisions to be covered. The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent when the investment in shares and units issued by the venture capital institutions and in securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral system (a) to be concluded by means of a royal decree issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group. "
Article 18. Amendment to the Regulation on pension schemes and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004.
The Regulation on pension plans and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004, is amended as follows:
One. A point (d) is added to Article 70.9 with the following wording:
"(d) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. Article 72 (b) is worded as follows:
" (b) Investment in securities or financial instruments issued by a single entity, plus the credits granted to it or endorsed or guaranteed by the same entity, shall not exceed 5 percent of the pension fund's asset.
However, the above limit will be 10 percent for each issuing, borrowing or guarantor entity, provided that the fund does not invest more than 40 percent of the asset in entities in which 5 percent of the asset is exceeded. background.
The fund will be able to invest in several companies in the same group and cannot exceed the total investment in the group 10 percent of the fund's asset.
No pension fund may have invested more than 2% of its assets in securities or financial instruments not admitted to trading on regulated markets or in securities or financial instruments which, while admitted to trading on regulated markets are not susceptible to widespread and impersonal traffic, where they are issued or endorsed by the same entity. The above limit shall be 4% for those securities or financial instruments where they are issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, the investment in securities or rights issued by the same entity traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree, as well as the investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution may reach 3% of the pension fund asset.
The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent for those securities or other financial instruments when issued by entities belonging to the same group.
They shall not be subject to the limits provided for in this point (b) deposits in credit institutions, without prejudice to the application of the joint limit referred to in point (f) of this Article. "
Article 19. Amendment of the Law 24/1988, of July 28, of the Stock Market.
Law 24/1988 of 28 July of the Stock Market is amended as follows:
One. A new wording is given to Article 30b, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30b. A regime for the issuance of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt that is the subject of a public offering for sale or admission to trading on an official secondary market and with the obligation to publish a prospectus.
1. The provisions of this Article shall apply to all issues of bond or other securities which recognise or create debt whenever they are to be the subject of a public offer for sale or admission to trading on a secondary market. official and in respect of which it is required to draw up a prospectus which is subject to approval and registration by the National Securities Market Commission in the terms laid down in the previous chapter.
Also, they shall be understood to be included in the preceding paragraph and provided that they comply with the provisions of the preceding paragraph, the issuance of bonds or other securities that recognize or create debt as provided for in Title XI of the recast text of the Capital Companies Act approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/2010 of 2 July. This Article shall also apply to the issuance of obligations laid down in Law 211/1964 of 24 December 2001 regulating the issuance of obligations by companies which have not adopted the form of anonymous or otherwise associations or other legal persons, and the constitution of the bond-holders ' union.
They shall not have the consideration of obligations or other securities that recognize or debt the equity securities referred to in the second paragraph of Article 26.2 of this Act, such as the convertible debentures in actions provided that they are issued by the issuer of the underlying shares or by an entity belonging to the issuer group.
2. The public deed requirement for the issue of the securities referred to in this Article shall not be required.
The disclosure of all securities issues referred to in this article shall be governed by the provisions of this law and its development provisions, and the registration of the issuance or of the securities shall not be required. the other acts relating to it in the Trade Register or its publication in the Official Gazette of the Trade Register.
3. The conditions of each issue, as well as the issuer's ability to formalize them, when they have not been regulated by law, shall be subject to the clauses contained in the issuer's social statutes and shall be governed by the provisions of the issue and in the information leaflet. "
Two. A new wording is given to Article 30c, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30c. A regime of other issues of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt.
1. In the case of the placing of emissions of bonds or other securities which recognise or create debt, as referred to in Article 30a (1) (a), (c) and (d), the limitation laid down in Article 405 of the Treaty shall not apply. the Capital Companies Act.
2. The granting of public deed in the case of issues of bond issues or other securities that recognize or create debt that will be admitted to negotiation in a multilateral trading system shall not be required. The registration of the issue, or any other acts relating to it, in the Trade Register or its publication in the "Official Gazette of the Trade Register" shall not be required either.
The conditions legally required for the issue and the characteristics of the securities shall be recorded in certification issued by the persons empowered in accordance with the current regulations. This certification shall be deemed to be eligible to discharge the securities into account in accordance with the provisions of Article 6 of this Act.
The advertising of all acts relating to these emissions shall be carried out through the systems established for that purpose by the multilateral trading systems. "
TITLE III
Financing measures for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities, and for combating late payment in commercial operations
CHAPTER I
Extending a new phase of the financing mechanism for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities
Section 1. General Provisions
Article 20. Object.
The aim of this chapter is to extend the scope of the subjective and objective application of the financing mechanism for payment to the providers of local authorities and autonomous communities, establishing the (a) the necessary procedural specialties for this new phase of the mechanism allowing the cancellation of its outstanding obligations to its suppliers that were liquid, expired and enforceable before 1 January 2012.
Section 2.
Article 21. Subjective scope of application.
The payment mechanism to providers referred to in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, may apply to the following local entities:
1. To the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre that are included in the model of participation in state taxes, for which they will have to subscribe previously the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Forales of the Basque Country or the Autonomous Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
2. The municipalities of municipalities.
3. The local authorities to which the models for participation in State taxes, referred to in Chapters III and IV, of Titles II and III of the recast text of the Local Government Law Regulatory Law, approved by the Commission, are applicable. the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March, in relation to the outstanding obligations of payment as specified in the following Article.
Article 22. Objective scope of application.
1. As regards the local authorities referred to in paragraph 3 of the previous Article, the obligations to be paid to the contractors, which have been applied to the budgets of the institution, may be included in this new phase. for financial years prior to 2012 and derived from: collaboration agreements, administrative concessions, management arrangements in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and a technical service of a Regional administration or the State Administration of the lease on goods (a) of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, of contracts for the award of public works contracts, cooperation between the public sector and the private sector, public service management contracts, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which has been agreed by the local authorities, provided that it is have entered the contractor prior to 1 January 2012, provided for in the recast of the Law of Public Sector Contracts approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November.
2. As regards the local entities referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of the previous Article, it may be included, in addition to those referred to in the previous paragraph, the outstanding obligations to be paid to contractors referred to in the Royal Decree-Law. 4/2012, of 24 February, determining the obligations of information and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and the Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, provided that they have been applied to the the institution's budgets for the years prior to 2012.
Article 23. Specialties of the applicable procedure for the provision of information by local entities and the payment of invoices.
1. Until 22 March 2013, contractors may request the local debtor to issue an individual certificate of recognition of the existence of outstanding obligations for payment by the local authority.
2. The individual certificate shall be issued, within five calendar days of the application, by the financial controller, or internal control body, in the terms and content provided for in the preceding paragraph, with an express reference to: which is an obligation already applied to the budgets of the institution for the financial years preceding 2012. In the event that the request has not been answered in time, it shall be deemed to be rejected.
3. Before 29 March 2013, the financial controller or internal control body of the local authority shall communicate to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administration, by means of telematic and electronic signatures, a certified statement of the supported individual certificates.
4. Local entities will allow contractors to consult their inclusion in this updated information and if they are included they will be able to know the information that will affect them with respect to the data protection regulations of character personnel.
The right of recovery of contractors may not be materialised under the present financing mechanism, in the event that the debtor's community has failed to comply with the formal obligations laid down in the paragraph 6 of this article.
5. The President of the local authority shall give the necessary instructions to ensure the attention to the contractors in their applications, the prompt issuance of the individual certificates and the access, preferably by electronic means, to the submitted information.
6. Until 22 March 2013, the communities must send to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations a copy of the statutes for which they are governed and specify the percentage of participation, as at 31 December 2011, of each one of the municipalities that make up the town and that consists of those. The said statutes must have been approved by the plenary sessions of these municipalities. The failure to refer this documentation shall prevent the initiation of the procedure provided for in the preceding paragraphs of this Article.
In the event that the Commonwealth is not included in the General Data Base of Local Entities and the Inventory of Local Public Sector Entes under the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will have to request their inclusion within the time limit laid down in the preceding paragraph, as well as the referral of the documentation referred to therein.
Article 24. Disciplinary proceedings.
The failure of the competent public employees to comply with the obligations laid down in Article 23 of this Royal Decree-Law shall be considered to be very serious in the terms set out in the second paragraph. Article 95 of Law 7/2007, of 12 April, of the Basic Staff Regulations. For these purposes it will be the Directorate General of Public Service of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations the competent body to initiate and instruct the corresponding disciplinary procedure and the Minister of Finance and Administrations Public will be competent to resolve.
Article 25. Tuning Plan specialties.
In addition to what is foreseen in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local entities, and in Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, the adjustment plan presented by the local entity shall comply with the following:
1. Once the individual certificates referred to in Article 23 have been submitted, the local authority shall draw up an adjustment plan, in accordance with its own-organisation power, and shall be submitted, with a report from the internal control body or body, to its approval by the full local corporation or, in the case of the communities, by the governing body established by the statute for which they are governed and which has been approved by the plenary sessions of the local councils.
2. The approved adjustment plan shall be submitted by the local authority to the competent body of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations as the deadline of 15 April 2013, by means of telematics and electronic signatures, who shall carry out a assessment of the plan submitted, and shall be communicated to the local entity as the deadline of 20 May 2013.
Expiry of that period without communication of the said valuation shall be deemed to be favourable.
In the case of the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre, the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Foral Diputations of the Basque Country or the Foral Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
3. If the local authorities referred to in Article 21 (3) of this Standard have an adjustment plan approved at the initial stage of the payment mechanism to suppliers which ended in July 2012 and has been assessed, The Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will send a review of its adjustment plan approved by its plenary session in the first 15 days of April 2013. Failure to do so shall be deemed to be a failure to refer the adjustment plan and shall apply as provided for in the first provision of the Organic Law 2/2012 of 27 April 2012 on budgetary stability and financial sustainability and on its development standards.
Article 26. Application of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the Local Law Regulatory Law approved by the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March.
1. In the case of the debtor's communities, the guarantee for the payment of their obligations arising from the borrowing operations which they subscribe to with the fund for the financing of payments to suppliers will be implemented by means of withholding tax. participation in taxes of the State of the municipalities belonging to the communities, in proportion to their respective shares of participation in the aforementioned entities at December 31, 2011. This criterion shall apply in the event that the local authorities do not agree on the borrowing operations referred to for the purposes of the implementation of the withholding tax.
2. In the case of local authorities in the Basque Country and Navarre, account shall be taken of the provisions of the conventions which are signed between the competent bodies of the Historical Territories and those of the General Administration of the State and which they must provide for a guarantee system for the payment of their obligations under the mechanism for financing payments to suppliers.
Article 27. Cancellation of outstanding payment obligations with affected funding.
1. Any outstanding payment obligations that would have been paid through this facility and will be financed by the Fund, upon receipt of the payment, will be automatically understood to be affected by the Fund for the financing of the payment to the (a) suppliers and must be allocated to the early repayment of the debt transaction, or, where appropriate, to the cancellation of the debt. This forecast shall not apply to the obligations of co-financing from the structural funds of the European Union.
2. This Article applies both to the payment obligations which have been paid under the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February 2012 and to those which are paid in the context of the extension of the regulated mechanism in the present case. rule.
Section 3. Provisions applicable to Autonomous Communities
Article 28. Subjective scope of application.
The Autonomous Communities will be eligible for this new phase of the mechanism provided for in the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council Agreement of 6 March 2012 laying down the general lines of an extraordinary mechanism. financing for the payment to the providers of the autonomous communities.
For these purposes, the term "autonomous community" means the administration of the community and the other entities, bodies and entities that are dependent on the community on which it maintains a decision-making power over its management and its internal rules or statutes, as well as the associative entities in which it participates directly or indirectly. In any case, it should be entities included in the general government sector, subsector autonomous communities, in accordance with the definition and delimitation of the European System of National and Regional Accounts approved by the Regulation. (EC) No 2223/96 of the Council of 25 June 1996.
Article 29. Objective scope of application.
1. As far as the autonomous communities are concerned, it may be possible to include in this new phase of the mechanism the outstanding obligations for suppliers resulting from cooperation agreements, administrative concessions, and management in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and the technical service of the administration and is not included in the definition of an autonomous community in Article 28 of the lease on goods property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procedures for procurement in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, contracts for the award of public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector, as a result of service management contracts public, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which was agreed by the Autonomous Community, provided that i
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https://www.railforums.co.uk/threads/night-train-from-paris-to-barcelona.265013/
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Night train from Paris to Barcelona
|
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"TheSmiths82"
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2024-03-25T21:57:07+00:00
|
I am hoping to go away in May to France and Spain, although the stupid Eurostar prices mean I might have to get a Flixbus to Paris from London. There is...
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en
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RailUK Forums
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https://www.railforums.co.uk/threads/night-train-from-paris-to-barcelona.265013/
|
I am hoping to go away in May to France and Spain, although the stupid Eurostar prices mean I might have to get a Flixbus to Paris from London. There is even a direct coach from Manchester, but I am not sure I will be able to handle that distance on a Flixbus!
I was thinking of getting the night train down to Barcelona or Girona. In the old days I used to do this by getting the night train to Perpignan then getting a train into Spain, apart from the long wait in Perpignan for the connection it was an OK experience, although the train could feel a tad dodgy at times as it stopped at some of the more dubious cities in the south of France. It is no longer possible to get a direct train to Perpignan so I was thinking of getting a direct night train to Latour de Carol instead. My concern is this is a very rural stop and I might get stranded as there doesn't seem to be anyway of booking a ticket in advance from here to Barcelona and my own experience of Renefe's local services is they can be hit and miss once you get out of the outer Barcelona region.
Can anybody suggest an alternative way of getting the train from Paris to Barcelona (region) cheaply? The main problem is I work term time so I can only go away in the half term/summer holidays.
... I am a bit worried about being stranded in a little village. It just puts me off that I can't buy a ticket in advance to Barcelona itself.
Relax. Relax. Relax.
Like Blaenau Ffestiniog, visitors worry about not being able to buy a ticket ahead and book a seat, but you wouldn't because you know it's pay on board and no reserved seats.
You could download the Renfe Cercanias app (not the main one) and try to buy a ticket but a) it will probably say no as it often does and b) it gains you absolutely nothing at all.
Yes, if you miss the 1037 LTdC-Barclona you have 3 hours until the next one.
If I needed to be in Barcelona at a fixed time or had a lot of luggage or the weather is bad I would not go that way.
With a rucsac I would because worst case is you fill the time by wandering the 2-3 miles to Puigcerda which is a normal spanish (catalan) town with bars and so on. From Puigcerda there are coaches to Barcelona as well as the train. The track more or less follows the railway.
If you fancy an all day adventure and are really really lucky the metre gauge 3rd rail Petit Train might be running and it might even get you down to Villefranch and a connection of less than an hour to Perpignan and then along the coast.
So: if you're worried go another way. If you're happy taking time experiencing the wilds of Cerdagne along the way, do it.
Relax. Relax. Relax.
Like Blaenau Ffestiniog, visitors worry about not being able to buy a ticket ahead and book a seat, but you wouldn't because you know it's pay on board and no reserved seats.
You could download the Renfe Cercanias app (not the main one) and try to buy a ticket but a) it will probably say no as it often does and b) it gains you absolutely nothing at all.
Yes, if you miss the 1037 LTdC-Barclona you have 3 hours until the next one.
If I needed to be in Barcelona at a fixed time or had a lot of luggage or the weather is bad I would not go that way.
With a rucsac I would because worst case is you fill the time by wandering the 2-3 miles to Puigcerda which is a normal spanish (catalan) town with bars and so on. From Puigcerda there are coaches to Barcelona as well as the train. The track more or less follows the railway.
If you fancy an all day adventure and are really really lucky the metre gauge 3rd rail Petit Train might be running and it might even get you down to Villefranch and a connection of less than an hour to Perpignan and then along the coast.
So: if you're worried go another way. If you're happy taking time experiencing the wilds of Cerdagne along the way, do it.
Brilliant thanks, and I feel a bit more relaxed knowing there is a decent sized town near by if I do get stranded. I am quite familiar with the ('R') Rodales? trains but I know they can be a bit unreliable but usually not gone much further than Blanes on it (towards France).
I will look into all this a bit more this evening, but I am now thinking May half term might be cutting things a bit fine, and I only have 10 days off which isn't a huge amount of time for such long distance trip by rain. The issue with summer is hotels are more expensive and I suspect the Olympics might make travelling through France trickier.
We did Paris to Barcelona via Latour de Carol last September. I’d recommend it.
Sadly we had to come back via a different route as SNCF went on strike and cancelled our return Intercites de Nuit train.
The train from Latour de Carol to Barcelona is just an extended working of a suburban route. Travelling from Latour de Carol you have to buy your ticket on board from the conductor as there are no Spanish ticketing facilities on the French side of the border, and it’s an anomalous service that doesn’t work with app based ticketing etc.
I'd highly recommend the route (assuming the sleeper is running - I have a vague memory of suggestions that it might be suspended for a while due to engineering work).
I did the French side in the dark and it looked as if would have been rather scenic in the light. The Spanish side was certainly impressive, and a huge contrast to the scenery further south in Spain.
And you get to change trains at one of the very few stations anywhere with three track guages (and while I don't suppose the narrow gauge trains would run if not for the tourist market, they are at least run by the national rail company).
I am hoping to go away in May to France and Spain, although the stupid Eurostar prices mean I might have to get a Flixbus to Paris from London. There is even a direct coach from Manchester, but I am not sure I will be able to handle that distance on a Flixbus!
I was thinking of getting the night train down to Barcelona or Girona. In the old days I used to do this by getting the night train to Perpignan then getting a train into Spain, apart from the long wait in Perpignan for the connection it was an OK experience, although the train could feel a tad dodgy at times as it stopped at some of the more dubious cities in the south of France. It is no longer possible to get a direct train to Perpignan so I was thinking of getting a direct night train to Latour de Carol instead. My concern is this is a very rural stop and I might get stranded as there doesn't seem to be anyway of booking a ticket in advance from here to Barcelona and my own experience of Renefe's local services is they can be hit and miss once you get out of the outer Barcelona region.
Can anybody suggest an alternative way of getting the train from Paris to Barcelona (region) cheaply? The main problem is I work term time so I can only go away in the half term/summer holidays.
Why not do the overnight Flixbus to Lille instead and do a Ouigo low cost TGV into Paris, so you only then have 6/7 hours on a coach. Then maybe pick up the sleeper from Paris Austerlitz to Latour de Carol and the Rodalies as others have suggested.
Lots of the Ouigos use Tourcoing in Lille, rather than Lille Europe/ Flanders, but that shouldn't be a huge issue as Tourcoing's
Gare is about 25 mins on the metro from Lille Europe (where the Flixbus drops off) and the Metro operates from 5am onwards, first Ouigo is at 6.02 to Charles De Gaulle/Marne-le-Vallee/Massy TGVs - all of which are a reasonable RER ride away from central Paris.
If you're getting Flixbus across the Channel to Lille or Paris, I think you can look at each journey's intermediate stops to decipher if it uses the Dover ferry or the Channel Tunnel LeShuttle train. Personally, I would avoid the Dover ferry after the severe passport control delays at Port of Dover last Easter, when the Port gave lowest priority to coaches and my Flixbus had to give up and return to London due to driver hours limit being reached.
That's a fair point, although I must caution that the overnight coach uses Irish Ferries, and that's the best placed for doing Barcelona by train.
Probably small border queues at that time though, my friend did it last October coming to meet me in Brussels and it was fine.
Worth saying perhaps that for the Cerbere / Port Bou alternative route, the RENFE Cercanias / Rodalies trains to Barcelona are pretty awful - really basic, austere EMUs (somewhere between Pacer and EN57 in passenger ambience!), only 3 cars so grossly overloaded to/from a long way out of Barcelona (at least mine was), unpunctual / unreliable, and driver-only operated so nobody to ask if there is a problem. Wildly unsuitable for a journey of ca. 3 hours.
To be fair, the Latour de Carol line is not dissimilar, just less crowded generally...
I was on the Barcelona - Cerbere line the other day, trying to get to Nimes, but ended up having to get off at Girona and pay extra to go on the AVE because the Rodalies had lost so much time it would not have made the connection into SNCF, so I would have had a 2-hour wait at the border. After the chaotic experiences at Barcelona Sants (a very user-unfriendly station even by RENFE standards - and I am used to Sants!), all in all a very awful experience!
Unless it's the middle of winter there are worse places to be stranded for a few hours than Latour-de-Carol, though I'll readily admit there isn't much to do there!
When I did the route in 2018 there was an issue with the Spanish unit on the return journey, and I was worried I'd miss the connection with the sleeper... luckily the driver managed to get the unit working again!
As far as comfort is concerned, the units are used across the Rodalies system, but some have a more 'austere' interior. There seemed to be some thought given to allocating the units with nicer interiors (and less graffiti) to the longer-distance services, though it could have been more luck than judgement. Whilst they aren't sumptuous by any stretch, calling them awful is a bit of an exaggeration. They're certainly no worse than the refurbished 156s on the West Highland or the refurbished 158s on the Settle & Carlisle, other than the lack of tables.
Worth saying perhaps that for the Cerbere / Port Bou alternative route, the RENFE Cercanias / Rodalies trains to Barcelona are pretty awful - really basic, austere EMUs (somewhere between Pacer and EN57 in passenger ambience!), only 3 cars so grossly overloaded to/from a long way out of Barcelona (at least mine was), unpunctual / unreliable, and driver-only operated so nobody to ask if there is a problem. Wildly unsuitable for a journey of ca. 3 hours.
To be fair, the Latour de Carol line is not dissimilar, just less crowded generally...
I was on the Barcelona - Cerbere line the other day, trying to get to Nimes, but ended up having to get off at Girona and pay extra to go on the AVE because the Rodalies had lost so much time it would not have made the connection into SNCF, so I would have had a 2-hour wait at the border. After the chaotic experiences at Barcelona Sants (a very user-unfriendly station even by RENFE standards - and I am used to Sants!), all in all a very awful experience!
The Rodalies trains are bad indeed, but there are also MD trains between Portbou and Barcelona which use way more comfortable stock and stop a lot less. I would advise to use the MD trains if possible. I believe they sort of alternate Rodalies and MD trains (both once every 2 hours).
Unless it's the middle of winter there are worse places to be stranded for a few hours than Latour-de-Carol, though I'll readily admit there isn't much to do there!
When I did the route in 2018 there was an issue with the Spanish unit on the return journey, and I was worried I'd miss the connection with the sleeper... luckily the driver managed to get the unit working again!
As far as comfort is concerned, the units are used across the Rodalies system, but some have a more 'austere' interior. There seemed to be some thought given to allocating the units with nicer interiors (and less graffiti) to the longer-distance services, though it could have been more luck than judgement. Whilst they aren't sumptuous by any stretch, calling them awful is a bit of an exaggeration. They're certainly no worse than the refurbished 156s on the West Highland or the refurbished 158s on the Settle & Carlisle, other than the lack of tables.
I went a couple of weeks ago and the unit I went on had IET seats (Fainsa Sophia I think?)
I went a couple of weeks ago and the unit I went on had IET seats (Fainsa Sophia I think?)
I've not got the various seat types memorised, so I've no idea what type the "comfier" seats were. The ones I referred to that looked less comfortable had hard plastic seats. I didn't have to put up with those but saw several units fitted with them also running R3 services pass through Sants before the one for Latour-de-Carol arrived from Llobregat.
The unit for my return journey was (IIRC) the front of a nine car formation when boarding at Sants, and dropped off one unit at Vic and another at Ripoll. The set for Vic had the plastic seats, the one for Ripoll had the nicer seats but lacked the ski-racks that the unit for Latour-de-Carol had. The Latour unit was also the only unit I saw during my trip that had no graffiti on it!
The seats looked quite old though, and as this was 2018 it's entirely possible that the fleet has been refurbished since then.
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https://www.g2rail.com/help/stations/cercottes
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Cerbère: Tickets, Map, Live Departure, How-to, Routes
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Cerbère station guide with detailed introduction, departure and arrival times, train delay notifications, platform information, hot destinations, railway ticket search. For the reference of Cerbere(Cerbère) travellers.
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en
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https://www.g2rail.com/help/zh-cn/stations/cercottes
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Cerbère Building
Address
Cerbère, Avenue Pierre Semard, Cerbère, Céret, Pyrénées-Orientales, Occitanie, France métropolitaine, 66290, France
Main stations in Cerbere(Cerbère)
Cerbère Live Departures
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Scan QR code, download Xmove App to see Cerbère's more live update, station guide, plan and photos
Train and bus from Cerbère
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Cerbère Live Arrivals
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Ultimate Guide to Swiss Railway
Ultimate Guide to Swiss Railways
Trains are the most important means of transportation within Switzerland and with neighboring countries. The road network is quite dense. The national railway company of the Swiss Confederation is called Swiss Federal Railways, abbreviated as SBB/CFF/FFS (German/French/Italian respectively). The railway covers the main trunk lines, while the private railways supplement the branch lines between the villages and mountain railways. Routes of the same width can be directly connected. Except for special sightseeing trains or mountain climbing roads, most of the ticketing mechanisms and ticket purchase methods are jointly operated. There will be no problem multiplying. The de...
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Estrella night train
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Estrella night train
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I have never travelled on Estrella but I see that it makes many stops and this may be annoying if trying to have a good night's rest.
The stops are: MADRID-CHAMARTIN,ALCALA DE HENARES,GUADALAJARA,SIGUENZA,ARCOS DE JALON,CALATAYUD,ZARAGOZA-DELICIAS,LA PUEBLA DE HIJAR,CASPE,FLIX,MORA LA NOVA,REUS,TARRAGONA,SANT VICENC DE CALDERS,BARCELONA-SANTS,GRANOLLERS CENTRE,CALDES DE MALAVELLA,GIRONA,FLACA,FIGUERES,LLANCA,PORTBOU and finally at long last after several uncomfortable hours CERBERE.
If I wanted to get to Cerbere from Madrid I think I would get to Barcelona first the cheapest way, using the RENFE booking to catch a cheap fast train (under 3 hours) then transfer to the Estacion de Franca and get one of the local trains to Cerbere taking also 3 hours ! Booking ahead I could get a €45 ticket on the fast AVE from Madrid to Barcelona in May.
I don't have any knowledge of Inter Rail passes because I like to book my own tickets with the railway companies in each country and look for best routes. Sometimes I choose airlines.
Estrella night train has a reputation as a slightly outdated, nothing else really. It goes on time. It is safe, it takes you from point A to point B and back. I have used Estrella train, and I have nothing to complain. Everything worked well.
Thank you for the replies. I mainly fear of delays, which ruin my journey plan. You say, it's not a typical problem at this train, so I will choose it.
I've been said, probably it's impossible to buy Renfe supplementary ticket for IR ticket in Hungary. So, I have to buy it in Spain. Are there difficulties of getting a ticket, because of running out of seats?
I will use the last, evening AVE train from Zaragoza to Madrid (tuesday), and the Estrella (thursday evening). If I can't buy the the tickets earlier, will I have a real chance to get them on the station, before the departure?
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Railways in Spain
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The first railway in Spain opened on 28th October, 1848 between Barcelona and Mataro. Although the standard gauge of 1435mm had by then been adopted in several European countries, the new line used a broader gauge of 1674mm (6 Castilian feet). This was generally adopted for new main lines in Spain and of course resulted in a break of gauge at the French border when trains eventually reached it. Neighbouring Portugal had a slightly different gauge of 1664mm which did permit interoperation; however with increasing speeds in the late 19th / early 20th centuries ride and wear became a problem so the systems of both countries were gradually reconfigured to a compromise gauge of 1668mm, which became known as Iberian gauge.
Unlike the break of gauge situation between Great Britain and Ireland, which involved a sea crossing anyway, or between Russia and the rest of Europe which historically was never a heavily used land crossing for political reasons, overland international traffic between Spain and neighbouring France has always been significant. Elaborate gauge-changing facilities at Irun and Hendaye on the Atlantic coast, and Port Bou and Cerbère on the Mediterranean, allow both freight and passenger trains to conduct a relatively uninterrupted journey across the French border. At one time, there was even a Madrid to Moscow sleeping car service, which involved two changes of gauge.
As well as the Iberian gauge network, there were also a great number of narrow gauge lines, mainly metre gauge. Many of these remain in operation.
The first dedicated high speed line (AVE) between Madrid and Seville opened in 1992 with a gauge of 1435mm. This enabled the project to use essentially off-the shelf French technology, but is not without its own problems, not least that the new lines required their own infrastructure into the city centres that they serve. Automatic gauge changing facilities are provided for trains that run beyond the high speed network onto existing lines.
In late 2022, Catalan rail authority FGC launched studies into four projected tram-train networks. Three of these would serve the areas around Amposta, Girona and Manresa; the fourth would connect with the existing RENFE line near Urtx-Alp and run via AndorraâLa Seu dâUrgell Airport to destinations in Andorra.
Main line and regional railways
RENFE passenger and freight operator on the national broad gauge network and passenger operator on the former FEVE network of narrow gauge lines in the north of the country
Avlo low cost, book in advance high speed train services operated by RENFE
Iryo independent operator of high speed train services
Ouigo independent operator of high speed train services
Captrain España independent freight operator
Tracción Rail independent freight operator
Transfesa independent freight operator
Constru-Rail freight operator on the former FEVE network of narrow gauge lines in the north of the country (Site in Spanish)
ADIF infrastructure authority for the national broad gauge network and the former FEVE network of narrow gauge lines in the north of the country
EuskoTren Basque regional operator. Also operates steam tourist trains and the Reinata funicular in Bilbao
FGC Catalan regional operator. Also operates tourist steam trains, and several funiculars
Infraestructures.cat infrastructure authority for the Catalan region (Site in Catalan and Spanish)
Port and Industrial Railways
The port of Ferrol has an extensive rail network serving the Inner Port, connecting with the national network. An extension to the Outer Port is projected, which, amongst other things, will require a 5.6km tunnel and a 600m viaduct (Website contains links to PDF documents in Spanish)
Fesava operator of internal rail services in various locations, including Algeciras port and Cepsaâs La Rábida refinery.
Tourist & Museum Railways
AREMAF offers rides in a historic diesel railcar on a short stretch of Iberian gauge line at the Delicias Railway Museum in central Madrid. Operates typically one Saturday each month throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
The Basque Railway Museum in Azpeitia offers steam hauled passenger train rides on a 5km, metre gauge line between Azpeitia and Lasao. Operates weekends, Easter to early November
Bulnes underground funicular in the Asturias, 2.2km in length with a rise of 400m. Operates daily throughout the year. Before the funicular was opened in 2001 the only way to reach to Bulnes was by a steep mule track, there being no road access (Site in Spanish. An English version is available, but is poorly translated. Better results can be obtained using Google Translate - or similar - to interpret the Spanish site)
Gelida historic funicular connecting the RENFE station with the village. Metre gauge, with a rise of 100m in a length of 884m. Operates daily throughout the year
Montserrat (Catalunya) a rack railway connects the FGC rail station Monistrol de Montserrat with the monastery and museum. From the upper station of the rack railway near the monastery entrance, two funiculars operate: one ascending to the church of St John at the summit of the mountain; the other descending to the Holy Cave on the historic pilgrim route to the monastery. All operate daily throughout the year
Pola Giverola Resort near Tossa de Mar has a private funicular linking the hotel complex with its sports facilities (Site contains little information relating to funicular)
Tren del Ciment (Cement Train) 3.5km section of a 600mm gauge former industrial railway, now used to convey tourists from La Pobla de Lillet (Alt Llobregat) to the Cement Museum at Castellar de nâHug. Operates daily, April to early November
Tren de la Fresa (Strawberry Train) tourist train using historic passenger coaches on the ADIF line between Madrid and Aranjuez, 44km
Tren dels Llacs historic diesel hauled train or modern railcar on the Iberian gauge FGC line between Lleida and La Pobla de Segur, a distance of about 89km. Operates Saturdays, mid April to mid August
Cremallera de Núria rack railway from Ribes-Enllaç to Núria in the Pyrenees, 12.5km, metre gauge. Operates weekends in May and November, daily June to October.
Miniature Railways
AAAF 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway about 660m in length, at a railway museum in Torrellano. Steam or battery electric hauled. Operates every Saturday and some Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
AAF Reus 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, about 500m in length, in the Parc del Trenet, Reus. Steam or battery electric hauled. Operates most Sundays throughout the year (Site in Catalan)
AFEVI 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, almost 700m in length, in the Parc de Ribes Roges, Vilanova i la Geltrú. Steam, diesel or battery electric hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year
AFRA 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, about 600m in length, in the Parque Temático del Ferrocarril, Gimileo (No website located at present)
ASAFEGI 5 / 7¼ inch (127 / 184mm) gauge miniature railway, about 700m in length, in the Parc de lâEstació, Fornells de la Selva. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays for most of the year, except in August (Site in Catalan and Spanish)
Carrilet de Vilamanya 7¼ / 15 inch (184 / 381mm) gauge miniature railway, about 500m in length, located on the TP3211 road between Riudecanyes and Castell d´Escornalbou. Steam or diesel hauled (Facebook page in Spanish, no details of opening times)
CEMFES 7¼ / 10 inch (184 / 256mm) gauge miniature railway, over 3km in length, in the Parc de Catalunya, Sabadell. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (Site in Catalan)
CFVRt 5 inch (127mm) gauge miniature railway, 680m in length, in the Parque Municipal Maldonado, Riba-roja de Turia. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish, links for English and French versions not functional when last checked)
Circuit Ferroviari de Cal Gavatx 5 / 7¼ inch (127 / 184mm) gauge miniature railway, almost 500m in length, at the Centre d'Estudis Ferroviaris Via Oberta, Les Franqueses del Vallès. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays, September to June (Facebook page in Spanish)
Ferrocarril del Alamillo 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, over 600m in length, in the Parque del Alamillo, Sevilla. Steam, diesel or battery electric hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
Ferrocarril de Can Mercader 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, over 1.5km in length, in the Parc de Can Mercader, Cornellà de Llobregat. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates most Sundays and Public Holidays throughout the year (Site in Catalan)
Ferrocarril Central de Galicia 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, about 470m in length, in the Parque Ferroviario de Os Carrileiros, Ourense. Diesel or battery electric hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
Ferrocarril de las Delicias 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, 265m in length, at a railway museum in central Madrid. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates most Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
Ferrocarril de Farja 5 / 7¼ inch (127 / 184mm) gauge miniature railway, over 1km in length, in the Parc del Trenet, Benicà ssim. Diesel or battery electric hauled. Operates Sundays and Public Holidays throughout the year, a few other days for special events, and on Fridays for prebooked school parties (Site in Spanish)
Ferrocarril de la Granja 7¼ inch (184mm) gauge miniature railway, over 1km in length, in the Parc Municipal de La Granja, Burjassot. Steam or diesel hauled. Services currently suspended for essential maintenance, no date given for reopening (Site in Spanish)
Ferrocarril del Masnou 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, over 200m in length, in the Parc de Caramar, El Masnou. Steam or diesel hauled. Currently open only occasionally for special events (Facebook page mainly in Catalan)
Ferrocarril Vallesequillo 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, about 200m in length, in the Parque de Vallesequillo, Jerez de la Frontera. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays and a few other days throughout the year (Facebook page in Spanish)
Ferrocarril de VallparadÃs 5 / 7¼ inch (127 / 184mm) gauge miniature railway, 340 in length, in the Parc de VallparadÃs, Terrassa. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays for most of the year, except in August (Site in Catalan)
Iraetako Trena 5 inch (127mm) gauge miniature railway, 270 in length, in the Iraeta Railway Park, near Zestoa. Steam, diesel or battery electric hauled. Operates alternate Saturdays from March to October (Site in Basque and Spanish)
Muferga the Galician Railway Museum in Monforte de Lemos has a 5 inch (127mm) gauge miniature railway about 650m in length. Operates Tuesdays to Sundays throughout the year (Site in Spanish)
Tren Alcoy-Gandia 5in (127mm) gauge miniature railway, over 500m in length, at the railway museum in Almoines. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (No website located at present)
Tren de lâOrenata 5 / 7¼ / 10 inch (127 / 184 / 256mm) gauge miniature railway over 600m in length in the Parc de lâOrenata, Barcelona. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays ans Public Holidays throughout the year (Site in Catalan with autotranslate to English and other languages)
Tren de Palau 10 inch (256mm) gauge miniature railway almost 3km in length in the Parc de lâHostal del Fum, Palau-solità i Plegamans. Usually diesel, occasionally steam hauled. Operates most Sundays and Public Holidays, September to June
Trenet de la Vall dâAro 5 inch (1276mm) gauge miniature railway, about 700m in length, in the Parc de lâEstació, Castell dâAro. Steam or diesel hauled. Operates Sundays throughout the year (Facebook Page mainly in Catalan)
Metros, trams and urban funiculars
Madrid
Metro and trams (Site in Spanish)
Tranvia de Parla (Site in Spanish)
Alicante local railway and tram-trains (Site in Spanish)
Barcelona
Metro and the Montjuïc funicular
Trams
Bilbao
Metro
Trams, and La Reineta funicular
Artxanda funicular
Cádiz tram - trains (Site in Spanish)
Donostia - San Sebastián Monte Igueldo funicular
Granada trams (Site in Spanish)
Málaga light rail metro
Murcia trams (Site in Spanish)
Parla trams (Site in Spanish)
Sevilla
Metro (Site in Spanish)
Trams
Tarragona proposed trams (No website located at present)
Valencia local railways and trams (Site in Spanish)
Vélez-Málaga trams, not operational since 2012, reopening proposed (No website located at present)
Vitoria - Gasteiz trams
Zaragoza
Trams
Monorail serving the Plaza Imperial commercial centre (No website located at present)
See also:
Railway station names in Basque
Illes Balears
Islas Canarias
There are no railways in the Spanish coastal enclaves and offshore islands of North Africa.
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Spain
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Mediterranean corridor, Atlantic corridor
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Mobility and Transport
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The Trans - European corridors entering the Iberian Peninsula and the Spanish rail network are the following:
Atlantic corridor, running from the French border at Irun/Hendaye to Portugal, via Vitoria, Burgos and Valladolid. There is a branch going south via Madrid to Lisbon and the port of Algeciras.
Mediterranean corridor, running from the French border at Portbou/Cerbère to the port of Algeciras and Seville along the Mediterranean coast, via Barcelona and Valencia.
Infrastructure Managers
ADIF is the national Infrastructure Manager in Spain, which manages and maintains the Spanish Network. This network has a part that belongs to the Core Network Corridors with more than 6,300 km.
In this country, two gauges co-exist: the Iberian gauge (1668 mm) and the UIC gauge (1435 mm) for the high-speed sections.
ADIF – Network Statement
ADIF has been divided into two departments, from which stemmed a new organisation, ADIF Alta Velocidad (ADIF High Speed), for the construction and management of the High-Speed network.
ADIF Alta Velocidad – Network Statement
National implementation plan
The Spanish National Implementation Plan (NIP) was delivered in 2017. It is compliant with the ERTMS European Deployment Plan with some exceptions, such as the line between Madrid-Bilbao, which has an estimated delay of 4 years but will still be commissioned before 2023.
According to the Spanish NIP:
The network will have mixed ERTMS levels; some lines will be equipped with ERTMS Level 1, such as the conventional lines, and others will have both ERTMS levels (Level 1 + Level 2), such as the high-speed lines.
Spain has no decommissioning plans for the next 15 years. Nevertheless, no Class B system is required onboard when ETCS is available on the trackside.
National Implementation Plans (NIP) country by country
National Safety Authority
The Agencia Estatal de Seguridad Ferroviaria (The State Railway Safety Agency) was created in 2015 and is the Spanish NSA responsible for railway system safety (infrastructure, rolling stock, railway personnel and management).
It is also responsible for the system’s interoperability, and the concession and revocation of licenses from railway undertakings.
Entry into service process, ministry regulation FOM/167/2015
Interoperability regulations
Information related to the Ministerio de Fomento (Public Works and Transport Ministry)
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R11 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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Rail service
R11OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona and Girona provinces, CataloniaPredecessorCa2First service2010 (as R11)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteTerminiBarcelona Sants
Portbou/CerbèreStops28Distance travelled172 km (107 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 30–60 minLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock447 Series, 449 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains.
R11 trains run primarily on the Barcelona–Cerbère railway, using Portbou and/or Cerbère as their northeasternmost terminus, and Barcelona Sants as its southwestern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Nord as far as Maçanet-Massanes, and with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 from Maçanet-Massanes to Portbou.
The Maçanet-Massanes-Portbou section had not previously been considered part of the Barcelona commuter rail service; designated Ca2, the services running on it were part of Renfe Operadora's regional rail division in Catalonia.[2] In 2010, after the administration of the Barcelona commuter rail service was transferred to the Catalan government, the line was passed from the Catalan regional rail division to Rodalies de Catalunya.[3]
History
[edit]
The current line scheme of the R11 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Girona-Figueres-Portbou were branded as Ca2 for the Catalan rail division, and 33 in the nationwide regional rail network. Before 2014, it was the only conventional line to serve the cities of Girona and Figueres (excluding the high-speed lines), until the creation of the Girona commuter rail service RG1, running from Barcelona to Figueres initially, being later extended to Portbou.
Infrastructure
[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R11 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R11 operates on a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), entirely double-track. The trains on the line call at up to 28 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[4]
From To Railway line Route number Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station) Madrid–Barcelona 260 Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station) Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Aragó Tunnel 268 Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Cerbère (PK 275.9) Barcelona–Cerbère 270
All of the infrastructure used by the R11 is shared with other services. Between Barcelona Sants and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud, regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona.[5][6] After Passeig de Gràcia, R11 trains R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. R11 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R2 and R2 Nord only.[7] North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R11 only shares tracks with the R2 and freight services from this point on up to Maçanet-Massanes.[8] From Maçanet-Massanes, R11 trains share tracks with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 and freight trains for the remainder of their journey.
Operation
[edit]
All services that initiate from Barcelona Sants as their southern terminus terminate at either Girona, Figueres or continue all the way to Portbou and Cerbère. All services terminating at Cerbère call at all stations. Trains terminating at Girona, Figueres or Portbou, run either calling at all stations, or stopping at only some stations. The first trains run about 6:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 11:00 at night.
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. Services calling at all stations are branded as R (Regional), operated by RENFE Class 447 trains, while semi-fast services are branded as MD (Media Distancia/Mitjana Distancia), operated by RENFE Class 449 trains, Renfe Operadora's newest rolling stock for regional lines, and are more expensive than R trains..[9]
Service Route No.
of stations Journey time Days of
operation Notes R Barcelona Sants – Cerbère 28 2:402 h 40 min Daily Calls at all stations along its route. Barcelona Sants – Portbou 27 2:362 h 36 min Daily MD Barcelona Sants – Portbou 12 2:132 h 13 min Daily Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils, Caldes de Malavella, Girona, Flaçà, Figueres and Llançà. Barcelona Sants – Figueres 10 1:511 h 51 min Daily Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils, Caldes de Malavella, Girona and Flaçà. Barcelona Sants – Girona 8 1:211 h 21 min Fri-Sun Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils and Caldes de Malavella.
List of stations
[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R11 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R and/or MD trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[10][11]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone R MD ATM AdB Rod Barcelona Sants#* ● ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R12, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona El Clot-Aragó* ● ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, RG1 Barcelona Metro lines 1 and 2 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal* ● R2, R2 Nord Barcelona Metro line 1 at Sant Andreu station Barcelona 1 1 Granollers Centre ● R2, R2 Nord, R8 — Granollers 3D 3 Sant Celoni ● R2 Nord — Sant Celoni 4G 5 Gualba ● R2 Nord — Gualba 4G 5 Riells i Viabrea-Breda ● R2 Nord — Riells i Viabrea 4G 5 Hostalric ● R2 Nord — Hostalric 5H 6 Maçanet-Massanes ● ● R1, R2 Nord, RG1 — Maçanet de la Selva 6G 6 Sils ● ● RG1 — Sils 6 — Caldes de Malavella ● ● RG1 — Caldes de Malavella 6, 7 — Riudellots ● RG1 — Riudellots de la Selva 1 — Fornells de la Selva ● RG1 — Fornells de la Selva 1 — Girona#* ● ● RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
National and international coach services Girona 1 — Celrà ● RG1 — Celrà 1, 2 — Bordils-Juià ● RG1 — Bordils 2 — Flaçà ● ● RG1 — Flaçà 2 — Sant Jordi Desvalls ● RG1 — Sant Jordi Desvalls 2 — Camallera ● RG1 — Saus, Camallera i Llampaies — Sant Miquel de Fluvià ● RG1 — Sant Miquel de Fluvià — — Vilamalla ● RG1 — Vilamalla — — Figueres# ● ● RG1 — Figueres — — Vilajuïga ● RG1 — Vilajuïga — — Llançà ● ● RG1 — Llançà — — Colera ● RG1 — Colera — — Portbou#* ● ● RG1 Intercités long-distance rail services
TER Occitanie regional rail services Portbou — — Cerbère#* ● — Intercités long-distance rail services
TER Occitanie regional rail services (Station located in Cerbère, Pyrénées-Orientales, France.) — —
References
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Trains on the French-Spanish border
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[
"Jim Martin"
] |
2010-08-25T23:52:14+00:00
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Just back from my holiday in Argeles-sur-Mer, in the south of France. In another thread I noted that the family had been primed with the idea that I might be off for a day watching trains, and so it proved to be. I took a trip down to Portbou and Cerbere, which are the stations on either side of ...
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https://www.rmweb.co.uk/forums/topic/20809-trains-on-the-french-spanish-border/
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Just back from my holiday in Argeles-sur-Mer, in the south of France. In another thread I noted that the family had been primed with the idea that I might be off for a day watching trains, and so it proved to be. I took a trip down to Portbou and Cerbere, which are the stations on either side of the French-Spanish border. The operations between these two stations are very interesting but not easy to see or - especially - to photograph. A good overview can be had from this site.
I should say that I know next to nothing about any of the trains described here. I know a bit about continental freight wagons, but the locomotives, EMUs and coaching stock are a total mystery to me. Anyone who can provide any more detailed information than I've given here is cordially invited to do so.
The French part of the route runs southwards from Perpignan to Cerbere. A twin tunnel runs from there to Portbou, on the Spanish side (the actual border is crossed half-way through the tunnel). The service south from Portbou runs through Girona and on to Barcelona.
The local service on the French side is actually pretty sparse. On a weekday, trains leave Perpignan for Cerbere at 06:20, 07:45, 09:34, 10:47, 12:30*, 13:46*, 15:40*, 17:03, 17:53*, 18:35, 19:13*, 22:10 (trains marked with a star go on to Portbou) and the return service is broadly similar in terms of requency and (ir)regularity of timing. All, as far as I know, are operated by EMUs: either these stylish, three-car articulated units
or more blocky two-car units (photo way down at the bottom). All of the EMUs that I noticed were allocated to Nimes, which suggests that they're fairly widespread across southern France.
In addition to the local service, there are quite a number of other services, but I saw only one of them, and even that only just:
SNCF has a couple of loco-hauled trains in each direction: a sleeper service which runs overnight between Paris (Austerlitz) and Portbou; another between Luxembourg and Strasbourg (seperate portions) and Portbou; and a daytime "Teoz" service between Paris and Cerbere.
Renfe operates two cross-border Talgo services. One runs between Montpellier and Barcelona (where it uses the beautiful but barely-used Estacio de Franca rather than Spain's answer to Birmingham New Street, Sants) travelling north in the morning and returning late in the afternoon. This was the service that I sort-of saw: I'd just left the station to check out the cafe opposite - recommended to me by a fellow RMWebber - when I heard the sound of a train and just caught a glimpse of the distinctive Talgo coaches through the trees as they swished past . On my return trip I'd hoped to get back to Argeles in time to see the southbound train pass, but instead it swept by in the opposite direction as we were pulling into Collioure, the last stop before Argeles :(.
The other Talgo is a real long-distance sevice. The southbound train leaves Montpellier early in the morning, crosses the border at about 09.30, stops at Barcelona (Sants) at noon and then travels right down the coast to Cartagena, arriving in the early evening after a 1000km journey. The return service departs from Lorca (about 80km west of Cartagena) at 08.20 and arrives in Montpellier at 21.09.
Renfe also operates three overnight international services under the "Trenhotel" banner. These run between Barcelona (Franca) and Paris (Austerlitz), Milan and Zurich. The Renfe website (which I quite liked once I'd got used to it) touts these trains very highly: I was disappointed not to see one.
There's also a fair bit of freight, which was what I really hoped to see.
I caught the 12.49 from Argeles to Portbou
The arrangement at the border is that only SNCF operates southbound cross-border local trains and only Renfe operates northbound. The train runs into a reserved platform at Portbou station, where everyone has to get off and go into the station building; showing passports, ID cards etc. to the Spanish police as they leave the platform. Once you're past that check, you can go where you want, including back onto the SNCF platform. The SNCF train stands in the station for a few minutes and then works empty back through the tunnel into France.
Portbou is only a village and the station is totally out of proportion to the place itself
In the middle of the day there is roughly one train an hour southwards from Portbou. All of these run to Barcelona. The faster ones, which take just over two hours to get to Sants, are operated by these impressive-looking five-car units, two of which made up the 13.26 train
Most, however, are operated by these three-car trundlers
These take over two and a half hours to reach Sants, with 25 intermediate stops. Their airline-style seating was well-enough upholstered, but appears to have been designed around a passenger with legs about six inches long. I rode back through the tunnel to Cerbere in one and I'd had enough after about three minutes
There was quite a lot to see on arrival at Portbou. As well as the Barcelona train there was a line of locomotives stabled alongside the station, a couple more in front of a loco shed across the tracks from there and a variety of freight stock just visible in the distance. There was also the stock for the Costa Brava standing in one of the platforms. This is a domestic sleeper service to Madrid. Judging from the timetable, extra coaches are added at Barcelona. The entire set was (type and number, from south to north):
Bc10x-9611, 50 71 50-70 611-1
BR3t-9821, 50 71 85-70 821-5
A10x-10019, 51 71 10-78 019-7
A9t-9104, 50 71 19-70 104-7
I presume that the number immediately after the type code is a simplified (perhaps internal) version of the RIV number, since it replicates the three digits at the end of the RIV number. As I understand it, the "A" code vehicles are first class and the "B"s are second class. I don't know what any of the rest of the codes mean. The A10x coach had plug doors, so was presumably slightly more modern than the rest.
To be honest, the Costa Brava looked a bit skanky. The coaches were a bit shabby externally, the second class accommodation (visible through the windows) didn't look too great and the plug-door coach had a leaking toilet tank that made everything for yards around smell like, well, a toilet.
The coaches were bookended by a pair of these, 252-045 at the southern end and 252-055 at the northern:
Behind them was a line-up of freight locos: heavily graffitied 253-072, 253-066 and 253-036
Beyond them was another 252 and a shunter painted in a different colour scheme altogether:
As far as I can work out, "adif" is Spain's equivalent of Network Rail. It's the infrastructure owner. I could be wrong about this.
Action while I was there included various shunting moves in the freight sidings, some performed by SNCF locos working through the tunnel
Most of the traffic seemed to be intermodal swapbodies and hooded steel carriers. Portbou is frustrating: the freight sidings are not all that visible because of their position and angle relative to the station. You can often tell that something is happening without being able to see what it is. Photography isn't easy, either, because there are catenary masts everywhere and the background colour of the landscape doesn't give you much to shoot against.
After a while, 253-072 trundled off to France
Various adif shunters worked the yards (this is actually 311-141, but you'd be pushed to tell)
One highlight was the appearance of a
which ran through the station and off to France. Unfortunately, I missed the other big moment because I was caught changing the batteries in my camera. 253-072 reappeared at the head of a smashing freight: about ten swapbodies on four-wheeled wagons, a Transfesa four-wheel van, several Renfe four-wheel hi-cube vans, a Cargowaggon bogie van and a string of Transfesa bogie vans. This was another run-through, this time southbound.
After a couple of hours in Portbou, I hopped on a trundler and rode back through the tunnel to France.
The border control at Cerbere is slightly different. Everyone gets off and is herded into the station building. The RENFE unit returns southwards through the tunnel as empty stock. SNCF staff stop anyone trying to use the subway to the other platforms. Inside the building you pass a counter where you show your ID to the French police. The exit from this room leads straight into the booking hall. You walk down to the other end, frank your ticket at the machine and pass out through the exit back on to the platforms (my return ticket was actually two separate tickets: Portbou to Cerbere and Cerbere to Argeles, presumably to facilitate the franking).
If anything it's even harder to see what's happening at Cerbere than it is at Portbou. Again, the freight sidings are up a side valley almost at right angles to the station. There were a couple of shunters and an electric stabled near the station (there's a fair bit of fencing which makes getting a decent angle tricky)
There were several carriages in the sidings at Cerbere and a number of freight wagons, although rather fewer than at Portbou. Most of the freight action at Cerbere takes place behind the station building (the station has a rather handsome trainshed over a couple of the platforms but is nothing like as grand as Portbou), but a string of bogie flat wagons was standing in a siding road in the station itself
After a short while an SNCF unit emerged from the tunnel. This was going forward to Perpignan, so I got on and rode back to Argeles
I waited around the station for a bit, because I'd been told that the Stobart freight from the UK comes through not long after 5 in the afternoon, but nothing turned up and I had to leave.
And so ended my day out looking at trains. I found both Portbou and Cerbere pretty frustrating and I'm certain that I missed a lot of action, perhaps just because I was there at the wrong time of day. The various international passenger trains look very interesting, for example. If I was in the area again, I might be tempted to pay another visit - although I'd probably try to get to Portbou earlier in the day. All-in-all, though, a worthwhile trip out.
Jim
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https://community.ricksteves.com/travel-forum/transportation/transportation-from-barcelona-to-nice
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Transportation from Barcelona to Nice
|
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2007-05-17T21:16:00+00:00
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I'm trying to figure out the best way to travel from Barcelona to Nice at the end of July. I was told there was a night train. However, I can't seem to find one. I'm also looking for transportation from Nice to Venice. Preferably a night train. Any suggestions??
|
en
|
https://community.ricksteves.com/travel-forum/transportation/transportation-from-barcelona-to-nice
|
I'm trying to figure out the best way to travel from Barcelona to Nice at the end of July. I was told there was a night train. However, I can't seem to find one. I'm also looking for transportation from Nice to Venice. Preferably a night train. Any suggestions??
|
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https://www.routeyou.com/en-es/route/view/5882106
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UT2019 optie 3 zonder Vallter 2000 zonder Col de Banyuls en Coll Belitres maar wel Sant Felius de... - Road bike route
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View, print and download the race cycle route 'UT2019 optie 3 zonder Vallter 2000 zonder Col de Banyuls en Coll Belitres maar wel Sant Felius de...' from rscheppi (540 km).
|
en
|
/img/logo/small-16x16.png
|
RouteYou
|
https://www.routeyou.com/en-es/route/view/5882106
|
Please wait, the navigation is being prepared.
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2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 3
|
https://www.thetrainline.com/en-us/train-times/cerbere-to-barcelona
|
en
|
Cerbère to Barcelona by Train from €54.70
|
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[
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Travel by train from Cerbère to Barcelona in 2h 11m. Get train times, compare prices & buy cheap train tickets ✅ for Cerbère to Barcelona today.
|
en
|
Trainline
|
https://www.thetrainline.com/en-us/train-times/cerbere-to-barcelona
|
If you want to travel from Cerbère to Barcelona by train, you've come to the right place.
You can expect the journey from Cerbère to Barcelona by train to take around 2 hours 43 minutes. If you want to get there as quickly as possible, it can take as little as 2 hours 11 minutes on the fastest services. You'll usually find around 8 trains per day running on this route, which spans 143 km. You'll have to make 1 change along the way on your journey to Barcelona. TGV, AVE or Renfe are the main rail operators on this route, all of which offer modern trains with plenty of space for luggage and comfortable seating.
Use our Journey Planner at the top of the page to search for cheap ticket prices and we'll show you how much you can save. Tickets from Cerbère to Barcelona start from €54.70 when you book in advance.
If you want to know more about the journey, keep reading for train schedules, tips on finding cheap tickets and FAQs, including first and last train times. Want to go straight to booking? Start a search with us today!
|
|||||
2884
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dbpedia
|
2
| 2
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
en
|
R11 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
|
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2020-04-28T14:25:40+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R11_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
Rail service
R11OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona and Girona provinces, CataloniaPredecessorCa2First service2010 (as R11)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteTerminiBarcelona Sants
Portbou/CerbèreStops28Distance travelled172 km (107 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 30–60 minLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock447 Series, 449 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès Oriental, Selva, Gironès and Alt Empordà regions. With a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, reaching the Pyrenees mountains.
R11 trains run primarily on the Barcelona–Cerbère railway, using Portbou and/or Cerbère as their northeasternmost terminus, and Barcelona Sants as its southwestern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Nord as far as Maçanet-Massanes, and with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 from Maçanet-Massanes to Portbou.
The Maçanet-Massanes-Portbou section had not previously been considered part of the Barcelona commuter rail service; designated Ca2, the services running on it were part of Renfe Operadora's regional rail division in Catalonia.[2] In 2010, after the administration of the Barcelona commuter rail service was transferred to the Catalan government, the line was passed from the Catalan regional rail division to Rodalies de Catalunya.[3]
History
[edit]
The current line scheme of the R11 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Girona-Figueres-Portbou were branded as Ca2 for the Catalan rail division, and 33 in the nationwide regional rail network. Before 2014, it was the only conventional line to serve the cities of Girona and Figueres (excluding the high-speed lines), until the creation of the Girona commuter rail service RG1, running from Barcelona to Figueres initially, being later extended to Portbou.
Infrastructure
[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R11 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R11 operates on a total line length of 172 kilometres (107 mi), entirely double-track. The trains on the line call at up to 28 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[4]
From To Railway line Route number Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station) Madrid–Barcelona 260 Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station) Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Aragó Tunnel 268 Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Cerbère (PK 275.9) Barcelona–Cerbère 270
All of the infrastructure used by the R11 is shared with other services. Between Barcelona Sants and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud, regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona.[5][6] After Passeig de Gràcia, R11 trains R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. R11 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R2 and R2 Nord only.[7] North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R11 only shares tracks with the R2 and freight services from this point on up to Maçanet-Massanes.[8] From Maçanet-Massanes, R11 trains share tracks with the Girona commuter rail service RG1 and freight trains for the remainder of their journey.
Operation
[edit]
All services that initiate from Barcelona Sants as their southern terminus terminate at either Girona, Figueres or continue all the way to Portbou and Cerbère. All services terminating at Cerbère call at all stations. Trains terminating at Girona, Figueres or Portbou, run either calling at all stations, or stopping at only some stations. The first trains run about 6:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 11:00 at night.
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. Services calling at all stations are branded as R (Regional), operated by RENFE Class 447 trains, while semi-fast services are branded as MD (Media Distancia/Mitjana Distancia), operated by RENFE Class 449 trains, Renfe Operadora's newest rolling stock for regional lines, and are more expensive than R trains..[9]
Service Route No.
of stations Journey time Days of
operation Notes R Barcelona Sants – Cerbère 28 2:402 h 40 min Daily Calls at all stations along its route. Barcelona Sants – Portbou 27 2:362 h 36 min Daily MD Barcelona Sants – Portbou 12 2:132 h 13 min Daily Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils, Caldes de Malavella, Girona, Flaçà, Figueres and Llançà. Barcelona Sants – Figueres 10 1:511 h 51 min Daily Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils, Caldes de Malavella, Girona and Flaçà. Barcelona Sants – Girona 8 1:211 h 21 min Fri-Sun Calls only at Barcelona Passeig de Gracia, Barcelona El Clot-Aragó, Sant Celoni, Maçanet-Massanes, Sils and Caldes de Malavella.
List of stations
[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R11 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R and/or MD trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[10][11]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone R MD ATM AdB Rod Barcelona Sants#* ● ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R12, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona El Clot-Aragó* ● ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, RG1 Barcelona Metro lines 1 and 2 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal* ● R2, R2 Nord Barcelona Metro line 1 at Sant Andreu station Barcelona 1 1 Granollers Centre ● R2, R2 Nord, R8 — Granollers 3D 3 Sant Celoni ● R2 Nord — Sant Celoni 4G 5 Gualba ● R2 Nord — Gualba 4G 5 Riells i Viabrea-Breda ● R2 Nord — Riells i Viabrea 4G 5 Hostalric ● R2 Nord — Hostalric 5H 6 Maçanet-Massanes ● ● R1, R2 Nord, RG1 — Maçanet de la Selva 6G 6 Sils ● ● RG1 — Sils 6 — Caldes de Malavella ● ● RG1 — Caldes de Malavella 6, 7 — Riudellots ● RG1 — Riudellots de la Selva 1 — Fornells de la Selva ● RG1 — Fornells de la Selva 1 — Girona#* ● ● RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
National and international coach services Girona 1 — Celrà ● RG1 — Celrà 1, 2 — Bordils-Juià ● RG1 — Bordils 2 — Flaçà ● ● RG1 — Flaçà 2 — Sant Jordi Desvalls ● RG1 — Sant Jordi Desvalls 2 — Camallera ● RG1 — Saus, Camallera i Llampaies — Sant Miquel de Fluvià ● RG1 — Sant Miquel de Fluvià — — Vilamalla ● RG1 — Vilamalla — — Figueres# ● ● RG1 — Figueres — — Vilajuïga ● RG1 — Vilajuïga — — Llançà ● ● RG1 — Llançà — — Colera ● RG1 — Colera — — Portbou#* ● ● RG1 Intercités long-distance rail services
TER Occitanie regional rail services Portbou — — Cerbère#* ● — Intercités long-distance rail services
TER Occitanie regional rail services (Station located in Cerbère, Pyrénées-Orientales, France.) — —
References
[edit]
|
||||||
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https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/27658342/presentacian-de-powerpoint-rail-europe
|
en
|
Presentación de PowerPoint - Rail Europe
|
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Presentación de PowerPoint - Rail Europe
|
en
|
yumpu.com
|
https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/27658342/presentacian-de-powerpoint-rail-europe
|
Attention! Your ePaper is waiting for publication!
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|||||
2884
|
dbpedia
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1
| 9
|
https://issuu.com/revistatren/docs/tren-9-ing-issuu
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en
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TREN Magazin #9
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2012-12-24T00:00:00+00:00
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#9 December 2012
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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Issuu
|
https://issuu.com/revistatren/docs/tren-9-ing-issuu
|
Welcome to Issuu’s blog: home to product news, tips, resources, interviews (and more) related to content marketing and publishing.
Here you'll find an answer to your question.
|
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2884
|
dbpedia
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2
| 65
|
http://the-mediarail-chronicles.blogspot.com/2013/12/france-barcelona-standard-connection-by.html
|
en
|
The Mediarail chronicles: France
|
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-xvlsAPTtzl0/UqwtQaSsz-I/AAAAAAAABrs/STR7v4RQ7Fk/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Talgo_1969_res.jpg
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http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-xvlsAPTtzl0/UqwtQaSsz-I/AAAAAAAABrs/STR7v4RQ7Fk/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Talgo_1969_res.jpg
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[
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Analysis of Mediarail.be - Signalling technician and railways observer (version française disponible ici ) More news, in english en f...
|
fr
|
http://the-mediarail-chronicles.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
http://the-mediarail-chronicles.blogspot.com/2013/12/france-barcelona-standard-connection-by.html
|
Schema of the HSL line : private section by TP Ferro (in red) and the rest by national ADIF (in blue) (schema by Mediarail.be) Schema of the schedules in 15 december 2013 : in red TGV Duplex SNCF and the rest AVE S-101 of Renfe. Schema of the schedules in 15 december 2013 (compilation by Mediarail.be)
|
|||
2884
|
dbpedia
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2
| 32
|
https://solar.lowtechmagazine.com/2013/12/high-speed-trains-are-killing-the-european-railway-network/
|
en
|
High Speed Trains are Killing the European Railway Network
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Written",
"Kris De Decker"
] |
2013-12-16T00:00:00+00:00
|
This is a solar-powered website, which means it sometimes goes offline
|
en
|
LOW←TECH MAGAZINE
|
https://solar.lowtechmagazine.com/2013/12/high-speed-trains-are-killing-the-european-railway-network/
| ||||||
2884
|
dbpedia
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2
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https://showmethejourney.com/travel-info-and-tips/international-trains-from-spain/
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en
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International trains from Spain
|
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Summaries of how to take trains from Spain to France and to/from Portugal
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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ShowMeTheJourney
| null |
the high speed line from Figueres to Perpignan
French national rail operator, SNCF has been providing the direct TGV InOui service trains on the Paris â Barcelona route, so there is two daily Paris â Barcelona departures per day year round, plus and additional third summer service
Spanish national rail operator, Renfe, has revived the Lyon â Barcelona and Marseille â Madrid trains.
So these services are now available daily:
Barcelona - Girona - Perpignan - Narbonne - Montpellier - Nimes - Lton
Madrid - Zaragoza - Barcelona - Girona - Perpignan - Narbonne - Montpellier - Nimes - Avignon - Marseille
the route from Port Bou to Cerbere on the Mediterranean coast
The express trains from Spain to France on the Mediterranean coast take the high speed line, but French regional TER trains still travel on this older scenic route
They commence their journeys in Port Bou on the Spanish side of the border and travel to other cities in south-west France including Perpignan, Narbonne, Carcassonne, Beziers, Montpellier, Nimes and Avignon.
Other TER trains commence their journeys on the French side of the border in Cerbere.
There are regional Spanish trains from Barcelona to Port Bou, some of which travel over the border to terminate in Cerbere.
They are a mix of Regional-Express and MD services, but these are the only MD services in Spain on which seat reservations are not available.
The timetables on either side of the border isn't coordinated, as neither the French or Spanish trains operate to a regular timetable.
So the connections in either Cerbere can range from just 10 minutes between trains to more than 90 minutes.
The TER trains from Cerbere generally depart hourly - but don't serve the same destinations in each hour.
Some of the TER trains which commence their journeys from Port Bou only depart on Monday to Friday - and others are only available at weekends.
The departure times of the trains from Barcelona can also be different on a Sat/Sun than those on a weekday
Due to construction work, until further notice these trains will be departing from Sant Andreu station in Barcelona
This station is served by local Rodalies trains on lines R2 and R2 Nord, which call at [Barcelona Sants station](/train-travel-info/countries/spain/cities/barcelona/rail-stations/barcelona-sants/).
These trains to Port Bou also call at Passeig de Grà cia station, which is much closer to the heart of Barcelona than Sants station - those local connecting Rodalies trains also call at this station.
If tickets have sold out on the RENFE-SNCF high speed services from Spain to France, slower alternatives will be available
Particularly useful are the trains on to Avignon from Port Bou which typically depart at 14:04 (not Saturdays) and 16:04 daily.
Connecting trains usually depart Barcelona at 10:46 and 12:46 on Sat/Sun and at 11:16 and 13:16 on Monday to Friday.
Overnight from Barcelona to Paris:
A train to the French border town of Cerbere typically departs Barcelona Sants daily at 15:16 and it will arrive in Cerbere around 1hr 10 mins before the departure of an overnight Intercités de Nuit train to Paris at 19:07.
This train is available nightly until Sept 2nd,. but from then it typically departs on Fridays, Saturdays and Sundays, it is typically scheduled to arrive in Paris-Austerlitz station at 07:20.
The Regio trains that use the older 'classic' lines when travelling between Vigo and Pontevedra, Santiago de Compostela and La Coruna also depart from / arrive at Vigo-Guixar.
The image above was taken at the station by Jon Worth ad downloaded from Wikimedia Commons - Jon is a campaigner for better cross-border rail services in Europe, hence his excellent website.
However, this station is now the secondary station in Vigo, as the city now has a shiny new station dedicated to high-speed train services, named Vigo-Urzáiz.
Hence Vigo-Urzáiz station is used by faster trains to/from Pontevedra, Santiago de Compostela and A Coruna - And the trains which link Vigo with Madrid and Ourense.
to/from Barcelona via Leon and Zaragoza
The other train service which arrives at depart from Vigo-Guixar station is the 3 x days per week Alvia train on the Vigo â Ourense - Leon - Burgos - Pamplona - Zaragoza - Barcelona route.
It departs from Vigo on Monday, Thursday and Saturdays; and arrives in the city on Wednesday, Friday and Sundays.
On the other days of the week connections are required in Ourense when travelling from and to Vigo.
Though this train departs Vigo before the first train of the day will arrive from Porto; and the train from Barcelona arrives in Vigo after the final train of the day has departed for Porto.
So an overnight stay in Vigo is required when travelling between Portugal and the destinations served by the Vigo â Barcelona train.
On Google Maps it will look as though these two stations in Vigo are around 10 to 15 mins walk from each other, but the route is blocked by a highway and Vigo-Urzáiz is also at an upper level, on top of a hill in the city.
The local bus route / line 883039 links the two stations, but its service is so sporadic that taking a taxi is the only viable option for making a transfer between the two stations.
Though as will be seen below, an overnight stay in Vigo is often required when taking the longer rail journeys between Porto and the more distant locations in Spain.
Madrid to Porto
Depart Madrid-Chamartin: 11:20 not Sundays
Arrive Vigo Urzaiz: 15:38
Taxi to Vigo Guixar
Depart Vigo Guixar: 19:56
Arrive Porto-Camphana: 21:18
The alternative to spending more than four hours in Vigo between trains:
Depart Madrid-Chamartin: 14:41 not Saturdays
Arrive Santiago De Compostela: 17:42
Depart Santiago De Compostela: 18:32
Arrive Vigo Urzaiz: 19:25
Taxi to Vigo Guixar; note that this connection is not guaranteed
Depart Vigo Guixar: 19:56
Arrive Porto-Camphana: 21:18
A Coruña and Santiago De Compostela to Porto and Lisbon
Depart La Coruna-San Cristobal: 05:30 on Monday to Friday
Depart Santiago De Compostela: 06:11 on Monday to Friday
Arrive Vigo Guixar: 07:40
Depart Vigo Guixar: 08:58
Arrive Porto-Camphana: 10:20
Depart Porto-Camphana: 10:38 by IC train
Arrive: Lisboa-Santa Apolónia: 14:00
A Coruña and Santiago De Compostela to Porto (pm)
Depart La Coruna-San Cristobal: 15:50
Depart Santiago De Compostela: 16:34
Arrive Vigo Guixar: 18:03
Depart Vigo Guixar: 19:56
Arrive Porto-Camphana: 21:18
OR
Depart La Coruna-San Cristobal: 17:00
Depart Santiago De Compostela: 17:32
Arrive Vigo Urzaiz: 18:26
Taxi to Vigo Guixar
Depart Vigo Guixar: 19:56
Arrive Porto-Camphana: 21:18
the route through Badajoz to Lisbon and Porto
There aren't any direct daytime trains from Madrid to Lisboa/Lisbon or Porto, though travelling this route has become easier on the new timetable, thanks to additional trains and easier transfer times.
Note that work is ongoing on the construction of a high-speed route between Madrid and Badajoz, as a consequence the timetables of the trains between these cities are subject to amendment and cancellation,
So these timings below are provisional and may not be available on your travel date.
They have been included to give an idea of what the journey by train typically entails
Daily except Saturdays, an IC train to Badajoz will depart Madrid-Chamartin at around 08:30 and call in Madrid Atocha at around 08:40; though it leaves from the 'Cercanias' part of the station, which is mainly used by the local commuter trains.
In Badajoz it will have a conveniently timed connection into a newly added additional train over the border to Entroncamento in Portugal, where transfers will be available into trains to both Lisboa/Lisbon and Porto.
The connecting train on from Entroncamento to the Portuguese capital will call in Lisboa Oriente station at around 16:50 before going on to arrive in Lisboa Santa Apolonia station at 17:00.
The train from Badajoz will also connect in Entroncamento with a train which arrives at Porto Camphana station at 18:52.
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https://rodalies.gencat.cat/en/horaris/index.html
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Timetables
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http://rodalies.gencat.cat/web/resources/fwk/comuns/img/avatar.jpg
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http://rodalies.gencat.cat/web/resources/fwk/comuns/img/avatar.jpg
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en
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/web/resources/fwkResponsives/common/img/favicon.ico
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Rodalies de Catalunya
|
http://rodalies.gencat.cat/en/horaris/
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Fares
The Catalan suburban railway services offers different fees depending on the customer and travel type. Find the ticket that best suits your needs.
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https://back-on-track.eu/french-and-spanish-railways-war-is-blocking-night-trains/
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en
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French and Spanish railways “war” is blocking night trains
|
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[
"Juri Maier"
] |
2022-07-02T00:51:00+00:00
|
Originally published by Oui au train de nuit
Simultaneous demonstrations for night trains took place on July 2nd, 2022 in Lisbon, Madrid and on several Pyren
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en
|
Back-on-Track
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https://back-on-track.eu/french-and-spanish-railways-war-is-blocking-night-trains/
|
Originally published by Oui au train de nuit
Simultaneous demonstrations for night trains took place on July 2nd, 2022 in Lisbon, Madrid and on several Pyrenees’ border stations. The demonstrators are celebrating the return of the Paris-Hendaye night train after a five-year absence. This event is an opportunity to put forward proposals to improve cross-border connections that are currently impaired by the conflict between railways and some EU rules.
Of the 100 million passengers travelling between France and Spain every year, less than 2% arrive by train. Indeed, between the border stations of Hendaye (France) and Irun (Spain), only 2 km apart, no passenger trains have been running for months. High Speed (HS) Trains are hardly attractive, with journeys to Europe often taking more than 6 hours. The long distances between Spain and Europe might favour night trains, but Spain dismantled all of them by removing the last ones in 2020. To denounce the lack of rail coherence, demonstrators coordinated between the three countries of South-West Europe for a marathon of mobilisations on July 2nd, 2022.
09h17: A new Cerbère-Portbou donkey service to extend the night train to Portbou
Since 1st of July of 2022, the Paris-Portbou night train can no longer enter the latter station of Portbou (Spain), and ends its route in the previous station of Cerbère (France), with no possiblity to cross the border. Mobilised on July 2nd, the Perpignan-Portbou Train Users’ Association (UTPP) valiantly proposed a new inter-border donkey service to carry passengers’ luggage across the mountain to Portbou station, which is barely 1km away as the crow flies [photo].
Beyond this action day, the Catalan associations are asking for a cross-border train that serves the stations of the coast, with a real timetable coordination between RENFE and SNCF’s regional trains.
100 years after the creation of border stations: now Spain and France require drivers to be bilingual
The night train can no longer enter Portbou, because since July 1st 2022 the Spanish rail network requires a “B1” language certificate for SNCF drivers. Régional trains are also threatened.
A train driver explains: “For decades, a High-Speed Train (HST) driver could travel from Paris to Stuttgart without speaking German. Of course, she/he was trained for the German signalisation system. Now, a new European regulation imposes a B1 level in the event of a signalling failure: a form is then given to the driver to be able to cross the faulty signals. Yet, the national agencies should have made an exception for border stations.”
A railway worker complained: “The railways have been pioneers in harmonising Europe since 1922 with the International Union of Railways – UIC – which guaranteed access to border stations. 100 years of experience confirmed that the most efficient way is that border station staff speak both languages, but not the drivers. Unfortunately since 2007 the UE has undermine some of the UIC rules.” (see legislation and debate on twitter).
France was the first to impose the strict regulation to border stations, as a freight driver from Portbou testifies on twitter. And in Irun, “a translator now accompanies all Spanish freight trains travelling to Hendaye.“
When questioned, the Occitania Region’s Vice-President for Transportation underlined : “We did not accept this unilateral decision of the railway safety authorities of the two countries … Thanks to the spanish training of controllers, Regional trens remain cross-border“. From Montpellier, the CGT union gave its analysis: “This is above all an economic war between SNCF and RENFE linked to the opening up to competition.“
For a railway worker in Irun “the required language level, B1, is not so hard to obtain. With a 2 or 3 month anticipation, we can train the drivers or controllers.” As Occitania Region, RENFE has trained its controllers to maintain regional trains. ADIF has also given a derogation for French trains until October 1st of 2022… but only for freight.
Once again being the last to be considered, the night train is the only train removed. The SNCF operator sent a bus to complete the last kilometre. Unfortunately the narrowness of the streets of the border village of Cerbère hardly allows the bus to reach the station. The train will always be more suitable… and it was finally a RENFE train that took the passengers to Spain.
09:30 AM – March from Irun to Hendaye to denounce the homologation “war”
The second march of the day was undertaken by the Spanish Coordination for the Public, Social and Sustainable Train and the Spanish railway union CCOO. They walked the 2 km between Irun and Hendaye stations to denounce the lack of connections:
The new French duplex HSTs are not approved to enter Irun, officially due to a gauge problem. For the Spanish railway workers « It’s an excuse. There is no tunnel nor obstacle. It’s rather an administrative blockage. » For the French railway workers the SNCF is also not interested in sending its HSTs far beyond Bordeaux for few passengers and prefers to shorten the ends of the lines.
Concerning the new regional trains, Irun railway workers comment that “all the homologation stages have been completed. It was at the very last moment that there was a political blockage so that the homologation was not signed“. Today, as a consequence, no passenger trains – neither RENFE nor SNCF – can run between the two stations.
The night train does not arrive in Irun either. A Spanish railwaywoman argued that “the night is the only one homologated to cross the border. It has been running for 40 years !“. When questioned, the French Ministry of Transport (DGITM) and SNCF unfortunately denied this analysis: the homologation has been withdrawn because the night train was not running to Irun for 5 years. The homologation remains valid only for Portbou, as long as the train continues to run there… And beware, the Spanish Railway Safety Agency (AESF) already threatened since several month to withdraw the homologation for the night train to Portbou.
On the other side, the french railway institutions are also blocking Renfe trains. The spanish HST are not homologated for the northern half of France: they cannot therefore enter Paris, Brussels and other European cities, although there is of course a demand from Europeans to reach Spain by train…
It is still possible to travel by foot as the Hendaye – Irun stations are only 2 km apart. However, the French police have barricaded the pedestrian bridge that would make this crossing more direct and pleasant…
Another possibility is to take the small metre-gauge « Euskotren », which is a real success with half-hourly timetables from 5.30 a.m. to 10.30 p.m., and even all night at weekends, which is what every user dreams of in France, and which is only seen abroad… Unfortunately, the Euskotren only covers 500m of French territory, which is of course insufficient to offer a real cross-border alternative to the private car. Note that the president of the Basque Country wants to invest in railto reduce car congestion : 45,000 vehicles cross the border every day, more than 85% of cross-border journeys are made by car…
The EU may solve the problem quickly and for the whole continent, as one freight railway worker reminds us: «
In the 20th century the UIC stipulated that trains homologated in one country could run to the border station of the neighbouring country. Unfortunately, the EU has undermined this agreement by creating national railway safety authorities that impose their decisions within the strict borders of the country. This is a no sense for cross-border railways, which are thus subject to double regulation. It adds layers of extra costs and that is what is killing the railways. Fortunately, this 2007 European regulation is currently being renegotiated. It is essential to ensure that it nows complies with UIC agreements. Under pressure from the German operator DB, the problem has already been solved positively for the Saarbrücken-Forbach border stations »… where it was often necessary to change locomotives twice for 6 km tracks.
Furthermore, European legislation already proposes an exemption for “networks separated from the rest of the railway system“. Yet the Spanish tracks in France (at Cerbère and Hendaye) are separate networks. They cannot be used by French trains because they are at Iberian gauge. The same separation occurs on the tracks used by French trains in Spain at Portbou and Irun. The choice not to apply the exception is therefore all the more absurd. It is apparently only motivated by the railway dispute between the public railway companies of both countries. However, this is a good opportunity to improve EU regulations, which have been seeking for years to bridge the gaps at the borders: in order for trains to be able to move more easily across the EU, the exception should not be left to the random arbitration of each Member State’s safety agencies. The European Rail Agency – ERA could generalise it to all EU border stations, in accordance with the UIC agreements.
Meanwhile, the deterioration is rapid: towards Italy, the border station of Ventimiglia no longer supplies power to the catenaries so that the Paris-Nice night train can access it. In Portugal, railway workers are also worried : “Another cancer spreading in Europe. It always worked well and safely, now we have this madness. The same thing is expected between Portugal and Spain.”
10 AM – Demonstration in Hendaye, is competition both the source of blockage and the solution to everything ?
The trains are blocked. For a rail worker, the competition generates the blockage: “There was a non-aggression pact between SNCF and RENFE, which SNCF betrayed by launching the low-cost HST Ouigo in Spain. [600 million euros of French public funding is funding low fares and a level of service that Ouigo does not offer in France]. Their Elipsos cooperation has been shattered.” Now Spanish operators are eyeing the French market. RENFE or Euskotren would like to operate regional trains in New Aquitaine (Hendaye Region). In the meantime, they show no interest in unblocking traffic.
However, another strategy is possible: back in 2017, the CEO of SNCF confirmed the advantages of cooperation over competition: “between Germany and France we did not choose competition but cooperation. […] If we were in competition, that would mean that if you bought a ticket for a TGV, you could not get on an ICE, it is not exchangeable, and vice versa. We thus chose a model of cooperation and we are happy because with our German colleagues it has strengthened the links between the two companies.“
Cooperation was a widespread behaviour among the railways in the 20th century. The decline in cooperation dates back to the European regulations 3rd and 4th railway packages (2007 and 2016) – which put railways in competition. The hostility began in 2011, when the public companies SNCF and Trenitalia stopped their cooperation Artesia.
Already In 2016, Oui au train de nuit called on this subject on the European Commission – DG Move, which replied that the new regulatory tools would solve all the problems. Six years later, one question remains: how much longer will it take to finally be able to travel those 2 km by train, where the tracks and trains are already in place and only a signature is missing ?
And above all, isn’t it time to introduce a miminum of mandatory cooperation ? It would be useful to:
Create continuity between operators (rail benefit to operate as a network).
Relaunch night trains, which are fragile, cross several countries and need this cooperation.
Offer through tickets mixing night trains + day trains of all companies. This will allow in the future to travel 2000km and cross Europe.
Night trains return to South West Europe
The Iberian Peninsula benefited from some twenty night trains in 2009, running on both national and international connections. The operator RENFE has definitively dismantled all the night trains, on the occasion of the Covid crisis, despite Portugal’s opposition, which is seeking to revive the offer.
The night trains Lusitânia (Lisbon – Madrid), Sud Express (Lisbon – Hendaye) and Barcelona-Galicia have thus been dismantled, despite high occupancy rates. Portugal is isolated from the larger European rail network. Such a situation has not happened since the two World Wars.
In such desperate situations, Oui au train de nuit has already had the opportunity to sing it’s only goodbye. In fact, already, the night trains are coming back!
11 AM – the first night train arrives in Hendaye!
The new Paris-Hendaye night train approaches 500 m from the border, after 5 years of absence. This is a victory, but there is still a lot to be done.
First handicap: this night train to Hendaye only runs in the summer (like the night train Paris-Portbou which only runs on weekends and holidays). The demonstrators are asking for these 2 trains to be daily. Moreover, the time of arrival is very late (10.40am). In addition, numerous HSR works are likely to prevent traffic for the next 10 years. See the press release.
5 PM – debate in Bayonne between users, elected representatives, NGOs and railway workers
In the Basque Country, train is the subject of debate: the french Basque Country has voted against the High Speed Line project to reach the border. The EU is also reluctant to pay. Brussels seems to favour the modernisation of existing lines that are more useful for daily mobility.
This was the occasion for a debate which showed the importance of providing more funding for the conventional railroad network. This network is under-used by far: local trains could be operated at half-hourly intervals, with a wider range of hours. And to double the freight, the « rail freight highways », such as Cherbourg-Bayonne, are expensive and unsuitable. By only linking one unique depature with one destination, they abandon the territories located in between.
6 PM – Lisbon dances for the night train as an alternative to aviation
In Lisbon the Aterra collective is mobilising for alternatives to air travel [press release]. It has called for a demonstration with choreography in front of the historic Santa Apolonia station. Anne denounces Portugal’s railway isolation: “Lisbon is one of only two European capitals without any international rail links. We are completely dependent on aviation, which is the worst choice for the climate. The situation is dramatic. We want night trains to Europe and also national night trains to connect the North and South of Portugal“. [see video]
Aterra also calls for fair taxation between air and rail. It claims that a train journey should cost, at most, half the equivalent journey by plane.
7 PM – Madrid for the revival of night trains and the conventional rail network
In Madrid, the NGO Ecologistas en Acción denounces the imbalance of funding in favour of High Speed Rail, as well as the abandonment of the conventional railway network. The latter provides more social benefits with local trains, suburban trains in the regions, freight, and night and day long distance trains.
Beyond the demonstration, a joint declaration by 14 social, trade union and environmental organisations, was also proposed on July 4th, accompanied by a dossier of proposals. The action was particularly noticeable in medium-sized cities served by the night train, such as Salamanca, [press release] and Granada.
The left-wing coalition in the Spanish government has promised the return of night trains… by 2050. In 2022 it is carrying out a study (with no news about it) and at the same time authorising RENFE to cease operations and send some of its most modern night trains… to Turkey. As a reminder, Western Europe is experiencing a shortage of this type of equipment, and several operators are also looking to rent it.
8 PM – the first night train returns to Paris with a batch of demands
This long day of mobilisation ends with the night train sending a message back to Paris (and Brussels). Could such accumulations of dysfunctions take place in Paris regional trains? Or it is just an effect of over-centralism on the forgotten edges of France?
Oui au train de nuit had already occasions to denounce that the railway geography seen from Paris is overly simplified. So its proposals include night trains on a diversity of cross-country routes between regions (while actual night trains are strictly limited to connexions to Paris). Similarly Portugal’s government also denounce the excessive railway centralism in Madrid’s strategy and is calling for an real Iberian rail network, which would to be not limited to tracks to Madrid.
At present, french government is concentrating new tax revenues for infrastructure projects for Paris and the metropolises: the « Grand Paris Express » is typical of this trend – this new infrastructure plans a tax to collect at least €35bn. The South-West HSR project want to raise €14bn. Yet, these projects forget about the conventional railways for medium-sized towns and give rise to a feeling of abandonment and injustice.
In many rural areas, the Yellow Vest mouvement and then the rising scores of the Extrem Right parties have largely sounded the alarm: it is time to fix territorial divisions by funding the conventional railway at least at the same level as the big projects for the metropolises. This is especially relevant as there is a backlog of investment to be made up and more than 60% of the french population lives outside the metropolises. Spain also wants to balance those investments, but fails to achieve it.
Oui au train de nuit therefore demands :
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https://crossborderrail.trainsforeurope.eu/30-trains-costing-e376-million-for-france-germany-services-parked-up-without-any-prospect-of-operations-until-2027/
|
en
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parked up without any prospect of operations until 2027
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2024-08-01T18:02:49+00:00
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Regional rail services between France and Germany are poor, but change is supposed to be around the corner. A fleet of new Régiolis trains for the these services has been ordered and built (and I set out to find them) but when the operations of these trains will start, and […]
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en
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#CrossBorderRail
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https://crossborderrail.trainsforeurope.eu/30-trains-costing-e376-million-for-france-germany-services-parked-up-without-any-prospect-of-operations-until-2027/
|
Regional rail services between France and Germany are poor, but change is supposed to be around the corner. A fleet of new Régiolis trains for the these services has been ordered and built (and I set out to find them) but when the operations of these trains will start, and who will operate them, is currently unclear. There is a danger that rather than later this year, the trains will only enter service in 2026 or 2027 – meaning a fleet worth €376 millon will be parked up not being used.
What is the most plausible theory of what is happening?
The trains will operate in 1 French Région (Grand Est) and 3 German Länder (Baden Württemberg, Rheinland-Pfalz, Saarland). Grand Est wanted SNCF to operate the trains, while the Länder wanted a competitive tender to find an operator. Rather than sort this out while the trains were being built, decisions on operations were delayed until this year – the Länder won out (there will be a tender), but even if a winner is announced this year, whoever wins will not be able to start right away – and so an interim solution for the operations would be needed. Until a temporary solution is found (and it looks unlikely this will happen at the time of writing) the danger is the trains stay parked up not being used for three and half years, and cross border services remain lousy in the meantime.
Background and timeline
The story starts back in 2009, when Alstom wins the “framework contract of the century” to build the new generation of regional trains for the French Régions, appropriately to be called Régiolis. More than 360 of these trains of this type are already in service, and they were to be built at Reichshoffen in Alsace. CAF has subsequently taken over the Reichshoffen works from Alstom, but that is incidental to our story here.
Right from the off (it’s mentioned in the press release confirming the contract) versions of the trains with 15kV ac electrification for Germany and Switzerland were foreseen, and trains equipped with diesel motors as well as electric (bi-mode) were available. The first bi-modes appeared in 2014, the first versions with 15kV started operating on the Léman Express network in 2019.
22 October 2019 – as part of the wider framework contract – an order is placed for 30 Régiolis trains will also be able to operate in Germany. The value of the order is €360 million (later this rose to €376 million – of which €3 million is EU money from Interreg), and the trains will be able to operate on two electric systems – 25kV ac for northern France, 15kV ac for Germany, and diesel – bi mode.
22 November 2020 – Lok Report had the first news about operations – there was supposed to be a tender, and they link to this Ted page about the tender… but that page is now empty (in French, German and English).
9 July 2021 – less than 2 years after the order was placed – Ministerpräsident of Rheinland-Pfalz Malu Dreyer was pictured with a pre-series train at Neustadt an der Weinstraße (set number 85503-85504), and set 85501-85502 was dispatched to Velim for tests. At this time December 2024 was already the proposed start date for operations.
25 December 2021 – Lok Report finally has more, and a link to what looks like a more complete tender process – 665162-2021 – with December 2024 being the start of operations, with the option for some steady introduction of some services up until 2027. Date for submission of tender bids was 25 February 2022, and today we still do not know who won.
28 April 2023 – nvbv has by this point changed its tone. It announces that all documents have been provided to tender bidders, but that operation of the services will now start from December 2026, 2 years later than everyone had been saying. But there is still no information about when the tender process will be completed. Peculiarly on 11 September 2023 Rheinland-Pfalz put up a new story sticking to the 2024 date.
18 July 2023 – Die Rheinpfalz had an interesting story about the headaches with the tender that were brewing, but nevertheless hoped that Neustadt (Weinstraße) – Strasbourg could get 6 trains a day still (via Wissembourg). Soon after – 12 September 2023 – there were already the beginnings of ideas for interim solutions 2024-2026 according to this BahnBlogStelle piece.
On a webpage without a date on it, Zweckverband ÖPNV Rheinland-Pfalz Süd currently states that the conclusion of the tender process is now foreseen for end of 2024 / start of 2025, and services from December 2027. But the problem is they forgot that the internet never forgets, especially the Wayback Machine. In this 24 February 2024 snapshot, they state mid 2024 for the conclusion of the tender and – significantly – there is a text that states (my translation) “In order to achieve initial improvements for customers as quickly as possible, a run-up operation with the two existing companies DB Regio and SNCF is planned on individual routes from December 2024” – and by today that text has been removed.
It is hence from that timeline that I conclude that December 2027 is now to be the start of operations of the new trains, and that efforts to achieve an interim solution 2024-2027 have failed. That means – at the time of writing – it looks like the Régiolis trains are going to be standing idle for three and a half years.
The trains themselves
To test this idea that some, if not all, of the trains could be used on an interim basis from December 2024, I wanted to see how many of them have indeed been built and could be deployed. So on 31st July and 1st August 2024 I set out to find the trains. A few tip-offs on social media helped me work out where to go.
I can confirm that 13 of the cross border Régiolis were parked at Lauterbourg on 31 July – 11 at BCAuto Enchères opposite the railway station (Google Maps here) and 2 further south at the Port du Rhin (Google Maps).
A further 8 trains were at the ex-Alstom (now CAF) plant at Reichshoffen on 1 August – 4 to the south of the plant (Google Maps), and 4 more either alongside or within the main plant (Google Maps)
And a final 2 trains were at the SNCF Technicentre Alsace (Google Maps) – also 1 August
So that means at least 23 of the fleet of 30 trains is complete.
So what should be done with these trains?
The old version of the Zweckverband ÖPNV Rheinland-Pfalz Süd page cited above has the right idea – these trains should be deployed on existing cross border routes as soon as possible, to ease the rolling stock capacity problems, and also eliminate diesel traction on electrified routes.
First priority would be to run Régiolis on Strasbourg – Offenburg, where capacity on the existing diesel railbuses is far too limited, and these run on a line that is electrified throughout. Régiolis would replace both SNCF and SWEG railbuses here.
A similar solution would be available right away for Saarbrücken – Forbach, where Régiolis would replace X 73900 on an electrified line, even with the possibility of running as far as Metz right from the start.
Wörth (Rhein) – Lauterbourg has a different issue – the DB 628 DMU used there is not disabled accessible and has no air conditioning, so running a Régiolis here would be a major step forward for all passengers.
Mulhouse – Müllheim (Baden) would also benefit from new trains, but a driver shortage there means all trains are replaced by buses at the moment, so Régiolis there should only happen once the other lines are fixed. Winden (Pfalz) – Wissembourg runs with Talent DMUs that are passable for now, Saarbrücken – Sarreguemines is ok with the tram and a few trains for now, Perl – Thionville has a weekend only service so let’s not get carried away asking that gets stepped up, and let’s not dream for Niedaltdorf – Bouzonville currently.
So for the three priority borders, are there enough Régiolis trains to cover those services: clearly and obviously YES. So that is how a temporary solution should look – run the new trains on those lines as soon as possible. This is the short term priority – make this happen.
FAQ
Are these trains too complex?
Two electric systems, and diesel, is a common combination in France – even the AGC trains (predecessor of the Régiolis) had this from 2009 onwards. Régiolis bi mode trains have been in service since 2014. The only difference with the cross border Régiolis is the replacement of 1.5kV dc with 15kV ac, and 15kV ac has been used successfully on the Léman Express units. So no, ultimately, I see no reason why these trains should be any more complicated than hundreds of others already in operation in France and Switzerland.
Is this all actually a problem of rolling stock authorisation instead?
I don’t think so, but I cannot be 100% sure, because not all the necessary information is available in public. I can find no information about the approval of this Régiolis variant in ERATV, although there is a fiche for the Léman Express ones. I however cannot see how a reasonably simple 160km/h train, where a similar version was approved, can be encountering major headaches in terms of approval – not least as they have now had 3 years to iron out any kinks. There is no reference in any news story anywhere to approval problems being the reason for the delays. Also given there were pre-series trains (in 2021) and then series production (from 2023), I cannot imagine the latter happening if there were some major technical headache still to overcome.
Do you have any close up pictures of the trains?
Yes. Click to enlarge each!
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https://www.costabravaliving.net/portbou-to-cerbre-france-and-back--k38419
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en
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Portbou to Cerbère (France) and back
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Portbou to Cerbère (France) and back | Costa Brava Living..
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www.costabravaliving.net
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https://www.costabravaliving.net/portbou-to-cerbre-france-and-back--k38419
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Portbou and Cerbère are villages that link the Costa Brava to the Cote Vermillion, and until the AVE/TGV line under the Pyrenees, were the ends of the railway lines for Spain and France respectively, joined by a tunnel, but where passengers and goods had to change because of the different track gauges.
The coast road itself is also served by road, but with a string of hairpin bends and curves is the slowest road way into Spain, popular only with mobilehomes and motorcyclists looking for a tour.
So, while we have driven this route a couple of times, and passed through the villages, from the road they are small and somewhat undistinguished, so it's an area that is mostly off the beaten track except for the intrepid.
However, by train the journey is only 40 minutes from Flaçà, and although the road route is about 7km between the towns, there is a short 3km walk over the hills to link the two. So we headed out for the day - and just loved it - definitely one of our favourite explores.
Now this might seem strange, the towns aren't big, they have massive railway siding yards and constructions, they've fallen into a bit of disrepair, the beaches are grey grit and pebbles so not the first choice for a beach, and the hinterlands are steepish stone and rocky terraces into the hills.
But there's something captivating in the almost industrial qualities of the towns with a beach and the touching history as a crossing point for refugees - from Spain to France in 1939 and from France to Spain in 1940, and a sense of loss as transport and traffic moved to other routes. There's almost something cinematographic about the towns and locations and plenty for photographers to discover (though our day was a little misty for photos).
The first indication of this almost lost grandeur, is arriving at Portbou station. It is enormous - a long steel arched construction similar to Estacio França in Barcelona, with shades of Paddington or Sant Pancras in London.
In the 1930s to 70s, this would be a point of change for passengers as they disembarked from France to change trains to continue the journey on to Barcelona, Valencia or Madrid, checked by customs officials and passport control for the onward journey.
Even goods had to switch trains, giving work to the town to facilitate the changing goods, the paperwork and exports agents.
So the station dominates the town. Even the church - just next door to the station - was built for the railway workers. And it sits between two tunnels - out to Cerbère or south along the coast towards Figueres - tunnels that go under the hills that the cars have to go over.
So when we arrive, the first thing we note is just how big the station is, but also how quiet and empty for such a large space. You can feel the missing people as you walk to try to find an exit. Something made more difficult by the renovation works around the station and a total lack of signposting.
Leaving the station, we look down to the town and out across the sea. Portbou is not a large town and it's a five minute stroll down to the beach, but since we're exploring, we see a sign to the "WB Memorial" with an indicator for a viewpoint.
WB we find out, was Walter Benjamin, an important Jewish philosopher of art from Germany known within the circles of Berthold Brecht. In 1940 he arrived in Portbou with Jewish refugees fleeing the Nazis. However, his party was stopped in Portbou by Franco's Guardia Civil and told they would be deported back to France. Fearful of the terror that awaited, Benjamin took his own life a day after arriving in Portbou.
The memorial itself was our second eye-opener. It sits next to the town cemetery on a space on a headland where you can look back to the town and the beach. The memorial itself is a flight of stairs in an oxidised steel tunnel that looks straight down to the crashing waves of the sea giving a beautiful spooky feeling of light, darkness and movement from the water. Taking the steps to the bottom, you still only see the sea, but looking back up you have a stairway to light at the top.
From this moment we knew we'd found a gem of a town for visitors looking for something different. From the memorial we walked back down to the beach area. It's October so even if there were sunbathers, there wouldn't be too many around, but two older ladies are taking a dip in water that looks cold under the grey skies. Out in the bay a snorkeller in a wetsuit and flippers is prowling the deeper waters.
The main leisure port is around the corner under the monument headland, hidden out of view but not so special, so we turn back along the beach promenade and the handful of closed bars and restaurants to the one place we can see that's open - a chirguito behind the beach with 8-10 rainbow gay flags fluttering above it some of which have a Canadian Maple Leaf on them - we've no idea why.
Still exploring, and not yet on the walk, we walk along the town rambla and read the signs describing the Retirada (the Retreat) of when, at the end of the Spanish Civil War, people from Catalonia and further south fled the victorious Franco Fascists through Portbou. As a main supply line into Republican Spain, Portbou was a target for air attacks by the Spanish forces.
At the back of the rambla, the road leads to an enormous tunnel that we couldn't fathom to start with. It's huge cavernous interior with a road and river, that we discover looking down from above the town, has the railway sidings above - so needing road access - while allowing the river to take the water from the hills behind the town to the sea.
Coming back out of the tunnel and just about to start our walk, we then see the sign for a "Pamtomataria" above a restaurant. It takes a while, even for our fluent Catalan speaking daughter, to realise this is a "Pa amb Tomate - ria" - bread with tomato and olive oil being one of the traditional foods of Catalonia.
And so we started to walk up the hill. It is only 1km to the top of the hill and the French border. Initially, the path follows the streets in the town, but it emerges as a stone track route in the final few hundred metres.
At the top we have views up and down the coast, with Cerbère's mass of railway tracks down below us. There is a small memorial to the Retirada at the top, with collections of photographs of the Spanish exodus as they passed the customs post, and into France, where they were taken into the refugee camps at Argeles-sur-Mer.
Just below the top of the hill we have to cross the road as it passes through the old French Douane post, now totally covered in graffiti. It's not entirely clear where the route down to Cerbère goes so we take the road for a bit until we find the sign. If you're walking, you can take the route at the back of the white customs post building which connects to a yellow signed path on the road below.
The path down to Cerbère runs down a gully with terraces on the other side of the hill presumably once as vineyards, now looking like they are cultivating cactus.
Towards the bottom of the path we pass a rusted old car that must have fallen off the road above many years ago and is now stuck and abandoned.
The gully reaches the town below and runs under the railway lines and then along a huge wall or embankment built to support the tracks above. Cerbère's town is dominated by the size of these supporting walls built in brick and arches.
The road at this point, is like a dry concrete river bed with the houses and pavement higher up and steps down to the road with small bridges over the top. This is typical of drier places where the road will become a river if there is enough rain, but on the majority of the year it can be used for cars and parking.
The road takes us to the centre and almost immediately we're on the horseshoe of shops and restaurants above Cerbère's beach almost immediately feeling like we're in the centre of town. Now everything is in French with a typical French brassiere overlooking the bay.
The beach, like the one in Portbou is grey grit and pebbles, and not so inviting, with a port across the bay with huge concrete blocks acting as sea protection. This is an area were the tramuntana wind can blow fiercely with gusts over 100km/h not uncommon on a windy day. The sea also can get rough, and hence the size of the groins and protections.
There are further notices and exhibitions as the end of the Retirada. But the view from the French side is more complex, as this is also the crossing point for French, Belgium and German refugees fleeing the Nazi regime in the 1940s. And later in the war, also a route for people smuggling such as downed Allied airmen. Escapers could take one of the hill paths, or would attempt to walk directly through the railway tunnels at night.
As one of the obvious crossing points it was manned directly by the Gestapo, and unlike the Spanish refugees, getting caught could be fatal.
We walk up the road by the sea, and walk around the white hotel built above the railway line in an art deco style. It's quite striking for its location and style.
We do visit the station because if the walk is too much, it would be possible to catch a train back through the tunnel with a train every hour for the short tunnel link. However, besides picking up a couple of leaflets and looking at the timetables with trains on to Narbonne or Avignon, the station itself is nowhere near as impressive as Portbou.
Leaving the station, we want to get back to the other side of the tracks, and we see a subway to the left that looks like it might curve under the tracks. Inside it is crudely lit and long, filled with lurid coloured graffiti which might make it unsettling at night. As it turns we get our third tunnel surprise of the day, because ahead of us we can see directly to the beach with the sea straight in front of us.
For the walk back we decide to take the coastal path. We follow the road out along the headland until it reaches an open space with a small lighthouse. From here a path runs up long the cliff of the hill behind. I'm not keen on high drops, so I scramble a route up a little more inland, while the others stay to the main path. At the top it connects back to the customs crossing and we can make our way down into Portbou, and back to the train - 40 minutes and we're back in Flaçà. Great day out.
See also
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https://m.famousfix.com/list/rodalies-de-catalunya-92930780
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Rodalies de Catalunya
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https://www.famousfix.com/list/rodalies-de-catalunya-92930780
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1.
Overview: The RT1 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Tarragona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It links Reus railway station in the city of Reus with Tarragona railway station, in the city ...
0 0
2.
Overview: The RT2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Tarragona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It links Port Aventura railway station in the Costa Daurada area with L'Arboç railway station ...
0 0
3.
Overview: The R17 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to Port Aventura, near the seaside resort of Salou, passing ...
0 0
4.
Overview: The R16 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to the town of Tortosa, passing through the Vallès Occidental ...
0 0
5.
R11 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
Rail service
Overview: The R11 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Cerbère, passing through the Vallès ...
0 0
6.
Aragó Tunnel
Railway tunnel in Barcelona, Spain
Overview: The Aragó Tunnel is a railway tunnel in the Spanish city of Barcelona. Built in the 1970s, it replaced the previously existing railway that ran in a cutting through the city centre.
0 0
7.
Meridiana Tunnel
Railway tunnel in Barcelona
Overview: The Meridiana Tunnel is a railway tunnel in the Spanish city of Barcelona. Built in the 1970s, it replaced the previously existing railway that ran in a cutting in the middle of Avinguda Meridiana through ...
0 0
8.
RENFE Class 447
Electric multiple unit train type
Overview: The RENFE Class 447 is a class of electric multiple unit trains built by CAF, Alstom, Siemens, ABB, and Adtranz for RENFE Cercanías, Spain's commuter railway networks. The first units entered service in ...
0 0
9.
Civia
2003 CAF/Siemens commuter train class
Overview: Civia is the name for a class of electric multiple unit trains built by CAF and Siemens for the RENFE Cercanías commuter railway networks in Spain. The first units entered service in 2003.
0 0
10.
Cercanías
Spanish commuter rail systems
Overview: Cercanías is the name given to the commuter rail systems of Spain's major metropolitan areas. In the Valencian Community, the term is replaced by Rodalia while the designation Aldiriak is used in the Basque ...
0 0
Cercanías 14T
11.
Overview: The R8 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs hourly between Martorell and Granollers across the Vallès Occidental region, spanning 40 ...
0 0
12.
Overview: The R10 was a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It linked half-hourly Barcelona–El Prat Airport with Barcelona's Estació de França, using the ...
0 0
13.
R7 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
Commuter rail line in Barcelona
Overview: The R7 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It links Sant Andreu Arenal railway station in northern Barcelona with Cerdanyola Universitat ...
0 0
14.
Overview: The R4 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the northern limits of the province of Tarragona to Barcelona, passing ...
0 0
15.
Overview: The R3 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the French border town of Latour-de-Carol, passing ...
0 0
16.
Overview: The R2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It is a major north–south axis in the Barcelona metropolitan area, running from the southern limits ...
0 0
17.
R1–RG1 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
Part of Barcelona's commuter rail service
Overview: The R1 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs northwards from the Barcelona area to the southern limits of the province of Girona, passing ...
0 0
18.
Rodalies de Catalunya
Commuter and regional rail system in Catalonia, Spain
Overview: Rodalies de Catalunya ("Commuter Rail of Catalonia") is the main commuter and regional rail system in the Spanish autonomous community of Catalonia. It is administered by the Government of Catalonia and ...
0 0
19.
Overview: The Barcelona–Cerbère railway is a 168-kilometre (104.39 mi) railway line linking Barcelona in Catalonia, Spain to Cerbère in France.
0 0
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Train tickets AVE, Avlo Low Cost (with No Booking Fees)
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https://www.renfe.com/etc.clientlibs/renfe/clientlibs/clientlib-base/resources/images/favicons/favicon-32.ico
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https://www.renfe.com/etc.clientlibs/renfe/clientlibs/clientlib-base/resources/images/favicons/favicon-32.ico
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Buy cheap train tickets AVE, Avlo high speed Low Cost ✓ Timetables, Fares and Discounts ✅ No Booking Fees! ▷ ( Renfe.com )
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/etc.clientlibs/renfe/clientlibs/clientlib-base/resources/images/favicons/favicon-32.ico
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https://www.renfe.com/es/en
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Take a look at our ideas for travelling by train and get inspired with Renfe.
Travelling at the best price and with all the comforts? It is possible! Step on board
Looking for inspiration?
Don't miss our most popular destinations. Allow your mind to wander. Discover what to see and what to do in each destination and make sure you don't miss anything with Renfe
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Rail route of the month: the slow train from France to Spain
|
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[
"Nicky Gardner",
"www.theguardian.com",
"nicky-gardner"
] |
2022-09-06T00:00:00
|
Our slow travel expert dodges the high-speed TGV and takes a regional train from Avignon bound for Portbou, just over the Spanish border
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2022/sep/06/rail-route-of-the-month-slow-train-from-france-to-spain
|
Avignon is a natural way station for travellers from Britain and northern Europe bound for the Iberian peninsula. It’s a place for choices. Fast or slow?
Travellers in a rush to reach Spain head for the Gare TGV, which opened in 2001. It is a good way south of the city centre in Courtine, a new suburb that was once a watery wasteland between the Durance and Rhône rivers. From that rather sterile out-of-town station, a high-speed train leaving at 8.40am gets to the Spanish capital by mid-afternoon.
Those not in a hurry will find a far more interesting option for travel to Spain. The slow trains depart from Avignon Centre, the historic station by the walls of the old city. The station itself is a gem, its facade an essay in neo-classical symmetry, with five elegant bays and a clock dominating the balustrade. Architect Jules Bouchot also designed a similar station at Valence, down the Rhône Valley from Avignon. Both stations take architectural cues from the 7 chateau at Versailles.
Avignon Centre once boasted a roll call of international destinations on its departure boards. Alas, the direct trains to London, Berlin and Milan are no more. The only trains from Avignon Centre that still venture beyond French borders are the thrice-daily regional services to Portbou in Spain. This is an extraordinary 4hr 15min journey made all the better by being on a slower train, which makes 25 stops en route. There’s real drama in the changing landscapes on this route, culminating in a final stretch along the Côte Vermeille south of Perpignan to the border. On the left is the Mediterranean, and the rugged slopes of the Pyrenees rise up away to the right. All in all it’s far better than diving under the mountains in the long Perthus tunnel used by the high-speed trains.
This slower option relies on regional trains (TERs) . Up to three direct trains a day run from Avignon to Portbou. These are augmented by additional services which require changes, commonly at Narbonne and Perpignan. This is the perfect journey for travellers using Interrail passes: they can just hop on and off at will without the tiresome requirement, common in France, to reserve seats in advance. It’s a route to be enjoyed in its own right, but can be built into longer Interrail itineraries.
Cruising through Occitanie
The slow train to Spain slips through Avignon’s southern suburbs and crosses the Durance east of the TGV station. Within just a few minutes there’s a real sense of wilderness as we skirt the steep slopes of La Montagnette, with their twisted pines and low maquis, a landscape shaped by the unforgiving mistral wind. There is a wonderful sense of being immersed in a landscape, rather than dashing through it at an uncomfortably high speed.
At Tarascon the train turns decisively west, crossing the Rhône and entering Occitanie. We pass a rose-coloured farmhouse flying the region’s distinctive red flag with a yellow cross. The train stops at a station called Nîmes Pont-du-Gard. It’s a bold piece of modern architecture and a curious affectation of French rail planners: the station is miles from Nîmes and even further from the celebrated Roman aqueduct that forms the rest of its name. Later we stop at real Nîmes, then at a procession of distinctive Occitan communities: Montpellier, Sète, Agde, Béziers and Narbonne. Along the way, there are tantalising views of flamingos, salt pans, coastal fortresses and empty beaches.
I’ve ridden this route from end to end without a break. It takes just over four hours. But the places along the way are just too tempting to miss. Narbonne is roughly the midpoint of the journey and the perfect spot for lunch. Make for Les Halles, a historic covered market that looks like a 19th-century railway station, for a variety of culinary treats.
I also usually stop at Perpignan, where a sign at the station reminds travellers that Perpignan is the very centre of the world. This is not an idle piece of civic pretension, but a nice reference to Salvador Dalí’s extraordinary metaphysical experience here in 1963. For Dalí, Perpignan was not merely the centre of the world, but the centre cosmique de l’univers.
The other unmissable spot on this journey is lovely Collioure, a small port on the rocky coast south of Perpignan. The village is overlooked by a fine 13th-century castle used by Knights Templar, Mallorcan monarchs and Bourbon troops. Matisse, Picasso, Dufy and Braque all discovered Collioure. The anchovies, for so long a Collioure staple, are as good as ever and the town still attracts many aspiring artists. From Collioure, the railway skirts capes and bays, passing the windswept vineyards at Banyuls along the way.
Arriving in Spain
Portbou (sometimes rendered as Port Bou) is the first station on the Spanish side of the frontier and the end of the line for all regional trains arriving from France. Portbou itself is no more than a village, much of its territory taken up by the oversized station and railway shunting yards.
The route around the coast from France to Spain was relegated to secondary status in 2010, when most international trains from Perpignan were rerouted via the Perthus Tunnel. Portbou thus lost its spot in the premier league of European frontier stations. It was here that the express trains from France to Spain all had to stop to allow for axles to be changed from the standard European gauge to the wider Spanish gauge. Now it’s the passengers who must change, and most of those arriving on the TER service from France walk over to join the waiting Spanish train for the onward journey to Barcelona.
Travel facts
Hourly regional trains run from Avignon to Portbou. In autumn, direct trains leave Avignon Centre at 11.35 (daily), 13.35 (not Sat) and 15.35 (not Sat or Sun). The one-way fare is €45.70. Book on raileurope.com (with a €6.95 booking fee). It is occasionally possible to travel for just €1 from Avignon Centre to Portbou. Finding this promotional fare is like searching for a needle in a haystack – and doesn’t allow stopovers. For those who prefer to stop off along the way, particularly as part of a wider European rail itinerary, an Interrail pass is the best option (from €246, with discounts for under-28s and over-60s).
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[] | null |
en
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/static/apple-touch/commons.png
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Portbou_train_station
|
Portbou is a railway station serving Portbou in Catalonia, Spain. It is on the Barcelona-Cerbère railway and the Narbonne-Portbou railway.
The station is owned by Adif and is served by Rodalies de Catalunya regional line R11 and Girona commuter rail service line RG1. SNCF operated Intercités trains also serve the station.
The station is a border railway station where all trains have to stop, as those coming from/going into France have to change gauge from 1,668 mm (5 ft 5 21⁄32 in) Iberian gauge to 1,435 mm (4 ft 8 1⁄2 in) standard gauge. Between Cerbère railway station and Portbou railway station, both track gauges run together.
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2884
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3
| 14
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https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
|
en
|
HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Amra Halilovic",
"independent.academia.edu"
] |
2016-12-29T00:00:00
|
HIGH EFFICIENT AND RELIABLE ARRANGEMENTS FOR CROSSMODAL TRANSPORT – Project Duration: 24 months
|
https://www.academia.edu/30659965/HIGH_EFFICIENT_AND_RELIABLE_ARRANGEMENTS_FOR_CROSSMODAL_TRANSPORT_Project_Duration_24_months
|
This study analyses the costs for citizens, business, and other stakeholders of the absence of a consolidated framework for passenger rights as well as the feasibility and the merits of such a possible consolidation in a single legislative instrument. In order to assess such costs, this study analyses the current legislative instruments on passenger rights in the four modes of transport to identify any gap and inconsistency within each mode and between the modes of transport. The study then assesses the estimated types of costs relating to those gaps and inconsistencies. Finally, it identifies and analyses possible options for codification of passenger rights in a single instrument.
The Stockholm – Arlanda airport rail link is a public-private build-operate-transfer project (sometimes referred to as PPP), opened for traffic in late 1999. At the time of decision in 1993, the project was seen as a role model for funding rail infrastructure; it infused private money into the sector, with a hope of improving cost efficiency performance; it broke up the train service monopoly of the national railway company; and it opened up the sector for ideas and impulses from a new actor. The paper seeks to identify the costs and benefits of providing a private company with a monopoly franchise over one particular section of the network. It also highlights tradeoffs present in public-private partnerships and in creating facility-based competition within the railroad industry without ex ante regulation of access. Evidence indicates that losses of allocative efficiency, due to that the number of passengers is far below expectations, are substantial. Since available information abo...
Environmental concerns show that transport is responsible for almost a quarter of all greenhouse gas emissions, and it is also the fastest growing sector. Modal shift towards public transport could help slow down, or even reverse, this trend. There appear to be a number of constraints that are preventing this from happening. This paper explores the constraints to modal shift to rail transport from the perspective of cognitive work analysis, specifically the abstraction hierarchy, the contextual activity template and social organisational and cooperation analyses. Whilst these analyses may not present any new barriers, they do show how the constraints are interlinked in an explicit manner. These interrelations are important for two reasons. First, in consideration of constraint removal, one must anticipate the likely effects on the remainder of the system. Second, by linking functions and situations, new concepts of travel may be identified and explored. Practitioner Summary: The purpose of this study was to use a semi-structured approach to identifying constraints to modal shift from a variety of perspectives. It is argued that cognitive work analysis offers a new way of thinking about the modal shift problem and helps to generate new insights into potential solutions.
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2884
|
dbpedia
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0
| 16
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https://alchetron.com/R2-(Rodalies-de-Catalunya)
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en
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R2 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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2017-08-18T08:30:48+00:00
|
The R2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It is a major northsouth axis in the Barcelona metropolitan area, running from the southern limits of the province of Girona to the northern limits of the province of Tarragona, via Barcelona.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/R2-(Rodalies-de-Catalunya)
|
History
The predecessor of the modern-day R2 started operating in 1989 as line 2 of Rodalies Barcelona, the Cercanías commuter rail system for the Barcelona area, created in the same year. Since its creation until 2009, the R2 had preserved its original line scheme with no branch lines, using only Maçanet-Massanes and Sant Vicenç de Calders stations as its northern and southern terminus, respectively. Due to the construction works of the new Sagrera railway station in Barcelona and the urban renewal project associated with it, the operational capacity at Sant Andreu Comtal railway station and its surroundings was restricted. Consequently, several rail services were modified, with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2 and R10 as the most affected. On 31 January 2009, the R10, which linked Barcelona–El Prat Airport to Barcelona's Estació de França, suspended services. The R2 then took over the service offered by the R10, incorporating the branch lines to the airport and Estació de França, and a new line scheme came into service. The R10 was initially scheduled to resume services two years later.
Infrastructure
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R2 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R2 operates on a total line length of 133 kilometres (83 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona–El Prat Airport stations. The trains on the line call at up to 34 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:
All of the infrastructure used by the R2 is shared with other services, except the section between Barcelona–El Prat Airport and El Prat de Llobregat stations, which is exclusively used by R2 Nord services. Between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona. R11 regional rail services commence their route at El Prat de Llobregat or Bellvitge stations, joining the route of the R2 and the other regional and long-distance services from these points on to Passeig de Gràcia. After Passeig de Gràcia, R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. The rest of R2 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R11 only. North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R2 only shares tracks with the R11 and freight services from this point on.
Operation
All services running south of Castelldefels railway station, to the south of Barcelona, use Estació de França as their northern terminus, with Vilanova i la Geltrú or Sant Vicenç de Calders stations serving as their southern terminus, in order from south to north. The services terminating at Vilanova i la Geltrú call at all stations along their route, whilst the ones terminating at Sant Vicenç de Calders operate limited service, running non-stop between Sitges and Castelldefels, as well as Gavà and Barcelona Sants. On the other hand, all services running north of Granollers Centre railway station, to the north of Barcelona, use the airport station as their southern terminus, with Sant Celoni or Maçanet-Massanes stations serving as their northern terminus, in order from south to north, calling at all stations. Some of the services terminating at the airport also use Granollers Centre as their northern terminus. The rest of the services on the R2 run between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre, calling at all stations, so that they do not terminate neither at the airport nor at Estació de França. The first trains run about 5:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 1:00 at night.
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. All services terminating at the airport are designated R2 Nord ("R2 North"), whilst the services terminating at Estació de França are designated R2 Sud ("R2 South"). The Nord and Sud designations refer to the fact that such services mostly run on the line's northern and southern portion, respectively. The through services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre are simply designated R2.
As of August 2015, the service routes operating on the R2 are as follows:
The line's activity gathers on its southern section, between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Barcelona, where an approximate peak-time service frequency of 10 minutes is offered. All services on the line converge on the section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, where they together offer an approximate peak-time service frequency of 8 minutes. The overall service frequency reduces as the line moves away from Barcelona, especially on the section north of Sant Celoni, where R2 Nord services only operate during the morning rush hour or at night. During the rest of the day, this section is served by regional rail line R11. Moreover, the services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre only run on weekdays.
As of August 2015, the approximate service frequencies on the R2 are as follows:
The trains used on the R2 are Civia—specifically, the 463, 464 and 465 Series, which consist of three, four and five cars per set, respectively, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series electrical multiple units (EMU). The 450 and 451 Series are technically and aesthetically identical, differing only in the number of cars per set; the first consist of six cars, whilst the latter consist of three cars. Furthermore, they consist of double-decker cars, becoming the only type of bilevel rolling stock on the Rodalies de Catalunya system. The R2 is the only Rodalies de Catalunya line where 450 and 451 Series trains operate. Normally, the 450 Series runs only on R2 Sud services between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona's Estació de França, whilst the 451 Series runs only either on R2 Sud services between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Estació de França, or on R2 services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre stations. Civia and 447 Series trains are used interchangeably on all R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud services on the line. On average, the trains used on the line operate a total of 216 services every day on weekdays, accounting for a ridership of 125,948, according to 2008 data.
Future
The 2008–2015 Rail Infrastructure Master Plan for the Barcelona Commuter Rail Service, developed by the Spanish Ministry of Public Works and Transport, plans to establish a "coast-to-coast" and "inland-to-inland" line scheme. According to this project, the current R2 will be extended southwards from Barcelona Sants to Sant Vicenç de Calders stations, via Vilafranca del Penedès, taking over the southern section of the present line R4. The R2 will become the "inland-to-inland" line, creating a new major south–north axis through the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area. R2 trains will continue to use the Aragó Tunnel in central Barcelona with the new line scheme, which is currently not possible due to the configuration of the southern rail accesses to Barcelona Sants. A long-term project with an uncertain completion date, the new configuration would require multimillion-euro investments since it is associated with the construction of a new underground route in L'Hospitalet de Llobregat for the Rodalies de Catalunya lines running through the city as well as the new rail link for Barcelona–El Prat Airport.
As stated in the master plan, the proposed peak-time service frequencies for the future R2 would be as follows:
List of stations
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dbpedia
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https://m.famousfix.com/topic/r8-rodalies-de-catalunya
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en
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R8 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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https://www.famousfix.com/topic/r8-rodalies-de-catalunya
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The R8 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs hourly between Martorell and Granollers across the Vallès Occidental region, spanning 40 kilometres (25 mi) and eight stations. The R8 primarily uses the Castellbisbal–Mollet-Sant Fost railway, as well as the Sant Vicenç de Calders–Vilafranca del Penedès–Barcelona and Barcelona–Cerbère railways on its southern and northern ends, respectively. It is currently the only line of the Barcelona commuter rail service entirely bypassing Barcelona. The trains operating on the line are Civia electrical multiple units (EMU).
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https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/R12_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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Rodalies de Catalunya
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rodalies_de_Catalunya#Regional_rail_services
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Barcelona commuter rail service
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Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service consists of eight lines serving a large part of the Barcelona metropolitan area, even extending out of its limits in some cases. Excluding the Vic–Latour-de-Carol portion, it runs on 467 kilometres (290 mi) of railway lines and has 109 stations in 77 municipalities, accounting for a population of 4.7 million. It is calculated that the service has a daily ridership of 350,000 travelers and,[10] according to 2016 figures, an annual ridership of 108.3 million.[1]
All lines (except line R8) are centred in the city of Barcelona, where they run on two underground trunk routes. Lines R3 and R4, and partly lines R1 and R7, use the Meridiana Tunnel, comprising Plaça de Catalunya, Arc de Triomf, La Sagrera-Meridiana and Sant Andreu Arenal stations. Lines R2, R2 Nord and, partially, R2 Sud use the Aragó Tunnel, comprising Passeig de Gràcia and El Clot-Aragó stations. Both trunk routes converge at Barcelona Sants railway station, the service's main station.[13]
Renfe created the Cercanías Barcelona/Rodalia Barcelona branding in 1979 with the aim of absorbing the traffic of passengers who enter and leave the Catalan capital every day. The system became one of the crown jewels of Renfe, however, the reality was that the network was in very poor condition and required modernisation. In 1984 Renfe was in a critical economic situation due to the high number of deficient lines, which is why it decided to close many of them, part of which were saved by the Autonomous Communities. There was a modernisation of facilities, especially in stations, to adapt to new needs. In 1989–1991 Renfe created separate business units, due to the deep reorganisation of the rail service at the state level and divided the operation into commuter trains, medium distances and long distances. In 1992 there were many works and transformations, one of the most relevant, the removal of the track between Estació de França and Sant Adrià de Besòs along the Barcelona seafront, and the diversion of Line R1 through La Sagrera and the purchase of rolling stock specially designed for commuter services. It can be considered that in 1992 the network is consolidated in the way we know it today.
The current system is the successor of former Renfe Operadora's Cercanías commuter rail system for Barcelona known as Rodalia Barcelona, and it has kept most of its features. Nevertheless, while all the other Cercanías systems around Spain use letter 'C' (from the Spanish word cercanías) plus a number for identifying their lines, Barcelona's commuter rail system uses letter 'R' instead (from its Catalan equivalent rodalia). As for the numbering, since Rodalies de Catalunya shares market with Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya (FGC) on the city's commuter rail, it can only use numbers from 1 to 10 leaving numbers 5 and 6 for FGC lines.[14]
Since 22 July 2006 ( ), a line named R10 has been running between Barcelona–El Prat Airport and Barcelona's Estació de França.[15] However, due to construction works near Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal railway station, a "temporary" restructuring of lines R2 and R10 was implemented on 31 January 2009 ( ); the R10 was suspended and the R2 was divided into three different lines—R2, R2 Nord ("North") and R2 Sud ("South"). The R10 was initially scheduled to resume services two years later.[16]
On 26 June 2011 ( ), a restructuring of the service affecting several lines was implemented. It mainly involved the creation of new line R8, the first line ever bypassing Barcelona, and the rerouting of line R7. Before the restructuring, former line R7 ran from L'Hospitalet de Llobregat to Martorell via the Meridiana Tunnel in Barcelona's city centre and Rubí. With the rerouting, it was shortened and started to run as a shuttle line between Cerdanyola Universitat and Barcelona Sant Andreu Arenal stations. New line R8 took over the former route of line R7 between Martorell and Cerdanyola Universitat, then continuing towards Granollers Centre. Thanks to the changes applied on lines R7 and R8, it was able to increase frequencies with a train every 6 minutes and 8 minutes during rush hour on lines R1 and R4, respectively.[17][18]
Typically, most trains call at all the stations on the line. Nevertheless, some trains on lines R2 Sud, R3 and R4 operate limited service and only call at certain stations. Furthermore, most trains on all lines, excepting lines R2, R7 and R8, operate partial services, being line R1 exclusively operated with partial services.
† Suspended line
Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines (as of 26 June 2011 ) Line Route No. of
stations Length Avg. weekday ridership Annual ridership Schedule R1 Molins de Rei – L'Hospitalet de Llobregat – Mataró/Arenys de Mar – Calella – Blanes – Maçanet-Massanes 31 95.1 km[19]
59.1 mi 102,214
(2008)[19] 28 million
(2016)[1] [1][permanent dead link] R2 Castelldefels – Granollers Centre 14 133 km[20]
82.6 mi 125,948
(2008)[21] 33.6 million
(2016)[1] [2] R2 Nord Barcelona–El Prat Airport – Sant Celoni/Maçanet-Massanes 21 R2 Sud Sant Vicenç de Calders – Vilanova i la Geltrú – Barcelona Estació de França 17 R3 L'Hospitalet de Llobregat – Granollers-Canovelles/La Garriga – Vic – Ripoll/Ribes de Freser – Puigcerdà/Latour-de-Carol-Enveitg[a] 35 161.4 km[23]
100.3 mi 22,841
(2008)[23] 6.6 million
(2008)[23] [3][permanent dead link] R4 Sant Vicenç de Calders – Vilafranca del Penedès – Martorell/L'Hospitalet de Llobregat – Terrassa – Manresa 40 143 km[24]
89 mi 105,935
(2008)[24] 33.4 million
(2016)[1] [4] R7 (Martorell –)[b] Barcelona Sant Andreu Arenal – Cerdanyola Universitat 7 13.5 km[25]
8.4 mi 8,140
(2010)[25] 1.9 million
(2010)[25] [5][permanent dead link] R8 Martorell – Cerdanyola Universitat – Granollers Centre 8 40 km[26]
25 mi ? ? [6][permanent dead link] R10†[27] Barcelona–El Prat Airport – Barcelona Estació de França 6 22 km
13.7 mi — — —
Camp de Tarragona commuter rail service
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On 20 March 2014 ( ), Rodalies de Catalunya began running a commuter rail service in Camp de Tarragona, a region in southern Catalonia mainly centered in the polycentric metropolitan area formed by the cities of Tarragona and Reus. At the time it started services, it was the first commuter rail service in Catalonia not centered in Barcelona. The Camp de Tarragona commuter rail service consists of two lines, which are identified by letters 'RT' (the latter referring to Tarragona) plus a number, serving a total of 13 stations. Both lines converge at Tarragona railway station and are served by stopping trains only. Currently, it does not run on weekends.
Line RT1 actually serves as a reinforcement for regional services between Tarragona and Reus with 9 additional trains in each direction, allowing a service pattern of approximately 30 minutes during rush hour and lower to one hour during off-peak time between the two cities, combining all lines.[28]
On the other hand, line RT2 provides a direct service between the Baix Penedès and the Costa Daurada areas. Before the creation of the line, the L'Arboç–L'Hospitalet de l'Infant route was not possible without interchanging at Sant Vicenç de Calders railway station.[6] Although line RT2 initially ran only between L'Arboç and Cambrils, from 20 June 2014 ( ) on, some trains travel further west to L'Hospitalet de l'Infant stopping at Mont-roig del Camp.[29]
Rodalies de Catalunya's Camp de Tarragona commuter rail service lines (as of 20 June 2014 ) Line Route Avg. weekday
frequency No. of
stations Length Schedule RT1 Reus – Tarragona 18 trains per day 3 18.1 km[30]
11.3 mi [7][permanent dead link] RT2 L'Hospitalet de l'Infant – Tarragona – Sant Vicenç de Calders – L'Arboç 10 trains per day 11 69.1 km[31]
42.9 mi
Girona commuter rail service
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The Girona commuter rail service started services on 24 March 2014 ( ), four days after the Camp de Tarragona commuter rail service did so, becoming the second commuter rail service in Catalonia not centered in Barcelona. It consists of a single 44-station line named RG1 (letter 'G' referring to Girona), which directly links the Alt Empordà, Gironès, Selva and Maresme areas. Before the RG1 started services, its route was only possible by interchanging at Maçanet-Massanes railway station. In addition, the RG1 has improved the service pattern at stations in the Girona area.
Line RG1 is actually an extension of some trains on Barcelona commuter rail service line R1 which formerly terminated at Maçanet-Massanes.[7] Due to this fact, line RG1's L'Hospitalet de Llobregat–Mataró section, despite not serving as a Girona-centered commuter rail line, but as a Barcelona-centered one, is included as part of the Girona commuter rail service.[32][33] At the beginning, the RG1 did not run on weekends and ran exclusively between L'Hospitalet de Llobregat and Figueres. However, from 20 June 2014 ( ) on, some trains travel further north towards Portbou and additional weekend services are offered during the summer season.[29]
Rodalies de Catalunya's Girona commuter rail service lines (as of 20 June 2014 ) Line Route Avg. weekday
frequency No. of
stations Length Schedule RG1 L'Hospitalet de Llobregat – Mataró – Figueres – Portbou 16 trains per day 40 181.2 km[34]
112.6 mi [8][permanent dead link]
Lleida commuter rail service
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The Lleida commuter rail service started services on 16 March 2015 ( ), becoming the third commuter rail service in Catalonia not centered in Barcelona. It consists of five lines; two labelled RL1 and RL2 (letter 'L' referring to Lleida), which directly link Lleida with Balaguer and Àger areas, on the Lleida-La Pobla Line, operated by Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya (FGC), and parts of regional lines R12, R13 and R14 (see below), operated by Renfe Operadora, linking the city with Cervera and Vinaixa. The five lines in total have improved the service pattern at stations in the Lleida area.
Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya's Lleida commuter rail service lines (as of 16 March 2015 ) Line Route Avg. weekday
frequency No. of
stations Length Schedule RL1 Lleida Pirineus – Balaguer 6 trains per day 6 26.1 km
16.3 mi [9] RL2 Lleida Pirineus – Balaguer - Àger - La Pobla de Segur 6 trains per day 17 89.4 km
55.9 mi [10]
For the Renfe Operadora-operated lines, see below.
Regional rail services
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Rodalies de Catalunya's division for regional rail services consists of six lines centered in Barcelona that serve the whole of Catalonia and are sometimes extended towards the neighboring Spanish autonomous communities of Aragon and the Valencian Community as well as the French region of Languedoc-Roussillon. Although Estació de França serves as the main terminus station in Barcelona for most regional lines, especially those traveling towards southern and western Catalonia, all of them converge at Barcelona Sants only, which serves as the center of the service.[35] The 2013 annual ridership for the regional rail services was 9.267 million.[36]
Regional services run on major corridors between Barcelona and other cities in Catalonia, excluding the Barcelona–Mataró and the Barcelona–Vilafranca del Penedès corridors, which are served by Barcelona commuter rail service lines R1 and R4, respectively. In addition, none of the regional services (excepting line R12) calls at all stations near Barcelona, which are already served by the city's commuter rail service. Yet, they usually stop at almost all the stations in Barcelona city centre.[35]
The system's division for regional services is the precursor of several Renfe Operadora's Media Distancia regional lines in Catalonia, which were identified using letters 'Ca' (from the Catalan or the Spanish language form of Catalonia, Catalunya and Cataluña, respectively) plus a number.[22] With the transfer of all regional services to the Catalan government, the lines happened to be identified with letter 'R' like the already transferred Barcelona commuter rail service lines. In order to differentiate the regional lines from those that are part of the Barcelona commuter rail service, the first ones use only numbers larger than 10—currently, numbers 11–16—,[37] leaving numbers 1–10 for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.
Rodalies de Catalunya's regional lines have kept the same operating scheme just like before they were transferred, similarly to all other Renfe Operadora's Media Distancia lines around Spain. Likewise, there exist different types of train services. Specifically, the following types of train services are present in the system's division for regional lines:
Regional (R): These services usually call at all the stations on the line.[38]
Regional Exprés (RE): In contrast to R services, RE services have fewer stops and are faster. They are, however, slightly more expensive than R services.[38]
Media Distancia/Mitjana Distància (MD): Similar to RE services referring to the number of stops and operating speed, though they are exclusively operated by Renfe series 449 trains, Renfe Operadora's newest rolling stock for regional lines, and are more expensive than RE trains. Currently, they run only on line R11.[38]
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https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%25252c-july-26%25252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
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2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures." (Spain)
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Global-Regulation Translation of "Law 11/2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures."
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https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%252c-july-26%252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
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JOHN CARLOS I
KING OF SPAIN
To all who present it and understand it.
Sabed: That the General Courts have approved and I come to sanction the following law.
PREAMBLE
I
The Spanish economy is characterized by its dynamism as it has been shown in the spectacular development of the last decades. In that time, their integration has increased internationally, which has enabled them to benefit from increased opportunities for growth.
In this process of development, economic and financial imbalances have been accumulating. Spain has made progress in 2012 towards the correction of its vulnerabilities, implementing an economic policy strategy that pursues the transition towards a sustainable balance and laying the foundations for growth that will enable employment to be generated.
In this context, the structural reforms that have been implemented in Spain since the beginning of 2012 pursue three main objectives: firstly, to provide the Spanish economy with macroeconomic stability both in terms of public deficit and inflation as an external balance. Secondly, to achieve sound and sound financial institutions, which will enable credit to be channelled back into productive investment. Finally, to achieve a high degree of flexibility in order to adjust relative prices and wages, so as to increase the competitiveness of our economy.
From this set of actions, some of the fundamental obstacles to economic reactivation have been overcome. In any case, it is necessary to continue with the reformist effort to recover the path of economic growth and job creation.
Therefore, in order to develop the third area of the aforementioned economic policy strategy, in addition to maintaining and culminating the actions already initiated, a second generation of necessary structural reforms is begun. to grow back and create jobs.
Within the Spanish business fabric, SMEs and the self-employed stand out for their quantitative and qualitative importance. Studies show that precisely these types of companies and entrepreneurs are one of the main engines to energize the Spanish economy, given its capacity to generate employment and its potential for value creation.
However, over the last few years, these economic agents have seen a decline in economic activity and have had to develop their activity in a working, fiscal, regulatory and financial environment that has diminished their economic activity. ability to adapt to changes. In addition, they are facing a structural dependence on bank-based funding that can, in circumstances such as the current ones, limit their ability to expand.
The regulatory and institutional framework in which business activities are developed is essential to drive productivity gains and optimize resources.
Therefore, it is essential that the public authorities strengthen and facilitate the business initiative, especially in the current economic situation. It is necessary to establish an environment that promotes entrepreneurial culture, as well as the creation and development of business projects that generate jobs and added value.
Support for entrepreneurial initiative, business development and job creation is the common logic that vertebra the set of measures contained in this law.
In this sense, measures are adopted in this law, as a matter of urgency, aimed at developing the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, to encourage business financing through alternative markets, to reduce late payments in commercial transactions and, in general, promote the competitiveness of the Spanish economy.
II
Youth unemployment in Spain is a structural problem, which has been exacerbated by the crisis, and which has serious consequences for the present and future situation of young Spaniards and limits the potential growth of the Spanish economy in the long run.
During the third quarter of 2012, Spain recorded an unemployment rate of 54.1% for young people under the age of 25, compared with 23% for the EU-27, according to Eurostat data.
If we look at the breakdown of the data from the Labour Force Survey (EPA) for the fourth quarter of 2012, the unemployment rate is 74% in the population group composed of young people aged between 16 and 19, in 51.7%. among young people aged between 20 and 24, and 34.4% among young people aged between 25 and 29.
In addition to the circumstances arising from the current economic situation, there are a number of structural weaknesses that directly influence the young and the proposed employment figures, such as the high school dropout rate, which doubles the values of the EU-27; the marked polarisation of the labour market, where young people leave their studies with low qualifications and others, highly skilled, are underemployed; on the medium-grade vocational training and the low employability of young people, In particular with regard to the knowledge of foreign languages; high temporality and unwanted partial recruitment; the difficulty of access to the labour market for groups at risk of social exclusion; and the need to improve the level of self-employment and entrepreneurship among young people.
Title I develops the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy 2013-2016 that is part of the objective of promoting measures aimed at reducing youth unemployment, whether through employment or employment. through self-employment and entrepreneurship, and is the result of a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners.
In addition, it responds to the recommendations that the European Commission has made in terms of young employment and is part of the National Reform Plan launched by the Government. In this way, it is in line with the objectives of the European Youth Guarantee and develops a good part of the specific recommendations or lines of action proposed from the European Union's areas.
Its objectives are to improve the employability of young people, to increase the quality and stability of employment, to promote equal opportunities in access to the labour market and to promote entrepreneurship. And the axes on which the strategy is based are: to encourage recruitment and entrepreneurship among young people, to adapt education and training to the reality of the labour market and to reduce the rate of school leaving early.
To make this possible, the Strategy contains a number of measures aimed at encouraging the integration of young people into the labour market, either as an employed person or through entrepreneurship, which are classified according to their impact and their temporary development.
The Strategy aims to serve as a means of participation for all public and private institutions, companies and all types of organizations that want to collaborate in achieving their goals.
To do this, it has been articulated as an open instrument, which can be added to all those who want to contribute their own initiatives to meet the challenge of youth employment in any of its forms, and self-employment, and shall have a stamp or mark which may be used in recognition of their contribution.
This set of measures has been designed after a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners. Similarly, consultations have been held with the principal entities and associations of autonomous work and the social economy, among others.
In this law, a first set of measures is developed which is expected to have a positive impact in reducing the youth unemployment rate and improving quality and stability in employment.
In Chapter I of Title I measures are taken to promote entrepreneurship and self-employment among young people under the age of 30, among whom the introduction of a reduced initial quota is highlighted. the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on its own account, or the extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
In addition, Chapter II establishes a more favourable fiscal framework for the self-employed, which initiates an entrepreneurial activity with the aim of encouraging the creation of companies and reducing the tax burden during the period of the first years of the exercise of an activity.
Thus, in the area of Corporate Tax, a tax rate of 15% is set for the first € 300,000 of tax base, and 20% for the excess over that amount, applicable in the first the tax period in which the tax base of the institutions is positive and in the tax period following this.
In line with the above, in the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons, with the aim of encouraging the beginning of entrepreneurial activity, a new reduction of 20 percent is established on net yields. of the economic activity obtained by taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity, applicable in the first tax period in which the net return is positive and in the tax period following that period.
Also, in the area of the Income Tax of the Physical Persons, the limit currently applicable to the exemption of unemployment benefits in the single payment method is abolished.
Chapter III contains measures to encourage the incorporation of young people into social economy enterprises, as well as incentives for the recruitment of young people in unemployment. Among the latter, the incentives for part-time recruitment with training links, the indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs and the recruitment of trainees stand out.
In addition, the recruitment of young self-employed people over 45 years of age and the recruitment of young people to acquire a first professional experience is encouraged.
Chapter IV incorporates measures related to the improvement of work intermediation, the effectiveness of which makes it necessary to remove any obstacles that hinder the rapid coverage of the available jobs by allowing any person has knowledge of the job offers. It is therefore envisaged that the public employment services will register all the vacancies and applications for employment in the database of the Information System of the Public Services of Employment, as laid down in Law 56/2003 of 16 December 2003, of Employment, ensuring the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations, as a guarantee of transparency and market unity.
In the same line of improvement of labor intermediation, a modification of the recast text of the Law on Public Sector Contracts, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, is included in this law. allow the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, and bodies and entities dependent on them and integrated in the National Employment System, to conclude jointly Framework agreements with a view to establishing the conditions for the adjustment of service contracts which are consider appropriate in order to provide employment services to public employment services.
III
Several measures to promote business finance are articulated in Title II, which require their adoption as a matter of urgency in view of the current economic situation.
An amendment to the Regulation on the Management and Supervision of Private Insurance to collect the possibility that insurance institutions may invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Market Securities, and that such investments are considered eligible for the coverage of technical provisions.
On the same line, the pension fund and plans regulation is amended to collect the possibility that pension funds can invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Stock Market as well as in venture capital institutions, setting a specific ceiling of 3% of the fund's asset for investment in each institution.
Finally, in order to facilitate access to the non-bank financing of Spanish companies, it is necessary to lift the limitation imposed by Article 405 of the Capital Companies Act, whereby the total amount of the Companies ' emissions cannot be higher than the paid-up share capital, plus reserves. The amendment raises this limitation for investment in multilateral trading systems (in line with what is already produced with regulated markets). This flexibility will only apply in cases where emissions are directed at institutional investors to ensure adequate protection for retail investors. In this way, the development of alternative markets, articulated as multilateral trading systems, is made a substantial contribution and, in line with the ongoing projects to improve the financing of Spanish SMEs, it is facilitated the emergence of markets specialised in the trading of debt of companies.
IV
In order to alleviate the difficult economic situation that some local entities and some autonomous communities are experiencing, the government approved last year the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, for which they are determined the information and procedures required to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and which was subsequently extended to the autonomous communities by means of an agreement of the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council of 6 March 2012. In addition, a Fund for Financing of Payments to Suppliers was established, through Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March.
The aforementioned regulations established an extraordinary financing mechanism for the payment and cancellation of debts contracted with the providers of local entities and autonomous communities, which allowed the payment of debts that They had with the contractors, at the same time as it was easier for the public administrations in debt to formalize long-term loans, but with the requirement of a fiscal and financial conditionality that was concrete, among others elements, in the requirement to have adjustment plans.
By means of the provisions contained in Chapter I of Title III of this Law, a new phase of the said mechanism is established at the same time as its subjective and objective scope of application is extended and established some of the procedures required for this new phase.
In this way, the municipalities of municipalities and local entities that are located in the Basque Country and Navarre are included.
With respect to the objective scope of application, the outstanding obligations arising from: conventions, administrative concessions, management fees in which the entrusted entity is assigned are included, among others. the condition of own resources and technical service of the Administration, of the lease on immovable property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water sectors, the energy, transport and postal services, of the concession contracts of the public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector and public service management contracts, in the form of concession, in which a grant from local authorities or communities has been agreed standalone.
On the other hand, this extension may include only those outstanding obligations to contractors that are accounted for and applied to the budgets.
Section 1. of general provisions regulates the subject matter of the first chapter which is concrete in the extension of the subjective and objective areas of the financing mechanism for payment to suppliers, as well as the establishment of the required specialties.
Section 2 on provisions applicable to local authorities regulates the subjective and objective scope of application, in accordance with the above criteria, and sets out the specialties relating to the procedure for the provision of information, with particular attention to the municipalities of municipalities, and the adjustment plans.
Section 3 of the provisions applicable to the Autonomous Communities lays down the subjective and objective scope of application, the procedural specialties relating to the provision of information and the payment of invoices. necessary revision of the adjustment plans in accordance with the new concerted credit operations, as well as the way in which the outstanding debt obligations that have been affected will be cancelled.
On the other hand, the payment of contractual debts between companies, as well as between them and public administrations, and the payment deadlines are the subject of particular attention both in the European Union and in the our country. The reason for this concern is due to the negative effects that both late payment and excessively long payment periods have on employment, competitiveness and the very survival of businesses.
The fruit of the above was the adoption of Directive 2000 /35/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 June 2000 laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions, which Spain transplaced our legal order through Law 3/2004, of December 29.
While the European Union was beginning the revision of Directive 2000 /35/EC, Spain also addressed the amendment of our law, which was embodied in Law 15/2010 of 5 July, amending Law 3/2004, 29 of
Commission also took the view that the Commission was not in a position to act.
In this way, a number of measures were anticipated which were subsequently included in Directive 2011 /7/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 February 2011 laying down measures to combat late payment in the commercial operations, which came to replace the previous Directive of the year 2000. This has happened with payment deadlines, including those in the public sector.
Although the Spanish right after the proposed amendment complies, in general terms, with the new requirements of the European Union, there are certain aspects in which there is some divergence that makes the reform of the Law 3/2004 of 29 December, which is carried out in the second chapter of Title III of this Law.
Among the changes that are now being made, in the first place, is the determination of payment deadlines, which is the subject of simplification. Both the payment periods and the calculation of the payment periods are required, with the novelty of the provision of the acceptance or verification procedure, which must be regulated to prevent their use in order to delay the payment.
The forecast for payment calendars is incorporated and interest will be calculated if any of the payments will not be paid on the agreed date.
The legal rate of interest for late payment that the debtor will be obliged to pay is also reformed, which goes from seven to eight percentage points to add to the interest rate applied by the European Central Bank to its most recent main funding operation.
In the compensation for recovery costs, it is anticipated that a fixed amount of EUR 40, without the need for a prior request, will be paid to the creditor, which will be added to the one resulting from the claim that follows: by the costs incurred in order to recover the amount due. In addition, the previous limit of this compensation, which could not exceed 15% of the main debt, disappears. This allowance may include, among other things, the costs incurred by the defaulting creditor for the hiring of a lawyer or a recovery management agency.
Another novelty is precisely the inclusion of the unfair terms and, therefore, the provisions of Law 7/1998 of 13 April on general conditions of employment, which exclude compensation for recovery costs, which shall be contrary to the law, unless the debtor demonstrates that such exclusion is not abusive. And along with those clauses the foresight that the violation of this law will occur through commercial practices, which also receive the rating of abusive and will have the same regime of impeachment.
V
The current economic situation poses the need to intensify the rationalisation measures of the railway sector in order to achieve maximum efficiency in the management of services and to promote the processes of liberalisation already started.
In order to achieve the aforementioned purposes, as well as to unify the management of the state railway infrastructures, it is considered necessary to transfer to the business public entity Administrator of Railway Infrastructures (ADIF) the State-owned railway network. In this way, the railway infrastructure and stations that constitute the network of ownership of the State whose ADIF administration is entrusted, will become of ownership of this, with which the ownership of the functions of network administration for the benefit of effectiveness.
On the other hand, the Royal Decree-Law 22/2012 of 20 July, adopting measures in the field of infrastructure and railway services, provides for the restructuring of RENFE-Operadora in four commercial companies that assume the different tasks assigned to them, including the carriage of passengers and goods. In order for them to operate, according to the Law of the Railway Sector, at the moment they are actually constituted, it is necessary that they have the corresponding license of railway company, safety certificate and that they are assigned the required infrastructure capacity.
Certain amendments are also introduced in Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector. First, it is appropriate to comply with judgment 245/2012 of 18 December 2012 of the Constitutional Court in respect of the determination of the Railway Network of General Interest. The forecast of the next establishment of a catalogue of the lines and sections of the Network of General Interest to be approved by the Ministry of Public Works of the Autonomous Communities for whose territory shall run the network. As a transitional measure, as long as the establishment of the catalogue of lines and sections of the General Interest Rail Network does not occur, it shall be deemed to be composed of the lines and sections related to this law.
Also amended Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector, in relation to the progressive opening to the free competition of the rail passenger transport, within the scope of competences corresponding to the State on such transport, in accordance with the provisions of Article 149.1.21 of the Constitution. In this sense, it is considered transiently to establish a scheme of markets in which the access for the new operators will be carried out through the obtaining of the enabling titles. The Council of Ministers shall determine the number of securities to be awarded for each line or set of lines in which the service is to be provided and the granting of the enabling securities shall be carried out by the Council. Ministry of Public Works through the corresponding tender procedure.
However, passenger transport services for primarily tourist purposes (which include "tourist trains"), which are not defined in the Law of the Rail Sector and currently provided by RENFE-Operadora (and As a result of this, it is not necessary to provide services for mobility, but they are leisure services where there are no circumstances in which transitional periods may be required in the process of liberalisation.
VI
Given the current economic recession scenario and taking into account the evolution of the petroleum product prices, it is considered justified on grounds of national interest to ensure the stability of the prices of petroleum products. automotive fuels and to adopt direct measures of immediate impact on fuel prices, while allowing for a more efficient operation of this market.
The higher level of pre-tax prices of fuels in Spain with respect to Europe is consistently noted in the various monitoring reports issued by the National Energy Commission.
In addition, the National Competition Commission concludes in the various reports issued that, on the basis of a comparison of fuel prices in several countries in Europe, the behaviour of prices and margins Fuel distribution market in Spain shows signs of reduced effective competition.
In this regard, a number of measures are taken in both the wholesale and retail markets, which will allow effective competition in the sector to be increased, reducing barriers to entry to new entrants and impacting on positively on the welfare of citizens.
These measures are implemented through the timely modification of Law 34/1998, of 7 October, of the hydrocarbon sector, which establishes the basic sector framework, in particular the supply of liquid and oil hydrocarbons. Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures to Intensify Competition in Goods and Services Markets.
At the wholesale level, it is considered necessary to ensure that the efficiency of the hydrocarbon logistics allows the distribution costs to be as low as possible. For this reason, Articles 41, 43 and 109 of Law 34/1998 of 7 October 1998 are amended and the system of supervision of logistics and storage facilities which have an obligation to access third parties under conditions is deepened. transparent, objective and non-discriminatory, which will enable public administrations to properly follow the activity developed by these companies and their impact on competition in the market.
At the retail level of the sector, measures are proposed to remove administrative barriers, simplify procedures for the opening of new fuel retail facilities and measures to encourage the entry of new operators.
It facilitates the opening of service stations in commercial centers, commercial parks, technical inspection establishments of vehicles and industrial zones or polygons, deepening in the objectives set by the Royal Decree-law 6/2000 of 23 June.
In addition to the difficulties for the establishment of new service stations, the existence of exclusive retail supply contracts is considered one of the main barriers to entry and expansion of the operators in Spain alternative to the main operators. The contractual restrictions currently appearing in exclusive contracts limit competition in the sector, which is detrimental to consumers. In order to alleviate this effect, a new Article 43a is added to Law 34/1998 of 7 October to establish stricter conditions for the subscription of exclusive supply contracts and to prohibit the recommendations of the sale price to the public. The aim is to avoid economic management regimes for service stations with exclusive contracts where the retail distributor acts as a fixed discount reseller or as a commission. In these schemes, the recommended price or the maximum price are fundamental parameters in the establishment of the purchase price of the product, encouraging price alignment between standard service stations, thereby reducing the price of the product. intra-brand competition.
Likewise, and on a transitional basis, the growth in number of sales facilities for petroleum products is limited to the main operators in each province.
Royal Decree 459/2011 of 1 April, setting the mandatory targets for biofuels for the years 2011, 2012 and 2013, sets annual targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global and per year. product in that period. In order to achieve these ambitious objectives, the subjects are obliged to use significant quantities of biodiesel, as well as alternative products such as hydrobiodiesel, whose energy content is computable for the fulfilment of the (a) the above mentioned objectives and the advantage that, being a practically undifferentiated product of diesel, it meets the technical specifications in force at high mixing rates. However, these are more expensive products than the fossil fuel, which has a significant impact on the final price of diesel.
In the current economic and fuel price scenario, it is considered appropriate to revise the objectives of 2013, establishing objectives that will allow the price of fuels to be minimised and to ensure some stability to the (a) the use of biofuels, without any commitment to the achievement of the Community's objectives for 2020. The targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global, and products, are also set for the coming years.
With this same objective, a period of absence is established in such a way that compliance with the sustainability criteria set out in Article 4 of Royal Decree 1597/2011 of 4 November 2011 will not be required. However, the subjects shall submit truthful information in this respect and apply the expected mass balance system in a correct manner.
VII
This law is completed with nine additional provisions, six transitional provisions, one repeal and fifteen endings.
The additional provision first provides that the allowances and quota reductions provided for in this Act shall be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and shall be shall be supported by the Social Security revenue budget, respectively. It also establishes the actions to be carried out by the State Employment Public Service and by the General Treasury of Social Security in relation to the control of the reductions and bonuses practiced.
The second additional provision provides for the creation of an Inter-Ministerial Commission, whose composition and functions will be determined by regulation, for the monitoring and evaluation of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, and the additional third provision entrusts the Ministry of Employment and Social Security to articulate the procedure for accession to the Strategy and establishes the obligation of the Department to report regularly on the companies attached and the initiatives raised.
In addition, the fourth additional provision determines the 12-month period for the adaptation of the distribution contracts to the conditions laid down in the new Article 43a.
The fifth additional provision provides for the possibility for a temporary work company and a user to enter into making contracts.
In the sixth additional provision the tax base of the betting on sports or competition events and the bingo in the Cities with Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta and Melilla is modified. And in the seventh additional provision, Article 9 of Law 8/1991 of 25 March, which approves the tax on production, services and imports in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, is amended.
The transitional provision first provides that the measures and incentives referred to in Articles 9 to 13 of the Act shall remain in force until the unemployment rate is below 15%.
The second transitional provision, in respect of contracts of employment and pre-existing bonuses and reductions, specifies that they will continue to be governed by the rules in force at the time of their conclusion or the start of their enjoyment.
The third transitional provision refers to pre-existing contracts for late payment.
The fourth transitional provision refers to licenses that are requested for new supply facilities, which already have a municipal license for their operation. The fifth transitional provision determines that, in order to complete the new legal system introduced in Article 43.2, the wholesale operators of petroleum products with a market share of more than 30% will not be able to subscribe new exclusive distribution contracts with retail distributors engaged in the operation of the installation for the supply of fuels and fuels to vehicles, irrespective of who holds the actual right or right on the same. The sixth transitional provision provides for the beginning of the effects of changes in the field of equal treatment between women and men.
The derogating provision repeals the first transitional provision of Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures for the Intensification of Competition in Goods and Services Markets, as a result of the provisions of the provisions of the in this law.
With respect to the final provisions, it stands out, first of all, the extra character of the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, and 7/2012, of March 9.
The second final provision amends the recast text of the Law of the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, of March 24, to delete the last paragraph of article 11.1.c). The third, fourth and fifth final provisions amend Law 14/1994 of 1 June on the regulation of temporary employment undertakings, Article 3 of Law 3/2012 of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market, and Royal Decree 1529/2012 of 8 November for the development of the contract for training and learning and establishing the basis for dual vocational training, respectively, in order to authorise temporary work enterprises to conclude contracts for training and learning with workers to be made available to them user companies.
The seventh final provision amends various precepts of the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act. The amendments made to Articles 216 and 222 seek to specify the time for the payment of the interest on late payments provided for in the Directive laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions. a function of the various cases of receipt and processing of invoices, in a manner consistent with the regulation of Directive 2011 /7/EU of 16 February 2011. The amendment of the additional provision of the Law on Public Sector Contracts is excluded from the general regulation of the uses of electronic, computer and telematic means, the electronic invoices issued in the procurement procedures. To the extent that the invoice is an element associated with the performance of the contract, it is not covered by the provisions of Directive 2004 /18/EC on the use of electronic means in procurement procedures, and it seems appropriate. In the light of the fact that it has an effect on tax, banking, etc., it will provide for autonomous regulation. In the new 33rd additional provision, a new route for the submission of invoices to the administrative body with powers in the field of public accounting is articulated, in order to ensure that the administration has a exact knowledge of all the debts incurred by the performance of the contracts.
The ninth final provision amends Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers and provides that the ICO shall be responsible for the administration and administration of the funds. operations that are designed with the FFPP.
The 10th final provision amends the Royal Decree-Law 21/2012 of 13 July 2012 of liquidity measures of public administrations and in the financial field, providing that the fulfilment of the obligations arising from the Debt transactions with multilateral financial institutions, as well as those provided for in the adjustment plans, cannot be affected by the possible retentions of the resources of the financing system of the communities. standalone.
The final provision of the 13th amendment amends the Organic Law 3/2007 of 22 March for the effective equality of women and men; and the final provision fourteenth the recast text of the law of ordination and supervision of the private insurance.
TITLE I
Development measures of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy
CHAPTER I
Promoting entrepreneurship and self-employment
Article 1. Social security contribution for young workers on their own account.
One. The additional 30th text of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-fifth disposition. Reductions and bonuses to Social Security applicable to young self-employed workers.
1. In the case of self-employed persons, incorporated into the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomy as of the entry into force of the Statute of the Autonomous Work, under 30 years of age, or less than 35 years in the case of women, shall apply to the share of common contingencies which corresponds, on the basis of the contribution basis chosen and the rate of contribution applicable, in accordance with the scope of protection for which it has been chosen, reduction, during the 15 months immediately following the date of effects of the discharge, equivalent to 30% of the the fee to be applied on the minimum contribution basis applicable to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, and a bonus, within 15 months of the end of the period of reduction, of the same amount as this.
2. Alternatively to the system of allowances and reductions provided for in the preceding paragraph, self-employed persons who are less than 30 years of age and who are either initially high or who have not been in a high situation in the five years immediately preceding, from the date of effects of the discharge, in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomous, the following reductions and bonuses may be applied on the quota for common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum base of the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 30 months, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota for the 6 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A reduction equivalent to 50% of the quota for the 6 months following the period referred to in point (a).
(c) A reduction equivalent to 30% of the quota for the 3 months following the period referred to in point (b).
d) A bonus equal to 30% of the fee within 15 months of the end of the reduction period.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to self-employed persons who employ employed persons.
3. Self-employed persons who opt for the system of the previous paragraph may benefit from the allowances and reductions provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total calculation of the allowances does not exceed the maximum period of 30 monthly allowances.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the associated Cooperative Labour Party (s) who are in the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-employed Persons, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Two. The additional provision in the 11th of Law 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 of urgent measures for the reform of the system for the protection of unemployment and the improvement of occupational safety is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 11th. Reductions and allowances for Social Security contributions for persons with disabilities to be established as self-employed persons.
1. Persons with a degree of disability equal to or greater than 33%, who are initially high in the Special Scheme for Social Security of the Self-Employed or Self-Employed, shall benefit, for the five years following the date of the effects of the discharge, of a 50% reduction in the share of common contingencies resulting from the application of the minimum rate of contribution applicable at any time, including temporary incapacity, on the minimum basis of contribution.
2. Where self-employed persons with a degree of disability equal to or more than 33% are less than 35 years of age and who are initially high or have not been in a state of discharge in the immediately preceding five years, from the the date of the discharge, in the Special Scheme of Social Security of the Workers for the Own or Self-Employed, the following reductions and allowances may be applied for the share of common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum price base corresponding to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 5 years, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota during the 12 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A bonus equal to 50% of the quota for the following four years.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the self-employed persons with disabilities who employ employed persons.
3. Selfemployed persons with disabilities as referred to in the previous paragraph, who have opted for the system described therein, may, where appropriate, avail themselves of the allowances provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total computation of the same does not exceed the maximum time limit of 60 monthly payments.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the Associate Labour Cooperatives, who are in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Article 2. Possibility of reconciling the perception of unemployment benefit with self-employment when it is established by the employment promotion programs.
A new paragraph 6 is added to Article 228 of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" 6. Where a programme of promotion of employment is established for groups with a greater difficulty of insertion into the labour market, the perception of the unemployment benefit which is to be perceived by the labour market can be reconciled. own account, in which case the managing body may pay the worker the monthly amount of the benefit in the amount and duration to be determined, without including the contribution to Social Security. "
Article 3. Compatibilization by children under 30 years of the perception of unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on their own account.
In application of the provisions of Article 228 (6) of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, and as an exception to the provisions of the Article 221 of that law, the beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit which are constituted as self-employed persons, may be able to reconcile the monthly perception of the benefit corresponding to the work autonomous, for a maximum of 270 days, or for the lower time to be collected, provided that the following requirements and conditions:
(a) That the beneficiary of the contributory level unemployment benefit is under 30 years of age at the start date of the self-employed activity and has no workers in his or her capacity.
(b) The managing body is asked within 15 days to count from the date of the start of the activity on its own account, without prejudice to the fact that the right to the compatibility of the benefit takes effect from the date of start of such activity. After that period of 15 days, the worker shall not be eligible for this compatibility.
During the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the self-employed activity, the beneficiary of the benefit will not be required to comply with the obligations as a claimant of employment and those arising from the undertaking's activities provided for in Article 231 of the General Law on Social Security.
Article 4. Extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
One. The third rule is amended and a new fourth rule is introduced, passing the current fourth, which is also amended, to be the fifth, in paragraph 1 of the fourth transitional provision of Law No 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 on urgent measures for the reform of the system of protection for unemployment and improvement of occupational safety, which are worded as follows:
"3. The" 3. " rules 1. and 2. will also apply to:
(a) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit that they intend to constitute as self-employed workers and are not persons with a disability equal to or greater than 33%.
In the case of Rule 1, the one-time payment will be made for the amount corresponding to the investment required to develop the activity, including the amount of the tax charges for the start of the activity, with the ceiling of 60% of the amount of the contributory level unemployment benefit to be paid, the ceiling being 100% where the beneficiaries are young men under 30 years of age or young women under 35 years, considering the age at the date of the application.
(b) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit under the age of 30, where they capitalise the benefit to allocate up to 100% of their amount to make a contribution to the social capital of an institution a new constitution or a period of not more than 12 months prior to the transfer, provided that they carry out an occupational or occupational activity of an indefinite nature in respect of the same, and independently of the Social security in which they are framed.
For persons who perform an activity as an employed person of an indefinite nature, the activity must be maintained for a minimum of 18 months.
In this case, those persons who have maintained a prior contractual relationship with those companies, or economically dependent self-employed persons who have subscribed to the same company as such, shall not be included in this case. client a contract registered with the State Employment Public Service.
4. Young persons under 30 years of age who capitalise on unemployment benefit may also allocate the same to the costs of setting up and operating an institution, as well as the payment of the fees and the price of specific advisory, training and information services related to the activity to be undertaken.
5. The application for the payment of the contributory level unemployment benefit, as laid down in the rules 1. ª, 2. and 3. in any case shall be from the date before the date of incorporation into the cooperative or society employment, or at the start of the activity as a self-employed worker or as a partner of the business entity in the terms of the third rule, whereas such a start coincides with the date as such in the worker's application for discharge in the Social Security.
If the worker has challenged the termination of the employment relationship of the unemployment benefit, the application must be later than the corresponding procedure.
The economic effects of the payment of the requested right shall be produced from the day following that of their recognition, except where the date of commencement of the activity is earlier, in which case, the date of commencement of the that activity. "
Two. The Government may amend by royal decree as set out in paragraph One above.
Article 5. Suspension and resumption of recovery of the unemployment benefit after an activity on a self-employed basis.
The following amendments are made to the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994, of 20 June:
One. Article 212 (1) (d) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (d) While the rightholder holds an employment for an employed person of less than 12 months, or while the rightholder carries out a work for his or her own account of a duration of less than 24 months or less than Sixty months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially high in the Special Regime for the Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed or in the Special Regime of Security Social of the Sea Workers "
Two. Article 212.4 (b) is amended as follows:
" (b) Upon request of the person concerned, in the cases referred to in paragraphs (b), (c), (d) and (e) of paragraph 1, provided that the cause of suspension has been completed, which, where appropriate, constitutes a legal situation; of unemployment, or which, where appropriate, the requirement of a lack of income or the existence of family responsibilities is maintained. In the case of point (d) of paragraph 1, in the case of selfemployed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for Own or Autonomous Account or in the Special scheme for the Social Security of the Workers of the Sea, unemployment benefit may be resumed when the work on its own account is of less than 60 months.
The right to resume will be born from the end of the cause of suspension as long as it is requested within the next fifteen days, and the application will require registration as a jobseeker if the same is not has previously been carried out. In addition, the date of the application shall be deemed to have reactivated the undertaking of activity referred to in Article 231 of this Law, except in cases where the managing body requires the subscription of a new undertaking.
If the application is submitted after the deadline, the effects referred to in Article 209 (2) and in paragraph 1 (b) of Article 219 shall be produced.
In the event that the period corresponding to the paid annual leave has not been enjoyed, the provisions of Article 209 (3) of this Law shall apply. "
Three. Article 213 (1) (d) shall be worded as follows:
" (d) Realization of an employment for an employed person of a duration of 12 months or more, without prejudice to Article 210 (3), or to carry out an own-account work, for a period of equal or more (a) 24 months, or more than 60 months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed in the Special Regime of the Social Security of the Sea Workers "
Article 6. System of contributions by professional contingencies and cessation of activity.
A new third paragraph is added in the additional fiftieth-eighth provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" Protection against the contingencies of occupational accidents and occupational diseases, which includes coverage of the protection by cessation of activity, will be voluntary for the self-employed. under 30 years of age. "
CHAPTER II
Tax Incentives
Article 7. Incentives for newly created entities.
With effect for the tax periods starting from January 1, 2013, a new 19th additional provision is introduced in the recast text of the Company Tax Act, approved by the Royal Decree of the European Communities. Legislative Decree 4/2004 of 5 March, which is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 19th. Newly created entities.
1. Newly created entities, formed from 1 January 2013, which carry out economic activities shall be taxed in the first tax period in which the tax base is positive and in the following one, according to the following scale: except if, in accordance with Article 28 of this Law, they are to be taxed at a different rate than the general rate:
(a) For the taxable amount between EUR 0 and 300,000, at the rate of 15%.
b) For the remaining taxable amount, at the rate of 20 percent.
Similarly, the scale indicated in the previous paragraph will be applied, in the case of newly created cooperatives, both in respect of cooperative and extracooperative results.
When the tax period is shorter than the year, the tax base portion that will be taxed at the rate of 15 percent will be the one resulting from applying to 300,000 euros the proportion in which the number of days of the tax is tax period between 365 days, or the tax base of the tax period when it is lower.
2. Where the taxable person is applying the payment method provided for in Article 45 (3) of that law, the scale referred to in paragraph 1 above shall not apply to the quantification of the payments. fractious.
3. For the purposes of this provision, an economic activity shall not be understood as:
(a) Where economic activity has been carried out on a prior basis by other persons or entities related within the meaning of Article 16 of this Law and transmitted, by any legal title, to the entity of new creation.
(b) Where economic activity has been exercised, during the year preceding the institution's constitution, by a natural person holding a direct or indirect holding in the capital or in the own funds of the institution. new creation entity greater than 50 percent.
4. No consideration shall be given to newly established entities which are part of a group under the terms laid down in Article 42 of the Trade Code, irrespective of residence and the obligation to make annual accounts consolidated. "
Article 8. Incentives in the field of Income Tax for Physical Persons.
With effect from January 1, 2013, the following amendments are made to the Law 35/2006, of November 28, of the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons and of the partial modification of the laws of the Taxes on Societies, on the Income of Non-Residents and on Heritage:
One. Article 7 (n) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (n) The unemployment benefits recognised by the respective managing body when they are received in the single payment method set out in Royal Decree 1044/1985 of 19 June 1985 governing the payment of the unemployment benefit in its single payment method, provided that the amounts received are intended for the purposes and in the cases provided for in that standard.
This exemption will be conditional on the maintenance of the action or participation over the five-year period, in the event that the taxpayer has been integrated into working societies or associated worker cooperatives or have made a contribution to the social capital of a business entity, or to the maintenance, over the same time, of the activity, in the case of the self-employed person. '
Two. Article 14 (2) (c) is deleted.
Three. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 32, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Taxpayers who initiate the exercise of an economic activity and determine the net performance of an economic activity in accordance with the method of direct estimation may reduce the net positive return declared on the basis of the said method by 20%. the method, which has been undermined by the reductions provided for in paragraphs 1 and 2 above, in the first tax period in which it is positive and in the following tax period.
For the purposes of the preceding paragraph, an economic activity shall be deemed to be initiated if no economic activity has been exercised in the year preceding the date of commencement of the economic activity, without having consideration of those activities in which the exercise would have ceased without having achieved positive net returns since its inception.
When, after the beginning of the activity referred to in the first subparagraph, a new activity is initiated without having ceased in the exercise of the first subparagraph, the reduction provided for in this paragraph shall apply to the net income earned in the first tax period in which they are positive and in the following tax period, from the start of the first activity.
The amount of the net income referred to in this paragraph on which the reduction shall apply shall not exceed the amount of EUR 100 000 per year.
The reduction provided for in this paragraph shall not apply in the tax period in which more than 50% of the income of the same person comes from a person or entity from which the taxpayer has obtained returns from work in the year preceding the start date of the activity. "
Four. An additional 30th-eighth provision is added which is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-eighth disposition. Implementation of the 20 percent reduction by the start of an economic activity.
The provisions of Article 32 (3) of this Law shall only apply to taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity as from 1 January 2013. "
CHAPTER III
Stimulus to procurement
Article 9. Incentives for part-time recruitment with training links.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who enter into part-time contracts with a training link with unemployed young people under the age of 30, will be entitled, for a maximum of 12 months, to a reduction in the quota (a) the employer's employer, who is entitled to a contract, of 100% in the event that the contract is signed by undertakings whose staff is less than 250 persons, or 75% of the contract, in the case of that the contracting company has a template equal to or greater than that number.
This incentive may be extended for a further 12 months, provided that the worker continues to reconcile employment with the training, or has completed it in the six months prior to the end of the period referred to in the previous paragraph.
2. Workers must meet any of the following requirements:
a) Do not have work experience or is less than three months.
b) Proceed from another sector of activity, in terms that are determined to be regulated.
(c) Be unemployed and be registered uninterruptedly in the employment office for at least twelve months during the eighteen months prior to employment.
(d) Official compulsory education certificate, professional training certificate or certificate of professional qualification.
3. Workers must make use of the training compatible with training or justify having completed them within six months of the contract being concluded.
Training, not having to be specifically linked to the job object of the contract, may be:
a) Official creditable training or promoted by public employment services.
b) Training in languages or information technologies and communication of a minimum duration of 90 hours in annual computation.
4. For the purposes of this measure, the contract may be concluded for an indefinite period or for a fixed duration, in accordance with the provisions of the recast of the Law on the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, March 24.
The agreed working day may not exceed 50 percent of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
5. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
6. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking must maintain the level of employment achieved with the contract referred to in this Article for at least a period equivalent to the duration of the contract with a maximum of 12 months from its date of celebration. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
7. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
8. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as provided for in Article 2.7 of this Article. and 6.2.
Article 10. Indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who hire an unemployed young person under the age of 30 indefinitely, in full or in part, will be entitled to a 100 percent reduction in the business share of the company. Social for common contingencies corresponding to the contract worker during the first year of the contract, in the terms listed in the following paragraphs.
To be eligible for this measure, companies, including self-employed workers, must meet the following requirements:
a) Having, at the time of the conclusion of the contract, a template equal to or less than nine workers.
b) Not having any prior labor ties with the worker.
(c) Not having adopted, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
(d) Not having previously concluded another contract in accordance with this Article, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
2. This article does not apply to the following assumptions:
(a) When the contract is made pursuant to Article 4 of Law 3/2012, of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market.
b) When the contract is for discontinuous fixed work, in accordance with Article 15.8 of the Workers ' Statute.
(c) In the case of indefinite contracts included in Article 2 of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006.
3. The benefits referred to in paragraph 1 shall apply only in respect of a contract, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
4. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the employer must keep the employed worker at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons not attributable to the employer or to the employer. resolution during the test period.
You must also maintain the level of employment in the company reached with the contract referred to in this article for at least one year from the conclusion of the contract. In the event of non-compliance with these obligations, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The prior employment maintenance obligations referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated by objective reasons or by disciplinary dismissal when one or the other is declared or recognized as originating, or the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the agreed time or performance of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the trial period.
5. In the cases referred to in the last indent of the first subparagraph of paragraph 4, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total reduction period may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 thereof.
Article 11. Incentives for recruitment in new young entrepreneurship projects.
1. They shall be entitled to a reduction of 100 per cent of all business quotas for social security, including those for occupational accidents and occupational diseases and joint collection fees, for the 12 months following the end of the year. recruitment, self-employed persons under the age of 30, and without salaried workers, who, as of 24 February 2013, recruit for the first time, indefinitely, by means of a full-time or part-time employment contract, Unemployed persons aged 40 and over five years old, registered without interruption as unemployed at the employment office for at least 12 months in the 18 months preceding the recruitment or who are beneficiaries of the programme for the retraining of persons who have exhausted their unemployment protection.
2. For the purposes of applying the benefits referred to in this Article, the employed worker must be kept in employment for at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons other than imputable to the employer or by resolution during the probationary period. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
3. In the cases referred to in paragraph 2, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total period of application of the reduction may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
4. In the event that the recruitment of a worker could lead to the application of other allowances or reductions in social security contributions, only one of them may be applied, with the option of the beneficiary in the time to formalize the worker's discharge in Social Security.
5. As provided for in this provision, it shall apply as set out in Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment, with the exception of Article 2.7.
Article 12. First young job.
1. In order to encourage the acquisition of a first professional experience, companies may enter into temporary contracts with unemployed young people under the age of 30 who have no work experience or who are less than three months old.
2. These contracts shall be governed by Article 15 (1) (b) of the Staff Regulations and their implementing rules, with the exception of the following:
(a) The acquisition of a first professional experience shall be considered to be the cause of the contract.
(b) The minimum duration of the contract shall be three months.
(c) The maximum duration of the contract shall be six months, unless a higher duration is established by a collective state collective agreement or, failing that, by a sectoral collective agreement at a lower level, without in any case the duration may exceed 12 months.
In the event that the contract has been concluded for a duration less than the legal or conventionally established maximum, it may be extended by agreement of the parties, for one only time, without the total duration of the contract may exceed that maximum duration.
(d) The contract must be completed on a full-time or part-time basis, provided that, in the latter case, the day is more than 75% of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
3. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
In the case of work contracts concluded with workers to be made available to user companies, the limitation set out in the preceding paragraph shall in any case be understood as referring to the user undertaking.
4. Companies, including self-employed workers, who, after a period of at least three months after their conclusion, transform into indefinite contracts the contracts referred to in this Article shall be entitled to a subsidy in the quotas Social security of 41.67 euros/month (500 euro/year), for three years, provided that the agreed working day is at least 50 percent of that corresponding to a comparable full-time worker. If the contract was concluded with a woman, the processing allowance shall be EUR 58,33 per month (EUR 700/year).
In the case of workers hired under this article and made available to user companies, they shall be entitled to the same bonus, under the conditions set out in the preceding paragraph, when, without (a) a continuity solution, a contract of employment for an indefinite period of time with such workers, provided that a minimum period of three months has elapsed since the conclusion of the initial contract.
In the case referred to in the preceding paragraph, the obligation laid down in paragraph 5 of this Article shall in any event be construed as referring to the user undertaking.
5. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking shall maintain the level of employment achieved with the conversion referred to in this Article for at least 12 months. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 of this Article.
Article 13. Incentives for contracts in practice.
1. Without prejudice to Article 11 (1) of the Staff Regulations, contracts may be concluded with young people under the age of 30, even if five or more years have elapsed since the completion of the corresponding studies.
2. Companies, including self-employed workers, who have a contract in practice with a child under the age of 30, will be entitled to a 50 percent reduction in the business share to the Social Security for common contingencies. corresponding to the contract worker for the duration of the contract.
In the cases in which, in accordance with the provisions of Royal Decree 1543/2011 of 31 October 2011 governing non-employment practices in companies, the worker was carrying out such non-employment practices in the the time of the consultation of the contract of work in practice, the reduction of quotas will be 75 percent.
3. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
4. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006, except as provided for in Article 2.7, shall apply as regards incentives.
Article 14. Incentives for the incorporation of young people into social economy entities.
1. The following bonuses applicable to social economy entities are incorporated:
(a) Bonifications in the business quotas of Social Security for three years, the amount of which shall be EUR 66,67 per month (EUR 800/year), applicable to cooperatives or working companies incorporating workers unemployed under 30 years as working or working partners. In the case of cooperatives, the allowances shall apply where they have opted for a social security scheme of their own for employed persons, in the terms of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June.
(b) Bonifications in the social security contributions applicable to the insertion undertakings in the case of contracts of employment concluded with persons under 30 years of age in situations of social exclusion included in the article 2 of Law 44/2007, of 13 December, for the regulation of the regime of the enterprises of insertion, of 137,50 euros/month (1,650 euros/year) for the entire duration of the contract or for three years, in case of indefinite hiring. These allowances shall not be compatible with those provided for in Article 16.3 (a) of Law 44/2007 of 13 December.
2. In relation to paragraph 1.a), the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as set out in Article 6.2 thereof.
As provided for in paragraph 1 (b), the provisions of Section I of Title I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 on the improvement of growth and employment as regards the requirements to be met shall apply. beneficiaries, exclusions in the application of the bonuses, maximum amount, incompatibilities or reimbursement of benefits.
CHAPTER IV
Enhancement of intermediation
Article 15. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
A new 32nd additional provision is added to the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, in the following terms:
" Additional 30th Disposition. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
The Directorate General of the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, as well as the entities and agencies that are dependent on them and integrated into the National System of Employment, may conclude framework agreements with one or more employers in order to fix the conditions to which all contracts for services of homogeneous characteristics as defined in the conventions to which it refers are to be adjusted the following paragraph to facilitate the employment services of the Public Employment Services and which are intended to be awarded for a specified period, provided that the use of these instruments is not done in an abusive manner or in such a way that competition is impeded, restricted or distorted.
This joint conclusion of framework agreements will be carried out in accordance with the provisions of Chapter II of Title II of book III and after the adoption of the relevant collaboration agreement between the Public Employment Service State and Autonomous Communities or entities and bodies dependent on them and integrated into the National Employment System.
These contracts may not be the subject of a framework contract for work intermediation which may be provided for in the procedures for the selection of temporary work staff by public administrations, and to be carried out exclusively and directly by the relevant public employment services. '
Article 16. Common database of offers, job demands and training opportunities.
The following amendments are introduced in Law 56/2003, of 16 December, of Employment:
One. Article 8 (2) (b) is worded as follows:
" b) The existence of a common database, the Single Employment Portal, enabling the dissemination of the offers, job demands and training opportunities existing throughout the territory of the State, as well as in the rest of the Countries of the European Economic Area, respecting the provisions of the Organic Law 15/1999 of 13 December on the Protection of Personal Data.
To do this, public employment services will record all job offers and demands in the Public Employment Services Information System databases. The State Employment Public Service shall ensure the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations as a guarantee of transparency and market unity. "
Two. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 14 and renumbered the current paragraph 3, which becomes the number 4, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Prior to the release of funds within the Sectoral Conference on Employment and Labour Affairs, it is intended to enable the functions of labour intermediation, without territorial barriers, in the terms of point (c) of the Article 7a of this law, the State Employment Public Service shall check compliance by the public employment services as laid down in Article 8 (2) (b).
If the State Employment Public Service detected the non-compliance with this obligation by some autonomous community, it will not proceed to the payment of the amounts due as long as this situation is not remedied. For these purposes, the State Employment Public Service shall communicate to the Autonomous Communities that the need to remedy the detected non-compliance is in this situation. "
TITLE II
Business Finance Promotion Measures
Article 17. Amendment of the Regulation on the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November 1998.
The regulation for the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November, is amended as follows:
One. A sub-paragraph (c) is added to Article 50.5, with the following wording:
"(c) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. The sixth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" Investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), together with the shares and participation in collective investment investment institutions or in institutions for collective investment of collective investment investment institutions as referred to in Article 50 (2). holdings in companies and venture capital funds referred to in paragraph 5.a.3. of Article 50 and investment in securities or rights negotiated in the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by means of a royal decree, may not be computed by an amount greater than 10 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to cover. In the case of reinsurers and only for investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) this limit shall be 30 per 100. "
Three. The eighth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" The set of shares and units in a collective investment investment institution or in a collective investment institution of collective investment investment institutions, to which it refers Article 50 (2) (2) of this Regulation, or of shares and units in a company or venture capital fund referred to in Article 50 (3) (3), may not be counted for an amount exceeding 5 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to be covered. Investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution and in securities or rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is realized by real A decree issued by a single entity shall not, together, exceed 3% of the technical provisions to be covered. The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent when the investment in shares and units issued by the venture capital institutions and in securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral system (a) to be concluded by means of a royal decree issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group. "
Article 18. Amendment to the Regulation on pension schemes and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004.
The Regulation on pension plans and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004, is amended as follows:
One. A point (d) is added to Article 70.9 with the following wording:
"(d) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. Article 72 (b) is worded as follows:
" (b) Investment in securities or financial instruments issued by a single entity, plus the credits granted to it or endorsed or guaranteed by the same entity, shall not exceed 5 percent of the pension fund's asset.
However, the above limit will be 10 percent for each issuing, borrowing or guarantor entity, provided that the fund does not invest more than 40 percent of the asset in entities in which 5 percent of the asset is exceeded. background.
The fund will be able to invest in several companies in the same group and cannot exceed the total investment in the group 10 percent of the fund's asset.
No pension fund may have invested more than 2% of its assets in securities or financial instruments not admitted to trading on regulated markets or in securities or financial instruments which, while admitted to trading on regulated markets are not susceptible to widespread and impersonal traffic, where they are issued or endorsed by the same entity. The above limit shall be 4% for those securities or financial instruments where they are issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, the investment in securities or rights issued by the same entity traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree, as well as the investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution may reach 3% of the pension fund asset.
The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent for those securities or other financial instruments when issued by entities belonging to the same group.
They shall not be subject to the limits provided for in this point (b) deposits in credit institutions, without prejudice to the application of the joint limit referred to in point (f) of this Article. "
Article 19. Amendment of the Law 24/1988, of July 28, of the Stock Market.
Law 24/1988 of 28 July of the Stock Market is amended as follows:
One. A new wording is given to Article 30b, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30b. A regime for the issuance of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt that is the subject of a public offering for sale or admission to trading on an official secondary market and with the obligation to publish a prospectus.
1. The provisions of this Article shall apply to all issues of bond or other securities which recognise or create debt whenever they are to be the subject of a public offer for sale or admission to trading on a secondary market. official and in respect of which it is required to draw up a prospectus which is subject to approval and registration by the National Securities Market Commission in the terms laid down in the previous chapter.
Also, they shall be understood to be included in the preceding paragraph and provided that they comply with the provisions of the preceding paragraph, the issuance of bonds or other securities that recognize or create debt as provided for in Title XI of the recast text of the Capital Companies Act approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/2010 of 2 July. This Article shall also apply to the issuance of obligations laid down in Law 211/1964 of 24 December 2001 regulating the issuance of obligations by companies which have not adopted the form of anonymous or otherwise associations or other legal persons, and the constitution of the bond-holders ' union.
They shall not have the consideration of obligations or other securities that recognize or debt the equity securities referred to in the second paragraph of Article 26.2 of this Act, such as the convertible debentures in actions provided that they are issued by the issuer of the underlying shares or by an entity belonging to the issuer group.
2. The public deed requirement for the issue of the securities referred to in this Article shall not be required.
The disclosure of all securities issues referred to in this article shall be governed by the provisions of this law and its development provisions, and the registration of the issuance or of the securities shall not be required. the other acts relating to it in the Trade Register or its publication in the Official Gazette of the Trade Register.
3. The conditions of each issue, as well as the issuer's ability to formalize them, when they have not been regulated by law, shall be subject to the clauses contained in the issuer's social statutes and shall be governed by the provisions of the issue and in the information leaflet. "
Two. A new wording is given to Article 30c, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30c. A regime of other issues of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt.
1. In the case of the placing of emissions of bonds or other securities which recognise or create debt, as referred to in Article 30a (1) (a), (c) and (d), the limitation laid down in Article 405 of the Treaty shall not apply. the Capital Companies Act.
2. The granting of public deed in the case of issues of bond issues or other securities that recognize or create debt that will be admitted to negotiation in a multilateral trading system shall not be required. The registration of the issue, or any other acts relating to it, in the Trade Register or its publication in the "Official Gazette of the Trade Register" shall not be required either.
The conditions legally required for the issue and the characteristics of the securities shall be recorded in certification issued by the persons empowered in accordance with the current regulations. This certification shall be deemed to be eligible to discharge the securities into account in accordance with the provisions of Article 6 of this Act.
The advertising of all acts relating to these emissions shall be carried out through the systems established for that purpose by the multilateral trading systems. "
TITLE III
Financing measures for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities, and for combating late payment in commercial operations
CHAPTER I
Extending a new phase of the financing mechanism for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities
Section 1. General Provisions
Article 20. Object.
The aim of this chapter is to extend the scope of the subjective and objective application of the financing mechanism for payment to the providers of local authorities and autonomous communities, establishing the (a) the necessary procedural specialties for this new phase of the mechanism allowing the cancellation of its outstanding obligations to its suppliers that were liquid, expired and enforceable before 1 January 2012.
Section 2.
Article 21. Subjective scope of application.
The payment mechanism to providers referred to in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, may apply to the following local entities:
1. To the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre that are included in the model of participation in state taxes, for which they will have to subscribe previously the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Forales of the Basque Country or the Autonomous Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
2. The municipalities of municipalities.
3. The local authorities to which the models for participation in State taxes, referred to in Chapters III and IV, of Titles II and III of the recast text of the Local Government Law Regulatory Law, approved by the Commission, are applicable. the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March, in relation to the outstanding obligations of payment as specified in the following Article.
Article 22. Objective scope of application.
1. As regards the local authorities referred to in paragraph 3 of the previous Article, the obligations to be paid to the contractors, which have been applied to the budgets of the institution, may be included in this new phase. for financial years prior to 2012 and derived from: collaboration agreements, administrative concessions, management arrangements in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and a technical service of a Regional administration or the State Administration of the lease on goods (a) of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, of contracts for the award of public works contracts, cooperation between the public sector and the private sector, public service management contracts, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which has been agreed by the local authorities, provided that it is have entered the contractor prior to 1 January 2012, provided for in the recast of the Law of Public Sector Contracts approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November.
2. As regards the local entities referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of the previous Article, it may be included, in addition to those referred to in the previous paragraph, the outstanding obligations to be paid to contractors referred to in the Royal Decree-Law. 4/2012, of 24 February, determining the obligations of information and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and the Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, provided that they have been applied to the the institution's budgets for the years prior to 2012.
Article 23. Specialties of the applicable procedure for the provision of information by local entities and the payment of invoices.
1. Until 22 March 2013, contractors may request the local debtor to issue an individual certificate of recognition of the existence of outstanding obligations for payment by the local authority.
2. The individual certificate shall be issued, within five calendar days of the application, by the financial controller, or internal control body, in the terms and content provided for in the preceding paragraph, with an express reference to: which is an obligation already applied to the budgets of the institution for the financial years preceding 2012. In the event that the request has not been answered in time, it shall be deemed to be rejected.
3. Before 29 March 2013, the financial controller or internal control body of the local authority shall communicate to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administration, by means of telematic and electronic signatures, a certified statement of the supported individual certificates.
4. Local entities will allow contractors to consult their inclusion in this updated information and if they are included they will be able to know the information that will affect them with respect to the data protection regulations of character personnel.
The right of recovery of contractors may not be materialised under the present financing mechanism, in the event that the debtor's community has failed to comply with the formal obligations laid down in the paragraph 6 of this article.
5. The President of the local authority shall give the necessary instructions to ensure the attention to the contractors in their applications, the prompt issuance of the individual certificates and the access, preferably by electronic means, to the submitted information.
6. Until 22 March 2013, the communities must send to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations a copy of the statutes for which they are governed and specify the percentage of participation, as at 31 December 2011, of each one of the municipalities that make up the town and that consists of those. The said statutes must have been approved by the plenary sessions of these municipalities. The failure to refer this documentation shall prevent the initiation of the procedure provided for in the preceding paragraphs of this Article.
In the event that the Commonwealth is not included in the General Data Base of Local Entities and the Inventory of Local Public Sector Entes under the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will have to request their inclusion within the time limit laid down in the preceding paragraph, as well as the referral of the documentation referred to therein.
Article 24. Disciplinary proceedings.
The failure of the competent public employees to comply with the obligations laid down in Article 23 of this Royal Decree-Law shall be considered to be very serious in the terms set out in the second paragraph. Article 95 of Law 7/2007, of 12 April, of the Basic Staff Regulations. For these purposes it will be the Directorate General of Public Service of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations the competent body to initiate and instruct the corresponding disciplinary procedure and the Minister of Finance and Administrations Public will be competent to resolve.
Article 25. Tuning Plan specialties.
In addition to what is foreseen in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local entities, and in Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, the adjustment plan presented by the local entity shall comply with the following:
1. Once the individual certificates referred to in Article 23 have been submitted, the local authority shall draw up an adjustment plan, in accordance with its own-organisation power, and shall be submitted, with a report from the internal control body or body, to its approval by the full local corporation or, in the case of the communities, by the governing body established by the statute for which they are governed and which has been approved by the plenary sessions of the local councils.
2. The approved adjustment plan shall be submitted by the local authority to the competent body of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations as the deadline of 15 April 2013, by means of telematics and electronic signatures, who shall carry out a assessment of the plan submitted, and shall be communicated to the local entity as the deadline of 20 May 2013.
Expiry of that period without communication of the said valuation shall be deemed to be favourable.
In the case of the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre, the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Foral Diputations of the Basque Country or the Foral Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
3. If the local authorities referred to in Article 21 (3) of this Standard have an adjustment plan approved at the initial stage of the payment mechanism to suppliers which ended in July 2012 and has been assessed, The Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will send a review of its adjustment plan approved by its plenary session in the first 15 days of April 2013. Failure to do so shall be deemed to be a failure to refer the adjustment plan and shall apply as provided for in the first provision of the Organic Law 2/2012 of 27 April 2012 on budgetary stability and financial sustainability and on its development standards.
Article 26. Application of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the Local Law Regulatory Law approved by the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March.
1. In the case of the debtor's communities, the guarantee for the payment of their obligations arising from the borrowing operations which they subscribe to with the fund for the financing of payments to suppliers will be implemented by means of withholding tax. participation in taxes of the State of the municipalities belonging to the communities, in proportion to their respective shares of participation in the aforementioned entities at December 31, 2011. This criterion shall apply in the event that the local authorities do not agree on the borrowing operations referred to for the purposes of the implementation of the withholding tax.
2. In the case of local authorities in the Basque Country and Navarre, account shall be taken of the provisions of the conventions which are signed between the competent bodies of the Historical Territories and those of the General Administration of the State and which they must provide for a guarantee system for the payment of their obligations under the mechanism for financing payments to suppliers.
Article 27. Cancellation of outstanding payment obligations with affected funding.
1. Any outstanding payment obligations that would have been paid through this facility and will be financed by the Fund, upon receipt of the payment, will be automatically understood to be affected by the Fund for the financing of the payment to the (a) suppliers and must be allocated to the early repayment of the debt transaction, or, where appropriate, to the cancellation of the debt. This forecast shall not apply to the obligations of co-financing from the structural funds of the European Union.
2. This Article applies both to the payment obligations which have been paid under the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February 2012 and to those which are paid in the context of the extension of the regulated mechanism in the present case. rule.
Section 3. Provisions applicable to Autonomous Communities
Article 28. Subjective scope of application.
The Autonomous Communities will be eligible for this new phase of the mechanism provided for in the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council Agreement of 6 March 2012 laying down the general lines of an extraordinary mechanism. financing for the payment to the providers of the autonomous communities.
For these purposes, the term "autonomous community" means the administration of the community and the other entities, bodies and entities that are dependent on the community on which it maintains a decision-making power over its management and its internal rules or statutes, as well as the associative entities in which it participates directly or indirectly. In any case, it should be entities included in the general government sector, subsector autonomous communities, in accordance with the definition and delimitation of the European System of National and Regional Accounts approved by the Regulation. (EC) No 2223/96 of the Council of 25 June 1996.
Article 29. Objective scope of application.
1. As far as the autonomous communities are concerned, it may be possible to include in this new phase of the mechanism the outstanding obligations for suppliers resulting from cooperation agreements, administrative concessions, and management in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and the technical service of the administration and is not included in the definition of an autonomous community in Article 28 of the lease on goods property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procedures for procurement in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, contracts for the award of public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector, as a result of service management contracts public, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which was agreed by the Autonomous Community, provided that i
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https://alchetron.com/Sagrera-railway-station
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Sagrera railway station
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2017-08-18T08:30:48+00:00
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Sagrera railway station (Catalan Estaci de la Sagrera, Spanish Estacin de la Sagrera) is a major through station under construction in the Barcelona districts of Sant Andreu and Sant Mart, in Catalonia, Spain. It is intended to serve as the central station for northern and eastern Barcelona, wi
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/favicon.ico
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Sagrera-railway-station
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Sagrera railway station (Catalan: Estació de la Sagrera, Spanish: Estación de la Sagrera) is a major through station under construction in the Barcelona districts of Sant Andreu and Sant Martí, in Catalonia, Spain. It is intended to serve as the central station for northern and eastern Barcelona, with Sants serving as the central station for southern and western Barcelona. Together with El Prat de Llobregat and Sants, currently the only high-speed rail stations in the Barcelona area, it will be on the Madrid–Barcelona high-speed rail line. It will also be on the conventional Barcelona–Cerbère and Barcelona–Mataró–Maçanet-Massanes railways. Once fully completed, it will be a major public transport hub, with dedicated stations on Barcelona Metro lines 4 and 9/10, as well as a bus station. The complex will be fully underground excepting for the station building, with two levels of platforms, accounting for a total of 18 railway tracks.
The new station is part of a larger urban redevelopment project along the corridor formed by the railways accessing Barcelona from the north-east, which divides the districts of Sant Andreu and Sant Martí. This project includes the rebuilding of Sant Andreu Comtal railway station, to the north of Sagrera, and the construction of a 3.7-kilometre-long (2.3 mi) linear artificial park over the railways running on the corridor, which will be put underground. At an estimated cost of €2 billion, the project is funded and managed by Barcelona Sagrera Alta Velocitat (BSAV), a public partnership made up of the Spanish Ministry of Public Works and Transport, the Government of Catalonia and the Barcelona City Council.
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https://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/renfe-trains-to-remain-free-for-all-of-2023
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Renfe short- and medium- distance trains to remain free for all of 2023
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2022-10-04T14:32:00
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Spanish government subsidizes rail as measure to combat inflation
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/favicon.ico
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The Spanish government has announced plans to keep Renfe short- and medium-distance train tickets fully subsidized for all of 2023, extending the measure already in place from September to December of this year.
The measure, aimed at tackling inflation while also enticing more people to use public transport over private vehicles, was first announced during the summer and was initially only going to be in operation between September and the end of December.
In a press conference on Tuesday following the ministers' meeting that approved the budget plan for next year, Spanish finance minister María Jesús Montero explained that the transport budget will be increased by 41.2% up to €700 million. Most of this will go to Renfe to cover the subsidization of the tickets.
Montero wants to turn this policy into a more permanent idea and said that the executive wants to "see concrete results for the ecological transition," which she described as a "priority policy."
"In 2023, the Spanish government will fully subsidize tickets for short- and medium- distance trains managed by the executive. We want to see the benefits of the use of public transport for the ecological transition," the Spanish finance minister said during a press conference after the cabinet meeting.
The measure will only become official if the Spanish government's budget for 2023 is approved.
The move is part of the Spanish government's package of measures to counter the cost-of-living crisis and, more specifically, encourage the use of public transport in the face of high fuel prices. Tickets can be obtained on the Renfe app and website as well as at ticket counters and machines in stations.
How does it work?
It will be free of cost but users will have to pay a €10 deposit when buying it for the first time. Tickets went on sale on August 24 at Renfe ticket desks and machines. Travelers can also apply for the discount online.
In the initial plan, announced to be in effect for the last four months of 2022, Rodalies train users had to use the ticket at least 16 times between September and December.
If they comply with this measure, they will get a refund back at the end of the year.
Train journeys across Catalonia you can enjoy with free tickets
Catalans can travel across the territory using up to 15 different routes operated by Renfe. All of them will be free allowing people to visit Barcelona, several beaches, mountainous areas, go to the airport, or even travel to some of the other cities in Catalonia or in the neighboring regions of Aragon and Valencia, or even in France.
Rodalies has nine different train lines that can bring users to places such as the southern beaches of Castelldefels, Garraf, Sitges, Vilanova i la Geltrú, and even Calafell, all of them via the R2S line. It does not matter how long the journey takes, as all trips will be free of charge.
To the north, beaches accessible by train include but are not limited to Sant Adrià de Besos, Badalona, Masnou, Premià de Mar, Arenys de Mar, Canet de Mar, and Blanes. Travelers will have to take the R1 train line in this case, the oldest one built in Catalonia that is currently in danger due to climate change.
But trains were not only built to go to the beach, but also to stop in some of the biggest cities around the territory. Aside from the Barcelona El Prat Airport, the R2N line also stops in El Prat de Llobregat, another city south of the Catalan capital.
While the R2S has stations in Castelldefels, Gavà, and Sant Vicenç de Calders, among other sites.
Other big cities reachable by train include Ripoll and Puigcerdà (R3) in the northern mountains; as well as Vic (R3), Granollers (R2, R2S, and R8), and Terrassa and Manresa (R4), in inland Catalonia.
Students going to the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) by Rodalies R7 will also benefit from the free ride.
Regional train lines
The other six Renfe-operated train lines in Catalonia are named ‘Regionals’ and are medium-distance covering several important destinations in the territory, from the northern town of Portbou on the coast right before the French border, to the southern tip of the territory, Ulldecona-Alcanar-La Sénia.
These lines are all those named ‘R’ and followed by a double-digit, as opposed to the Rodalies ones that only have one number.
With these train lines, travelers will even be able to cross the French border and visit Cerbère for free with the R11 line.
Before reaching the border, however, those going by train can stop in some Costa Brava areas such as Figueres, Llançà, or Colera.
Other interesting spots include the largest amusement park in Catalonia, Port Aventura (R17), and other major cities such as Tarragona (R14, R15, R16, and R17), Reus (R14 and R15), Girona (R11), and Lleida (R12, R13, and R14).
Regional lines also have a Regional Express option, reducing the number of stations the train stops at, therefore offering shorter journeys.
Barcelona could extend its discounted tickets
Hours after the Spanish government's announcement, the Barcelona mayor, Ada Colau, said she will request the city's public transport administration (ATM) to keep the current discounted prices during 2023.
The news from the central cabinet is "great" and "in the context of a financial and climate crisis, reducing public transport ticket prices will benefit families and the planet," she wrote in a statement shared on social media.
Public transport discounts in Barcelona range from 30% to 50% depending on the ticket acquired.
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R15_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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en
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R15 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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2021-12-31T13:41:23+00:00
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/favicon.ico
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EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R15_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
R15
A 448 Series train on a R15 regional service to Barcelona at Riba-roja d'Ebre in 2010.
OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona and Tarragona provincesPredecessorCa3First service1 January 2010 (as R15)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteStartRiba-roja d'Ebre[lower-alpha 1]Stops32EndBarcelona Estació de FrançaDistance travelled184 km (114 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 1–2 hLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock448 Series, 449 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 521⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R15 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to the town of Riba-roja d'Ebre, passing through the Vallès Occidental, Baix Llobregat, Garraf, Baix Penedès, Camp de Tarragona, Baix Camp and Ribera d'Ebre regions. With a total line length of 184 kilometres (114 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, along the Mediterranean coast as well as further inland.
R15 trains run primarily on the Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders railway and Reus-Caspe-Zaragoza railway, using Riba-roja d'Ebre as their southernmost terminus, and Barcelona Estació de França as its northern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R11, R13, R14, R16 and R17, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Sud as far as Sant Vicenç de Calders, and with the Tarragona commuter rail services RT2 and RT1 from Tarragona to Sant Vicenç de Calders and Reus, respectively.
History[edit]
The current line scheme of the R15 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Tarragona-Riba-roja d'Ebre were branded as Ca3 for the Catalan rail division, and 36 in the nationwide regional rail network.
Infrastructure[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R15 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R15 operates on a total line length of 184 kilometres (114 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between Reus and Riba-roja d'Ebre stations. The trains on the line call at up to 32 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[2]
From To Railway line Route number Riba-roja d'Ebre (PK 504.2) Reus (PK 579.5) Reus-Caspe-Zaragoza 210 Reus (PK 579.5) Tarragona (PK 594) Tarragona-Lleida 230 Tarragona (PK 594) Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders 600 Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6) Madrid–Barcelona 200 Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6) Madrid–Barcelona 260
List of stations[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R15 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R15 trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[3][4]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone ATM AdT ATM AdB Rod Riba-roja d'Ebre#* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Riba-roja d'Ebre — — — Flix* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Flix — — — Ascó ● — — Ascó — — — Móra la Nova* ● — Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Móra la Nova — — — Els Guiamets ● — — Els Guiamets — — — Capçanes ● — — Capçanes — — — Marçà - Falset ● — — Marçà — — — Pradell ● — — Pradell — — — Duesaigües–L'Argentera ● — — L'Argentera — — — Riudecanyes-Botarell ● — — Riudecanyes — — — Les Borges del Camp ● — — Les Borges del Camp — — — Reus#* ● R14, RT1 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Reus 1 — — Vila-seca ● R14, R16, RT1 — Vilaseca 1 — — Tarragona* ● R14, R16, R17, RT1, RT2 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Tarragona 1 — — Altafulla-Tamarit ● R14, R16, R17, RT2 — Altafulla 1 — — Torredembarra ● R14, R16, R17, RT2 — Torredembarra 1 — — Sant Vicenç de Calders ● R2 Sud, R4, R13, R14, R16, R17, RT2 — El Vendrell 2, 4 6A 6 Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Calafell — 5A 5 Segur de Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Calafell — 5A 5 Cunit ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Cunit — 5A 5 Cubelles ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Cubelles — 4A 5 Vilanova i la Geltrú ● R2 Sud, R13, R14, R16, R17 — Vilanova i la Geltrú — 4A 4 Sitges ● R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Sitges — 3A 4 Castelldefels ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Castelldefels — 1 2 Gavà ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R14 — Gavà — 1 2 Viladecans ● R2, R2 Sud — Viladecans — 1 2 El Prat de Llobregat* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud) El Prat de Llobregat — 1 1 Bellvitge* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud Barcelona Metro line 8, as well as Baix Llobregat Metro and other commuter rail services at Gornal station L'Hospitalet de Llobregat — 1 1 Barcelona Sants* ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R11, R12, R13, R14, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R11, R13, R14, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona — 1 1 Barcelona Estació de França#* ● R2 Sud, R13, R14, R16, R17 Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta station Barcelona — 1 1
Notes[edit]
References[edit]
[edit]
Rodalies de Catalunya official website
Schedule for the R15 (PDF format)
Official Twitter accounts by Rodalies de Catalunya for lines R15 with service status updates (tweets usually published only in Catalan)
Geographic data related to R15 at OpenStreetMap
R15 (rodalia 15) on Twitter. Unofficial Twitter account by Rodalia.info monitoring real-time information about the R16 by its users.
Information about the R15 at trenscat.cat Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Spain
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Rail transport in Spain
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Spain
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SpainOperationNational railwayRenfeInfrastructure companyAdifMajor operatorsRenfe, Feve, Euskotren, FGC, FGVStatisticsRidership 654 million (2023)[1]System lengthTotal16,026 km (9,958 mi)Electrified10,182 km (6,327 mi)Track gaugeBroad gauge
1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in)11,829 km (7,350 mi)Standard gauge
1,435 mm (4 ft 8+1⁄2 in)3,100 km (1,900 mi)Metre gauge
1,000 mm (3 ft 3+3⁄8 in)1,926 km (1,197 mi)Narrow gauge
914 mm (3 ft)28 km (17 mi)Electrification3000 V DCMain network25 kV ACHigh-speed lines, recent electrificationFeaturesLongest tunnelSierra de Guadarrama, 28.4 km (17.6 mi)
Map
Rail transport in Spain operates on four rail gauges and services are operated by a variety of private and public operators. Total railway length in 2020 was 15,489 km (9,953 km electrified).[2] The Spanish high-speed rail network is the longest HSR network in Europe with 3,966 km (2,464 mi) and the second longest in the world, after China's.[3][4]
Most railways are operated by Renfe; metre and narrow-gauge lines are operated by FEVE and other carriers in individual autonomous communities.
It is proposed and planned to build or convert more lines to standard gauge,[5] including some dual gauging of broad-gauge lines, especially where these lines link to France, including platforms to be raised.
Spain is a member of the International Union of Railways (UIC). The UIC Country Code for Spain is 71.
History
[edit]
The first railway line in the Iberian Peninsula was built in 1848 between Barcelona and Mataró.[6] In 1851 the Madrid-Aranjuez line was opened. In 1852 the first narrow gauge line was built; in 1863 a line reached the Portuguese border. By 1864 the Madrid-Irún line had been opened, and the French border reached.[6] In 1900 the first line to be electrified was La Poveda-Madrid.[7]
After the Spanish Civil War, the Spanish railway system was in a state of disrepair due to the damage caused by the conflict. In 1941 RENFE was created by nationalizing the private companies that had built and until then operated the network, leading to a state-owned rail network.[6][8]
By the 1950s, the Spanish rail network reached its historical maximum of almost 19,000 kilometers.[9] However, from the mid-1950s onward, the network began to shrink due to the exponential increase in private vehicle ownership in Spain. During the Spanish economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s, the number of private vehicles in Spain increased more than 14 times from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s.[10] This led to a decline in demand for rail transport and the closure of some rail lines that were no longer profitable. By 1993, almost 8,000 km of rail lines were dismantled.[11]
The last steam locomotive was withdrawn in 1975, and in 1986 the maximum speed on the railways was raised to 160 km/h, and in 1992 the Madrid-Seville high-speed line opened,[6] beginning the process of building a nationwide high-speed network known as AVE (Alta Velocidad España).
The current plans of the Spanish government are to finish the standard-gauge high-speed network by building new sections of track and upgrading and converting to standard gauge the existing line along the Mediterranean coast connecting the ports of Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia, Cartagena and Almería, to link Madrid with Vigo, Santiago and A Coruña in Galicia, to extend the Madrid-Valladolid line to Burgos and the Basque cities of Bilbao and San Sebastián, and to Hendaye on the French border, as well as to link Madrid with Lisbon and the port of Sines through Badajoz. Former plans by the Popular Party government under Prime Minister Aznar to link all provincial capitals with high-speed rail have been shelved as unrealistic, unaffordable, and contrary to all economic logic as no European funding would be made available for such projects.
Following the opening of the AVE network, the classic Iberian gauge railways have lost importance in inter-city travel, for example, the Madrid–Barcelona railway takes over nine hours to travel between the two cities stopping at every station. With the Madrid–Barcelona high-speed rail line, the longest possible journey is just three hours.[12] This has allowed the conventional lines to increase focus on regional and commuter traffic, along with freight. Some lines, including the Córdoba-Bobadilla section of the classic Córdoba–Málaga railway, have lost passenger traffic completely due to the opening of AVE serving the same destinations.
Many important mainland Spanish towns remain disconnected from the rail network, the largest being Marbella with a population of over 140,000, along with Roquetas de Mar (pop. 96,800), El Ejido (pop. 84,000), Torrevieja (pop. 83,000) and Mijas (pop. 82,000). Other towns and municipalities are not on the national rail network but linked to light rail or metro systems, such as Santa Coloma de Gramanet, Barcelona (pop. 118,000); Chiclana de la Frontera, Cádiz (pop. 83,000); Torrent, Valencia (pop. 83,000); Getxo, Biscay (pop. 78,000); and Benidorm, Alicante (pop. 70,000).
Starting in Franco's regime and continuing into the 1980s, multiple lines of the Spanish rail network were closed. Campaigns for reopening former lines exist, including a reopening the branch to the aforementioned Torrevieja from the Alicante–Murcia main line;[13] the former line from Guadix to Lorca via Baza[14] (which would provide a direct rail link from Murcia to Granada); Plasencia to Salamanca[15] and Gandía to Dénia.[16]
Since 2007 the operation of freight lines was liberalized and has been open to private operators. Renfe was split in two companies (Renfe, a public company that operates freight and passenger lines, and ADIF, a public company that manages the infrastructure for all public and private operators).
In 2020, long-distance passenger lines were likewise opened to private operators. Ouigo España began service on the Madrid–Barcelona route in 2021, joined by Iryo in 2022.
From 1 September to 31 December 2022 Spain has made free train tickets available under certain conditions. A €10 to €20 deposit must be placed and the scheme is only available on multi-trip tickets or season tickets, rather than singles. 16 or more train journeys must be made between the aforementioned dates in order to receive a full refund.[17] The full refund is available on commuter journeys and medium-distance journeys of under 300 km (186 miles).[8] The initiative is being funded through a windfall tax on banks and energy companies that have made profits from interest rates and energy prices. The tax will be introduced in 2023 and is estimated to raise up to €7 billion in two years. Money raised from the tax will also be used to build 12,000 new homes and fund youth scholarship programmes.[17]
Operators
[edit]
Renfe is a state-owned company which operates freight and passenger trains on the 1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in) "Iberian gauge", 1,435 mm (4 ft 8+1⁄2 in) standard gauge and 1,000 mm (3 ft 3+3⁄8 in) metre gauge rail networks of the Spanish nationalized infrastructure company ADIF (Spanish: Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias). Both were formed from the break-up of the former national carrier Renfe (Spanish: Red Nacional de los Ferrocarriles Españoles, "Spanish National Railway Network") and subsequently of FEVE (Spanish: Ferrocarriles Españoles de Vía Estrecha, "Narrow-Gauge Spanish Railways").
Zamora station
Toledo station
Atocha station, Madrid
Estació del Nord, Valencia
Lleida-Pirineus station
Ouigo España is a subsidiary of the French company SNCF that operates long-range passenger trains on high-speed lines.
Iryo is the brand of ILSA, a Spanish-Italian company formed by Air Nostrum and Trenitalia that also operates long-range passenger trains on high-speed lines. Renfe, OUIGO and Iryo have all competed on several high-speed lines owned by ADIF after the liberalization of long-range passenger rail transport.
Euskotren (Basque: Eusko Trenbideak, Spanish: Ferrocarriles Vascos, "Basque Railways") operates trains on part of the narrow-gauge railway network in the Basque Country.
FGC (Catalan: Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya, "Catalan Government Railways") operates several unconnected lines in Catalonia. It operates 140 km (87 mi) of narrow-gauge, 42 km (26 mi) of standard-gauge, and 89 km (55 mi) of Iberian-gauge routes, two metre-gauge rack railways and four funicular railways.
FGV (Valencian: Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat Valenciana, "Valencian Government Railways") operates several metre-gauge lines in the Valencian Community.
FS (Catalan: Ferrocarril de Sóller, "Sóller Railways") operates an electrified 914 mm (3 ft) narrow-gauge railway on the Spanish island of Majorca between the towns of Palma and Sóller.
SFM (Catalan: Serveis Ferroviaris de Mallorca, "Majorcan Railway Servicies") operates the 1,000 mm (3 ft 3+3⁄8 in) metre-gauge railway network on the Spanish island of Majorca.
Acciona Rail Services, a subsidiary of Acciona, operates a coal cargo line between Asturias and the province of León.
COMSA Rail Transport, a subsidiary of COMSA, operates a cargo line from the Port of Gijón to Valladolid.
Continental Rail is dedicated to bringing materials into the gorges of the high-speed lines in progress.
Lines
[edit]
Conventional Iberian-gauge lines
[edit]
Alcázar de San Juan–Cádiz railway
Algeciras-Bobadilla railway
Barcelona–Cerbère railway
Casetas–Bilbao railway
Chinchilla–Cartagena railway
Córdoba–Málaga railway
León–A Coruña railway
Linares Baeza–Almería railway
Madrid–Barcelona railway
Madrid−Aranda−Burgos (mostly non-operational)
Madrid–Hendaye railway
Madrid–Valencia railway
Madrid−Valencia de Alcántara railway
Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders railway
Venta de Baños–Gijón railway
Huelva–Seville railway
High-speed standard-gauge lines
[edit]
Operational
[edit]
Antequera–Granada high-speed rail line
Atlantic Axis high-speed rail line
Madrid–Barcelona high-speed rail line
Perpignan–Barcelona high-speed rail line (Figueres-Barcelona section)
Madrid–Asturias high-speed rail line
Madrid–Levante high-speed rail network (Madrid–Valencia, Madrid–Alicante)
Madrid–Málaga high-speed rail line
Madrid–Seville high-speed rail line
Madrid–Galicia high-speed rail line
Under construction
[edit]
Basque Y
Murcia–Almería high-speed rail line
Narrow-gauge lines
[edit]
In Spain there is an extensive 1,250 km (780 mi) system of metre-gauge railways.
Metro/light-rail systems
[edit]
Alicante (Alicante Tram)
Barcelona (Barcelona Metro/Tram)
Bilbao (Bilbao Metro/Tram)
Cádiz (Cádiz Bay tram-train)
Granada (Granada Metro).
Jaén (Jaén Tram) built in 2011 but without service for political reasons.
Madrid (Madrid Metro)
Málaga (Málaga Metro)
Murcia (Murcia tram)
Palma (Palma Metro)
Parla (Parla Tram)
Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Tenerife Tram)
San Sebastián (San Sebastián Metro)
Seville (Seville Metro/Tram)
Valencia (Metrovalencia)
Vélez-Málaga (Vélez-Málaga Tram) opened in 2006, closed 2012
Vitoria-Gasteiz (Vitoria-Gasteiz tram)
Zaragoza (Zaragoza Tram)
France – break-of-gauge 1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in)/1,435 mm (4 ft 8+1⁄2 in) (new high-speed line links without any break-of-gauge)
Portugal – same gauge
Andorra has no rail system (the closest station to Andorra is the French station of Andorre-L'Hospitalet station). The British overseas territory of Gibraltar also lacks a rail system. The Moroccan rail network is neither connected to the Iberian Peninsula (although an undersea tunnel has been proposed) nor to the Spanish autonomous cities of Melilla and Ceuta (respectively closest to the Moroccan stations of Beni Ansar and Tangier-Med).
Subsidies
[edit]
In 2004, the Spanish government adopted a new strategic plan for transportation through 2020 called the PEIT (Strategic Plan for Infrastructures and Transport). This detailed rail subsidies of around €9.3 billion annually on average from 2005-2020. In 2010, it rolled out a two-year plan to invest an extra €11 billion each year for two years, as a part of a financial stimulus in response to the global downturn.[18] In 2015, the federal budget for the railways was €5.1 billion.[19]
See also
[edit]
Transport in Spain
High-speed rail in Spain
Rail transport in Europe
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https://www.salvador-dali.org/en/museums/house-salvador-dali-in-portlligat/info-practica/com-arribar/
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en
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Fundació Gala - Salvador Dalí
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2022-11-25T14:29:22+01:00
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Fundació Gala - Salvador Dalí
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en
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/favicon.ico
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https://www.salvador-dali.org/en/museums/house-salvador-dali-in-portlligat/info-practica/com-arribar/
|
Airports
Girona, Barcelona, Perpignan
Road
Warning: Road partially cut off for works. Please see the map for alternative way.
Barcelona: AP7 motorway (Barcelona-France), Figueres exit. Take the C-260 road, towards Roses. Before entering Roses village, turn left and take the GI-614 road towards Cadaqués. At the entrance to Cadaqués, turn left to Portlligat. If you walk from Cadaqués to Portlligat, it takes 15 minutes.
Perpignan: A9 motorway (Perpignan-La Jonquera), and then N-II road up to Figueres AP7 motorway (La Jonquera-Figueres)
Train
Line Barcelona - Figueres (RENFE)
Line Perpignan - Figueres (SNCF)
Line Cerbère - Figueres (SNCF)
Train station in Figueres. Then take a bus or a taxi.
Line París - Figueres-Vilafant (AVE / AVANT)
Line Barcelona - Figueres Vilafant (AVE / AVANT)
Bus
Line Barcelona - Cadaqués (SARFA) If you walk from Cadaqués to Portlligat, it takes 15 minutes.
Line Perpignan - Figueres (EUROLINES)
Line Figueres - Cadaqués (SARFA) If you walk from Cadaqués to Portlligat, it takes 15 minutes.
Taxis
Figueres and Vilafant Tel: 972500008
Cadaqués Tel: 626526832
By Sea
Roses-Cadaqués (Els blaus de Roses)
Car Park
At the Portlligat beach.
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https://www.happyrail.com/en/trains-in-europe/cerbere-to-barcelona
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ALL Cheap Train Tickets & Great Rail Tours
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https://www.happyrail.com/favicon.ico
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https://www.happyrail.com/favicon.ico
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Book cheap train tickets Cerbere to Barcelona Sants (Main Station) ✓ All prices and costs ✓ Train times ✓ Timetable ✓ Distance: 143 kilometers ✓ 8 trains per day ✓ Best price
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https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/4698901/the-company-transfesa
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The Company - Transfesa
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Attention! Your ePaper is waiting for publication!
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https://www.seat61.com/trains-and-routes/paris-to-barcelona-by-sleeper-train.htm
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PARIS to BARCELONA by sleeper train 2024
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How to travel between Paris & Barcelona by sleeper train, either via Latour de Carol or via Portbou
|
en
|
https://www.seat61.com/trains-and-routes/paris-to-barcelona-by-sleeper-train.htm
|
Sleep in a comfortable couchette from Paris to the Spanish border, with pillow, sleeping bag, bottled water & amenities kit.
Paris to Barcelona by sleeper
The direct trainhotel from Paris to Barcelona was sadly withdrawn in 2013. But you can still travel between Paris & Barcelona overnight, using a French overnight train from Paris to either Latour de Carol for a local train through the scenic Pyrenees to Barcelona, or to Cerbère on the Spanish border for a local train to Barcelona. This page tells you how, in either direction. Information good for 2024.
Option 1, Paris-Barcelona by sleeper via Latour de Carol
Train times, Paris to Barcelona
Train times, Barcelona to Paris
How much does it cost?
How to buy tickets
What's the journey like?
Travel tips
Route map
Option 2, Paris-Barcelona by sleeper via Cerbère
Train times, Paris to Barcelona
Train times, Barcelona to Paris
How much does it cost?
How to buy tickets
What's the journey like?
Travel tips
Route map
Option 3, Paris-Barcelona by daytime train
See the Paris-Barcelona by TGV page
Option 1, via Latour de Carol
This is a relaxed & scenic but time-effective option, straight through the Pyrenees via the remote and lonely yet imposing international station at Latour de Carol. Although seeing only a trickle of passengers, Latour de Carol's grand station is almost unique in being served by trains of three different track gauges: Spanish broad gauge from Barcelona, French standard gauge to Toulouse & Paris, and French narrow gauge as it's the terminus for the celebrated Petit Train Jaune.
Paris ► Barcelona
Step 1, travel from Paris to Latour de Carol by sleeper train, leaving Paris Gare d'Austerlitz at 21:40, arriving Latour de Carol at 10:07.
This is an Intercité de Nuit overnight train with 1st class 4-berth couchettes, 2nd class 6-berth couchettes & 2nd class seats. If you want privacy you can book a whole 1st or 2nd class couchette compartment. There are power sockets & free WiFi. More about Intercités de Nuit.
This train runs every day all year round, but trackwork sometimes affects it so check that it's running on your date using www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com. It should open for booking 4 months ahead, but sometimes less than this.
The last hour into the Pyrenees is wonderfully scenic, past the castle at Foix (on the right hand side just after the station) and up into the mountains - at Porté-Puymorens (the last station just before Latour) the train reaches the highest point on any normal standard-gauge railway in Europe, 1,562m (5,125 feet) above sea level. The railway from Toulouse to Foix opened in 1862, but the difficult line beyond Foix through the Pyrenees to Latour de Carol only opened in 1929.
Latour de Carol is a vast but little-used border station in the middle of nowhere, ringed by mountains, where the French Railways standard gauge line ends and the Spanish Railways Iberian gauge line to Barcelona begins. It's sometimes known as Latour de Carol-Enveitg, and in Catalan it's La Tor de Querol-Enveig.
Step 2, travel from Latour de Carol to Barcelona by local train, leaving Latour at 10:26 & arriving Barcelona Sants at 13:46.
The local train is comfortable, air-conditioned with 2nd class seats. It's a lovely & scenic run, twisting through the Spanish side of the Pyrenees before reaching the Barcelona suburbs. There's no catering, so bring your own food & drink.
You will not, I repeat, not find this local train on normal train booking systems, so read the following paragraphs carefully!!
You can easily check times for the La Tor de Querol to Barcelona Sants train for your date of travel at the special Barcelona suburban trains website rodalies.gencat.cat/en, as this route is classed as a Barcelona suburban train in spite of being very rural.
You can also check times at www.renfe.com, but it will not be shown in the main Renfe journey planner, you have to do it like this: Click the globe symbol top right & select Ingles for English. Ignore the main journey planner, hover over Cercanias (Commuter) top left and click on Rodalies Catalunya. Search from La Tor de Querol-Enveig to Barcelona Sants. Easy when you know how.
Tip: After the 10:26, the next local train leaves at 13:26. You can have lunch in the Bistro de la Gare on Latour de Carol station forecourt, www.facebook.com/bistrotdutrainjaune.
Barcelona ► Paris
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to La Tour de Carol by local train, leaving Barcelona Sants at 14:31 arriving Latour de Carol at 17:51.
The local train is comfortable, air-conditioned with 2nd class seats. There's no catering, so bring your own food & drink. It's a lovely scenic run up into the Pyrenees. There's not much at Latour de Carol, a huge but under-used border station in the middle of nowhere, ringed by mountains, so bring your own supplies or check if the Bistro de la Gare on the station forecourt will be open, see www.facebook.com/bistrotdutrainjaune.
You will not, I repeat, not find this local train on normal train booking systems, so read the following paragraphs carefully!!
You can easily check times for the Barcelona Sants to La Tor de Querol train for your date of travel at the special Barcelona suburban trains website rodalies.gencat.cat/en, as this route is classed as a Barcelona suburban train in spite of being very rural.
You can also check times at www.renfe.com, but it will not be shown in the main Renfe journey planner, you have to do it like this: Click the globe symbol top right & select Ingles for English. Ignore the main journey planner, hover over Cercanias (Commuter) top left and click on Rodalies Catalunya. Search from Barcelona Sants to La Tor de Querol-Enveig. Easy when you know how.
Step 2, travel from Latour de Carol to Paris by sleeper train, leaving Latour de Carol at 18:50 & arriving Paris Gare d'Austerlitz 07:03.
This is an Intercité de Nuit overnight train with 1st class 4-berth couchettes, 2nd class 6-berth couchettes & 2nd class seats. If you want privacy you can book a whole 1st or 2nd class couchette compartment. There are power sockets & free WiFi. More about Intercités de Nuit.
This train runs every day all year round, but trackwork sometimes affects it so check that it's running on your date using www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com. It should open for booking 4 months ahead, but sometimes less than this.
In summer when it's light, the first hour and a half twisting and turning through the Pyrenees is beautifully scenic. At Porté-Puymorens, the first station after Latour, the train passes the highest point on any normal standard-gauge railway in Europe, 1,562m (5,125 feet) above sea level. Watch out for the impressive castle at Foix, on the left. The railway from Foix to Toulouse opened in 1862, but the difficult line through the Pyrenees from Latour de Carol to Foix only opened in 1929.
How much does it cost?
Paris to Latour de Carol starts at 20 in a reclining seat, 35 in a 2nd class 6-berth couchette, 63 in a 1st class 4-berth couchette.
A couchette is recommended! Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Sole occupancy of a 2nd class 6-berth couchette compartment for 1-6 people starts at 150, sole occupancy of a 1st class 4-berth compartment for 1-4 people starts at 180. More about Espace Privatif.
Latour de Carol to Barcelona costs 12.
This is a fixed price, any day, any date, paid in cash (not card) on the train southbound, or at the station in Barcelona northbound.
How to buy tickets
Step 1, buy tickets for the overnight train between Paris & Latour de Carol at the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , no booking fee) or www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee).
If you want sole occupancy of a whole couchette compartment, see the Espace Privatif instructions on the Intercité de Nuit page.
You print your own ticket or can choose a mobile ticket to show on your phone.
Booking should open up to 4 months ahead, but these night trains often open less than this, sometimes as little as 2 months, so don't be impatient. There are odd dates when this train is affected by engineering work, and its timings can vary, but in principle at least it should run every day.
Step 2, buy the ticket between Latour de Carol & Barcelona on the day, as follows:
Southbound, just buy the ticket from the conductor on board the train. Yes, it's that simple. You cannot buy it online and don't need to, there are no reservations, just hop on & go. And no, you can't buy this Renfe ticket from the SNCF ticket office at Latour de Carol, either! It's a good idea to have cash on you in case their card machine doesn't work, but conductors on this route now normally take credit cards.
Northbound, buy a ticket at Barcelona Sants, either from the staffed counters or self-service ticket machines. There is no need to buy it in advance, it cannot sell out, it's just a local ticket.
What's the journey like?
Intercité de nuit sleeper train at Paris Gare d'Austerlitz. More about Intercités de Nuit.
Foix, the castle is on the right just south of the station.
Into the Pyrenees. The sleeper train heads into the mountains beyond Foix.
More mountain scenery in the Pyrenees.
Latour de Carol, where two nations, two trains and three track gauges meet. This is the huge international station building. The station bistro is on the forecourt, just out of shot to the left.
The inexpensive Bistro de la Gare (above right) on the forecourt at Latour de Carol is ideal for breakfast or a coffee between trains, check opening hours at www.facebook.com/bistrotdutrainjaune. Courtesy of Adrian Fuentes.
At Latour de Carol, the French standard-gauge overnight couchette train has arrived from Paris on the right. On the left, the Spanish broad-gauge local train is about to leave for Barcelona. The third gauge at Latour is the narrow-gauge Petit Train Jaune to Perpignan, its platform is behind the couchette cars shown here.
The air-conditioned local train from Latour to Barcelona. 2nd class only. Bring your own food & drink. The 'R' stands for Rodalies, Catalan for suburban network.
The snow gives way to autumnal browns & golds as the train to Barcelona wends its way south.
Travel tips
Always book a couchette rather than just a seat, so you can sleep lying down in a safely-locked compartment. To see more about what the sleeper train is like, watch the Intercité de Nuit video.
You take luggage onto the train with you and put it on the racks. There are no airline-style luggage limits, if you can manage it yourself it's fine. On the sleeper, luggage fits under the lower berths, on a rack above the window, or in a big recess above the compartment door that projects over the ceiling of the corridor. On the local train, it goes on the overhead racks or simply goes on the floor near your seat.
There's no cafe car on the sleeper or the local train, so eat before boarding and take some supplies, perhaps a bottle of wine for the evening.
There aren't many great eateries at the Gare d'Austerlitz, but when heading south from Paris, why not have dinner at the celebrated Train Bleu restaurant at the Gare de Lyon? It's an experience in itself. After dinner, it takes just 10 minutes to walk across the bridge over the Seine from the Gare de Lyon to the Gare d'Austerlitz on the far bank.
At Latour de Carol, you can use the Bistro de la Gare on the station forecourt between trains, check opening times at www.facebook.com/bistrotdutrainjaune.
Latour de Carol, Latour de Carol-Enveitg and (in Catalan) La Tor de Querol-Enveig are all the same place.
To see what the scenery is like between Toulouse, Latour de Carol & Barcelona, watch the Slow train through the Pyrenees video.
Route map
Back to top
Option 2, via Cerbère
This is similar to option 1, but uses the Paris-Perpignan-Cerbère Intercité de Nuit rather than the Paris-Latour one. It runs daily in summer, but usually only Fridays & Sundays in winter, leaving Paris coupled to the train to Latour de Carol. It's a lovely scenic run along the coast between Perpignan & Cerebère, through Port Vendres & Collioure. You then take a Spanish local train on the classic line from Cerbère (on the French side of the Spanish border) through Portbou, Figueres (for the wonderful Salvador Dali museum) & Girona to Barcelona. Alternatively, you can take the sleeper to Perpignan and use a high-speed train to Barcelona, which is faster, but a little more expensive.
Paris ► Barcelona
Step 1, travel from Paris to Perpignan or Cerbère by sleeper train
The sleeper train leaves Paris Gare d'Austerlitz at 21:22, arriving Perpignan at 08:38 & Cerbère at 09:27.
This sleeper train runs Fridays & Sundays all year, every day in high summer, but SNCF doesn't issue a timetable so until you see it in the booking system, nobody's really sure. It also runs daily 9-25 February, 5-21 April 2024, and 5 July until late August. Timings vary, leaves Paris at 20:08 some dates.
This is an Intercité de Nuit overnight train with 1st class 4-berth couchettes, 2nd class 6-berth couchettes & 2nd class seats. If you want privacy you can book a whole 1st or 2nd class couchette compartment. There are power sockets & free WiFi. More about Intercités de Nuit.
Check if it's running using www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com, it should appear 4 months out, but usually doesn't, the booking horizon is often much shorter than that for these night trains. I've seen it open for booking as little as a month ahead.
Beyond Perpignan, the train runs along the beautiful Côte Vermeille through Port Vendres & Collioure, with great sea views.
Step 2, travel from Perpignan or Cerbère to Barcelona
The fastest option is to get off the sleeper at Perpignan and use the new high-speed line to Barcelona. A high-speed AVE leaves Perpignan at 11:18 arriving Barcelona Sants at 12:38. It also calls at Figueres Vilafant & Girona.
This train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. There are great views of Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees. More about AVE S100 trains.
The cheapest option is to stay on the sleeper to Cerbère and use the classic slow but scenic route along the coast. A local train leaves Cerbère 12:04 on weekdays, arriving Barcelona Sants 15:10. On Saturdays & Sundays, leave Cerbère 11:46, arriving Barcelona Sants 15:10.
These are local trains which you won't find in normal train booking systems, to check times use rodalies.gencat.cat/en. These trains also stop at Figueres (for the wonderful Salvador Dali museum) and Girona. It's 2nd class only, there's no catering so bring your own food & drink.
Barcelona ► Paris
Step 1, travel from Barcelona to either Cerbère or Perpignan
The cheapest option is to use the classic slow but scenic route along the coast. A local train leaves Barcelona Sants at 15:16 arriving Cerbère 17:56.
Or an earlier train leaves Barcelona Sants at 13:16 arriving Cerebère 15:56 if you prefer a more robust connection.
This is the original line to the French border via Girona & Figueres. It's a local train, you won't find it in normal train booking systems, check times using rodalies.gencat.cat/en. It's 2nd class only, there's no catering so bring your own food & drink.
The fastest option is to use the modern high-speed line from Barcelona to Perpignan and pick up the sleeper there. A high-speed AVE train leaves Barcelona Sants at 16:34 arriving Perpignan at 17:56. It also calls at Girona & Figueres Vilafant.
The train has a cafe-bar, power sockets at all seats & free WiFi. There are great views of Mt Canigou as the train rounds the southern end of the Pyrenees. More about AVE S100 trains.
Step 2, travel from Cerebère or Perpignan to Paris by sleeper train
The sleeper train leaves Cerebère at 18:59 or Perpignan at 19:46, arriving Paris Gare d'Austerlitz at 06:40 next morning.
This sleeper train runs Fridays & Sundays all year, every day in summer, but SNCF doesn't issue a timetable, so until you see it in the booking system, nobody is really sure. It also runs daily 9-25 February, 5-21 April 2024, and early July until late August. Timings may vary significantly, so check online.
This is an Intercité de Nuit overnight train with 1st class 4-berth couchettes, 2nd class 6-berth couchettes & 2nd class seats. If you want privacy you can book a whole 1st or 2nd class couchette compartment. There are power sockets & free WiFi. More about Intercités de Nuit.
In summer when it's light, it's a lovely run from Cerebère to Perpignan along the Côte Vermeille coastline through Collioure & Port Vendres.
When does this sleeper train run? Good question! It should run on Fridays & Sundays all year round and every day in summer, but SNCF doesn't issue a timetable, so until you see it in the booking system, nobody knows. Also runs daily 9-25 February, 5-21 April 2024.
Check if it's running using www.raileurope.com, www.thetrainline.com or www.sncf-connect.com, it should appear 4 months out, but usually doesn't, the booking horizon is often much shorter than that for these night trains. I've seen it open for booking as little as a month ahead.
How much does it cost?
Paris to Perpignan or Cerbère starts at 22 in a reclining seat, 29 in a 2nd class 6-berth couchette, 60 in a 1st class 4-berth couchette.
A couchette is recommended! Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Sole occupancy of a 2nd class 6-berth couchette compartment for 1-6 people starts at 150, sole occupancy of a 1st class 4-berth compartment for 1-4 people starts at 180. More about Espace Privatif.
Perpignan to Barcelona by high-speed train starts at 25 in 2nd class or 45 in 1st class. Fares vary like air fares, so book ahead.
Cerbère to Barcelona by local train costs a fixed-price 14 or so, any day, any date, buy at the station.
How to buy tickets
Step 1, buy tickets between Paris & Perpignan or Cerbère at either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com (both easy to use, in , £ or $, small booking fee) or the French Railways website www.sncf-connect.com (in , same fares, no fee).
If you want sole occupancy of a private couchette compartment, see the Espace Privatif instructions on the Intercité de Nuit page.
You print your own ticket or can choose a mobile ticket to show on your phone.
Booking should open up to 4 months ahead, but these night trains often open less than this, sometimes as little as 2 months, so don't be impatient. There are odd dates when this train is affected by engineering work, remember this train only runs daily in summer and other peak periods, weekends only the rest of the year.
Step 2 if you want the high-speed train between Perpignan & Barcelona:
Book this at either www.raileurope.com or www.thetrainline.com or (more fiddly) www.renfe.com (see my advice on using it).
Travel tips
Always book a couchette rather than just a seat, so you can sleep lying down in a safely-locked compartment. To see more about what the overnight train is like, watch the Intercité de Nuit video.
You take luggage onto the train with you and put it on the racks. There are no airline-style luggage limits, if you can manage it yourself it's fine. On the sleeper, luggage fits under the lower berths, on a rack above the window, or in a big recess above the compartment door that projects over the ceiling of the corridor. On the local train, it goes on the overhead racks or simply goes on the floor near your seat.
There's no cafe car, so eat before boarding and take some supplies, maybe even a bottle of wine!
There aren't many great eateries at the Gare d'Austerlitz, but when heading south from Paris, why not have dinner at the celebrated Train Bleu restaurant at the Gare de Lyon? It's an experience in itself. After dinner, it takes 10 minutes to walk over the bridge across the Seine from the Gare de Lyon to the Gare d'Austerlitz on the far bank.
The local train between Cerbère & Barcelona Sants also calls at Barcelona Plaza Catalunya which may be more convenient for you.
Route map
What's the journey like?
Intercité de nuit sleeper train at Paris Gare d'Austerlitz. More about Intercités de Nuit.
2nd class 6-berth couchettes.
A cosy 2nd class couchette.
Wake up to coastal views like this. Photo courtesy of Philip Dyer-Perry.
The local train from Cerbère to Barcelona. Courtesy of Philip Dyer-Perry.
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R14_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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R14 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
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EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/R14_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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R14
A 448 Series train on a R14 regional service to Lleida Pirineus in Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station in 2014.
OverviewService typeRegional railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona, Tarragona and Lleida provincesPredecessorCa3First service1 January 2010 (as R14)Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRouteStartLleida PirineusStops32EndBarcelona Estació de FrançaDistance travelled204 km (127 mi)Average journey time1 h 19 min–2 h 40 minService frequencyEvery 1–2 hLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stock448 Series and 470 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 521⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
The R14 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It runs southwards from the Barcelona area to the city of Lleida, passing through the Vallès Occidental, Baix Llobregat, Garraf, Baix Penedès, Camp de Tarragona, Baix Camp, Conca de Barberà and Urgell regions. With a total line length of 204 kilometres (127 mi), it extends notably beyond the limits of the Barcelona metropolitan area, into the inland of Catalonia.
R14 trains run primarily on the Tarragona-Lleida railway and Madrid-Barcelona railway, using Lleida Pirineus as their westernmost terminus, and Barcelona Estació de França as its eastern one. They use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona suburban lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud and regional rail lines R11, R13, R15, R16 and R17, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations,[1] while they continue to share tracks with Barcelona commuter rail service R2 Sud as far as Sant Vicenç de Calders, and with the Tarragona commuter rail services RT2 and RT1 from Tarragona to Sant Vicenç de Calders and Reus, respectively. It is one of the three lines that connect Barcelona Sants and Lleida Pirineus, the others being R12 and R13, and one of the two that connect the two cities via the Aragó Tunnel and the Madrid-Barcelona railway, along with R13, as R12 uses the Meridiana Tunnel and the inland Lleida-Manresa-Barcelona railway.
History[edit]
The current line scheme of the R14 started operating on 1 January 2010 ( ), after the transfer of the services from Media Distancia Renfe to the Generalitat of Catalonia. Earlier, all the regional rail services carrying out the line Barcelona-Tarragona-Lleida were branded as Ca4a for the Catalan rail division, and 35 in the nationwide regional rail network.
Infrastructure[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R14 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R15 operates on a total line length of 184 kilometres (114 mi), which is entirely double-track. The trains on the line call at up to 32 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from west to east:[2]
From To Railway line Route number Lleida Pirineus (PK 490.5) Tarragona (PK 594) Tarragona-Lleida 230 Tarragona (PK 594) Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Valencia−Sant Vicenç de Calders 600 Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6) Madrid–Barcelona 200 Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6) Madrid–Barcelona 260
List of stations[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R14 in order from west to east; the station's service pattern offered by R14 trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[3][4]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone ATM AdL ATM AdT ATM AdB Rod Lleida Pirineus#* ● R12, R13 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed rail services
FGC local rail services
National and international coach services Lleida 1 — — — Puigverd de Lleida-Artesa de Lleida ● R13 — Puigverd de Lleida 1 — — — Juneda ● R13 — Juneda 2 — — — Les Borges Blanques ● R13 — Les Borges Blanques 2 — — — La Floresta ● R13 — La Floresta 2 — — — Vinaixa ● R13 — Vinaixa 2 — — — Vimbodí ● R13 — Vimbodí — — — — L'Espluga de Francolí ● R13 — L'Espluga de Francolí — — — — Montblanc ● R13 — Montblanc — — — — Vilaverd ● R13 — Vilaverd — — — — La Riba ● R13 — La Riba — — — — La Plana-Picamoixons# ● R13 — Valls — — — — Alcover ● — — Alcover — — — — La Selva del Camp ● — — La Selva del Camp — — — — Reus* ● R15, RT1 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Reus — 1 — — Vila-seca ● R15, R16, RT1 — Vilaseca — 1 — — Tarragona#* ● R15, R16, R17, RT1, RT2 Renfe Operadora-operated medium-distance rail services Tarragona — 1 — — Altafulla-Tamarit ● R15, R16, R17, RT2 — Altafulla — 1 — — Torredembarra ● R15, R16, R17, RT2 — Torredembarra — 1 — — Sant Vicenç de Calders ● R2 Sud, R4, R13, R15, R16, R17, RT2 — El Vendrell — 2, 4 6A 6 Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Calafell — — 5A 5 Segur de Calafell ● R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Calafell — — 5A 5 Cunit ● R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Cunit — — 5A 5 Cubelles ● R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Cubelles — — 4A 5 Vilanova i la Geltrú ● R2 Sud, R13, R15, R16, R17 — Vilanova i la Geltrú — — 4A 4 Sitges ● R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Sitges — — 3A 4 Castelldefels ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Castelldefels — — 1 2 Gavà ● R2, R2 Sud, R13, R15 — Gavà — — 1 2 Barcelona Sants* ● R1, R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R3, R4, R11, R12, R13, R14, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona — — 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● R2, R2 Nord, R2 Sud, R11, R13, R14, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona — — 1 1 Barcelona Estació de França#* ● R2 Sud, R13, R14, R16, R17 Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta station Barcelona — — 1 1
References[edit]
[edit]
Rodalies de Catalunya official website
Schedule for the R14 (PDF format)
Official Twitter accounts by Rodalies de Catalunya for lines R14 with service status updates (tweets usually published only in Catalan)
Geographic data related to R14 at OpenStreetMap
R14 (rodalia 14) on Twitter. Unofficial Twitter account by Rodalia.info monitoring real-time information about the R16 by its users.
Information about the R14 at trenscat.cat Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
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Girona Airport Transfers
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2022-08-17T14:04:47+00:00
|
Looking for a taxi to/from Girona Airport? Click here to book your airport transfer in Girona. ✓ Low-Cost Prices ✓Professional Drivers ✓24/7 Service
|
en
|
Professional & Reliable Airport Transfers
|
https://airporttaxis.com/airport/taxi-girona-airport/
|
Are you looking for a taxi from Girona Airport (GRO)?
We guarantee that we are among the most affordable, secure, efficient, and pleasant Girona airport taxi services in the area. Every day of the week and every hour of the day, our Girona airport taxi service is offered. Our drivers are reliable and punctual. They'll assist you with your luggage and never give your personal information to outside parties. Whether it's a different city, train station, significant event, city center, hotel, or Girona Airport itself, we make sure you get there with our Girona airport taxis.
Rates for airport
transfers in Girona
There are many taxi companies serving Girona airport, making it difficult to directly compare prices. However, to give you an idea, we've included a table showing the average costs for journeys between the airport and some popular destinations in the city. At our company, we believe in transparency, which is why we offer fixed fares with no hidden fees. When you book your taxi from Girona airport with us today on our website, you can be confident that you're getting a great deal. You can book a Girona taxi quickly and easily online up to 3 months in advance or on-demand.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO): Gateway to Beauty and Adventure
Girona-Costa Brava Airport (GRO), known as GRO Airport code, serves as the gateway to beauty and adventure in the vibrant region of Catalonia, Spain.
Location and Transportation:
- Located just 12.5 kilometers (7.8 miles) southwest of Girona city and next to the small village of Vilobí d'Onyar, GRO offers access to both.
- The airport is well-connected by bus to Girona, Barcelona, and other destinations.
- Car rentals are available at the airport for those seeking independent exploration.
Facts and Figures:
- Opened in 1932, GRO has 2 runways and 4 terminals.
- In 2022, the airport handled over 5 million passengers and considerable aircraft movements.
- It serves as a hub for several airlines, including Ryanair, a major European low-cost airline.
A Perfect Blend of Relaxation and Exploration:
Girona-Costa Brava Airport caters to travelers seeking diverse experiences:
Relaxation: The Costa Brava coastline, known for its beautiful beaches and charming towns, is easily accessible from GRO.
Adventure: The majestic Pyrenees mountains, offering hiking, skiing, and other outdoor activities, are also within reach.
Culture: Girona, a historic city with medieval architecture and Jewish heritage, awaits exploration.
Additional Advantages:
- GRO is known for its shorter queues and a more relaxed atmosphere compared to larger airports.
- The airport offers a variety of amenities, including:
- Duty-free shops
- Restaurants and cafes
- Car rental services
Here are some additional facts about GRO:
- The airport has a capacity of 7 million passengers per year.
- It is home to a small cargo handling facility.
- GRO has been recognized for its efficiency, receiving awards like the "Best Airport Staff in Europe" by the Airports Council International (ACI) in 2017.
Girona-Costa Brava Airport provides a convenient and enjoyable gateway to explore the captivating beauty and diverse experiences offered by the Costa Brava region, the Pyrenees mountains, and the historic city of Girona.
Vehicle Distance (km) Travel Time (approx.) Convenience Notes Bus 12 30-40 min Most Convenient & Budget-Friendly Regular bus connections from the airport to Girona bus station. Purchase tickets online or at the airport. Taxi 12 20-30 min Convenient (Fastest) Taxis are readily available at the airport. Consider pre-booking a taxi for guaranteed service, particularly during peak travel times. More expensive option compared to the bus. Ride-sharing 12 N/A Potentially Convenient (depending on availability) Consider potential wait times and surge pricing. Train N/A N/A Not Recommended Girona Airport does not have a direct train station. Consider buses or taxis for a more efficient journey to the city center.
Notes:
- Distances are estimated via Google Maps.
- Travel times are approximate and may vary depending on traffic conditions, bus schedules, and taxi availability.
- Buses are generally considered the most convenient and budget-friendly option for traveling from Girona-Costa Brava Airport to Girona city center.
- Consider researching current fares for buses and taxis before your trip.
- If you have luggage or limited mobility, a taxi might be a more convenient option despite the higher cost.
Factor Potential Impact on Traffic Notes Time of Day * Rush hour (typically 7-9 am & 5-7 pm weekdays):** Increased traffic on access roads, especially during tourist season.
* Mid-day (10 am - 4 pm):** Generally lighter traffic.
* Evenings & Weekends:** Traffic congestion less likely, except during peak tourist season or special events. Traffic volume fluctuates throughout the day. Consider these patterns when planning arrivals and departures. Day of the Week * Weekends:** Generally lighter traffic compared to weekdays, especially during tourist season.
* Public Holidays:** Increased traffic possible, especially during national holidays in Spain or France. Weekends and holidays can see increased travel volumes, particularly during peak tourist months. Time of Year * Peak Tourist Season (Summer months - June to August):** Significantly higher traffic volume on access roads and in Girona city center.
* Shoulder Seasons (Spring & Autumn):** Moderate traffic volume.
* Off-Season (Winter months):** Generally lighter traffic. Tourist season significantly impacts traffic conditions around the airport.
Important Note:Due to limitations of publicly available real-time traffic data, this spreadsheet cannot provide specific details on traffic conditions around Girona-Costa Brava Airport. However, it offers general insights based on common travel patterns.
Notes:
- Utilize live traffic apps or websites for up-to-date information on road conditions before your trip.
- Consider carpooling or public transport options, especially during peak travel times, to reduce congestion.
- Allow extra time for airport commutes, particularly during peak seasons or times with historically higher traffic volumes.
|
|||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 38
|
https://showmethejourney.com/train-travel-info/journeys/from-barcelona-to-paris-by-train/
|
en
|
To Paris from Barcelona by train
|
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"from Barcelona to Paris by train",
"by train from Barcelona to Paris",
"how easy is it to travel to Paris from Barcelona by train",
"train journey to Paris from Barcelona",
"by train to Paris from Barcelona",
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"Barcelona to Paris rail tickets",
"Barcelona to Paris train journey",
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[] | null |
All thatâs good to know about taking the train from Barcelona to Paris with easy access to ticket, train, station and journey info.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
ShowMeTheJourney
| null |
Until July 5th
2 x trains per day
July 6th to Sept 1st
3 x trains per day
From Sept 2nd
3 x trains per day
Is the journey from Barcelona to Paris direct?
Yes, there is no need to make a connection when taking this route.
Is the journey scenic?
Not particularly, though there are some notable highlights to experience between Perpignan and Montpellier - see the Journey Information
What other tourist locations are along the route from Paris to Barcelona?
Girona and Perpignan and Beziers and Montpellier and Nimes
When is the usual approximate earliest arrival at Paris Gare De Lyon from Barcelona-Sants?
Before 16:15 daily
Source = European Rail Timetable
How easy is it to travel on from the station in Paris?
The Gare De Lyon is served by two Metro lines - line 14 is now directly linked to Orly Airport. The station also has rail links to the Gare Du Nord and the La Défense business district.
See the Station Guide above for more info, plus easy access to multiple options for booking somewhere to stay by the Gare De Lyon.
When is the approximate earliest arrival at Barcelona-Sants from Paris Gare De Lyon in the peak summer period?
Around 13:40 daily
Source = European Rail Timetable
When is the usual approximate latest departure from Barcelona-Sants to Paris Gare De Lyon?
Either before 13:30 daily
Or after 16:00 daily from July 6th to Sept 1st and on Sat / Sun from Sept 7th to Nov 3rd
Source = European Rail Timetable
How easy is it to travel to the station in Barcelona?
Barcelona-Sants is served by two metro lines, see the Station Guide above for more info, plus easy access to multiple options for booking somewhere to stay in its neighborhood.
Are tickets cheaper if booked in advance for these Barcelona to Paris trains?
Yes, and they can be purchased from a choice of booking agents - see below.
How soon ahead of travel are tickets typically placed on sale for these Barcelona to Paris trains?
Up to 6 months in advance
What are the child ticket terms for these Barcelona to Paris trains?
The adult rate is charged for all travellers aged 12 and over.
Children aged 4-11 pay half fare
Does the ticket for these Barcelona to Paris trains include assigned seats?
Yes - See the Train Guide in the Journey Information for insights on how to board the train.
Do rail pass users need to book reservations for these Barcelona to Paris trains?
Yes; see the rail pass reservation guide for the options on how to book.
Is catering available on the Barcelona to Paris trains?
Yes, there is a bar/bistro car.
See the Train Guide in the Journey Information.
What else is good to know about Spanish rail travel?
Check out the guide to travelling by train in France.
|
||||
2884
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 1
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R2_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
|
en
|
R2 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R2_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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Commuter rail line in Barcelona, Spain
R2
R2 Nord
R2 SudOverviewService typeCommuter railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona metropolitan areaFirst service1989 ( )Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRidership125,948 (2008)[1]Annual ridership33.6 million (2016)[2]RouteTerminiSant Vicenç de Calders (R2 Sud), Castelldefels (R2), Barcelona–El Prat Airport (R2 Nord)
Barcelona Estació de França (R2 Sud), Granollers Centre (R2), Maçanet-Massanes (R2 Nord)Stops34Distance travelled133 km (83 mi)[1]Average journey time59 min–1 h 38 minService frequencyEvery 8–60 minLine(s) usedTechnicalRolling stockCivia, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft 5+21⁄32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
Route map
Sant Vicenç de Calders
Zone 6Zone 5
Calafell Segur de Calafell Cunit
Zone 5Zone 4
Cubelles Vilanova i la Geltrú
Zone 4Zone 3
Sitges
Vallcarca
Garraf
Zone 3Zone 2
Platja de Castelldefels Castelldefels Gavà Viladecans Airport T2
(Zone 4)
Zone 2Zone 1
El Prat de Llobregat Bellvitge
to Plaça d'Espanya
Barcelona Sants Passeig de Gràcia Barcelona França El Clot-Aragó Sant Andreu Comtal Montcada i Reixac
Zone 1Zone 2
La Llagosta Mollet-Sant Fost Montmeló
Zone 2Zone 3
Granollers Centre Les Franqueses-Granollers Nord
Zone 3Zone 4
Cardedeu Llinars del Vallès
Zone 4Zone 5
Palautordera Sant Celoni Gualba Riells i Viabrea-Breda
Zone 5Zone 6
Hostalric Maçanet-Massanes
The R2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It is a major north–south axis in the Barcelona metropolitan area, running from the southern limits of the province of Girona to the northern limits of the province of Tarragona, via Barcelona. North of Barcelona, the line uses the Barcelona–Cerbère railway, running inland through the Vallès Oriental region. South of Barcelona, it uses the conventional Madrid–Barcelona railway, running along the coast through the Garraf region. The R2 had an annual ridership of 33.6 million in 2016, achieving an average weekday ridership of 125,948 according to 2008 data, which makes it the busiest line of the Barcelona commuter rail service.[1][2]
All R2 trains use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R11, R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Gràcia stations.[3] The line originally had no branches, with Sant Vicenç de Calders and Maçanet-Massanes serving as its only southernmost and northernmost terminus, respectively. In 2009, it took over the service offered by Barcelona commuter rail service line R10, incorporating the branch lines to Barcelona–El Prat Airport and Barcelona's Estació de França. A new line scheme has been in operation ever since; the services starting or terminating at the airport run north towards Maçanet-Massanes and are designated R2 Nord ("North"), whilst the ones starting or terminating at Estació de Fraça run south towards Sant Vicenç de Calders and are designated R2 Sud ("South"). The rest of the services, simply designated R2, operate between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre.
Together with lines R1, R3 and R4, the R2 (then simply numbered line 2) started services in 1989 as one of the first lines of the Cercanías commuter rail system for Barcelona, known as Rodalies Barcelona. In the long-term future, it is projected to take over the R4 south of Barcelona, connecting the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area.
History
[edit]
The predecessor of the modern-day R2 started operating in 1989 as line 2 of Rodalies Barcelona, the Cercanías commuter rail system for the Barcelona area, created in the same year. Since its creation until 2009, the R2 had preserved its original line scheme with no branch lines, using only Maçanet-Massanes and Sant Vicenç de Calders stations as its northern and southern terminus, respectively. Due to the construction works of the new Sagrera railway station in Barcelona and the urban renewal project associated with it, the operational capacity at Sant Andreu Comtal railway station and its surroundings was restricted. Consequently, several rail services were modified, with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2 and R10 as the most affected. On 31 January 2009, the R10, which linked Barcelona–El Prat Airport to Barcelona's Estació de França, suspended services. The R2 then took over the service offered by the R10, incorporating the branch lines to the airport and Estació de França, and a new line scheme came into service.[5] The R10 was initially scheduled to resume services two years later.[6]
Accidents and incidents
[edit]
Main article: Castelldefels train accident
On 23 June 2010, twelve people were killed and fourteen were injured when an express train ran into them as they were crossing the line at Platja de Castelldefels station.[7]
Main article: 2017 Barcelona train crash
On 28 July 2017, fifty-four people were injured when a R2 Sud train coming from Sant Vicenç de Calders collided with a buffer stop at Barcelona's Estació de França terminus.[8]
Infrastructure
[edit]
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R2 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R2 operates on a total line length of 133 kilometres (83 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona–El Prat Airport stations.[9] The trains on the line call at up to 34 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[10]
From To Railway line Route number Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618) Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6) Madrid–Barcelona 200 Airport (PK 0) El Prat de Llobregat (PK 6.7) Airport–El Prat de Llobregat 254 Barcelona Sants (PK 99) Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6) Madrid–Barcelona 260 Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia station) Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Aragó Tunnel 268 Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2) Maçanet-Massanes (PK 175.9) Barcelona–Cerbère 270
All of the infrastructure used by the R2 is shared with other services, except the section between Barcelona–El Prat Airport and El Prat de Llobregat stations, which is exclusively used by R2 Nord services. Between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona.[11] R11 regional rail services commence their route at El Prat de Llobregat or Bellvitge stations, joining the route of the R2 and the other regional and long-distance services from these points on to Passeig de Gràcia.[12] After Passeig de Gràcia, R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. The rest of R2 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R11 only.[13] North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R2 only shares tracks with the R11 and freight services from this point on.[14]
Operation
[edit]
All services running south of Castelldefels railway station, to the south of Barcelona, use Estació de França as their northern terminus, with Vilanova i la Geltrú or Sant Vicenç de Calders stations serving as their southern terminus, in order from north to south. The services terminating at Vilanova i la Geltrú call at all stations along their route, whilst the ones terminating at Sant Vicenç de Calders operate limited service, running non-stop between Sitges and Castelldefels, as well as Gavà and Barcelona Sants. On the other hand, all services running north of Granollers Centre railway station, to the north of Barcelona, use the airport station as their southern terminus, with Sant Celoni or Maçanet-Massanes stations serving as their northern terminus, in order from south to north, calling at all stations. Some of the services terminating at the airport also use Granollers Centre as their northern terminus. The rest of the services on the R2 run between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre, calling at all stations, so that they terminate neither at the airport nor at Estació de França. The first trains run about 5:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 1:00 at night.[15]
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. All services terminating at the airport are designated R2 Nord ("R2 North"), whilst the services terminating at Estació de França are designated R2 Sud ("R2 South"). The Nord and Sud designations refer to the fact that such services mostly run on the line's northern and southern portion, respectively. The through services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre are simply designated R2.[15]
As of August 2015 , the service routes operating on the R2 are as follows:[15]
Line Route No.
of stations Journey time Days of
operation Notes R2 Castelldefels – Granollers Centre 14 1:021 h 2 min Mon–Fri[a] Calls at all stations along its route. R2 Nord Airport – Granollers Centre 12 0:5959 min Sat–Sun Airport – Sant Celoni 17 1:211 h 21 min Daily Airport – Maçanet-Massanes 21 1:381 h 38 min Daily R2 Sud Vilanova i la Geltrú – Barcelona Estació de França 12 1:001 h Daily Sant Vicenç de Calders – Barcelona Estació de França 12 1:131 h 13 min Daily Calls at all stations along its route, excepting Garraf, Platja de Castelldefels, Viladecans, El Prat de Llobregat and Bellvitge stations, in order from south to north. Some early morning and late night services call at all stations. In addition to the services mentioned above, which make up almost the entirety of the services running on the R2, the following services also operate on the line either in the early morning or at late night, calling at all stations (they are not listed in the table because they cannot be linked to a particular designation—R2, R2 Nord or R2 Sud):
Sant Vicenç de Calders – Sant Celoni
Vilanova i la Geltrú – Granollers Centre
Vilanova i la Geltrú – Maçanet-Massanes
Castelldefels – Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal
Castelldefels – Barcelona Estació de França
Airport – Barcelona Estació de França
The line's activity gathers on its southern section, between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Barcelona, where an approximate peak-time service frequency of 10 minutes is offered. All services on the line converge on the section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia stations, where they together offer an approximate peak-time service frequency of 8 minutes. The overall service frequency reduces as the line moves away from Barcelona, especially on the section north of Sant Celoni, where R2 Nord services only operate during the morning rush hour or at night. During the rest of the day, this section is served by regional rail line R11.[12] Moreover, the services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre only run on weekdays.
As of August 2015 , the approximate service frequencies on the R2 are as follows:[15]
Section Frequency RH OP WE Sant Vicenç de Calders – Vilanova i la Geltrú 30′ 30′ 30′ Vilanova i la Geltrú – Castelldefels 10′ 15′ 15′ Castelldefels – El Prat de Llobregat 10′ 15′ 15′ Airport – El Prat de Llobregat 30′ 30′ 30′ El Prat de Llobregat – Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia 8′ 10′ 10′ Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia – Barcelona Estació de França 10′ 15′ 15′ Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia – Granollers Centre 15′ 15′ 30′ Granollers Centre – Sant Celoni 15′ 30′ 60′ Sant Celoni – Maçanet-Massanes 60′ — —
The trains used on the R2 are Civia—specifically, the 463, 464 and 465 Series, which consist of three, four and five cars per set, respectively, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series electrical multiple units (EMU).[1] The 450 and 451 Series are technically and aesthetically identical, differing only in the number of cars per set; the first consist of six cars, whilst the latter consist of three cars. Furthermore, they consist of double-decker cars, becoming the only type of bilevel rolling stock on the Rodalies de Catalunya system. The R2 is the only Rodalies de Catalunya line where 450 and 451 Series trains operate.[16] Normally, the 450 Series runs only on R2 Sud services between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona's Estació de França, whilst the 451 Series runs only either on R2 Sud services between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Estació de França, or on R2 services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre stations. Civia and 447 Series trains are used interchangeably on all R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud services on the line.[9] On average, the trains used on the line operate a total of 216 services every day on weekdays, accounting for a ridership of 125,948, according to 2008 data.[1]
Future
[edit]
The 2008–2015 Rail Infrastructure Master Plan for the Barcelona Commuter Rail Service, developed by the Spanish Ministry of Public Works and Transport, plans to establish a "coast-to-coast" and "inland-to-inland" line scheme. According to this project, the current R2 will be extended southwards from Barcelona Sants to Sant Vicenç de Calders stations, via Vilafranca del Penedès, taking over the southern section of the present line R4. The R2 will become the "inland-to-inland" line, creating a new major south–north axis through the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area. R2 trains will continue to use the Aragó Tunnel in central Barcelona with the new line scheme, which is currently not possible due to the configuration of the southern rail accesses to Barcelona Sants. A long-term project with an uncertain completion date, the new configuration would require multimillion-euro investments since it is associated with the construction of a new underground route in L'Hospitalet de Llobregat for the Rodalies de Catalunya lines running through the city as well as the new rail link for Barcelona–El Prat Airport.
As stated in the master plan, the proposed peak-time service frequencies for the future R2 would be as follows:
Section tph Sant Vicenç de Calders – Martorell 5 Martorell – Granollers Centre 10 Granollers Centre – Maçanet-Massanes 5
List of stations
[edit]
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R2 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R2, R2 Nord and/or R2 Sud trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Àrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[20][21]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal ● Station served by all trains running through it ○ Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone R2 R2 Nord R2 Sud ATM AdB Rod Sant Vicenç de Calders# ● R4, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RT2 — El Vendrell 6A 6 Calafell ● R13, R14, R15 — Calafell 5A 5 Segur de Calafell ● R13, R14, R15 — Calafell 5A 5 Cunit ● R13, R14, R15 — Cunit 5A 5 Cubelles ● R13, R14, R15 — Cubelles 4A 5 Vilanova i la Geltrú# ● R13, R14, R15, R16, R17 — Vilanova i la Geltrú 4A 4 Sitges ● R13, R14, R15 — Sitges 3A 4 Garraf ○ — — Sitges 2A 3 Platja de Castelldefels ○ — — Castelldefels 1 2 Castelldefels# ● ● R13, R14, R15 — Castelldefels 1 2 Gavà ● ● R13, R14, R15 — Gavà 1 2 Viladecans ● ○ R15 — Viladecans 1 2 Airport#* ● — Barcelona–El Prat Airport
Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud) El Prat de Llobregat 1 4 El Prat de Llobregat* ● ● ○ R15 Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud) El Prat de Llobregat 1 1 Bellvitge* ● ● ○ R15 Barcelona Metro line 8, as well as Baix Llobregat Metro and other commuter rail services at Gornal station L'Hospitalet de Llobregat 1 1 Barcelona Sants* ● ● ● R1, R3, R4, R11, R12, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1 Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach services Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Passeig de Gràcia* ● ● ● R11, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17 Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Estació de França#* ● R13, R14, R15, R16, R17 Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta station Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona El Clot-Aragó* ● ● R1, R11, RG1 Barcelona Metro lines 1 and 2 Barcelona 1 1 Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal* ● ● R11 Barcelona Metro line 1 at Sant Andreu station Barcelona 1 1 Montcada i Reixac ● ● — — Montcada i Reixac 1 1 La Llagosta ● ● — — La Llagosta 2D 2 Mollet-Sant Fost ● ● R8 — Mollet del Vallès 2D 2 Montmeló ● ● R8 — Montmeló 2D 2 Granollers Centre# ● ● R8, R11 — Granollers 3D 3 Les Franqueses-Granollers Nord ● — — Les Franqueses del Vallès 3D 3 Cardedeu ● — — Cardedeu 3D 4 Llinars del Vallès ● — — Llinars del Vallès 3D 4 Palautordera ● — — Santa Maria de Palautordera 4G 5 Sant Celoni# ● R11 — Sant Celoni 4G 5 Gualba ● R11 — Gualba 4G 5 Riells i Viabrea-Breda ● R11 — Riells i Viabrea 4G 5 Hostalric ● R11 — Hostalric 5H 6 Maçanet-Massanes# ● R1, R11, RG1 — Maçanet de la Selva 6G 6
Notes
[edit]
References
[edit]
Bibliography
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The official website of Barcelona Metro. Up-to-date information on the Barcelona metro lines: maps and zones, stations, stops and operating hours.
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https://www.tmb.cat/en/barcelona/metro/lines
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https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%25252c-july-26%25252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
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en
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2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures." (Spain)
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Global-Regulation Translation of "Law 11/2013, July 26, The Entrepreneur Support And Stimulation Of Growth And Job Creation Measures."
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https://www.global-regulation.com/translation/spain/1474253/law-11-2013%252c-july-26%252c-the-entrepreneur-support-and-stimulation-of-growth-and-job-creation-measures.html
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JOHN CARLOS I
KING OF SPAIN
To all who present it and understand it.
Sabed: That the General Courts have approved and I come to sanction the following law.
PREAMBLE
I
The Spanish economy is characterized by its dynamism as it has been shown in the spectacular development of the last decades. In that time, their integration has increased internationally, which has enabled them to benefit from increased opportunities for growth.
In this process of development, economic and financial imbalances have been accumulating. Spain has made progress in 2012 towards the correction of its vulnerabilities, implementing an economic policy strategy that pursues the transition towards a sustainable balance and laying the foundations for growth that will enable employment to be generated.
In this context, the structural reforms that have been implemented in Spain since the beginning of 2012 pursue three main objectives: firstly, to provide the Spanish economy with macroeconomic stability both in terms of public deficit and inflation as an external balance. Secondly, to achieve sound and sound financial institutions, which will enable credit to be channelled back into productive investment. Finally, to achieve a high degree of flexibility in order to adjust relative prices and wages, so as to increase the competitiveness of our economy.
From this set of actions, some of the fundamental obstacles to economic reactivation have been overcome. In any case, it is necessary to continue with the reformist effort to recover the path of economic growth and job creation.
Therefore, in order to develop the third area of the aforementioned economic policy strategy, in addition to maintaining and culminating the actions already initiated, a second generation of necessary structural reforms is begun. to grow back and create jobs.
Within the Spanish business fabric, SMEs and the self-employed stand out for their quantitative and qualitative importance. Studies show that precisely these types of companies and entrepreneurs are one of the main engines to energize the Spanish economy, given its capacity to generate employment and its potential for value creation.
However, over the last few years, these economic agents have seen a decline in economic activity and have had to develop their activity in a working, fiscal, regulatory and financial environment that has diminished their economic activity. ability to adapt to changes. In addition, they are facing a structural dependence on bank-based funding that can, in circumstances such as the current ones, limit their ability to expand.
The regulatory and institutional framework in which business activities are developed is essential to drive productivity gains and optimize resources.
Therefore, it is essential that the public authorities strengthen and facilitate the business initiative, especially in the current economic situation. It is necessary to establish an environment that promotes entrepreneurial culture, as well as the creation and development of business projects that generate jobs and added value.
Support for entrepreneurial initiative, business development and job creation is the common logic that vertebra the set of measures contained in this law.
In this sense, measures are adopted in this law, as a matter of urgency, aimed at developing the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, to encourage business financing through alternative markets, to reduce late payments in commercial transactions and, in general, promote the competitiveness of the Spanish economy.
II
Youth unemployment in Spain is a structural problem, which has been exacerbated by the crisis, and which has serious consequences for the present and future situation of young Spaniards and limits the potential growth of the Spanish economy in the long run.
During the third quarter of 2012, Spain recorded an unemployment rate of 54.1% for young people under the age of 25, compared with 23% for the EU-27, according to Eurostat data.
If we look at the breakdown of the data from the Labour Force Survey (EPA) for the fourth quarter of 2012, the unemployment rate is 74% in the population group composed of young people aged between 16 and 19, in 51.7%. among young people aged between 20 and 24, and 34.4% among young people aged between 25 and 29.
In addition to the circumstances arising from the current economic situation, there are a number of structural weaknesses that directly influence the young and the proposed employment figures, such as the high school dropout rate, which doubles the values of the EU-27; the marked polarisation of the labour market, where young people leave their studies with low qualifications and others, highly skilled, are underemployed; on the medium-grade vocational training and the low employability of young people, In particular with regard to the knowledge of foreign languages; high temporality and unwanted partial recruitment; the difficulty of access to the labour market for groups at risk of social exclusion; and the need to improve the level of self-employment and entrepreneurship among young people.
Title I develops the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy 2013-2016 that is part of the objective of promoting measures aimed at reducing youth unemployment, whether through employment or employment. through self-employment and entrepreneurship, and is the result of a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners.
In addition, it responds to the recommendations that the European Commission has made in terms of young employment and is part of the National Reform Plan launched by the Government. In this way, it is in line with the objectives of the European Youth Guarantee and develops a good part of the specific recommendations or lines of action proposed from the European Union's areas.
Its objectives are to improve the employability of young people, to increase the quality and stability of employment, to promote equal opportunities in access to the labour market and to promote entrepreneurship. And the axes on which the strategy is based are: to encourage recruitment and entrepreneurship among young people, to adapt education and training to the reality of the labour market and to reduce the rate of school leaving early.
To make this possible, the Strategy contains a number of measures aimed at encouraging the integration of young people into the labour market, either as an employed person or through entrepreneurship, which are classified according to their impact and their temporary development.
The Strategy aims to serve as a means of participation for all public and private institutions, companies and all types of organizations that want to collaborate in achieving their goals.
To do this, it has been articulated as an open instrument, which can be added to all those who want to contribute their own initiatives to meet the challenge of youth employment in any of its forms, and self-employment, and shall have a stamp or mark which may be used in recognition of their contribution.
This set of measures has been designed after a process of dialogue and participation with the social partners. Similarly, consultations have been held with the principal entities and associations of autonomous work and the social economy, among others.
In this law, a first set of measures is developed which is expected to have a positive impact in reducing the youth unemployment rate and improving quality and stability in employment.
In Chapter I of Title I measures are taken to promote entrepreneurship and self-employment among young people under the age of 30, among whom the introduction of a reduced initial quota is highlighted. the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on its own account, or the extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
In addition, Chapter II establishes a more favourable fiscal framework for the self-employed, which initiates an entrepreneurial activity with the aim of encouraging the creation of companies and reducing the tax burden during the period of the first years of the exercise of an activity.
Thus, in the area of Corporate Tax, a tax rate of 15% is set for the first € 300,000 of tax base, and 20% for the excess over that amount, applicable in the first the tax period in which the tax base of the institutions is positive and in the tax period following this.
In line with the above, in the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons, with the aim of encouraging the beginning of entrepreneurial activity, a new reduction of 20 percent is established on net yields. of the economic activity obtained by taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity, applicable in the first tax period in which the net return is positive and in the tax period following that period.
Also, in the area of the Income Tax of the Physical Persons, the limit currently applicable to the exemption of unemployment benefits in the single payment method is abolished.
Chapter III contains measures to encourage the incorporation of young people into social economy enterprises, as well as incentives for the recruitment of young people in unemployment. Among the latter, the incentives for part-time recruitment with training links, the indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs and the recruitment of trainees stand out.
In addition, the recruitment of young self-employed people over 45 years of age and the recruitment of young people to acquire a first professional experience is encouraged.
Chapter IV incorporates measures related to the improvement of work intermediation, the effectiveness of which makes it necessary to remove any obstacles that hinder the rapid coverage of the available jobs by allowing any person has knowledge of the job offers. It is therefore envisaged that the public employment services will register all the vacancies and applications for employment in the database of the Information System of the Public Services of Employment, as laid down in Law 56/2003 of 16 December 2003, of Employment, ensuring the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations, as a guarantee of transparency and market unity.
In the same line of improvement of labor intermediation, a modification of the recast text of the Law on Public Sector Contracts, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, is included in this law. allow the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, and bodies and entities dependent on them and integrated in the National Employment System, to conclude jointly Framework agreements with a view to establishing the conditions for the adjustment of service contracts which are consider appropriate in order to provide employment services to public employment services.
III
Several measures to promote business finance are articulated in Title II, which require their adoption as a matter of urgency in view of the current economic situation.
An amendment to the Regulation on the Management and Supervision of Private Insurance to collect the possibility that insurance institutions may invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Market Securities, and that such investments are considered eligible for the coverage of technical provisions.
On the same line, the pension fund and plans regulation is amended to collect the possibility that pension funds can invest in securities admitted to trading on the Alternative Stock Market as well as in venture capital institutions, setting a specific ceiling of 3% of the fund's asset for investment in each institution.
Finally, in order to facilitate access to the non-bank financing of Spanish companies, it is necessary to lift the limitation imposed by Article 405 of the Capital Companies Act, whereby the total amount of the Companies ' emissions cannot be higher than the paid-up share capital, plus reserves. The amendment raises this limitation for investment in multilateral trading systems (in line with what is already produced with regulated markets). This flexibility will only apply in cases where emissions are directed at institutional investors to ensure adequate protection for retail investors. In this way, the development of alternative markets, articulated as multilateral trading systems, is made a substantial contribution and, in line with the ongoing projects to improve the financing of Spanish SMEs, it is facilitated the emergence of markets specialised in the trading of debt of companies.
IV
In order to alleviate the difficult economic situation that some local entities and some autonomous communities are experiencing, the government approved last year the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, for which they are determined the information and procedures required to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and which was subsequently extended to the autonomous communities by means of an agreement of the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council of 6 March 2012. In addition, a Fund for Financing of Payments to Suppliers was established, through Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March.
The aforementioned regulations established an extraordinary financing mechanism for the payment and cancellation of debts contracted with the providers of local entities and autonomous communities, which allowed the payment of debts that They had with the contractors, at the same time as it was easier for the public administrations in debt to formalize long-term loans, but with the requirement of a fiscal and financial conditionality that was concrete, among others elements, in the requirement to have adjustment plans.
By means of the provisions contained in Chapter I of Title III of this Law, a new phase of the said mechanism is established at the same time as its subjective and objective scope of application is extended and established some of the procedures required for this new phase.
In this way, the municipalities of municipalities and local entities that are located in the Basque Country and Navarre are included.
With respect to the objective scope of application, the outstanding obligations arising from: conventions, administrative concessions, management fees in which the entrusted entity is assigned are included, among others. the condition of own resources and technical service of the Administration, of the lease on immovable property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water sectors, the energy, transport and postal services, of the concession contracts of the public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector and public service management contracts, in the form of concession, in which a grant from local authorities or communities has been agreed standalone.
On the other hand, this extension may include only those outstanding obligations to contractors that are accounted for and applied to the budgets.
Section 1. of general provisions regulates the subject matter of the first chapter which is concrete in the extension of the subjective and objective areas of the financing mechanism for payment to suppliers, as well as the establishment of the required specialties.
Section 2 on provisions applicable to local authorities regulates the subjective and objective scope of application, in accordance with the above criteria, and sets out the specialties relating to the procedure for the provision of information, with particular attention to the municipalities of municipalities, and the adjustment plans.
Section 3 of the provisions applicable to the Autonomous Communities lays down the subjective and objective scope of application, the procedural specialties relating to the provision of information and the payment of invoices. necessary revision of the adjustment plans in accordance with the new concerted credit operations, as well as the way in which the outstanding debt obligations that have been affected will be cancelled.
On the other hand, the payment of contractual debts between companies, as well as between them and public administrations, and the payment deadlines are the subject of particular attention both in the European Union and in the our country. The reason for this concern is due to the negative effects that both late payment and excessively long payment periods have on employment, competitiveness and the very survival of businesses.
The fruit of the above was the adoption of Directive 2000 /35/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 June 2000 laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions, which Spain transplaced our legal order through Law 3/2004, of December 29.
While the European Union was beginning the revision of Directive 2000 /35/EC, Spain also addressed the amendment of our law, which was embodied in Law 15/2010 of 5 July, amending Law 3/2004, 29 of
Commission also took the view that the Commission was not in a position to act.
In this way, a number of measures were anticipated which were subsequently included in Directive 2011 /7/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 February 2011 laying down measures to combat late payment in the commercial operations, which came to replace the previous Directive of the year 2000. This has happened with payment deadlines, including those in the public sector.
Although the Spanish right after the proposed amendment complies, in general terms, with the new requirements of the European Union, there are certain aspects in which there is some divergence that makes the reform of the Law 3/2004 of 29 December, which is carried out in the second chapter of Title III of this Law.
Among the changes that are now being made, in the first place, is the determination of payment deadlines, which is the subject of simplification. Both the payment periods and the calculation of the payment periods are required, with the novelty of the provision of the acceptance or verification procedure, which must be regulated to prevent their use in order to delay the payment.
The forecast for payment calendars is incorporated and interest will be calculated if any of the payments will not be paid on the agreed date.
The legal rate of interest for late payment that the debtor will be obliged to pay is also reformed, which goes from seven to eight percentage points to add to the interest rate applied by the European Central Bank to its most recent main funding operation.
In the compensation for recovery costs, it is anticipated that a fixed amount of EUR 40, without the need for a prior request, will be paid to the creditor, which will be added to the one resulting from the claim that follows: by the costs incurred in order to recover the amount due. In addition, the previous limit of this compensation, which could not exceed 15% of the main debt, disappears. This allowance may include, among other things, the costs incurred by the defaulting creditor for the hiring of a lawyer or a recovery management agency.
Another novelty is precisely the inclusion of the unfair terms and, therefore, the provisions of Law 7/1998 of 13 April on general conditions of employment, which exclude compensation for recovery costs, which shall be contrary to the law, unless the debtor demonstrates that such exclusion is not abusive. And along with those clauses the foresight that the violation of this law will occur through commercial practices, which also receive the rating of abusive and will have the same regime of impeachment.
V
The current economic situation poses the need to intensify the rationalisation measures of the railway sector in order to achieve maximum efficiency in the management of services and to promote the processes of liberalisation already started.
In order to achieve the aforementioned purposes, as well as to unify the management of the state railway infrastructures, it is considered necessary to transfer to the business public entity Administrator of Railway Infrastructures (ADIF) the State-owned railway network. In this way, the railway infrastructure and stations that constitute the network of ownership of the State whose ADIF administration is entrusted, will become of ownership of this, with which the ownership of the functions of network administration for the benefit of effectiveness.
On the other hand, the Royal Decree-Law 22/2012 of 20 July, adopting measures in the field of infrastructure and railway services, provides for the restructuring of RENFE-Operadora in four commercial companies that assume the different tasks assigned to them, including the carriage of passengers and goods. In order for them to operate, according to the Law of the Railway Sector, at the moment they are actually constituted, it is necessary that they have the corresponding license of railway company, safety certificate and that they are assigned the required infrastructure capacity.
Certain amendments are also introduced in Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector. First, it is appropriate to comply with judgment 245/2012 of 18 December 2012 of the Constitutional Court in respect of the determination of the Railway Network of General Interest. The forecast of the next establishment of a catalogue of the lines and sections of the Network of General Interest to be approved by the Ministry of Public Works of the Autonomous Communities for whose territory shall run the network. As a transitional measure, as long as the establishment of the catalogue of lines and sections of the General Interest Rail Network does not occur, it shall be deemed to be composed of the lines and sections related to this law.
Also amended Law 39/2003 of 17 November of the Railway Sector, in relation to the progressive opening to the free competition of the rail passenger transport, within the scope of competences corresponding to the State on such transport, in accordance with the provisions of Article 149.1.21 of the Constitution. In this sense, it is considered transiently to establish a scheme of markets in which the access for the new operators will be carried out through the obtaining of the enabling titles. The Council of Ministers shall determine the number of securities to be awarded for each line or set of lines in which the service is to be provided and the granting of the enabling securities shall be carried out by the Council. Ministry of Public Works through the corresponding tender procedure.
However, passenger transport services for primarily tourist purposes (which include "tourist trains"), which are not defined in the Law of the Rail Sector and currently provided by RENFE-Operadora (and As a result of this, it is not necessary to provide services for mobility, but they are leisure services where there are no circumstances in which transitional periods may be required in the process of liberalisation.
VI
Given the current economic recession scenario and taking into account the evolution of the petroleum product prices, it is considered justified on grounds of national interest to ensure the stability of the prices of petroleum products. automotive fuels and to adopt direct measures of immediate impact on fuel prices, while allowing for a more efficient operation of this market.
The higher level of pre-tax prices of fuels in Spain with respect to Europe is consistently noted in the various monitoring reports issued by the National Energy Commission.
In addition, the National Competition Commission concludes in the various reports issued that, on the basis of a comparison of fuel prices in several countries in Europe, the behaviour of prices and margins Fuel distribution market in Spain shows signs of reduced effective competition.
In this regard, a number of measures are taken in both the wholesale and retail markets, which will allow effective competition in the sector to be increased, reducing barriers to entry to new entrants and impacting on positively on the welfare of citizens.
These measures are implemented through the timely modification of Law 34/1998, of 7 October, of the hydrocarbon sector, which establishes the basic sector framework, in particular the supply of liquid and oil hydrocarbons. Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures to Intensify Competition in Goods and Services Markets.
At the wholesale level, it is considered necessary to ensure that the efficiency of the hydrocarbon logistics allows the distribution costs to be as low as possible. For this reason, Articles 41, 43 and 109 of Law 34/1998 of 7 October 1998 are amended and the system of supervision of logistics and storage facilities which have an obligation to access third parties under conditions is deepened. transparent, objective and non-discriminatory, which will enable public administrations to properly follow the activity developed by these companies and their impact on competition in the market.
At the retail level of the sector, measures are proposed to remove administrative barriers, simplify procedures for the opening of new fuel retail facilities and measures to encourage the entry of new operators.
It facilitates the opening of service stations in commercial centers, commercial parks, technical inspection establishments of vehicles and industrial zones or polygons, deepening in the objectives set by the Royal Decree-law 6/2000 of 23 June.
In addition to the difficulties for the establishment of new service stations, the existence of exclusive retail supply contracts is considered one of the main barriers to entry and expansion of the operators in Spain alternative to the main operators. The contractual restrictions currently appearing in exclusive contracts limit competition in the sector, which is detrimental to consumers. In order to alleviate this effect, a new Article 43a is added to Law 34/1998 of 7 October to establish stricter conditions for the subscription of exclusive supply contracts and to prohibit the recommendations of the sale price to the public. The aim is to avoid economic management regimes for service stations with exclusive contracts where the retail distributor acts as a fixed discount reseller or as a commission. In these schemes, the recommended price or the maximum price are fundamental parameters in the establishment of the purchase price of the product, encouraging price alignment between standard service stations, thereby reducing the price of the product. intra-brand competition.
Likewise, and on a transitional basis, the growth in number of sales facilities for petroleum products is limited to the main operators in each province.
Royal Decree 459/2011 of 1 April, setting the mandatory targets for biofuels for the years 2011, 2012 and 2013, sets annual targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global and per year. product in that period. In order to achieve these ambitious objectives, the subjects are obliged to use significant quantities of biodiesel, as well as alternative products such as hydrobiodiesel, whose energy content is computable for the fulfilment of the (a) the above mentioned objectives and the advantage that, being a practically undifferentiated product of diesel, it meets the technical specifications in force at high mixing rates. However, these are more expensive products than the fossil fuel, which has a significant impact on the final price of diesel.
In the current economic and fuel price scenario, it is considered appropriate to revise the objectives of 2013, establishing objectives that will allow the price of fuels to be minimised and to ensure some stability to the (a) the use of biofuels, without any commitment to the achievement of the Community's objectives for 2020. The targets for the consumption and sale of biofuels, both global, and products, are also set for the coming years.
With this same objective, a period of absence is established in such a way that compliance with the sustainability criteria set out in Article 4 of Royal Decree 1597/2011 of 4 November 2011 will not be required. However, the subjects shall submit truthful information in this respect and apply the expected mass balance system in a correct manner.
VII
This law is completed with nine additional provisions, six transitional provisions, one repeal and fifteen endings.
The additional provision first provides that the allowances and quota reductions provided for in this Act shall be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and shall be shall be supported by the Social Security revenue budget, respectively. It also establishes the actions to be carried out by the State Employment Public Service and by the General Treasury of Social Security in relation to the control of the reductions and bonuses practiced.
The second additional provision provides for the creation of an Inter-Ministerial Commission, whose composition and functions will be determined by regulation, for the monitoring and evaluation of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy, and the additional third provision entrusts the Ministry of Employment and Social Security to articulate the procedure for accession to the Strategy and establishes the obligation of the Department to report regularly on the companies attached and the initiatives raised.
In addition, the fourth additional provision determines the 12-month period for the adaptation of the distribution contracts to the conditions laid down in the new Article 43a.
The fifth additional provision provides for the possibility for a temporary work company and a user to enter into making contracts.
In the sixth additional provision the tax base of the betting on sports or competition events and the bingo in the Cities with Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta and Melilla is modified. And in the seventh additional provision, Article 9 of Law 8/1991 of 25 March, which approves the tax on production, services and imports in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, is amended.
The transitional provision first provides that the measures and incentives referred to in Articles 9 to 13 of the Act shall remain in force until the unemployment rate is below 15%.
The second transitional provision, in respect of contracts of employment and pre-existing bonuses and reductions, specifies that they will continue to be governed by the rules in force at the time of their conclusion or the start of their enjoyment.
The third transitional provision refers to pre-existing contracts for late payment.
The fourth transitional provision refers to licenses that are requested for new supply facilities, which already have a municipal license for their operation. The fifth transitional provision determines that, in order to complete the new legal system introduced in Article 43.2, the wholesale operators of petroleum products with a market share of more than 30% will not be able to subscribe new exclusive distribution contracts with retail distributors engaged in the operation of the installation for the supply of fuels and fuels to vehicles, irrespective of who holds the actual right or right on the same. The sixth transitional provision provides for the beginning of the effects of changes in the field of equal treatment between women and men.
The derogating provision repeals the first transitional provision of Royal Decree-Law 6/2000 of 23 June of Urgent Measures for the Intensification of Competition in Goods and Services Markets, as a result of the provisions of the provisions of the in this law.
With respect to the final provisions, it stands out, first of all, the extra character of the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012, of 24 February, and 7/2012, of March 9.
The second final provision amends the recast text of the Law of the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, of March 24, to delete the last paragraph of article 11.1.c). The third, fourth and fifth final provisions amend Law 14/1994 of 1 June on the regulation of temporary employment undertakings, Article 3 of Law 3/2012 of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market, and Royal Decree 1529/2012 of 8 November for the development of the contract for training and learning and establishing the basis for dual vocational training, respectively, in order to authorise temporary work enterprises to conclude contracts for training and learning with workers to be made available to them user companies.
The seventh final provision amends various precepts of the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act. The amendments made to Articles 216 and 222 seek to specify the time for the payment of the interest on late payments provided for in the Directive laying down measures to combat late payment in commercial transactions. a function of the various cases of receipt and processing of invoices, in a manner consistent with the regulation of Directive 2011 /7/EU of 16 February 2011. The amendment of the additional provision of the Law on Public Sector Contracts is excluded from the general regulation of the uses of electronic, computer and telematic means, the electronic invoices issued in the procurement procedures. To the extent that the invoice is an element associated with the performance of the contract, it is not covered by the provisions of Directive 2004 /18/EC on the use of electronic means in procurement procedures, and it seems appropriate. In the light of the fact that it has an effect on tax, banking, etc., it will provide for autonomous regulation. In the new 33rd additional provision, a new route for the submission of invoices to the administrative body with powers in the field of public accounting is articulated, in order to ensure that the administration has a exact knowledge of all the debts incurred by the performance of the contracts.
The ninth final provision amends Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers and provides that the ICO shall be responsible for the administration and administration of the funds. operations that are designed with the FFPP.
The 10th final provision amends the Royal Decree-Law 21/2012 of 13 July 2012 of liquidity measures of public administrations and in the financial field, providing that the fulfilment of the obligations arising from the Debt transactions with multilateral financial institutions, as well as those provided for in the adjustment plans, cannot be affected by the possible retentions of the resources of the financing system of the communities. standalone.
The final provision of the 13th amendment amends the Organic Law 3/2007 of 22 March for the effective equality of women and men; and the final provision fourteenth the recast text of the law of ordination and supervision of the private insurance.
TITLE I
Development measures of the Youth Entrepreneurship and Employment Strategy
CHAPTER I
Promoting entrepreneurship and self-employment
Article 1. Social security contribution for young workers on their own account.
One. The additional 30th text of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-fifth disposition. Reductions and bonuses to Social Security applicable to young self-employed workers.
1. In the case of self-employed persons, incorporated into the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomy as of the entry into force of the Statute of the Autonomous Work, under 30 years of age, or less than 35 years in the case of women, shall apply to the share of common contingencies which corresponds, on the basis of the contribution basis chosen and the rate of contribution applicable, in accordance with the scope of protection for which it has been chosen, reduction, during the 15 months immediately following the date of effects of the discharge, equivalent to 30% of the the fee to be applied on the minimum contribution basis applicable to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, and a bonus, within 15 months of the end of the period of reduction, of the same amount as this.
2. Alternatively to the system of allowances and reductions provided for in the preceding paragraph, self-employed persons who are less than 30 years of age and who are either initially high or who have not been in a high situation in the five years immediately preceding, from the date of effects of the discharge, in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for Account Own or Autonomous, the following reductions and bonuses may be applied on the quota for common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum base of the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 30 months, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota for the 6 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A reduction equivalent to 50% of the quota for the 6 months following the period referred to in point (a).
(c) A reduction equivalent to 30% of the quota for the 3 months following the period referred to in point (b).
d) A bonus equal to 30% of the fee within 15 months of the end of the reduction period.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to self-employed persons who employ employed persons.
3. Self-employed persons who opt for the system of the previous paragraph may benefit from the allowances and reductions provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total calculation of the allowances does not exceed the maximum period of 30 monthly allowances.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the associated Cooperative Labour Party (s) who are in the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-employed Persons, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Two. The additional provision in the 11th of Law 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 of urgent measures for the reform of the system for the protection of unemployment and the improvement of occupational safety is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 11th. Reductions and allowances for Social Security contributions for persons with disabilities to be established as self-employed persons.
1. Persons with a degree of disability equal to or greater than 33%, who are initially high in the Special Scheme for Social Security of the Self-Employed or Self-Employed, shall benefit, for the five years following the date of the effects of the discharge, of a 50% reduction in the share of common contingencies resulting from the application of the minimum rate of contribution applicable at any time, including temporary incapacity, on the minimum basis of contribution.
2. Where self-employed persons with a degree of disability equal to or more than 33% are less than 35 years of age and who are initially high or have not been in a state of discharge in the immediately preceding five years, from the the date of the discharge, in the Special Scheme of Social Security of the Workers for the Own or Self-Employed, the following reductions and allowances may be applied for the share of common contingencies, with the quota being reduced the result of applying to the minimum price base corresponding to the minimum rate of contribution in force at any time, including temporary incapacity, for a maximum period of 5 years, according to the following scale:
a) A reduction equivalent to 80% of the quota during the 12 months immediately following the date of high effects.
(b) A bonus equal to 50% of the quota for the following four years.
The provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the self-employed persons with disabilities who employ employed persons.
3. Selfemployed persons with disabilities as referred to in the previous paragraph, who have opted for the system described therein, may, where appropriate, avail themselves of the allowances provided for in paragraph 1, provided that the total computation of the same does not exceed the maximum time limit of 60 monthly payments.
4. The provisions of the foregoing paragraphs shall also apply to the working partners of the Associate Labour Cooperatives, who are in the Special Regime of Social Security of the Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed, when they meet the requirements of the previous sections of this additional provision.
5. The allowances and quota reductions provided for in this additional provision will be financed from the corresponding budget item of the State Employment Public Service and will be supported by the revenue budget. Social, respectively. "
Article 2. Possibility of reconciling the perception of unemployment benefit with self-employment when it is established by the employment promotion programs.
A new paragraph 6 is added to Article 228 of the recast text of the General Law on Social Security, adopted by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" 6. Where a programme of promotion of employment is established for groups with a greater difficulty of insertion into the labour market, the perception of the unemployment benefit which is to be perceived by the labour market can be reconciled. own account, in which case the managing body may pay the worker the monthly amount of the benefit in the amount and duration to be determined, without including the contribution to Social Security. "
Article 3. Compatibilization by children under 30 years of the perception of unemployment benefit with the start of an activity on their own account.
In application of the provisions of Article 228 (6) of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, and as an exception to the provisions of the Article 221 of that law, the beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit which are constituted as self-employed persons, may be able to reconcile the monthly perception of the benefit corresponding to the work autonomous, for a maximum of 270 days, or for the lower time to be collected, provided that the following requirements and conditions:
(a) That the beneficiary of the contributory level unemployment benefit is under 30 years of age at the start date of the self-employed activity and has no workers in his or her capacity.
(b) The managing body is asked within 15 days to count from the date of the start of the activity on its own account, without prejudice to the fact that the right to the compatibility of the benefit takes effect from the date of start of such activity. After that period of 15 days, the worker shall not be eligible for this compatibility.
During the compatibility of the unemployment benefit with the self-employed activity, the beneficiary of the benefit will not be required to comply with the obligations as a claimant of employment and those arising from the undertaking's activities provided for in Article 231 of the General Law on Social Security.
Article 4. Extension of the possibilities for the application of the capitalisation of unemployment benefit.
One. The third rule is amended and a new fourth rule is introduced, passing the current fourth, which is also amended, to be the fifth, in paragraph 1 of the fourth transitional provision of Law No 45/2002 of 12 December 2002 on urgent measures for the reform of the system of protection for unemployment and improvement of occupational safety, which are worded as follows:
"3. The" 3. " rules 1. and 2. will also apply to:
(a) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit that they intend to constitute as self-employed workers and are not persons with a disability equal to or greater than 33%.
In the case of Rule 1, the one-time payment will be made for the amount corresponding to the investment required to develop the activity, including the amount of the tax charges for the start of the activity, with the ceiling of 60% of the amount of the contributory level unemployment benefit to be paid, the ceiling being 100% where the beneficiaries are young men under 30 years of age or young women under 35 years, considering the age at the date of the application.
(b) The beneficiaries of the contributory level unemployment benefit under the age of 30, where they capitalise the benefit to allocate up to 100% of their amount to make a contribution to the social capital of an institution a new constitution or a period of not more than 12 months prior to the transfer, provided that they carry out an occupational or occupational activity of an indefinite nature in respect of the same, and independently of the Social security in which they are framed.
For persons who perform an activity as an employed person of an indefinite nature, the activity must be maintained for a minimum of 18 months.
In this case, those persons who have maintained a prior contractual relationship with those companies, or economically dependent self-employed persons who have subscribed to the same company as such, shall not be included in this case. client a contract registered with the State Employment Public Service.
4. Young persons under 30 years of age who capitalise on unemployment benefit may also allocate the same to the costs of setting up and operating an institution, as well as the payment of the fees and the price of specific advisory, training and information services related to the activity to be undertaken.
5. The application for the payment of the contributory level unemployment benefit, as laid down in the rules 1. ª, 2. and 3. in any case shall be from the date before the date of incorporation into the cooperative or society employment, or at the start of the activity as a self-employed worker or as a partner of the business entity in the terms of the third rule, whereas such a start coincides with the date as such in the worker's application for discharge in the Social Security.
If the worker has challenged the termination of the employment relationship of the unemployment benefit, the application must be later than the corresponding procedure.
The economic effects of the payment of the requested right shall be produced from the day following that of their recognition, except where the date of commencement of the activity is earlier, in which case, the date of commencement of the that activity. "
Two. The Government may amend by royal decree as set out in paragraph One above.
Article 5. Suspension and resumption of recovery of the unemployment benefit after an activity on a self-employed basis.
The following amendments are made to the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994, of 20 June:
One. Article 212 (1) (d) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (d) While the rightholder holds an employment for an employed person of less than 12 months, or while the rightholder carries out a work for his or her own account of a duration of less than 24 months or less than Sixty months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially high in the Special Regime for the Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed or in the Special Regime of Security Social of the Sea Workers "
Two. Article 212.4 (b) is amended as follows:
" (b) Upon request of the person concerned, in the cases referred to in paragraphs (b), (c), (d) and (e) of paragraph 1, provided that the cause of suspension has been completed, which, where appropriate, constitutes a legal situation; of unemployment, or which, where appropriate, the requirement of a lack of income or the existence of family responsibilities is maintained. In the case of point (d) of paragraph 1, in the case of selfemployed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for Own or Autonomous Account or in the Special scheme for the Social Security of the Workers of the Sea, unemployment benefit may be resumed when the work on its own account is of less than 60 months.
The right to resume will be born from the end of the cause of suspension as long as it is requested within the next fifteen days, and the application will require registration as a jobseeker if the same is not has previously been carried out. In addition, the date of the application shall be deemed to have reactivated the undertaking of activity referred to in Article 231 of this Law, except in cases where the managing body requires the subscription of a new undertaking.
If the application is submitted after the deadline, the effects referred to in Article 209 (2) and in paragraph 1 (b) of Article 219 shall be produced.
In the event that the period corresponding to the paid annual leave has not been enjoyed, the provisions of Article 209 (3) of this Law shall apply. "
Three. Article 213 (1) (d) shall be worded as follows:
" (d) Realization of an employment for an employed person of a duration of 12 months or more, without prejudice to Article 210 (3), or to carry out an own-account work, for a period of equal or more (a) 24 months, or more than 60 months in the case of self-employed persons under 30 years of age who are initially to be discharged into the Special Scheme of Social Security of Workers for the Account of Own or Self-Employed in the Special Regime of the Social Security of the Sea Workers "
Article 6. System of contributions by professional contingencies and cessation of activity.
A new third paragraph is added in the additional fiftieth-eighth provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June, with the following wording:
" Protection against the contingencies of occupational accidents and occupational diseases, which includes coverage of the protection by cessation of activity, will be voluntary for the self-employed. under 30 years of age. "
CHAPTER II
Tax Incentives
Article 7. Incentives for newly created entities.
With effect for the tax periods starting from January 1, 2013, a new 19th additional provision is introduced in the recast text of the Company Tax Act, approved by the Royal Decree of the European Communities. Legislative Decree 4/2004 of 5 March, which is worded as follows:
" Additional Disposition 19th. Newly created entities.
1. Newly created entities, formed from 1 January 2013, which carry out economic activities shall be taxed in the first tax period in which the tax base is positive and in the following one, according to the following scale: except if, in accordance with Article 28 of this Law, they are to be taxed at a different rate than the general rate:
(a) For the taxable amount between EUR 0 and 300,000, at the rate of 15%.
b) For the remaining taxable amount, at the rate of 20 percent.
Similarly, the scale indicated in the previous paragraph will be applied, in the case of newly created cooperatives, both in respect of cooperative and extracooperative results.
When the tax period is shorter than the year, the tax base portion that will be taxed at the rate of 15 percent will be the one resulting from applying to 300,000 euros the proportion in which the number of days of the tax is tax period between 365 days, or the tax base of the tax period when it is lower.
2. Where the taxable person is applying the payment method provided for in Article 45 (3) of that law, the scale referred to in paragraph 1 above shall not apply to the quantification of the payments. fractious.
3. For the purposes of this provision, an economic activity shall not be understood as:
(a) Where economic activity has been carried out on a prior basis by other persons or entities related within the meaning of Article 16 of this Law and transmitted, by any legal title, to the entity of new creation.
(b) Where economic activity has been exercised, during the year preceding the institution's constitution, by a natural person holding a direct or indirect holding in the capital or in the own funds of the institution. new creation entity greater than 50 percent.
4. No consideration shall be given to newly established entities which are part of a group under the terms laid down in Article 42 of the Trade Code, irrespective of residence and the obligation to make annual accounts consolidated. "
Article 8. Incentives in the field of Income Tax for Physical Persons.
With effect from January 1, 2013, the following amendments are made to the Law 35/2006, of November 28, of the Tax on the Income of the Physical Persons and of the partial modification of the laws of the Taxes on Societies, on the Income of Non-Residents and on Heritage:
One. Article 7 (n) is amended, which is worded as follows:
" (n) The unemployment benefits recognised by the respective managing body when they are received in the single payment method set out in Royal Decree 1044/1985 of 19 June 1985 governing the payment of the unemployment benefit in its single payment method, provided that the amounts received are intended for the purposes and in the cases provided for in that standard.
This exemption will be conditional on the maintenance of the action or participation over the five-year period, in the event that the taxpayer has been integrated into working societies or associated worker cooperatives or have made a contribution to the social capital of a business entity, or to the maintenance, over the same time, of the activity, in the case of the self-employed person. '
Two. Article 14 (2) (c) is deleted.
Three. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 32, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Taxpayers who initiate the exercise of an economic activity and determine the net performance of an economic activity in accordance with the method of direct estimation may reduce the net positive return declared on the basis of the said method by 20%. the method, which has been undermined by the reductions provided for in paragraphs 1 and 2 above, in the first tax period in which it is positive and in the following tax period.
For the purposes of the preceding paragraph, an economic activity shall be deemed to be initiated if no economic activity has been exercised in the year preceding the date of commencement of the economic activity, without having consideration of those activities in which the exercise would have ceased without having achieved positive net returns since its inception.
When, after the beginning of the activity referred to in the first subparagraph, a new activity is initiated without having ceased in the exercise of the first subparagraph, the reduction provided for in this paragraph shall apply to the net income earned in the first tax period in which they are positive and in the following tax period, from the start of the first activity.
The amount of the net income referred to in this paragraph on which the reduction shall apply shall not exceed the amount of EUR 100 000 per year.
The reduction provided for in this paragraph shall not apply in the tax period in which more than 50% of the income of the same person comes from a person or entity from which the taxpayer has obtained returns from work in the year preceding the start date of the activity. "
Four. An additional 30th-eighth provision is added which is worded as follows:
" Additional 30th-eighth disposition. Implementation of the 20 percent reduction by the start of an economic activity.
The provisions of Article 32 (3) of this Law shall only apply to taxpayers who have commenced the exercise of an economic activity as from 1 January 2013. "
CHAPTER III
Stimulus to procurement
Article 9. Incentives for part-time recruitment with training links.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who enter into part-time contracts with a training link with unemployed young people under the age of 30, will be entitled, for a maximum of 12 months, to a reduction in the quota (a) the employer's employer, who is entitled to a contract, of 100% in the event that the contract is signed by undertakings whose staff is less than 250 persons, or 75% of the contract, in the case of that the contracting company has a template equal to or greater than that number.
This incentive may be extended for a further 12 months, provided that the worker continues to reconcile employment with the training, or has completed it in the six months prior to the end of the period referred to in the previous paragraph.
2. Workers must meet any of the following requirements:
a) Do not have work experience or is less than three months.
b) Proceed from another sector of activity, in terms that are determined to be regulated.
(c) Be unemployed and be registered uninterruptedly in the employment office for at least twelve months during the eighteen months prior to employment.
(d) Official compulsory education certificate, professional training certificate or certificate of professional qualification.
3. Workers must make use of the training compatible with training or justify having completed them within six months of the contract being concluded.
Training, not having to be specifically linked to the job object of the contract, may be:
a) Official creditable training or promoted by public employment services.
b) Training in languages or information technologies and communication of a minimum duration of 90 hours in annual computation.
4. For the purposes of this measure, the contract may be concluded for an indefinite period or for a fixed duration, in accordance with the provisions of the recast of the Law on the Workers ' Statute, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1995, March 24.
The agreed working day may not exceed 50 percent of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
5. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
6. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking must maintain the level of employment achieved with the contract referred to in this Article for at least a period equivalent to the duration of the contract with a maximum of 12 months from its date of celebration. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
7. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
8. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as provided for in Article 2.7 of this Article. and 6.2.
Article 10. Indefinite recruitment of a young person by micro-enterprises and self-employed entrepreneurs.
1. Companies, including self-employed workers, who hire an unemployed young person under the age of 30 indefinitely, in full or in part, will be entitled to a 100 percent reduction in the business share of the company. Social for common contingencies corresponding to the contract worker during the first year of the contract, in the terms listed in the following paragraphs.
To be eligible for this measure, companies, including self-employed workers, must meet the following requirements:
a) Having, at the time of the conclusion of the contract, a template equal to or less than nine workers.
b) Not having any prior labor ties with the worker.
(c) Not having adopted, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
(d) Not having previously concluded another contract in accordance with this Article, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
2. This article does not apply to the following assumptions:
(a) When the contract is made pursuant to Article 4 of Law 3/2012, of 6 July, of urgent measures for the reform of the labour market.
b) When the contract is for discontinuous fixed work, in accordance with Article 15.8 of the Workers ' Statute.
(c) In the case of indefinite contracts included in Article 2 of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006.
3. The benefits referred to in paragraph 1 shall apply only in respect of a contract, except as provided for in paragraph 5.
4. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the employer must keep the employed worker at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons not attributable to the employer or to the employer. resolution during the test period.
You must also maintain the level of employment in the company reached with the contract referred to in this article for at least one year from the conclusion of the contract. In the event of non-compliance with these obligations, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The prior employment maintenance obligations referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated by objective reasons or by disciplinary dismissal when one or the other is declared or recognized as originating, or the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the agreed time or performance of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the trial period.
5. In the cases referred to in the last indent of the first subparagraph of paragraph 4, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total reduction period may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 thereof.
Article 11. Incentives for recruitment in new young entrepreneurship projects.
1. They shall be entitled to a reduction of 100 per cent of all business quotas for social security, including those for occupational accidents and occupational diseases and joint collection fees, for the 12 months following the end of the year. recruitment, self-employed persons under the age of 30, and without salaried workers, who, as of 24 February 2013, recruit for the first time, indefinitely, by means of a full-time or part-time employment contract, Unemployed persons aged 40 and over five years old, registered without interruption as unemployed at the employment office for at least 12 months in the 18 months preceding the recruitment or who are beneficiaries of the programme for the retraining of persons who have exhausted their unemployment protection.
2. For the purposes of applying the benefits referred to in this Article, the employed worker must be kept in employment for at least 18 months from the date of the start of the employment relationship, unless the contract is terminated for reasons other than imputable to the employer or by resolution during the probationary period. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
3. In the cases referred to in paragraph 2, a new contract may be concluded under this Article, but the total period of application of the reduction may not exceed 12 months as a whole.
4. In the event that the recruitment of a worker could lead to the application of other allowances or reductions in social security contributions, only one of them may be applied, with the option of the beneficiary in the time to formalize the worker's discharge in Social Security.
5. As provided for in this provision, it shall apply as set out in Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment, with the exception of Article 2.7.
Article 12. First young job.
1. In order to encourage the acquisition of a first professional experience, companies may enter into temporary contracts with unemployed young people under the age of 30 who have no work experience or who are less than three months old.
2. These contracts shall be governed by Article 15 (1) (b) of the Staff Regulations and their implementing rules, with the exception of the following:
(a) The acquisition of a first professional experience shall be considered to be the cause of the contract.
(b) The minimum duration of the contract shall be three months.
(c) The maximum duration of the contract shall be six months, unless a higher duration is established by a collective state collective agreement or, failing that, by a sectoral collective agreement at a lower level, without in any case the duration may exceed 12 months.
In the event that the contract has been concluded for a duration less than the legal or conventionally established maximum, it may be extended by agreement of the parties, for one only time, without the total duration of the contract may exceed that maximum duration.
(d) The contract must be completed on a full-time or part-time basis, provided that, in the latter case, the day is more than 75% of that of a comparable full-time worker. For these purposes, the term 'full-time worker' shall be comparable to that laid down in Article 12.1 of the Staff Regulations.
3. In order to qualify for this measure, undertakings, including self-employed workers, must not have taken, in the six months preceding the conclusion of the contract, any non-life decisions. The limitation will only affect the extinctions produced from 24 February 2013, and for the coverage of those jobs of the same professional group as those affected by the extinction and for the same centre or centres of job.
In the case of work contracts concluded with workers to be made available to user companies, the limitation set out in the preceding paragraph shall in any case be understood as referring to the user undertaking.
4. Companies, including self-employed workers, who, after a period of at least three months after their conclusion, transform into indefinite contracts the contracts referred to in this Article shall be entitled to a subsidy in the quotas Social security of 41.67 euros/month (500 euro/year), for three years, provided that the agreed working day is at least 50 percent of that corresponding to a comparable full-time worker. If the contract was concluded with a woman, the processing allowance shall be EUR 58,33 per month (EUR 700/year).
In the case of workers hired under this article and made available to user companies, they shall be entitled to the same bonus, under the conditions set out in the preceding paragraph, when, without (a) a continuity solution, a contract of employment for an indefinite period of time with such workers, provided that a minimum period of three months has elapsed since the conclusion of the initial contract.
In the case referred to in the preceding paragraph, the obligation laid down in paragraph 5 of this Article shall in any event be construed as referring to the user undertaking.
5. For the purposes of applying the benefits, the undertaking shall maintain the level of employment achieved with the conversion referred to in this Article for at least 12 months. In the event of non-compliance with this obligation, the incentives must be reimbursed.
The obligation to maintain the employment referred to in this paragraph shall not be deemed to be unfulfilled where the employment contract is terminated for objective reasons or for disciplinary dismissal where one or the other is declared or recognized as appropriate, neither the extinctions caused by the resignation, death, retirement or permanent incapacity total, absolute or great invalidity of the workers or by the expiration of the time agreed upon or realization of the work or service object of the contract, or by resolution during the test period.
6. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
7. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 shall apply, except as provided for in Articles 2.7 and 6.2 of this Article.
Article 13. Incentives for contracts in practice.
1. Without prejudice to Article 11 (1) of the Staff Regulations, contracts may be concluded with young people under the age of 30, even if five or more years have elapsed since the completion of the corresponding studies.
2. Companies, including self-employed workers, who have a contract in practice with a child under the age of 30, will be entitled to a 50 percent reduction in the business share to the Social Security for common contingencies. corresponding to the contract worker for the duration of the contract.
In the cases in which, in accordance with the provisions of Royal Decree 1543/2011 of 31 October 2011 governing non-employment practices in companies, the worker was carrying out such non-employment practices in the the time of the consultation of the contract of work in practice, the reduction of quotas will be 75 percent.
3. For the implementation of the measures referred to in this Article, the written formalisation of the contracts in the model to be established by the State Public Employment Service shall be required.
4. As not provided for in this Article, the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006, except as provided for in Article 2.7, shall apply as regards incentives.
Article 14. Incentives for the incorporation of young people into social economy entities.
1. The following bonuses applicable to social economy entities are incorporated:
(a) Bonifications in the business quotas of Social Security for three years, the amount of which shall be EUR 66,67 per month (EUR 800/year), applicable to cooperatives or working companies incorporating workers unemployed under 30 years as working or working partners. In the case of cooperatives, the allowances shall apply where they have opted for a social security scheme of their own for employed persons, in the terms of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the General Law of Social Security, approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/1994 of 20 June.
(b) Bonifications in the social security contributions applicable to the insertion undertakings in the case of contracts of employment concluded with persons under 30 years of age in situations of social exclusion included in the article 2 of Law 44/2007, of 13 December, for the regulation of the regime of the enterprises of insertion, of 137,50 euros/month (1,650 euros/year) for the entire duration of the contract or for three years, in case of indefinite hiring. These allowances shall not be compatible with those provided for in Article 16.3 (a) of Law 44/2007 of 13 December.
2. In relation to paragraph 1.a), the provisions of Section I of Chapter I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 for the improvement of growth and employment shall apply, except as set out in Article 6.2 thereof.
As provided for in paragraph 1 (b), the provisions of Section I of Title I of Law 43/2006 of 29 December 2006 on the improvement of growth and employment as regards the requirements to be met shall apply. beneficiaries, exclusions in the application of the bonuses, maximum amount, incompatibilities or reimbursement of benefits.
CHAPTER IV
Enhancement of intermediation
Article 15. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
A new 32nd additional provision is added to the recast text of the Public Sector Contracts Act, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November, in the following terms:
" Additional 30th Disposition. Joint formalisation of framework agreements for the procurement of services to facilitate labour intermediation.
The Directorate General of the State Employment Public Service and the competent contracting authorities of the Autonomous Communities, as well as the entities and agencies that are dependent on them and integrated into the National System of Employment, may conclude framework agreements with one or more employers in order to fix the conditions to which all contracts for services of homogeneous characteristics as defined in the conventions to which it refers are to be adjusted the following paragraph to facilitate the employment services of the Public Employment Services and which are intended to be awarded for a specified period, provided that the use of these instruments is not done in an abusive manner or in such a way that competition is impeded, restricted or distorted.
This joint conclusion of framework agreements will be carried out in accordance with the provisions of Chapter II of Title II of book III and after the adoption of the relevant collaboration agreement between the Public Employment Service State and Autonomous Communities or entities and bodies dependent on them and integrated into the National Employment System.
These contracts may not be the subject of a framework contract for work intermediation which may be provided for in the procedures for the selection of temporary work staff by public administrations, and to be carried out exclusively and directly by the relevant public employment services. '
Article 16. Common database of offers, job demands and training opportunities.
The following amendments are introduced in Law 56/2003, of 16 December, of Employment:
One. Article 8 (2) (b) is worded as follows:
" b) The existence of a common database, the Single Employment Portal, enabling the dissemination of the offers, job demands and training opportunities existing throughout the territory of the State, as well as in the rest of the Countries of the European Economic Area, respecting the provisions of the Organic Law 15/1999 of 13 December on the Protection of Personal Data.
To do this, public employment services will record all job offers and demands in the Public Employment Services Information System databases. The State Employment Public Service shall ensure the dissemination of this information to all citizens, businesses and public administrations as a guarantee of transparency and market unity. "
Two. A new paragraph 3 is added to Article 14 and renumbered the current paragraph 3, which becomes the number 4, which is worded as follows:
" 3. Prior to the release of funds within the Sectoral Conference on Employment and Labour Affairs, it is intended to enable the functions of labour intermediation, without territorial barriers, in the terms of point (c) of the Article 7a of this law, the State Employment Public Service shall check compliance by the public employment services as laid down in Article 8 (2) (b).
If the State Employment Public Service detected the non-compliance with this obligation by some autonomous community, it will not proceed to the payment of the amounts due as long as this situation is not remedied. For these purposes, the State Employment Public Service shall communicate to the Autonomous Communities that the need to remedy the detected non-compliance is in this situation. "
TITLE II
Business Finance Promotion Measures
Article 17. Amendment of the Regulation on the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November 1998.
The regulation for the management and supervision of private insurance, approved by Royal Decree 2486/1998 of 20 November, is amended as follows:
One. A sub-paragraph (c) is added to Article 50.5, with the following wording:
"(c) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. The sixth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" Investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), together with the shares and participation in collective investment investment institutions or in institutions for collective investment of collective investment investment institutions as referred to in Article 50 (2). holdings in companies and venture capital funds referred to in paragraph 5.a.3. of Article 50 and investment in securities or rights negotiated in the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by means of a royal decree, may not be computed by an amount greater than 10 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to cover. In the case of reinsurers and only for investment in securities or transferable securities which are not admitted to trading on regulated markets within the scope of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) this limit shall be 30 per 100. "
Three. The eighth paragraph of Article 53.4 is worded as follows:
" The set of shares and units in a collective investment investment institution or in a collective investment institution of collective investment investment institutions, to which it refers Article 50 (2) (2) of this Regulation, or of shares and units in a company or venture capital fund referred to in Article 50 (3) (3), may not be counted for an amount exceeding 5 per 100 of the total of the technical provisions to be covered. Investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution and in securities or rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral trading system that is realized by real A decree issued by a single entity shall not, together, exceed 3% of the technical provisions to be covered. The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent when the investment in shares and units issued by the venture capital institutions and in securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market, or in another multilateral system (a) to be concluded by means of a royal decree issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group. "
Article 18. Amendment to the Regulation on pension schemes and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004.
The Regulation on pension plans and funds, approved by Royal Decree 304/2004 of 20 February 2004, is amended as follows:
One. A point (d) is added to Article 70.9 with the following wording:
"(d) The securities and rights traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree."
Two. Article 72 (b) is worded as follows:
" (b) Investment in securities or financial instruments issued by a single entity, plus the credits granted to it or endorsed or guaranteed by the same entity, shall not exceed 5 percent of the pension fund's asset.
However, the above limit will be 10 percent for each issuing, borrowing or guarantor entity, provided that the fund does not invest more than 40 percent of the asset in entities in which 5 percent of the asset is exceeded. background.
The fund will be able to invest in several companies in the same group and cannot exceed the total investment in the group 10 percent of the fund's asset.
No pension fund may have invested more than 2% of its assets in securities or financial instruments not admitted to trading on regulated markets or in securities or financial instruments which, while admitted to trading on regulated markets are not susceptible to widespread and impersonal traffic, where they are issued or endorsed by the same entity. The above limit shall be 4% for those securities or financial instruments where they are issued or endorsed by entities belonging to the same group.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, the investment in securities or rights issued by the same entity traded on the Alternative Stock Market or in another multilateral trading system that is concretized by real decree, as well as the investment in shares and units issued by a single venture capital institution may reach 3% of the pension fund asset.
The above limit of 3 percent will be 6 percent for those securities or other financial instruments when issued by entities belonging to the same group.
They shall not be subject to the limits provided for in this point (b) deposits in credit institutions, without prejudice to the application of the joint limit referred to in point (f) of this Article. "
Article 19. Amendment of the Law 24/1988, of July 28, of the Stock Market.
Law 24/1988 of 28 July of the Stock Market is amended as follows:
One. A new wording is given to Article 30b, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30b. A regime for the issuance of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt that is the subject of a public offering for sale or admission to trading on an official secondary market and with the obligation to publish a prospectus.
1. The provisions of this Article shall apply to all issues of bond or other securities which recognise or create debt whenever they are to be the subject of a public offer for sale or admission to trading on a secondary market. official and in respect of which it is required to draw up a prospectus which is subject to approval and registration by the National Securities Market Commission in the terms laid down in the previous chapter.
Also, they shall be understood to be included in the preceding paragraph and provided that they comply with the provisions of the preceding paragraph, the issuance of bonds or other securities that recognize or create debt as provided for in Title XI of the recast text of the Capital Companies Act approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 1/2010 of 2 July. This Article shall also apply to the issuance of obligations laid down in Law 211/1964 of 24 December 2001 regulating the issuance of obligations by companies which have not adopted the form of anonymous or otherwise associations or other legal persons, and the constitution of the bond-holders ' union.
They shall not have the consideration of obligations or other securities that recognize or debt the equity securities referred to in the second paragraph of Article 26.2 of this Act, such as the convertible debentures in actions provided that they are issued by the issuer of the underlying shares or by an entity belonging to the issuer group.
2. The public deed requirement for the issue of the securities referred to in this Article shall not be required.
The disclosure of all securities issues referred to in this article shall be governed by the provisions of this law and its development provisions, and the registration of the issuance or of the securities shall not be required. the other acts relating to it in the Trade Register or its publication in the Official Gazette of the Trade Register.
3. The conditions of each issue, as well as the issuer's ability to formalize them, when they have not been regulated by law, shall be subject to the clauses contained in the issuer's social statutes and shall be governed by the provisions of the issue and in the information leaflet. "
Two. A new wording is given to Article 30c, with the following literal wording:
" Article 30c. A regime of other issues of obligations or other securities that recognise or create debt.
1. In the case of the placing of emissions of bonds or other securities which recognise or create debt, as referred to in Article 30a (1) (a), (c) and (d), the limitation laid down in Article 405 of the Treaty shall not apply. the Capital Companies Act.
2. The granting of public deed in the case of issues of bond issues or other securities that recognize or create debt that will be admitted to negotiation in a multilateral trading system shall not be required. The registration of the issue, or any other acts relating to it, in the Trade Register or its publication in the "Official Gazette of the Trade Register" shall not be required either.
The conditions legally required for the issue and the characteristics of the securities shall be recorded in certification issued by the persons empowered in accordance with the current regulations. This certification shall be deemed to be eligible to discharge the securities into account in accordance with the provisions of Article 6 of this Act.
The advertising of all acts relating to these emissions shall be carried out through the systems established for that purpose by the multilateral trading systems. "
TITLE III
Financing measures for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities, and for combating late payment in commercial operations
CHAPTER I
Extending a new phase of the financing mechanism for payment to providers of local entities and autonomous communities
Section 1. General Provisions
Article 20. Object.
The aim of this chapter is to extend the scope of the subjective and objective application of the financing mechanism for payment to the providers of local authorities and autonomous communities, establishing the (a) the necessary procedural specialties for this new phase of the mechanism allowing the cancellation of its outstanding obligations to its suppliers that were liquid, expired and enforceable before 1 January 2012.
Section 2.
Article 21. Subjective scope of application.
The payment mechanism to providers referred to in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, may apply to the following local entities:
1. To the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre that are included in the model of participation in state taxes, for which they will have to subscribe previously the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Forales of the Basque Country or the Autonomous Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
2. The municipalities of municipalities.
3. The local authorities to which the models for participation in State taxes, referred to in Chapters III and IV, of Titles II and III of the recast text of the Local Government Law Regulatory Law, approved by the Commission, are applicable. the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March, in relation to the outstanding obligations of payment as specified in the following Article.
Article 22. Objective scope of application.
1. As regards the local authorities referred to in paragraph 3 of the previous Article, the obligations to be paid to the contractors, which have been applied to the budgets of the institution, may be included in this new phase. for financial years prior to 2012 and derived from: collaboration agreements, administrative concessions, management arrangements in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and a technical service of a Regional administration or the State Administration of the lease on goods (a) of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procurement procedures in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, of contracts for the award of public works contracts, cooperation between the public sector and the private sector, public service management contracts, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which has been agreed by the local authorities, provided that it is have entered the contractor prior to 1 January 2012, provided for in the recast of the Law of Public Sector Contracts approved by the Royal Legislative Decree 3/2011 of 14 November.
2. As regards the local entities referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of the previous Article, it may be included, in addition to those referred to in the previous paragraph, the outstanding obligations to be paid to contractors referred to in the Royal Decree-Law. 4/2012, of 24 February, determining the obligations of information and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local authorities, and the Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, provided that they have been applied to the the institution's budgets for the years prior to 2012.
Article 23. Specialties of the applicable procedure for the provision of information by local entities and the payment of invoices.
1. Until 22 March 2013, contractors may request the local debtor to issue an individual certificate of recognition of the existence of outstanding obligations for payment by the local authority.
2. The individual certificate shall be issued, within five calendar days of the application, by the financial controller, or internal control body, in the terms and content provided for in the preceding paragraph, with an express reference to: which is an obligation already applied to the budgets of the institution for the financial years preceding 2012. In the event that the request has not been answered in time, it shall be deemed to be rejected.
3. Before 29 March 2013, the financial controller or internal control body of the local authority shall communicate to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administration, by means of telematic and electronic signatures, a certified statement of the supported individual certificates.
4. Local entities will allow contractors to consult their inclusion in this updated information and if they are included they will be able to know the information that will affect them with respect to the data protection regulations of character personnel.
The right of recovery of contractors may not be materialised under the present financing mechanism, in the event that the debtor's community has failed to comply with the formal obligations laid down in the paragraph 6 of this article.
5. The President of the local authority shall give the necessary instructions to ensure the attention to the contractors in their applications, the prompt issuance of the individual certificates and the access, preferably by electronic means, to the submitted information.
6. Until 22 March 2013, the communities must send to the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations a copy of the statutes for which they are governed and specify the percentage of participation, as at 31 December 2011, of each one of the municipalities that make up the town and that consists of those. The said statutes must have been approved by the plenary sessions of these municipalities. The failure to refer this documentation shall prevent the initiation of the procedure provided for in the preceding paragraphs of this Article.
In the event that the Commonwealth is not included in the General Data Base of Local Entities and the Inventory of Local Public Sector Entes under the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will have to request their inclusion within the time limit laid down in the preceding paragraph, as well as the referral of the documentation referred to therein.
Article 24. Disciplinary proceedings.
The failure of the competent public employees to comply with the obligations laid down in Article 23 of this Royal Decree-Law shall be considered to be very serious in the terms set out in the second paragraph. Article 95 of Law 7/2007, of 12 April, of the Basic Staff Regulations. For these purposes it will be the Directorate General of Public Service of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations the competent body to initiate and instruct the corresponding disciplinary procedure and the Minister of Finance and Administrations Public will be competent to resolve.
Article 25. Tuning Plan specialties.
In addition to what is foreseen in Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February, determining the reporting obligations and procedures necessary to establish a financing mechanism for the payment to the suppliers of the local entities, and in Royal Decree-Law 7/2012 of 9 March, establishing the Fund for the financing of payments to suppliers, the adjustment plan presented by the local entity shall comply with the following:
1. Once the individual certificates referred to in Article 23 have been submitted, the local authority shall draw up an adjustment plan, in accordance with its own-organisation power, and shall be submitted, with a report from the internal control body or body, to its approval by the full local corporation or, in the case of the communities, by the governing body established by the statute for which they are governed and which has been approved by the plenary sessions of the local councils.
2. The approved adjustment plan shall be submitted by the local authority to the competent body of the Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations as the deadline of 15 April 2013, by means of telematics and electronic signatures, who shall carry out a assessment of the plan submitted, and shall be communicated to the local entity as the deadline of 20 May 2013.
Expiry of that period without communication of the said valuation shall be deemed to be favourable.
In the case of the local entities of the Basque Country and Navarre, the corresponding agreements between the General Administration of the State and the Foral Diputations of the Basque Country or the Foral Community of Navarra, as appropriate.
3. If the local authorities referred to in Article 21 (3) of this Standard have an adjustment plan approved at the initial stage of the payment mechanism to suppliers which ended in July 2012 and has been assessed, The Ministry of Finance and Public Administrations will send a review of its adjustment plan approved by its plenary session in the first 15 days of April 2013. Failure to do so shall be deemed to be a failure to refer the adjustment plan and shall apply as provided for in the first provision of the Organic Law 2/2012 of 27 April 2012 on budgetary stability and financial sustainability and on its development standards.
Article 26. Application of the fourth additional provision of the recast text of the Local Law Regulatory Law approved by the Royal Legislative Decree of 5 March.
1. In the case of the debtor's communities, the guarantee for the payment of their obligations arising from the borrowing operations which they subscribe to with the fund for the financing of payments to suppliers will be implemented by means of withholding tax. participation in taxes of the State of the municipalities belonging to the communities, in proportion to their respective shares of participation in the aforementioned entities at December 31, 2011. This criterion shall apply in the event that the local authorities do not agree on the borrowing operations referred to for the purposes of the implementation of the withholding tax.
2. In the case of local authorities in the Basque Country and Navarre, account shall be taken of the provisions of the conventions which are signed between the competent bodies of the Historical Territories and those of the General Administration of the State and which they must provide for a guarantee system for the payment of their obligations under the mechanism for financing payments to suppliers.
Article 27. Cancellation of outstanding payment obligations with affected funding.
1. Any outstanding payment obligations that would have been paid through this facility and will be financed by the Fund, upon receipt of the payment, will be automatically understood to be affected by the Fund for the financing of the payment to the (a) suppliers and must be allocated to the early repayment of the debt transaction, or, where appropriate, to the cancellation of the debt. This forecast shall not apply to the obligations of co-financing from the structural funds of the European Union.
2. This Article applies both to the payment obligations which have been paid under the Royal Decree-Law 4/2012 of 24 February 2012 and to those which are paid in the context of the extension of the regulated mechanism in the present case. rule.
Section 3. Provisions applicable to Autonomous Communities
Article 28. Subjective scope of application.
The Autonomous Communities will be eligible for this new phase of the mechanism provided for in the Fiscal and Financial Policy Council Agreement of 6 March 2012 laying down the general lines of an extraordinary mechanism. financing for the payment to the providers of the autonomous communities.
For these purposes, the term "autonomous community" means the administration of the community and the other entities, bodies and entities that are dependent on the community on which it maintains a decision-making power over its management and its internal rules or statutes, as well as the associative entities in which it participates directly or indirectly. In any case, it should be entities included in the general government sector, subsector autonomous communities, in accordance with the definition and delimitation of the European System of National and Regional Accounts approved by the Regulation. (EC) No 2223/96 of the Council of 25 June 1996.
Article 29. Objective scope of application.
1. As far as the autonomous communities are concerned, it may be possible to include in this new phase of the mechanism the outstanding obligations for suppliers resulting from cooperation agreements, administrative concessions, and management in which the entrusted entity has assigned the condition of its own means and the technical service of the administration and is not included in the definition of an autonomous community in Article 28 of the lease on goods property, of the contracts provided for in Law 31/2007 of 30 October on procedures for procurement in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors, contracts for the award of public works, collaboration between the public sector and the private sector, as a result of service management contracts public, in the form of concession, corresponding to the grant which was agreed by the Autonomous Community, provided that i
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Train journeys across Catalonia you can enjoy with free tickets
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Beaches, mountains, cities, and the airport can all be reached by rail
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Connecting north to south and east to west, Catalonia’s Rodalies train lines move millions of passengers every month. From September 1 to December 31 this year, travelers will enjoy free trips as the tickets will be fully subsidized by the Spanish government.
Initially, it was expected to be 50% cheaper, however, Spanish PM Pedro Sánchez made tickets for short and medium-distance trains run by state-owned operator Renfe free for four months.
This is part of the Spanish government's package of measures to counter the cost-of-living crisis and, more specifically, encourage the use of public transport in the face of high fuel prices. Tickets can be obtained on the Renfe app and website as well as at ticket counters and machines in stations.
Passengers will have to pay a €10 deposit for short-distance tickets and €20 for medium-distance ones. These fees will be returned automatically four months later if tickets are used at least 16 times.
9 Rodalies train lines across Catalonia to enjoy
Catalans can travel across the territory using up to 15 different routes operated by Renfe. All of them will be free allowing people to visit Barcelona, several beaches, mountainous areas, go to the airport, or even travel to some of the other cities in Catalonia or in the neighboring regions of Aragon and Valencia, or even in France.
Rodalies has nine different train lines that can bring users to places such as the southern beaches of Castelldefels, Garraf, Sitges, Vilanova i la Geltrú, and even Calafell, all of them via the R2S line. It does not matter how long the journey takes, as all trips will be free of charge.
To the north, beaches accessible by train include but are not limited to Sant Adrià de Besos, Badalona, Masnou, Premià de Mar, Arenys de Mar, Canet de Mar, and Blanes. Travelers will have to take the R1 train line in this case, the oldest one built in Catalonia that is currently in danger due to climate change.
But trains were not only built to go to the beach, but also to stop in some of the biggest cities around the territory. Aside from the Barcelona El Prat Airport, the R2N line also stops in El Prat de Llobregat, another city south of the Catalan capital.
While the R2S has stations in Castelldefels, Gavà, and Sant Vicenç de Calders, among other sites.
Other big cities reachable by train include Ripoll and Puigcerdà (R3) in the northern mountains; as well as Vic (R3), Granollers (R2, R2S, and R8), and Terrassa and Manresa (R4), in inland Catalonia.
Students going to the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) by Rodalies R7 will also benefit from the free ride.
Regional train lines
The other six Renfe-operated train lines in Catalonia are named ‘Regionals’ and are medium-distance covering several important destinations in the territory, from the northern town of Portbou on the coast right before the French border, to the southern tip of the territory, Ulldecona-Alcanar-La Sénia.
These lines are all those named ‘R’ and followed by a double-digit, as opposed to the Rodalies ones that only have one number.
With these train lines, travelers will even be able to cross the French border and visit Cerbère for free with the R11 line.
Before reaching the border, however, those going by train can stop in some Costa Brava areas such as Figueres, Llançà, or Colera.
Other interesting spots include the largest amusement park in Catalonia, Port Aventura (R17), and other major cities such as Tarragona (R14, R15, R16, and R17), Reus (R14 and R15), Girona (R11), and Lleida (R12, R13, and R14).
Regional lines also have a Regional Express option, reducing the number of stations the train stops at, therefore offering shorter journeys.
High-speed trains not included
Renfe’s high-speed trains are not included in the subsidized tickets, at least in Catalonia, as some areas in Spain do have a price reduction in these services.
AVEs in Catalonia go from Figueres-Vilafant, next to the French border, to Lleida, before crossing to the neighboring region of Aragon.
Despite the speed and making it possible to travel around the territory easily, there are only five stations across Catalonia: aside from the northern one and the one in Lleida, the AVE also stops in Girona, Barcelona, and Camp de Tarragona.
Can Barcelona daily commuters get free rides?
All public transport in Barcelona’s metropolitan area is combined, meaning one traveler can use the same ticket for bus, metro, Rodalies, and tramway. This will complicate things for those who desire to travel for free during the last months of 2022 and live in Barcelona.
Rodalies will be the only transport service free of charge, therefore, users taking the metro or the bus will still have to pay, half of the current cost, depending on the ticket they acquire.
It will only be possible to travel for free if you only ride Rodalies and then finish your commute by walking.
But if you need to take the metro or the bus, you will still end up having to use a ticket, therefore, not necessary to get a free ticket for half of your journey, as the already reduced one will also be usable in Rodalies.
However, non-Barcelona residents will see a huge change in their travel expenses from September to December.
Rodalies will be free whether you use them for five minutes or for over two hours. So, people living outside the first zone of the metropolitan area ticket fares will have cheaper journeys.
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Barcelona - Portbou/Cerbere [R11 Rodalies]
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[
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[
"cyclebike"
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2022-11-26T17:44:18+00:00
|
Hi everyone
I'm currently in Morocco on a cycling trip and will be travelling back to the UK overland. I have a ferry booking from Nador to Barcelona...
|
en
|
RailUK Forums
|
https://www.railforums.co.uk/threads/barcelona-portbou-cerbere-r11-rodalies.240004/
|
Evening all
Thanks for your previous assistance, just thought I'd come back with a report on the trip (which probably means this now belongs in another section...)
A few days prior, I had notification from SNCF that the Cerbere - Paris Austerlitz night train was cancelled. It looked like the Cerbere line was closed afternoon of Sunday 11th December due to something related to a freight train. The train would still operate from Toulouse. So instead I planned to take Rodalies out of Barcelona to Latour de Carol, then a TER onwards to Toulouse, and pick up the Intercités de Nuit there.
After a pleasant ferry crossing on the GNV Atlas from Nador to Barcelona (during which the Morocco World Cup quarter-final match was shown, and we disembarked to gridlock in Barcelona seemingly caused by celebrating Morocco fans!), I stayed overnight in Barcelona. Morning of 11th, I decided to cycle the 10km or so to l'Hospitalet de Llobregat where the Latour de Carol train starts from. I took the 1124 departure which was comprised of two sets. Joining early turned out to be a good call as the train became standing room only from Sants all the way to Vic, would have been a right pain to get my overloaded touring bike and panniers on.
The Rodalies ready for departure at l'Hospitalet de Llobregat for Latour de Carol
On-board the Rodalies, bike stowed
Beyond Vic, the train was very lightly loaded so I could open up my picnic lunch from the Lidl bakery (to my surprise open in Barcelona on a Sunday). A long mainly single-track section headed up towards the Pyrenees with great views opening up.
Great views heading into the Pyrenees
Arriving around five minutes down at Latour de Carol, at 1456, I headed onto the platform to breathe in some cold Pyreneen air and take in the views. The double-set Regiolis train onwards to Toulouse was waiting in the adjacent platform with the doors released on the front set. I boarded and stowed everything ahead of the 1524 departure.
Also at the station was the Intercités de Nuit consist leaving later that evening for Paris. I would happily take this, but SNCF do not allow bikes to be booked on this portion. Sure enough, a couchette car including bike spaces was clearly visible in the consist!
The TER Regiolis for Toulouse ahead of starting its trip from Latour de Carol
On-board the Regiolis
I rather like these Regiolis trains, having previously used them on the "classic" line between Paris and Calais (via Boulogne and Amiens). This was a slightly older version but still comfortable, although the table supports restricted legroom a little on the window seats.
Darkness fell and we arrived in Toulouse on-time at 1814. A cold wind was blowing and I had 4.5 hours to kill before the Intercités de Nuit would depart at 2248. I rode off to a McDonald's (I'm sorry to report) to have some food and keep warm!
Back at the station, shortly after 2210 the platform was announced for the night journey to Paris-Austerlitz. I'd found a lift down to the subway but there didn't seem to be any lifts back up to the platforms, so I had to make two trips up the stairs - first with my luggage, then with the bike. No idea what happens if you're disabled! After a ticket check, I was sent to coach 17 (although my booking was for coach 7) - for some reason all the coaches seem to be numbered 10 too high and were in the process of being renumbered... Possibly something to do with the Cerbere portion not running that night? This turned out to be a refurbished couchette car (some in the consist were unrefurbished), with bike racks and tidier-looking berths, and more modern loos too (although they still seemed to be locked out of use until departure, so possibly still not retention toilets?).
Leading the line on the Intercités de Nuit from Toulouse to Paris
My refurbished berth on-board
Bike stowed
I always prefer a lower berth, shoving my bags on the floor under the bunk. Not really a problem on this journey as only one other person in the six-berth compartment, on the top bunk. Power sockets have been fitted during the refurbishment, but these have a too-bright red light surrounding them (always lit), a bit annoyingly like the Caledonian Sleeper berth control panels. I had a comfortable night using the provided "sleeping bag."
I was up prompt in the morning, arrival scheduled for 0719 although an announcement said we were around 15 down. I used the time to squeeze forward to coach 2, where breakfast was apparently available, although this turned out to be a cup of instant coffee (for €2) and the additional possibility of a packet of biscuits which I declined! I needed to be riding away from Austerlitz as soon as possible. My booked direct TER from Paris to Calais was being terminated early at Boulogne due to engineering works, so I wouldn't get to Calais in time for the ferry back. Instead I'd come up with a convoluted route now involving three trains, first to Amiens, then Arras, and finally on to Calais-Ville. Such is the unfortunate routine of trying to use French trains with a bike! The first connection left Gare du Nord at 0804 which seemed a tough ask as we only pulled in to Austerlitz around 0734... Despite the cold weather I built up a sweat riding through the dark streets of Paris and made Gare du Nord just after 0800. The Amiens train was still advertised, and I made it - to my surprise a former Intercités loco-hauled consist, fortunately with the bike compartment at the very rear! The train ended up leaving a few minutes late, but having made this one the rest of my schedule should be attainable...
In Amiens, I had time to brave the freezing streets to find a bakery and get a few pastries for breakfast, before heading back to the station for the 1050 departure to Arras. This comprised double-deck commuter stock. This was the only time my ticket was checked between Paris and Calais (not even any barriers at any of the four stations!). As it was a bargain €10 advance for the (supposed) direct Paris-Calais train, I expected an issue, but the inspector just scanned it, thanked me, and moved on...
In Arras, I awaited the 1215 departure to Calais-Ville, which had me arriving there at 1418. This was a pleasant journey with many stops at small shacks. The sun came out on the way and I was surprised at the large bike area on this TER with six hooks, not even "shared" with tip-up seats. I know hooks aren't ideal but these European varieties seem to accept the tyre a lot easier than the UK ones for example on the class 80x!
The TER awaiting departure from Arras for Calais
On-board the TER for Calais
Arriving in Calais, I rode the few km to the Calais Port which has had a sizable extension with the check-in area now in a different location. Quick progress through and I was awaiting departure for Dover.
Back in the UK, I had (more through chance than good planning) arrived back on the last evening before the strikes starting on 13th. Snow had caused Southeastern significant disruption but I arrived at Dover Priory just as the 1718 London Victoria train was turning around. I hopped on-board - all other trains were showing cancelled/delayed, and we had a smooth journey to London although losing around 25 minutes en-route.
Final ride across to London Waterloo station to hop on a Weymouth train for the final leg (this was all running to time!).
Evening all
Thanks for your previous assistance, just thought I'd come back with a report on the trip (which probably means this now belongs in another section...)
A few days prior, I had notification from SNCF that the Cerbere - Paris Austerlitz night train was cancelled. It looked like the Cerbere line was closed afternoon of Sunday 11th December due to something related to a freight train. The train would still operate from Toulouse. So instead I planned to take Rodalies out of Barcelona to Latour de Carol, then a TER onwards to Toulouse, and pick up the Intercités de Nuit there.
After a pleasant ferry crossing on the GNV Atlas from Nador to Barcelona (during which the Morocco World Cup quarter-final match was shown, and we disembarked to gridlock in Barcelona seemingly caused by celebrating Morocco fans!), I stayed overnight in Barcelona. Morning of 11th, I decided to cycle the 10km or so to l'Hospitalet de Llobregat where the Latour de Carol train starts from. I took the 1124 departure which was comprised of two sets. Joining early turned out to be a good call as the train became standing room only from Sants all the way to Vic, would have been a right pain to get my overloaded touring bike and panniers on.
View attachment 125219
The Rodalies ready for departure at l'Hospitalet de Llobregat for Latour de Carol
View attachment 125220
On-board the Rodalies, bike stowed
Beyond Vic, the train was very lightly loaded so I could open up my picnic lunch from the Lidl bakery (to my surprise open in Barcelona on a Sunday). A long mainly single-track section headed up towards the Pyrenees with great views opening up.
View attachment 125221
Great views heading into the Pyrenees
Arriving around five minutes down at Latour de Carol, at 1456, I headed onto the platform to breathe in some cold Pyreneen air and take in the views. The double-set Regiolis train onwards to Toulouse was waiting in the adjacent platform with the doors released on the front set. I boarded and stowed everything ahead of the 1524 departure.
Also at the station was the Intercités de Nuit consist leaving later that evening for Paris. I would happily take this, but SNCF do not allow bikes to be booked on this portion. Sure enough, a couchette car including bike spaces was clearly visible in the consist!
View attachment 125222
The TER Regiolis for Toulouse ahead of starting its trip from Latour de Carol
View attachment 125223
On-board the Regiolis
I rather like these Regiolis trains, having previously used them on the "classic" line between Paris and Calais (via Boulogne and Amiens). This was a slightly older version but still comfortable, although the table supports restricted legroom a little on the window seats.
Darkness fell and we arrived in Toulouse on-time at 1814. A cold wind was blowing and I had 4.5 hours to kill before the Intercités de Nuit would depart at 2248. I rode off to a McDonald's (I'm sorry to report) to have some food and keep warm!
Back at the station, shortly after 2210 the platform was announced for the night journey to Paris-Austerlitz. I'd found a lift down to the subway but there didn't seem to be any lifts back up to the platforms, so I had to make two trips up the stairs - first with my luggage, then with the bike. No idea what happens if you're disabled! After a ticket check, I was sent to coach 17 (although my booking was for coach 7) - for some reason all the coaches seem to be numbered 10 too high and were in the process of being renumbered... Possibly something to do with the Cerbere portion not running that night? This turned out to be a refurbished couchette car (some in the consist were unrefurbished), with bike racks and tidier-looking berths, and more modern loos too (although they still seemed to be locked out of use until departure, so possibly still not retention toilets?).
View attachment 125234
Leading the line on the Intercités de Nuit from Toulouse to Paris
View attachment 125235
My refurbished berth on-board
View attachment 125236
Bike stowed
I always prefer a lower berth, shoving my bags on the floor under the bunk. Not really a problem on this journey as only one other person in the six-berth compartment, on the top bunk. Power sockets have been fitted during the refurbishment, but these have a too-bright red light surrounding them (always lit), a bit annoyingly like the Caledonian Sleeper berth control panels. I had a comfortable night using the provided "sleeping bag."
I was up prompt in the morning, arrival scheduled for 0719 although an announcement said we were around 15 down. I used the time to squeeze forward to coach 2, where breakfast was apparently available, although this turned out to be a cup of instant coffee (for €2) and the additional possibility of a packet of biscuits which I declined! I needed to be riding away from Austerlitz as soon as possible. My booked direct TER from Paris to Calais was being terminated early at Boulogne due to engineering works, so I wouldn't get to Calais in time for the ferry back. Instead I'd come up with a convoluted route now involving three trains, first to Amiens, then Arras, and finally on to Calais-Ville. Such is the unfortunate routine of trying to use French trains with a bike! The first connection left Gare du Nord at 0804 which seemed a tough ask as we only pulled in to Austerlitz around 0734... Despite the cold weather I built up a sweat riding through the dark streets of Paris and made Gare du Nord just after 0800. The Amiens train was still advertised, and I made it - to my surprise a former Intercités loco-hauled consist, fortunately with the bike compartment at the very rear! The train ended up leaving a few minutes late, but having made this one the rest of my schedule should be attainable...
In Amiens, I had time to brave the freezing streets to find a bakery and get a few pastries for breakfast, before heading back to the station for the 1050 departure to Arras. This comprised double-deck commuter stock. This was the only time my ticket was checked between Paris and Calais (not even any barriers at any of the four stations!). As it was a bargain €10 advance for the (supposed) direct Paris-Calais train, I expected an issue, but the inspector just scanned it, thanked me, and moved on...
In Arras, I awaited the 1215 departure to Calais-Ville, which had me arriving there at 1418. This was a pleasant journey with many stops at small shacks. The sun came out on the way and I was surprised at the large bike area on this TER with six hooks, not even "shared" with tip-up seats. I know hooks aren't ideal but these European varieties seem to accept the tyre a lot easier than the UK ones for example on the class 80x!
View attachment 125243
The TER awaiting departure from Arras for Calais
View attachment 125244
On-board the TER for Calais
Arriving in Calais, I rode the few km to the Calais Port which has had a sizable extension with the check-in area now in a different location. Quick progress through and I was awaiting departure for Dover.
Back in the UK, I had (more through chance than good planning) arrived back on the last evening before the strikes starting on 13th. Snow had caused Southeastern significant disruption but I arrived at Dover Priory just as the 1718 London Victoria train was turning around. I hopped on-board - all other trains were showing cancelled/delayed, and we had a smooth journey to London although losing around 25 minutes en-route.
Final ride across to London Waterloo station to hop on a Weymouth train for the final leg (this was all running to time!).
Bravo!
|
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
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https://relatedwords.org/relatedto/figueres%2520railway%2520station
|
en
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'figueres%20railway%20station' related words: [0 more]
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https://relatedwords.org/relatedto/figueres%2520railway%2520station
|
Words Related to figueres%20railway%20station
As you've probably noticed, words related to "figueres%20railway%20station" are listed above. Hopefully the generated list of term related words above suit your needs.
P.S. There are some problems that I'm aware of, but can't currently fix (because they are out of the scope of this project). The main one is that individual words can have many different senses (meanings), so when you search for a word like mean, the engine doesn't know which definition you're referring to ("bullies are mean" vs. "what do you mean?", etc.), so consider that your search query for words like term may be a bit ambiguous to the engine in that sense, and the related terms that are returned may reflect this. You might also be wondering: What type of word is ~term~?
Also check out figueres%20railway%20station words on relatedwords.io for another source of associations.
Related Words
Related Words runs on several different algorithms which compete to get their results higher in the list. One such algorithm uses word embedding to convert words into many dimensional vectors which represent their meanings. The vectors of the words in your query are compared to a huge database of of pre-computed vectors to find similar words. Another algorithm crawls through Concept Net to find words which have some meaningful relationship with your query. These algorithms, and several more, are what allows Related Words to give you... related words - rather than just direct synonyms.
As well as finding words related to other words, you can enter phrases and it should give you related words and phrases, so long as the phrase/sentence you entered isn't too long. You will probably get some weird results every now and then - that's just the nature of the engine in its current state.
Special thanks to the contributors of the open-source code that was used to bring you this list of figueres%20railway%20station themed words: @Planeshifter, @HubSpot, Concept Net, WordNet, and @mongodb.
There is still lots of work to be done to get this to give consistently good results, but I think it's at the stage where it could be useful to people, which is why I released it.
Please note that Related Words uses third party scripts (such as Google Analytics and advertisements) which use cookies. To learn more, see the privacy policy.
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2884
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dbpedia
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2
| 34
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https://www.caminodesantiago.me/community/threads/paris-or-barcelona.34598/
|
en
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Paris or Barcelona?
|
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2015-06-21T23:18:00+02:00
|
I'm looking at some Aer Lingus flights for my September Camino and my options from Orlando are to fly into Paris or Barcelona. I pretty much know how to get...
|
en
|
Camino de Santiago Forum
|
https://www.caminodesantiago.me/community/threads/paris-or-barcelona.34598/
|
You'll have to do your own options analysis for Paris vs Barcelona. I'd consider factors such as cost, schedule, and how to get home from Santiago.
Barcelona
City of Barcelona
http://www.bcn.cat/castella/laciutat/
Area Metropolitana de Barcelona
http://www.amb.cat/s/home.html
Airport
Barcelona Airport (BCN)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
Connect from Barcelona Airport to Train and Bus Station - Sants - with Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies R2 from Terminal 2. The train runs every 30 minutes. Time to Barcelona Sants is 22 minutes.
Connect from Barcelona Airport to Bus Station -Nord - with Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies R2 from Terminal 2. Transfer at Sants to train R3 or R4 to Arc de Triomf stop then walk 300 meters along Av de Vilanova to the station.
Alternatively, connect from Barcelona Airport to Bus station -Nord- with Aeroport bus from either T1 or T2 to Placa Catalunya. Walk from Placa Catalunya via Arc de Triomf to the bus station, a twenty-minute walk (1400 meters) or take the Metro L1.
There is a shuttle connecting Terminal 1 to Terminal 2.
There are several bus companies providing service from Barcelona Airport. See the Airport website transport and access.
Getting around in Barcelona
Shuttle Bus from Airport to Barcelona Center
http://www.aerobusbcn.com/
Transportes Metropolitans de Barcelona
http://www.tmb.cat/es/home
Autobuses Metropolitanos
http://www.amb.cat/s/home.html
Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies Barcelona Light Rail
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/cercanias/barcelona/index.html
Ferrocarril GenCat Light Rail
http://www.fgc.net/esp/index.asp
Trains
Barcelona is connected by Renfe to destinations such as Pamplona, Santiago, and Madrid.
Barcelona is connected by Renfe to border crossings at Irun/Hendaye and Port Bou/Cerbère where there is break of gauge connections to the SNCF rail system in France.
Renfe and SNCF have recently started rail service direct from Barcelona to Paris.
Barcelona Sants (Renfe Station and Estacion de Autobuses)
http://www.adif.es/es_ES/infraestructuras/estaciones/71801/informacion_000097.shtml
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
Buses
Several bus companies depart direct from the airport
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
Barcelona Sants (Renfe Station and Estacion de Autobuse)
http://www.adif.es/es_ES/infraestructuras/estaciones/71801/informacion_000097.shtml
Barcelona Nord Estacion de Autobuses is the main bus station in Barcelona
https://www.barcelonanord.cat/inici/
Ships
Port of Barcelona
http://www.portdebarcelona.cat/?WCM_GLOBAL_CONTEXT=/wps/wcm/connect/ExtranetCastellaLib/El%2520Port%2520de%2520Barcelona/El%2520Port/Portada
2350 Barcelona to Saint Jean Pied de Port
2351 This section describes transportation options from Barcelona to SJPdP.
Option 2352 and 2353 take about the same travel time either way ... so its dependent on your travel plans which is better
Option 2355 is the easiest way to get from Barcelona to SJPdP. However, bus service from Pamplona to SJPdP is seasonal and limited in number of departures.
Index 2350
2352 Barcelona to SJPdP via Toulouse by Train
2353 Barcelona to SJPdP via Irun by Train
2354 Barcelona to SJPdP via San Sebastian Airport and Bayonne
2355 Barcelona to SJPdP via Pamplona by Train and Bus
2352 Barcelona to SJPdP via Toulouse by Train
SNCF and Renfe operate trains from Barcelona (Sants) to Toulouse (Matabiau). Use SNCF site.
There is a high speed train to Paris that stops in Toulouse. Other trains transfer at break of gauge station Port Bou/Cerbère and require transfer at Perpignan or Narbonne before getting to Toulouse.
SNCF operates trains from Toulouse to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
2353 Barcelona to SJPdP via Irun by Train
Renfe operates trains from Barcelona (Sants) to break of gauge stations at Irun/Hendaye.
Irun Renfe Station and Gare d'Hendaye are train stations 3 km apart.
Note that an end run might be possible by traveling from Barcelona to Miranda del Ebro (where trains from all over Spain converge) and then to Irun.
Euskotren operates a commuter train from Irun Colon Station to Hendaia Station if needed.
Euskotren Colon Station: exit Renfe Station, turn right, walk across bridge over the tracks and find Colon Station on the left (North) side of the street. Hendaia Station is co-located with Gare d'Hendaye.
SNCF operates TGV and Intercites trains from Irun and TER trains from Hendaye to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
Euskotren
http://www.euskotren.es/
2354 Barcelona to SJPdP via San Sebastian Airport and Bayonne
Fly from Barcelona Airport to San Sebastian Airport. The airport is almost co-located with Irun train station.
Take local bus or taxi to Irun Renfe station or Gare d'Hendaye.
SNCF operates TGV, Intercites, and TER trains from Hendaye to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
Barcelona Airport (BCN)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
San Sebastian Airport (EAS)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-San-Sebastian/en/
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
2355 Barcelona to SJPdP via Pamplona by Train and Bus
This option is the easiest way to get from Barcelona to SJPdP. However, bus service from Pamplona to SJPdP is seasonal only and limited in number of departures.
Travel from Barcelona to Pamplona by Renfe train or by bus. Trains leave from Barcelona Sants. Buses leave from Estacion de Autobuses Barcelona Nord and Barcelona Sants. ALSA (with transfer at Zaragosa) and ViBASA are major service providers on this route.
There is seasonal bus service from Pamplona bus station to SJPdP provided by Conda. Conda is owned by ALSA. See international schedule on ALSA website. Purchase ticket at Pamplona bus station.
At time of writing bus schedule from Pamplona to SJPdP: 1000 13 June to 31 August 2014, 1430 1 June to 30 September 2014, and 1730 17 March to 30 September 2014. Schedules are usually updated only 30 days in advance.
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
ViBASA (Monbus website)
http://www.monbus.es/es
ALSA
http://www.alsa.es/en/
Conda
http://www.conda.es/
You'll have to do your own options analysis for Paris vs Barcelona. I'd consider factors such as cost, schedule, and how to get home from Santiago.
Barcelona
City of Barcelona
http://www.bcn.cat/castella/laciutat/
Area Metropolitana de Barcelona
http://www.amb.cat/s/home.html
Airport
Barcelona Airport (BCN)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
Connect from Barcelona Airport to Train and Bus Station - Sants - with Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies R2 from Terminal 2. The train runs every 30 minutes. Time to Barcelona Sants is 22 minutes.
Connect from Barcelona Airport to Bus Station -Nord - with Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies R2 from Terminal 2. Transfer at Sants to train R3 or R4 to Arc de Triomf stop then walk 300 meters along Av de Vilanova to the station.
Alternatively, connect from Barcelona Airport to Bus station -Nord- with Aeroport bus from either T1 or T2 to Placa Catalunya. Walk from Placa Catalunya via Arc de Triomf to the bus station, a twenty-minute walk (1400 meters) or take the Metro L1.
There is a shuttle connecting Terminal 1 to Terminal 2.
There are several bus companies providing service from Barcelona Airport. See the Airport website transport and access.
Getting around in Barcelona
Shuttle Bus from Airport to Barcelona Center
http://www.aerobusbcn.com/
Transportes Metropolitans de Barcelona
http://www.tmb.cat/es/home
Autobuses Metropolitanos
http://www.amb.cat/s/home.html
Renfe Cercanias/Rodalies Barcelona Light Rail
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/cercanias/barcelona/index.html
Ferrocarril GenCat Light Rail
http://www.fgc.net/esp/index.asp
Trains
Barcelona is connected by Renfe to destinations such as Pamplona, Santiago, and Madrid.
Barcelona is connected by Renfe to border crossings at Irun/Hendaye and Port Bou/Cerbère where there is break of gauge connections to the SNCF rail system in France.
Renfe and SNCF have recently started rail service direct from Barcelona to Paris.
Barcelona Sants (Renfe Station and Estacion de Autobuses)
http://www.adif.es/es_ES/infraestructuras/estaciones/71801/informacion_000097.shtml
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
Buses
Several bus companies depart direct from the airport
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
Barcelona Sants (Renfe Station and Estacion de Autobuse)
http://www.adif.es/es_ES/infraestructuras/estaciones/71801/informacion_000097.shtml
Barcelona Nord Estacion de Autobuses is the main bus station in Barcelona
https://www.barcelonanord.cat/inici/
Ships
Port of Barcelona
http://www.portdebarcelona.cat/?WCM_GLOBAL_CONTEXT=/wps/wcm/connect/ExtranetCastellaLib/El%2520Port%2520de%2520Barcelona/El%2520Port/Portada
2350 Barcelona to Saint Jean Pied de Port
2351 This section describes transportation options from Barcelona to SJPdP.
Option 2352 and 2353 take about the same travel time either way ... so its dependent on your travel plans which is better
Option 2355 is the easiest way to get from Barcelona to SJPdP. However, bus service from Pamplona to SJPdP is seasonal and limited in number of departures.
Index 2350
2352 Barcelona to SJPdP via Toulouse by Train
2353 Barcelona to SJPdP via Irun by Train
2354 Barcelona to SJPdP via San Sebastian Airport and Bayonne
2355 Barcelona to SJPdP via Pamplona by Train and Bus
2352 Barcelona to SJPdP via Toulouse by Train
SNCF and Renfe operate trains from Barcelona (Sants) to Toulouse (Matabiau). Use SNCF site.
There is a high speed train to Paris that stops in Toulouse. Other trains transfer at break of gauge station Port Bou/Cerbère and require transfer at Perpignan or Narbonne before getting to Toulouse.
SNCF operates trains from Toulouse to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
2353 Barcelona to SJPdP via Irun by Train
Renfe operates trains from Barcelona (Sants) to break of gauge stations at Irun/Hendaye.
Irun Renfe Station and Gare d'Hendaye are train stations 3 km apart.
Note that an end run might be possible by traveling from Barcelona to Miranda del Ebro (where trains from all over Spain converge) and then to Irun.
Euskotren operates a commuter train from Irun Colon Station to Hendaia Station if needed.
Euskotren Colon Station: exit Renfe Station, turn right, walk across bridge over the tracks and find Colon Station on the left (North) side of the street. Hendaia Station is co-located with Gare d'Hendaye.
SNCF operates TGV and Intercites trains from Irun and TER trains from Hendaye to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
Euskotren
http://www.euskotren.es/
2354 Barcelona to SJPdP via San Sebastian Airport and Bayonne
Fly from Barcelona Airport to San Sebastian Airport. The airport is almost co-located with Irun train station.
Take local bus or taxi to Irun Renfe station or Gare d'Hendaye.
SNCF operates TGV, Intercites, and TER trains from Hendaye to Bayonne.
The final leg involves SNCF TER train #62 from Bayonne to SJPdP.
Barcelona Airport (BCN)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-Barcelona/en/Home.html
San Sebastian Airport (EAS)
http://www.aena-aeropuertos.es/csee/Satellite/Aeropuerto-San-Sebastian/en/
SNCF
http://www.sncf.com/en/passengers
2355 Barcelona to SJPdP via Pamplona by Train and Bus
This option is the easiest way to get from Barcelona to SJPdP. However, bus service from Pamplona to SJPdP is seasonal only and limited in number of departures.
Travel from Barcelona to Pamplona by Renfe train or by bus. Trains leave from Barcelona Sants. Buses leave from Estacion de Autobuses Barcelona Nord and Barcelona Sants. ALSA (with transfer at Zaragosa) and ViBASA are major service providers on this route.
There is seasonal bus service from Pamplona bus station to SJPdP provided by Conda. Conda is owned by ALSA. See international schedule on ALSA website. Purchase ticket at Pamplona bus station.
At time of writing bus schedule from Pamplona to SJPdP: 1000 13 June to 31 August 2014, 1430 1 June to 30 September 2014, and 1730 17 March to 30 September 2014. Schedules are usually updated only 30 days in advance.
Renfe
http://www.renfe.com/EN/viajeros/index.html
ViBASA (Monbus website)
http://www.monbus.es/es
ALSA
http://www.alsa.es/en/
Conda
http://www.conda.es/
Wow thanks for such a wealth of information!
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dbpedia
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https://iiab.me/kiwix/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2023-10/A/R2_Sud_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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en
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R2 (Rodalies de Catalunya)
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R2_(Rodalies_de_Catalunya)
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The R2 is a line of Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service, operated by Renfe Operadora. It is a major northâsouth axis in the Barcelona metropolitan area, running from the southern limits of the province of Girona to the northern limits of the province of Tarragona, via Barcelona. North of Barcelona, the line uses the BarcelonaâCerbère railway, running inland through the Vallès Oriental region. South of Barcelona, it uses the conventional MadridâBarcelona railway, running along the coast through the Garraf region. The R2 had an annual ridership of 33.6 million in 2016, achieving an average weekday ridership of 125,948 according to 2008 data, which makes it the busiest line of the Barcelona commuter rail service.[1][2]
R2
R2 Nord
R2 SudOverviewService typeCommuter railStatusOperationalLocaleBarcelona metropolitan areaFirst service1989 ( )Current operator(s)Renfe OperadoraRidership125,948 (2008)[1]Annual ridership33.6 million (2016)[2]RouteTerminiSant Vicenç de Calders (R2 Sud), Castelldefels (R2), BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport (R2 Nord)
Barcelona Estació de França (R2 Sud), Granollers Centre (R2), Maçanet-Massanes (R2 Nord)Stops34Distance travelled133 km (83 mi)[1]Average journey time59 minâ1 h 38 minService frequencyEvery 8â60 minLine(s) used
MadridâBarcelona
BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport rail link
BarcelonaâCerbère
TechnicalRolling stockCivia, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series EMUsTrack gauge1,668 mm (5 ft5+21â32 in) Iberian gaugeElectrification3,000 V DC overhead linesTrack owner(s)Adif
All R2 trains use the Aragó Tunnel in Barcelona, where they share tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R11, R13, R14, R15 and R16, calling at Sants and Passeig de Grà cia stations.[3] The line originally had no branches, with Sant Vicenç de Calders and Maçanet-Massanes serving as its only southernmost and northernmost terminus, respectively. In 2009, it took over the service offered by Barcelona commuter rail service line R10, incorporating the branch lines to BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport and Barcelona's Estació de França. A new line scheme has been in operation ever since; the services starting or terminating at the airport run north towards Maçanet-Massanes and are designated R2 Nord ("North"), whilst the ones starting or terminating at Estació de Fraça run south towards Sant Vicenç de Calders and are designated R2 Sud ("South"). The rest of the services, simply designated R2, operate between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre.
Together with lines R1, R3 and R4, the R2 (then simply numbered line 2) started services in 1989 as one of the first lines of the CercanÃas commuter rail system for Barcelona, known as Rodalies Barcelona. In the long-term future, it is projected to take over the R4 south of Barcelona, connecting the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area.
History
The predecessor of the modern-day R2 started operating in 1989 as line 2 of Rodalies Barcelona, the CercanÃas commuter rail system for the Barcelona area, created in the same year. Since its creation until 2009, the R2 had preserved its original line scheme with no branch lines, using only Maçanet-Massanes and Sant Vicenç de Calders stations as its northern and southern terminus, respectively. Due to the construction works of the new Sagrera railway station in Barcelona and the urban renewal project associated with it, the operational capacity at Sant Andreu Comtal railway station and its surroundings was restricted. Consequently, several rail services were modified, with Rodalies de Catalunya's Barcelona commuter rail service lines R2 and R10 as the most affected. On 31 January 2009, the R10, which linked BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport to Barcelona's Estació de França, suspended services. The R2 then took over the service offered by the R10, incorporating the branch lines to the airport and Estació de França, and a new line scheme came into service.[5] The R10 was initially scheduled to resume services two years later.[6]
Accidents and incidents
Main article: Castelldefels train accident
On 23 June 2010, twelve people were killed and fourteen were injured when an express train ran into them as they were crossing the line at Platja de Castelldefels station.[7]
Main article: 2017 Barcelona train crash
On 28 July 2017, fifty-four people were injured when a R2 Sud train coming from Sant Vicenç de Calders collided with a buffer stop at Barcelona's Estació de França terminus.[8]
Infrastructure
Like the rest of Rodalies de Catalunya lines, the R2 runs on the Iberian gauge mainline railway system, which is owned by Adif, an agency of the Spanish government. All of the railway lines carrying Rodalies de Catalunya services are electrified at 3,000 volts (V) direct current (DC) using overhead lines. The R2 operates on a total line length of 133 kilometres (83 mi), which is entirely double-track, except for the single-track section between El Prat de Llobregat and BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport stations.[9] The trains on the line call at up to 34 stations, using the following railway lines, in order from south to north:[10]
FromToRailway lineRoute number Sant Vicenç de Calders (PK 618)Barcelona Sants (PK 677.6)MadridâBarcelona200 Airport (PK 0)El Prat de Llobregat (PK 6.7)AirportâEl Prat de Llobregat254 Barcelona Sants (PK 99)Barcelona Estació de França (PK 106.6)MadridâBarcelona260 Aragó Junction (PK 108.3)
(after Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia station)Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2)Aragó Tunnel268 Sant Andreu Comtal (PK 113.2)Maçanet-Massanes (PK 175.9)BarcelonaâCerbère270
All of the infrastructure used by the R2 is shared with other services, except the section between BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport and El Prat de Llobregat stations, which is exclusively used by R2 Nord services. Between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia stations, it shares tracks with Rodalies de Catalunya's regional rail lines R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as a number of long-distance services to southern Spain, using the Aragó Tunnel through central Barcelona.[11] R11 regional rail services commence their route at El Prat de Llobregat or Bellvitge stations, joining the route of the R2 and the other regional and long-distance services from these points on to Passeig de Grà cia.[12] After Passeig de Grà cia, R2 Sud trains, together with the R13, R14, R15 and R16, as well as long-distance services, branch off to Barcelona's Estació de França, terminating there. The rest of R2 services continue northwards through the Aragó Tunnel, calling at El Clot-Aragó railway station, and share tracks with the R11 only.[13] North of Mollet-Sant Fost railway station, Barcelona commuter rail service line R8 and several freight services join their route. The R8 terminates further north at Granollers Centre so that the R2 only shares tracks with the R11 and freight services from this point on.[14]
Operation
All services running south of Castelldefels railway station, to the south of Barcelona, use Estació de França as their northern terminus, with Vilanova i la Geltrú or Sant Vicenç de Calders stations serving as their southern terminus, in order from north to south. The services terminating at Vilanova i la Geltrú call at all stations along their route, whilst the ones terminating at Sant Vicenç de Calders operate limited service, running non-stop between Sitges and Castelldefels, as well as Gavà and Barcelona Sants. On the other hand, all services running north of Granollers Centre railway station, to the north of Barcelona, use the airport station as their southern terminus, with Sant Celoni or Maçanet-Massanes stations serving as their northern terminus, in order from south to north, calling at all stations. Some of the services terminating at the airport also use Granollers Centre as their northern terminus. The rest of the services on the R2 run between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre, calling at all stations, so that they do not terminate neither at the airport nor at Estació de França. The first trains run about 5:00 in the morning, with the latest arriving at about 1:00 at night.[15]
The designation of the services on the line depends on the route they operate. All services terminating at the airport are designated R2 Nord ("R2 North"), whilst the services terminating at Estació de França are designated R2 Sud ("R2 South"). The Nord and Sud designations refer to the fact that such services mostly run on the line's northern and southern portion, respectively. The through services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre are simply designated R2.[15]
As of August 2015, the service routes operating on the R2 are as follows:[15]
Line Route No.
of stations Journey time Days of
operation Notes R2Castelldefels â Granollers Centre141:021 h 2 minMonâFri[lower-alpha 1]Calls at all stations along its route. R2 NordAirport â Granollers Centre120:5959 minSatâSun Airport â Sant Celoni171:211 h 21 minDaily Airport â Maçanet-Massanes211:381 h 38 minDaily R2 SudVilanova i la Geltrú â Barcelona Estació de França121:001 hDaily Sant Vicenç de Calders â Barcelona Estació de França121:131 h 13 minDailyCalls at all stations along its route, excepting Garraf, Platja de Castelldefels, Viladecans, El Prat de Llobregat and Bellvitge stations, in order from south to north. Some early morning and late night services call at all stations. In addition to the services mentioned above, which make up almost the entirety of the services running on the R2, the following services also operate on the line either in the early morning or at late night, calling at all stations (they are not listed in the table because they cannot be linked to a particular designationâR2, R2 Nord or R2 Sud):
Sant Vicenç de Calders â Sant Celoni
Vilanova i la Geltrú â Granollers Centre
Vilanova i la Geltrú â Maçanet-Massanes
Castelldefels â Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal
Castelldefels â Barcelona Estació de França
Airport â Barcelona Estació de França
The line's activity gathers on its southern section, between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Barcelona, where an approximate peak-time service frequency of 10 minutes is offered. All services on the line converge on the section between El Prat de Llobregat and Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia stations, where they together offer an approximate peak-time service frequency of 8 minutes. The overall service frequency reduces as the line moves away from Barcelona, especially on the section north of Sant Celoni, where R2 Nord services only operate during the morning rush hour or at night. During the rest of the day, this section is served by regional rail line R11.[12] Moreover, the services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre only run on weekdays.
As of August 2015, the approximate service frequencies on the R2 are as follows:[15]
Section Frequency RH OP WE Sant Vicenç de Calders â Vilanova i la Geltrú30â²30â²30â² Vilanova i la Geltrú â Castelldefels10â²15â²15â² Castelldefels â El Prat de Llobregat10â²15â²15â² Airport â El Prat de Llobregat30â²30â²30â² El Prat de Llobregat â Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia8â²10â²10â² Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia â Barcelona Estació de França10â²15â²15â² Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia â Granollers Centre15â²15â²30â² Granollers Centre â Sant Celoni15â²30â²60â² Sant Celoni â Maçanet-Massanes60â²ââ
The trains used on the R2 are Civiaâspecifically, the 463, 464 and 465 Series, which consist of three, four and five cars per set, respectively, 447 Series, 450 Series and 451 Series electrical multiple units (EMU).[1] The 450 and 451 Series are technically and aesthetically identical, differing only in the number of cars per set; the first consist of six cars, whilst the latter consist of three cars. Furthermore, they consist of double-decker cars, becoming the only type of bilevel rolling stock on the Rodalies de Catalunya system. The R2 is the only Rodalies de Catalunya line where 450 and 451 Series trains operate.[16] Normally, the 450 Series runs only on R2 Sud services between Sant Vicenç de Calders and Barcelona's Estació de França, whilst the 451 Series runs only either on R2 Sud services between Vilanova i la Geltrú and Estació de França, or on R2 services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre stations. Civia and 447 Series trains are used interchangeably on all R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud services on the line.[9] On average, the trains used on the line operate a total of 216 services every day on weekdays, accounting for a ridership of 125,948, according to 2008 data.[1]
Future
The 2008â2015 Rail Infrastructure Master Plan for the Barcelona Commuter Rail Service, developed by the Spanish Ministry of Public Works and Transport, plans to establish a "coast-to-coast" and "inland-to-inland" line scheme. According to this project, the current R2 will be extended southwards from Barcelona Sants to Sant Vicenç de Calders stations, via Vilafranca del Penedès, taking over the southern section of the present line R4. The R2 will become the "inland-to-inland" line, creating a new major southânorth axis through the inland regions of the Barcelona metropolitan area. R2 trains will continue to use the Aragó Tunnel in central Barcelona with the new line scheme, which is currently not possible due to the configuration of the southern rail accesses to Barcelona Sants. A long-term project with an uncertain completion date, the new configuration would require multimillion-euro investments since it is associated with the construction of a new underground route in L'Hospitalet de Llobregat for the Rodalies de Catalunya lines running through the city as well as the new rail link for BarcelonaâEl Prat Airport.
As stated in the master plan, the proposed peak-time service frequencies for the future R2 would be as follows:
Sectiontph Sant Vicenç de Calders â Martorell5 Martorell â Granollers Centre10 Granollers Centre â Maçanet-Massanes5
List of stations
The following table lists the name of each station served by line R2 in order from south to north; the station's service pattern offered by R2, R2 Nord and/or R2 Sud trains; the transfers to other Rodalies de Catalunya lines, including both commuter and regional rail services; remarkable transfers to other transport systems; the municipality in which each station is located; and the fare zone each station belongs to according to the Autoritat del Transport Metropolità (ATM Ãrea de Barcelona) fare-integrated public transport system and Rodalies de Catalunya's own fare zone system for Barcelona commuter rail service lines.[20][21]
# Terminal of a service * Transfer station to other transport systems #* Transfer station and terminal â Station served by all trains running through it â Limited service station
Station Service Rodalies de Catalunya transfers Other transfers Municipality Fare zone R2 R2 Nord R2 Sud ATM AdB Rod Sant Vicenç de Calders# âR4, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RT2âEl Vendrell6A6 Calafell âR13, R14, R15âCalafell5A5 Segur de Calafell âR13, R14, R15âCalafell5A5 Cunit âR13, R14, R15âCunit5A5 Cubelles âR13, R14, R15âCubelles4A5 Vilanova i la Geltrú# âR13, R14, R15, R16, R17âVilanova i la Geltrú4A4 Sitges âR13, R14, R15âSitges3A4 Garraf âââSitges2A3 Platja de Castelldefels âââCastelldefels12 Castelldefels# ââR13, R14, R15âCastelldefels12 Gavà ââR13, R14, R15âGavà 12 Viladecans ââR15âViladecans12 Airport#* ââBarcelonaâEl Prat Airport
Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud)El Prat de Llobregat14 El Prat de Llobregat* âââR15Barcelona Metro line 9 (L9 Sud)El Prat de Llobregat11 Bellvitge* âââR15Barcelona Metro line 8, as well as Baix Llobregat Metro and other commuter rail services at Gornal stationL'Hospitalet de Llobregat11 Barcelona Sants* âââR1, R3, R4, R11, R12, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17, RG1Renfe Operadora-operated high-speed and long-distance rail services
TGV high-speed rail services
Barcelona Metro lines 3 and 5 at Sants Estació station
National and international coach servicesBarcelona11 Barcelona Passeig de Grà cia* âââR11, R13, R14, R15, R16, R17Barcelona Metro lines 2, 3 and 4Barcelona11 Barcelona Estació de França#* âR13, R14, R15, R16, R17Renfe Operadora-operated long-distance rail services
Barcelona Metro line 4 at Barceloneta stationBarcelona11 Barcelona El Clot-Aragó* ââR1, R11, RG1Barcelona Metro lines 1 and 2Barcelona11 Barcelona Sant Andreu Comtal* ââR11Barcelona Metro line 1 at Sant Andreu stationBarcelona11 Montcada i Reixac ââââMontcada i Reixac11 La Llagosta ââââLa Llagosta2D2 Mollet-Sant Fost ââR8âMollet del Vallès2D2 Montmeló ââR8âMontmeló2D2 Granollers Centre# ââR8, R11âGranollers3D3 Les Franqueses-Granollers Nord âââLes Franqueses del Vallès3D3 Cardedeu âââCardedeu3D4 Llinars del Vallès âââLlinars del Vallès3D4 Palautordera âââSanta Maria de Palautordera4G5 Sant Celoni# âR11âSant Celoni4G5 Gualba âR11âGualba4G5 Riells i Viabrea-Breda âR11âRiells i Viabrea4G5 Hostalric âR11âHostalric5H6 Maçanet-Massanes# âR1, R11, RG1âMaçanet de la Selva6G6
Notes
The services between Castelldefels and Granollers Centre do not run on 3â28 August.
References
Bibliography
Julià Sort, Jordi (October 2013). Sagrera i la xarxa ferrovià ria de Barcelona [Sagrera and Barcelona's railway system] (in Catalan). Barcelona: Viena Edicions. ISBN978-84-8330-740-3.
Plan de infraestructuras ferroviarias de cercanÃas de Barcelona 2008-2015 [2008â2015 Infrastructure Master Plan for the Barcelona Commuter Rail Service] (PDF) (Technical report) (in Spanish). Ministry of Public Works and Transport. Government of Spain. February 2009 â via Associació per a la Promoció del Transport Públic.
Rodalies de Catalunya official website
Schedule for the R2 (PDF format)
Official Twitter accounts by Rodalies de Catalunya for lines R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud with service status updates (tweets usually published only in Catalan)
Geographic data related to R2, R2 Nord and R2 Sud at OpenStreetMap
R2 (rodalia 2) on Twitter. Unofficial Twitter account by Rodalia.info monitoring real-time information about the R2 by its users.
Information about the R2 at trenscat.cat (in Catalan)
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The Real-Life Filming Locations From 'Where The Crawdads Sing'
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[
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[
"Meghan Overdeep",
"www.facebook.com"
] |
2022-06-03T17:07:39-04:00
|
Though set in North Carolina, "Where the Crawdads Sing" was filmed in Louisiana. Read on to discover all the filming locations of Reese Witherspoon's movie adaptation.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Southern Living
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https://www.southernliving.com/culture/activities-and-entertainment/tv-and-movies/where-the-crawdads-sing-movie-filming-locations
|
Like Delia Owens' best-selling book, Reese Witherspoon's movie adaptation of Where the Crawdads Sing manages to transport viewers to another world. The film is told via two storylines set in two different time periods. The first follows a misunderstood young girl named Kya (Daisy Edgar-Jones) as she comes of age in the marshes of coastal North Carolina. The second takes place in the same marsh several years later, after her unlikely romance with the town's "golden boy" Chase (Harris Dickinson) ends with her going on trial for his murder.
It is hard not to be totally enchanted by the movie's gorgeous scenery involving an ethereal marsh, with stunning green overhanging trees and lots of wildlife. But where was the movie filmed? Read on to learn more about where "Where the Crawdads Sing" was filmed.
Where was Where the Crawdads Sing Filmed?
Although the novel was set in the marshes of North Carolina, filming actually took place in and around Houma and New Orleans in Louisiana. Other iconic locations, like Feather Stump Forest and Jumpin's Bait & Gas, were brought to life on private properties across rural Louisiana.
Houma, Louisiana
In downtown Houma, the production transformed Lafayette Street into the fictional, early-60s fishing village of Barkley Cove. The Courier reports that local businesses were converted into a cinema, barbershop, hardware store, and more for the film. The storefront of Linsi L Cenac Interiors was turned into a retro furniture store, while the exterior of La Boujee Boutique was transformed into a hardware store. Even an old rail bus and vintage cars were brought in to complete the look.
Lake Pontchartrain
The key setting, Kya's home in the wild marshes, was filmed in the wetlands on the banks of Lake Pontchartrain, specifically in Fontainebleau and Fairview-Riverside State Parks, in the neighboring towns of Mandeville and Madisonville. During the four months of filming, from April to July 2021, the production was faced with numerous shutdowns due to extreme weather, with shoots disrupted by lightning storms, floods, and heat. "I never sweated so much in my life," director Olivia Newman told Vanity Fair. "I learned how wonderful linen is."
Historic St. Bernard Parish Courthouse
Some of the movie's most dramatic scenes take place in a grand and imposing courtroom. A representative for Sony Pictures Entertainment told Southern Living, that those were shot in the Historic St. Bernard Parish Courthouse, also known as the Beauregard Courthouse, in Chalmette. The 16,800-square-foot historic building, originally erected as a courthouse in 1916, is now a post office and library.
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https://nationalpartnership.org/report/black-womens-maternal-health/
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National Partnership for Women & Families
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2023-11-08T05:00:00+00:00
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The reproductive health of Black women has long been compromised by interpersonal, institutional, and structural racism.
|
en
|
National Partnership for Women & Families
|
https://nationalpartnership.org/report/black-womens-maternal-health/
|
Background
Regardless of socioeconomic status, Black women and birthing individualsNOTE: We recognize and respect that pregnant, birthing, postpartum, and parenting people have a range of gender identities and do not always identify as “women” or “mothers.” In recognition of the diversity of identities, this issue brief uses both gendered terms, as well as gender-neutral terms such as “people,” “pregnant person,” and “birthing people.” In referencing studies, we use the typically gendered language of the authors. in the United States are three times more likely to die from pregnancy than their white counterparts. This disparity widens in various cities and states.Donna L. Hoyert. “Maternal Mortality Rates in the United States, 2021,” U.S. National Center for Health Statistics Health E-Stats, March 2023, https://dx.doi.org/10.15620/cdc:124678 Black women are also disproportionately affected by severe maternal morbidity– unexpected outcomes in labor and delivery (e.g., hypertension and anxiety) that result in significant short- or long-term consequences to the childbearing person’s health and well-being.U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “Severe Maternal Morbidity in the United States,” July 3, 2023, https://tools.cdc.gov/medialibrary/index.aspx#/media/id/230281
Compared to white women, the incidence of severe maternal morbidity for Black women was 166 percent higher from 2012 to 2015.U.S. National Institutes of Health Office of Research on Women’s Health. Maternal Morbidity and Mortality: What Do We Know? How Are We Addressing It?, 2020, https://orwh.od.nih.gov/sites/orwh/files/docs/ORWH_MMM_Booklet_93020_508c.pdf
84 percent of maternal deaths are preventable.Susanna Trost, Jennifer Beauregard, Gyan Chandra, Fanny Njie, Jasmine Berry, et al. “Pregnancy-Related Deaths: Data from Maternal Mortality Review Committees in 36 U.S. States, 2017–2019,” U.S. National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Division of Reproductive Health, accessed October 5, 2023, https://www.cdc.gov/reproductivehealth/maternal-mortality/docs/pdf/Pregnancy-Related-Deaths-Data-MMRCs-2017-2019-H.pdf
An 11-year analysis of more than 9 million hospital deliveries found that Black women had a 53 percent higher risk of dying in a hospital setting during childbirth, regardless of income level, insurance type, or any other social driver of health.American Society of Anesthesiologists. “Systemic Racism Plays Role in Much Higher Maternal Mortality Rate among Black Women,” October 22, 2022, https://www.asahq.org/about-asa/newsroom/news-releases/2022/10/systemic-racism-plays-role-in-much-higher-maternal-mortality-rate-among-black-women
Thirty percent of Black women who delivered in hospitals in the United States reported they were treated poorly because of a difference of opinion with their caregivers about the right to care for themselves or their baby.Saraswathi Vedam, Kathrin Stoll, Tanya Khemet Taiwo, Nicholas Rubashkin, Melissa Cheyney, et al. “The ‘Giving Voice to Mothers’ Study: Inequity and Mistreatment during Pregnancy and Childbirth in the United States,” Reproductive Health, June 11, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-019-0729-2
Nearly one in four Black women are likely to report at least one form of mistreatment by health care providers. They are twice as likely as white women to report that a health care provider ignored them, refused a request for help, or failed to respond to requests for help in a reasonable amount of time.Saraswathi Vedam, Kathrin Stoll, Tanya Khemet Taiwo, Nicholas Rubashkin, Melissa Cheyney, et al. “The ‘Giving Voice to Mothers’ Study: Inequity and Mistreatment during Pregnancy and Childbirth in the United States,” Reproductive Health, June 11, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-019-0729-2
Black women historically have experienced higher rates of pregnancy complications such as hypertension, preeclampsia, and hemorrhage.
Among the larger racial and ethnic groups, Black women experience the highest cesarean rate – 36 percent – even including low-risk births, largely due to medical coercion.Amanishakete Ani. “C-Section and Racism: ‘Cutting’ to the Heart of the Issue for Black Women and Families” Journal of African American Studies, December 2015, https://www.jstor.org/stable/44508234
Black women who have recently given birth are less likely than white, non-Hispanic women to have health insurance. Eighty-nine percent of Black women who have given birth in the last 12 months have health insurance, compared to 93 percent of white, non-Hispanic women.National Partnership for Women & Families analysis of the American Community Survey 2017–2021 five-year data set via IPUMS. Data limitations do not permit an estimate of individuals during the months of pregnancy and are additionally limited to women who have survived giving birth. These data may fail to include women who had miscarriages or otherwise suffered pregnancy loss. In this analysis, the category of Black women includes Afro-Latinas, though it is important to note that Afro-Latinas may face unique barriers and risks. Women in this analysis are ages 16–50 due to data constraints. Due to data limitations, this analysis does not include people who do not identify as women but may become pregnant, including transgender men and nonbinary people. However, an estimated 1.3 million transgender adults and 1.2 million LGBTQ nonbinary adults live in the United States, many of whom have or will become pregnant. UCLA School of Law Williams Institute. “1.2 million LQBTQ adults in the US identify as nonbinary.” https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/press/lgbtq-nonbinary-press-release/;
Herman, Jody L, Andrew R. Flores, Kathryn K. O’Neill. “How Many Adults and Youth Identify as Transgender in the United States?” UCLA School of Law, June 2022. https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/trans-adults-united-states/
Drivers of the Black Maternal Health Crisis
The reproductive health of Black women has long been compromised by interpersonal, institutional, and structural racism. In addition to contending with social and economic drivers of poor health that undermine Black Americans, they have experienced discriminatory health care practices and abuse from slavery to the present.
From non consensual medical experimentation, to failing to listen to patients or providing an adequate standard of care, health care itself has been a driver of the death and severe complications that Black birthing people face.Cynthia Prather, Taleria R. Fuller, William L. Jeffries IV, Khiya J. Marshall, A. Vyann Howell, et al. “Racism, African American Women, and Their Sexual and Reproductive Health: A Review of Historical and Contemporary Evidence and Implications for Health Equity,” Health Equity, September 24, 2018, http://doi.org/10.1089/heq.2017.0045 The history of racism within health care must be understood to enable us to dismantle institutional racism in health care systems to create policies, programs, and practices that protect Black women.Anuli Njoku, Marian Evans, Lillian Nimo-Sefah, and Jonell Bailey. “Listen to the Whispers before They Become Screams: Addressing Black Maternal Morbidity and Mortality in the United States,” Healthcare, February 3, 2023, https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare11030438
For generations, the health care system has mistreated, disrespected, and undermined the safety of Black women, which has fueled their deep mistrust of health care institutions and, for many, undermined their relationship with maternity care. Health care providers’ and medical students’ racial biases manifest in false beliefs about biological differences between Black and white bodies, which can result, for example, in inadequate pain management for Black people, as well as dismissing or ignoring Black people and forcing them to endure undiagnosed illnesses without treatment.Kelly M. Hoffman, Sophie Trawalter, Jordan R. Axt, and M. Norman Olive. “Racial Bias in Pain Assessment and Treatment Recommendations, and False Beliefs about Biological Differences between Blacks and Whites,” Psychological and Cognitive Sciences, April 4, 2016, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1516047113
The impact of high-level chronic stress caused by living as a Black person in a racist society can cause weathering of the body – premature aging and poor health that can be seen in a person’s DNA.Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. “How Discrimination Can Harm Black Women’s Health,” accessed October 5, 2023, https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/news/hsph-in-the-news/discrimination-black-womens-health/ The current Black maternal health crisis is a stark and urgent example of how all these factors conspire to sabotage Black health.
Following the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which overturned Roe. v. Wade, the United States has become even more dangerous for Black people to give birth. A National Partnership for Women & Families analysis reveals that Black women who have recently given birth are substantially more likely than other women to live in a state that has banned abortion or is likely to ban it. Sixty-one percent of Black women who have given birth in the last 12 months were living in states that have banned abortion or are likely to ban it post-Dobbs, compared to 50 percent of women overall and 53 percent of white, non-Hispanic women.See note 9. These figures are not directly comparable to Robbins and Goodman because these data include women age 50, and Black women in this analysis include Afro-Latinas (in that analysis, Latinas are analyzed separately). Access to maternity care providers and facilities is worsening in states with abortion bans or restrictions.Eugene Declercq, Ruby Barnard-Mayers, Laurie C. Zephyrin, and Kay Johnson. “The U.S. Maternal Health Divide: The Limited Maternal Health Services and Worse Outcomes of States Proposing New Abortion Restrictions,” The Commonwealth Fund, December 14, 2022, https://doi.org/10.26099/z7dz-8211 While abortion restrictions are harmful for everyone, people of color, especially Black women, are disproportionately harmed, and will likely continue to be harmed, by barriers to quality and timely care, largely due to the current maternity care climate. Indeed, the policy changes unleashed by Dobbs are expected to worsen Black maternal mortality, although the data may take years to reveal the true toll.Kavitha Surana. “Maternal Deaths Are Expected to Rise under Abortion Bans, but the Increase May Be Hard to Measure,” ProPublica, July 27, 2023. https://www.propublica.org/article/tracking-maternal-deaths-under-abortion-bans
Black women cannot buy or educate their way to healthier outcomes. The inequities of social drivers of health have a profound biological impact on the lives of birthing people and their babies.Sinsi Hernández-Cancio and Venicia Gray. “Racism Hurts Moms and Babies,” 2021, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/racism-hurts-moms-and-babies/ This is especially true for Black birthing people: The conditions where they are born, live, grow, work, and age differ from those of white Americans, which are largely shaped by historical inequities of segregation, discrimination, and other socioeconomic structural inequities.Felicia Hill-Briggs, Patti L. Ephraim, Elizabeth A. Vrany, Karina W. Davidson, Renee Pekmezaris, et al. “Social Determinants of Health, Race, and Diabetes Population Health Improvement: Black/African Americans as a Population Exemplar,” Current Diabetes Reports, March 3, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11892-022-01454-3
Black individuals deserve bodily autonomy in safe and health-promoting environments to decide whether, how, or when to become parents. To improve Black maternal health, health care itself must make institutional and structural changes to transform the delivery and quality of care. Decisionmakers must allow Black women and their families to thrive by enacting policy change to address the social drivers impacting health: conditions in the environment where people are born, live, learn, work, play, worship, and age that also affect a wide range of quality-of-life outcomes.U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion. “Social Determinants of Health,” accessed October 6, 2023, https://health.gov/healthypeople/priority-areas/social-determinants-health This includes listening to, supporting, sustainably funding, trusting, and respectfully engaging with Black-led organizations in relationship building, ceding or sharing power with them, and creating pathways that allow community-based solutions to succeed.
COVID Worsened the Black Maternal Health Crisis
The COVID-19 pandemic further exposed the extent of the United States’ history of structural and systemic racism. Disruptions and barriers to care during the emergency widened disparities, which exacerbated the Black maternal health crisis. Black childbearing people were three times more likely than white parents to have a COVID-19–attributable maternal death.National Partnership for Women & Families. Raising the Bar for Maternal Health Equity and Excellence, accessed October 7, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/health-justice/raising-the-bar/ Black people were more likely to be essential workers, increasing their risk of COVID-19 exposure, while receiving limited access to reproductive and other routine health care services due to work schedules or appointment availability.Joia Crear-Perry and Sinsi Hernández-Cancio. “Addressing Racism and Socioeconomic Influencers,” accessed October 7, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/saving-the-lives-of-moms-and.pdf
Black Maternal Health Is Resistance, Resilience, and Joy
Black communities have long resisted systems designed to harm Black bodies, while remaining resilient and joyful in the fight for autonomy and liberation. Although Black America is a diverse, nuanced, and growing population, more than half of the nation’s Black population – 56 percent – live in the South, which means many Black mothers live in states without access to the full scope of reproductive care.
The ability to create a community regardless of location is a throughline for many Black Americans. This often inspires Black Joy – the act by Black people of finding a positive nourishment of self and others that is safe, healing, and rests mind, body, and spirit, in response to the racialized and traumatic experiences they continue to encounter.National Museum of African American History & Culture. “Community Building,” accessed October 7, 2023, https://nmaahc.si.edu/learn/talking-about-race/topics/community-building Elaine Nichols. “Black Joy: Resistance, Resilience, and Reclamation,” National Museum of African American History & Culture, accessed October 7, 2023, https://nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/black-joy-resistance-resilience-and-reclamation
Black Joy is at the center of Black maternal health community solutions. Community-based organizations that center Black maternal health are largely led by Black women who have had to contend with racism, sexism, and misogynoir – misogyny directed at Black women.Dictionary.com. “Misogynoir,” accessed October 7, 2023, https://www.dictionary.com/browse/misogynoir These movements and their advocates have pioneered models of care beyond hospital settings. They support culturally congruent perinatal support, midwifery care, community birth settings like home birth and birth centers, doula support, and the services of community-led and -based perinatal health worker groups.Carol Sakala. “Improving Our Maternity Care Now,” National Partnership for Women & Families, accessed October 7, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/health-justice/maternal-health/improving-our-maternity-care/
Transform the Delivery of Black Maternal Care
Our maternity care and health care systems spectacularly fail Black birthing people and their families. Health care systems, policies, and practices must transform to address the widening inequities that plague Black birthing people. To address the racism, ableism, and other structural inequities that undermine Black birthing people’s health, delivering respectful, whole-person care should be a North Star, especially during the vulnerable time of pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum.
Provide Culturally Centered Care by Diverse Care Teams
Black women and birthing people deserve to receive comprehensive, high-quality, culturally centered, and respectful whole-person health care that meets their physical, emotional, and social needs. Transforming the delivery of maternity care must focus on the dignity, personal agency, and bodily autonomy of birthing people – implicit bias training of existing providers is insufficient.National Partnership for Women & Families. “Raising the Bar for Moms & Babies: The Maternal and Newborn Care Provider Role,” accessed October 7, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/rtb-care-provider.pdf It also includes ensuring Black birthing people are cared for by teams who are diverse in two ways: racial background and job titles. Black birthing individuals have better outcomes with care teams that include providers who share their backgrounds, or who have been educated by institutions that have designed, tailored, and prioritized anti-racist curricula for all instructors, including clinicians who provide training for medical, nursing, doula, and midwifery students and other support personnel. In addition, birthing people have better outcomes when their care teams include a range of clinical care providers, from obstetricians to midwives, to maternal-fetal medicine specialists, to mental health providers and nonclinical support personnel, such as care navigators, community health workers, and community-based doulas, and other perinatal health workers.
Nearly half the babies born in the United States come from Black or other communities of color. Often, clinical staff do not share their background – which can engender mistrust, misunderstandings, and disrespect.National Center for Health Workforce Analysis. “State of the Maternal Health Workforce Brief,” August 2022, https://bhw.hrsa.gov/sites/default/files/bureau-health-workforce/dataresearch/maternal-health-workforce-brief-2022.pdf
Black women have expressed a preference for racial concordance with their pregnancy and childbirth providers – that is, a shared racial identity between a physician and a patient. Racial concordance between Black newborns and their physicians has halved mortality, compared to white newborns.Julie L. Ware, Dominique Love, Julietta Ladipo, Kiera Paddy, Makina Starr, et al. “African American Breastfeeding Peer Support: All Moms Empowered to Nurse,” Breastfeeding Medicine, February 12, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1089/bfm.2020.0323; Elizabeth C. Rhodes, Grace Damio, Helen Wilde LaPlant, Walter Trymbulak, Carrianne Crummett, et al. “Promoting Equity in Breastfeeding through Peer Counseling: The U.S. Breastfeeding Heritage and Pride Program,” International Journal for Equity in Health, May 27, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-021-01408-3 and Elizabeth Bogdan-Lovis, Jie Zhuang, Joanne Goldbort, Sameerah Shareef, Mary Bresnahan, et al. “Do Black Birthing Persons Prefer a Black Health Care Provider during Birth? Race Concordance in Birth,” Birth, May 30, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1111/birt.12657
In 2019, Black obstetrician-gynecologists made up 11 percent of the ob-gyn workforce and only 6.7 percent of midwives.Zippia. “Ob-Gyn Demographics and Statistics in the U.S.,” accessed January 14, 2023, https://www.zippia.com/ob-gyn-jobs/demographics/; U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “About Natality, 2016–2021 Expanded,” accessed January 14, 2023, https://wonder.cdc.gov/natality-expanded-current.html
Maternity services must be co-created with those who are most adversely affected, to support accessible and respectful maternal-newborn care. Services should regularly request and address patient feedback.National Partnership for Women & Families. “Checklist to Raise the Bar for Maternal Health Equity and Excellence as a Provider of Whole-Person Maternal & Newborn Care,” March 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/rtb-provider-checklist.pdf Hospital systems and other health care provider institutions can implement evidence-based practices associated with promoting vaginal birth and a reduction of safely avoidable cesarean births. They can also participate in their state’s perinatal quality collaborative and identify, track, and address inequities within their quality improvement programs.
Destigmatize and Treat Black Maternal Mental Health
Black women bear a heavier burden of perinatal mood and anxiety disorders that appear during pregnancy and postpartum. When left undiagnosed and unmanaged, maternal mental health (MMH) conditions can lead to long-term adverse health consequences for the birthing person, infant, and family. MMH complications are compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has disproportionately harmed the health and economic well-being of Black communities.Martiza Vasquez Reyes. “The Disproportional Impact of COVID-19 on African Americans,” Health and Human Rights Journal, December 2020, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7762908/ Preventing and consistently managing MMH conditions is crucial in fighting the larger Black maternal mortality and morbidity crisis in the United States.
MMH conditions affect one in five women and are a leading cause of maternal mortality.Norma I. Gavin, Bradley N. Gaynes, Kathleen N. Lohr, Samantha Meltzer-Brody, Gerald Gartlehner, et al. “Perinatal Depression: A Systematic Review of Prevalence and Incidence,” Obstetrics & Gynecology, November 2005, https://doi.org/10.1097/01.AOG.0000183597.31630.db For Black women, the risk is twice as high.Amy Balbierz, Susan Bodnar-Deren, Jason J. Wang, and Elizabeth A. Howell. “Maternal Depressive Symptoms and Parenting Practices 3-Months Postpartum,” Maternal and Child Health Journal, June 1, 2016, https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs10995-014-1625-6
Black mothers are more likely to experience perinatal mood and anxiety disorders and receive lower-quality mental health care than white women.Christine Pao, Jerry Guintivano, Hudson Santos, and Samantha Meltzer-Brody. “Postpartum Depression and Social Support in a Racially and Ethnically Diverse Population of Women,” Archives of Women’s Mental Health, July 3, 2018, https://doi.org/10.1007/s00737-018-0882-6 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sapharm.2014.02.007
Sixty percent of Black mothers do not receive any treatment or support services for prenatal and postpartum emotional complications due to lack of insurance coverage, social and cultural stigma related to mental health needs, logistical barriers to services, and lack of culturally appropriate care.Green, Stephanie. “The Maternal Mental Health Crisis Undermines Moms’ and Babies’ Health,” National Partnership for Women & Families, accessed October 9, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/the-maternal-mental-health-crisis-undermines-moms-and-babies-health/
Congress should increase and sustain current funding levels at $15 million or greater to support the Alliance for Innovation on Maternal Health (AIM) Maternity Care Safety Bundles to all states and health provider institutions. By doing so, Congress would enable more states to implement AIM bundles, which allow them to effectively implement standardized screening, referral, intervention, and follow-up for MMH conditions in maternity care and pair birthing parents with resources to aid in their utilization. Decision makers must fund initiatives spearheaded by Black and other people of color-led birthing justice organizations, and work with them.
Protect and Expand Access to Reproductive Health Care
Black women and birthing people already face an escalated risk in giving birth. Compulsory pregnancy – that is, carrying to term when abortion is denied, delayed, or made difficult to access – is a matter of life, death, and disability.Equality Now. “Forced Pregnancy,” accessed October 9, 2023, https://www.equalitynow.org/forced_pregnancy/ Therefore, addressing the Black maternal health crisis requires equitable access to reproductive health care. Increasing abortion bans will intensify poor maternal health because barriers to obtaining reproductive health care obstruct good health.Lauren J. Ralph, Eleanor Bimla Schwarz, Daniel Grossman, and Diana Greene Foster. “Self-Reported Physical Health of Women Who Did and Did Not Terminate Pregnancy after Seeking Abortion Services: A Cohort Study,” Annals of Internal Medicine, August 20, 2019, https://doi.org/10.7326/M18-1666; National Partnership for Women & Families. “Maternal Health and Abortion Restrictions: How Lack of Access to Quality Care Is Harming Black Women,” October 2019, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/maternal-health-and-abortion.pdf; Adam Thomas and Emily Monea. “The High Cost of Unintended Pregnancy,” Center on Children and Families at Brookings Institution, July 2011, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/07_unintended_pregnancy_thomas_monea.pdf Women who were denied an abortion and then gave birth report worse health outcomes up to five years later, compared to women who received a desired abortion. Studies also show that women denied abortion care are more likely to experience serious medical complications during the end of pregnancy, including death.Alina Salganicoff, Laurie Sobel, and Amrutha Ramaswamy. “The Hyde Amendment and Coverage for Abortion Services,” Women’s Health Policy, March 5, 2021, https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/issue-brief/the-hyde-amendment-and-coverage-for-abortion-services/ Even before Dobbs, abortion was often difficult to access, especially for Black women. In some cases, Black birthing people are forced into pregnancy and parenthood despite the devastating impacts forced childbearing can have on their physical and mental health.National Partnership for Women & Families. “Threats on All Fronts: The Links Between the Lack of Abortion Access, Health Care and Workplace Equity,” August 2022, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/threats-on-all-fronts/
Policies like the Hyde Amendment, which outlaws the use of federal funds for nearly all abortion care, have perpetuated the crisis and threaten the limited existing reproductive care access for millions of people.American Civil Liberties Union. “Access Denied: Origins of the Hyde Amendment and Other Restrictions on Public Funding for Abortion,” December 1, 1994, https://www.aclu.org/documents/access-denied-origins-hyde-amendment-and-other-restrictions-public-funding-abortion It limits funding for programs like Medicaid, which provides critical reproductive care and health care benefits for people with low incomes, disabilities, or advanced age. More than 3.3 million Black women, or one in four nationally, are covered by Medicaid programs.Lauren J. Ralph, Eleanor Bimla Schwarz, Daniel Grossman, and Diana Greene Foster. “Self-Reported Physical Health of Women Who Did and Did Not Terminate Pregnancy after Seeking Abortion Services: A Cohort Study,” Annals of Internal Medicine, August 20, 2019, https://doi.org/10.7326/M18-1666; National Partnership for Women & Families. “Maternal Health and Abortion Restrictions: How Lack of Access to Quality Care Is Harming Black Women,” October 2019, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/maternal-health-and-abortion.pdf; Adam Thomas and Emily Monea. “The High Cost of Unintended Pregnancy,” Center on Children and Families at Brookings Institution, July 2011, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/07_unintended_pregnancy_thomas_monea.pdf
Research indicates that, without any abortions performed in the United States, maternal death rates would increase from 7 percent to 21 percent. Black women’s maternal deaths could rise as high as 33 percent.Amanda Jean Stevenson. “The Pregnancy-Related Mortality Impact of a Total Abortion Ban in the United States: A Research Note on Increased Deaths Due to Remaining Pregnant,” Demography, December 1, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1215/00703370-9585908
Nearly 6 million Black, non-Hispanic women – or three in five U.S. Black women ages 15 through 49 – live in states that have banned abortion or are likely to ban it.Katherine Gallagher Robbins, Shaina Goodman, and Josia Klein. “State Abortion Bans Harm More than 15 Million Women of Color: Dobbs Impact Felt Nationwide,” National Partnership for Women & Families, June 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/state-abortion-bans-harm-woc/ ; March of Dimes. “Population,” accessed October 9, 2023, https://www.marchofdimes.org/peristats/data?reg=99&top=14&stop=127&lev=1&slev=1&obj=8
Black Americans are more likely to live in the South and be uninsured in states that have not yet expanded Medicaid to cover adults below a certain income. Black women are especially likely to fall into the coverage gap. (The coverage gap refers to uninsured adults with low incomes who do not qualify for the Affordable Care Act but are also ineligible for Medicaid because their state hasn’t expanded it.)Center on Budget and Policy Priorities “The Medicaid Coverage Gap: State Fact Sheets,” March 3, 2023, https://www.cbpp.org/research/health/the-medicaid-coverage-gap; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Health Policy. “Health Insurance Coverage and Access to Care among Black Americans: Recent Trends and Key Challenges,” February 22, 2022, https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/08307d793263d5069fdd6504385e22f8/black-americans-coverages-access-ib.pdf; Amanda Novello. “Closing the Coverage Gap Could Improve Coverage, Economic Security, and Health Outcomes for Over 650,000 Black Women,” National Partnership for Women & Families, 2022, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/closing-the-coverage-gap.pdf
Eliminate Economic Inequities
Black women face wealth and income gaps that negatively impact economic outcomes. These gaps remain due to a stark history of deliberate policy choices based in white supremacy, systemic racism, sexism, misogynoir, and ableism, designed to keep Black women and other women of color in poverty. According to 2019 data, the median wealth, excluding vehicles, for non-Hispanic Black women was $1,700, compared to $298,000 for non-Hispanic white men.Mariko Chang, Ana Hernández Kent, and Heather McCulloch. “Section I: Understanding the Gender Wealth Gap, and Why It Matters,” The New Baseline: The State of Family Wealth and Wealth Inequality Today, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis and the Aspen Institute’s Financial Security Program, July 2021, https://live-future-of-building-wealth.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Sec1-Ch5-Chang-Kent-McCulloch.pdf Several factors have contributed to this wealth gap, including, but not limited to, lower incomes, increased debt (including medical and student loans),Justyce Watson and Ofronama Biu. (2022, July 1). “You Can’t Improve Black Women’s Economic Well-Being without Addressing Both Wealth and Income Gaps,” Urban Institute, July 1, 2022, https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/you-cant-improve-black-womens-economic-well-being-without-addressing-both-wealth-and lending discrimination, and redlining that has deprived Black families of generational wealth.Rashawn Ray, Andre M. Perry, David Harshbarger, Samantha Elizondo, and Alexandra Gibbons. “Homeownership, Racial Segregation, and Policy Solutions to Racial Wealth Equity,” Brookings Institution, September 1, 2021, https://www.brookings.edu/articles/homeownership-racial-segregation-and-policies-for-racial-wealth-equity/
Black women are integral to the American workforce, yet they have faced generations of inequities in the labor market. The COVID-19 pandemic further exposed and exacerbated these inequities: Black women were overrepresented in low-paying service jobs and hit hardest by job loss.Mathilde Roux. “5 Facts About Black Women in the Labor Force.” U.S. Department of Labor Blog, August 3, 2021, https://blog.dol.gov/2021/08/03/5-facts-about-black-women-in-the-labor-force And while Black women have among the highest labor-force participation rate of all women (62.0 percent in 2022, compared to 58.1 percent for women overall), Black women experience higher rates of unemployment (5.6 percent in 2022, compared to 3.3 percent for women overall).Mathilde Roux. “5 Facts About Black Women in the Labor Force.” U.S. Department of Labor Blog, August 3, 2021, https://blog.dol.gov/2021/08/03/5-facts-about-black-women-in-the-labor-force A National Partnership for Women & Families analysis reveals that nearly two-thirds (62 percent) of Black women who have given birth in the last 12 months are employed.Amanishakete Ani. “C-Section and Racism: ‘Cutting’ to the Heart of the Issue for Black Women and Families” Journal of African American Studies, December 2015, https://www.jstor.org/stable/44508234
Economic policies impact the health outcomes of pregnant and postpartum Black women and birthing people. In a 2022 Financial Health Network study, only one-third of respondents working in low-wage jobs reported receiving employer-sponsored health insurance.Financial Health Network. “Financial Health of Workers in Low-Wage Jobs,” July 28, 2022, https://finhealthnetwork.org/research/financial-health-of-workers-in-low-wage-jobs/ Even with employer-sponsored insurance, more than one-third of respondents reported skipping medication or not seeking health care within the last 12 months.Financial Health Network. “Financial Health of Workers in Low-Wage Jobs,” July 28, 2022, https://finhealthnetwork.org/research/financial-health-of-workers-in-low-wage-jobs/ With Black women more likely to be in these low-wage roles, inability to access health care based on employment status and other economic factors increases the risk for maternal mortality and morbidity.Theresa Chalhoub and Kelly Rimar. “The Health Care System and Racial Disparities in Maternal Mortality,” Center for American Progress, May 10, 2018, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/health-care-system-racial-disparities-maternal-mortality/ Housing and nutritional concerns also impact outcomes for pregnant and postpartum women and birthing people.American Public Health Association. “Reducing U.S. Maternal Mortality as a Human Right,” November 1, 2011, https://www.apha.org/policies-and-advocacy/public-health-policy-statements/policy-database/2014/07/11/15/59/reducing-us-maternal-mortality-as-a-human-right Our research shows that Black women who have recently given birth are significantly more economically insecure, which can further impact postpartum health outcomes. Sixty percent of Black women who have given birth in the last 12 months were economically insecure, compared to 41 percent of women overall and 31 percent of white, non-Hispanic women.See note 9. While people across the income spectrum may have difficulty making ends meet, in this analysis we define “economically insecure” as living in a family below 200 percent of the federal poverty line. For ease of comprehension, these percentages are not limited to people in the Census-defined poverty universe but figures differ by less than a percentage point if limited to that population.
Close the Wage Gap
Women of color are overrepresented in minimum wage and other low-paying jobs due to continued systemic discrimination and worker exploitation.Bixby Center for Global Reproductive Health and University of California San Francisco Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health. “Turnaway Study,” accessed October 9, 2023, https://www.ansirh.org/sites/default/files/publications/files/turnaway_study_brief_web.pdf; National Partnership for Women & Families. “Threats on All Fronts: The Links Between Lack of Abortion Access, Health Care, and Workplace Equity,” August 2022, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/threats-on-all-fronts/ The National Partnership for Women & Families found that low and unfair wages undermine people’s ability to parent their children safely and sustainably, to make a better life for themselves and their families, and to care for, and make decisions about, their own health and reproductive lives.Asees Bhasin. “Minimum Wage and Abortion Access: Getting What You (Can’t) Pay For,” National Partnership for Women & Families, August 2021, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/minimum-wage-and-abortion.pdfNational Partnership for Women & Families. “Threats on All Fronts: The Links Between Lack of Abortion Access, Health Care, and Workplace Equity,” August 2022, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/threats-on-all-fronts/ Our analysis shows that, if the wage gap were eliminated, on average, a Black woman worker would have enough money for about two years of child care.National Partnership for Women & Families. “Quantifying America’s Gender Wage Gap by Race/Ethnicity,” September 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/quantifying-americas-gender-wage-gap.pdf
The wage gap harms Black women and their families
Nearly 70 percent of Black mothers are primary or sole breadwinners.Sarah Jane Glynn. “Breadwinning Mothers Continue to Be the U.S. Norm,” Center for American Progress, May 10, 2019, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/breadwinning-mothers-continue-u-s-norm/
Black mothers with children under 18 have the highest labor-force participation of all mothers.Mariko Chang, Ana Hernández Kent, and Heather McCulloch. “Section I: Understanding the Gender Wealth Gap, and Why It Matters,” The New Baseline: The State of Family Wealth and Wealth Inequality Today, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis and the Aspen Institute’s Financial Security Program, July 2021, https://live-future-of-building-wealth.pantheonsite.io/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Sec1-Ch5-Chang-Kent-McCulloch.pdf
Even when they are employed, Black women face a wage gap: Black women are only paid 66 cents for every dollar earned by white, non-Hispanic men.Vasu Reddy. “Attention Employers: The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act Is Now the Law of the Land,” National Partnership for Women & Families, March 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/attention-employers-the-pregnant-workers-fairness-act-is-now-the-law-of-the-land/ This gap is particularly large after giving birth. A National Partnership for Women & Families analysis shows that Black women who are employed the year after they have given birth are paid 50 cents for every dollar paid to white, non-Hispanic men of the same age group.See note 9: Figures compare median earnings for all workers with positive earnings age 16-50.
Congress must address this disparity by strengthening equal-pay legislation and raising the national minimum wage to at least $17 an hour.
Pass a National Paid Leave Policy
Paid maternity leave improves maternal and infant health, including physical health and well-being.Sarah Coombs. “Paid Leave Is Essential for Healthy Moms and Babies,” National Partnership for Women & Families, May 2021. https://nationalpartnership.org/report/paid-leave-is-essential-for/ Despite these clear, positive outcomes, the United States is one of the few high-income countries without a national paid leave policy. Black and low-wage workers bear the brunt of the inequity: They are less likely than white workers to have any paid leave, due in part to systemic racism that has resulted in stark health and economic inequities. For example, Black women are more likely to work in low-paying or part-time jobs, which are less likely to offer paid leave policies.Jessica Mason and Katherine Gallagher Robbins. “Women’s Work Is Undervalued, and It’s Costing Us Billions,” National Partnership for Women & Families, March 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/womens-work-is-undervalued.pdf; Robin Bleiweis, Jocelyn Frye, and Rose Khattar. “Women of Color and the Wage Gap,” November 17, 2021, Center for American Progress, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/women-of-color-and-the-wage-gap/
A National Partnership for Women & Families analysis shows that Black women who have recently given birth are less likely to live in a state with paid leave. Seventeen percent of Black women who have given birth in the last 12 months live in states that have implemented mandatory paid family and medical leave, compared to 27 percent of women overall and 22 percent of white, non-Hispanic women.States that have implemented mandatory paid family and medical leave include CA, CT, DC, MA, NJ, NY, OR, RI, and WA. Additional states have passed paid leave but the laws are not yet in effect. Some states also have paid sick leave laws which can provide important time off for medical appointments that positively contribute to maternal health. “Paid Sick Days Statutes,” https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/paid-sick-days-statutes.pdf, October 2023, National Partnership for Women & Families; and “State Paid Family & Medical Leave Insurance Laws,” https://nationalpartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/paid-sick-days-statutes.pdf, October 2023, National Partnership for Women & Families The introduction of paid maternity leave in California, Hawaii, New Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island led to a reduction in low birthweight and preterm births, especially for Black mothers.Emily DiMatteo, Osub Ahmed, Vilissa Thompson, and Mia Ives-Rublee. “Reproductive Justice for Disabled Women Ending Systemic Discrimination,” Center for American Progress, April 13, 2022, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/reproductive-justice-for-disabled-women-ending-systemic-discrimination/
Policymakers must pass the Family and Medical Insurance Leave (FAMILY) Act (s. 1714 and H.R. 3481), which guarantees access to paid leave to meet the needs of pregnant people, caregivers, and families. Until a comprehensive federal paid leave law is passed, states and businesses should join those that have created or expanded paid leave programs. Employers should consider supplementing the baseline benefit provided through the existing Family and Medical Leave Act by providing additional weeks of leave or supplementing the amount of wage replacement employees receive.
Implement Pregnant Worker Accommodations
Based on data from 2011 to 2015, Black women represent a disproportionate share of workplace pregnancy discrimination claims. These claims include being fired for taking parental leave, being denied, or not offered maternity leave, enduring physically taxing work conditions or extreme levels of manual labor while pregnant, and being denied promotions or raises due to pregnancy.Emily DiMatteo, Osub Ahmed, Vilissa Thompson, and Mia Ives-Rublee. “Reproductive Justice for Disabled Women Ending Systemic Discrimination,” Center for American Progress, April 13, 2022, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/reproductive-justice-for-disabled-women-ending-systemic-discrimination/
Reasonable accommodations will be critical to Black women’s ability to work safely and free from discrimination for the duration of their pregnancy and postpartum. Many pregnant people are willing and able to continue working during their pregnancy, but may require modest adjustments at work to do so safely. All too often, however, these adjustments are denied. Accommodations are especially relevant to Black pregnant people, who are disproportionately represented in the types of physically demanding, low-wage jobs that, without accommodation, can pose significant risks to pregnancy.
The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act, which took effect in June 2023, requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations to employees due to pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions, unless doing so would be an undue hardship for the employer.National Partnership for Women & Families. “Threats on All Fronts: The Links Between Lack of Abortion Access, Health Care, and Workplace Equity,” August 2022, https://nationalpartnership.org/report/threats-on-all-fronts/ Businesses and other institutions should follow the law in a thorough and thoughtful manner that minimizes the burden to pregnant employees exercising their rights under the law.
Collect Intersectional Data for Disabled Black Birthing People
Black civil rights advocate Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the word intersectionality to describe the ways multiple forms of inequality compound and create obstacles for those with multiple marginalized identities.Kimberlé Crenshaw. “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum, December 7, 2015, https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1989/iss1/8/ Applying this framework, the National Partnership for Women & Families recognizes that Black disabled people are more likely to experience adverse birth outcomes than nondisabled or non-Black people.Caroline Signore, Maurice Davis, Candace M. Tingen, and Alison N. Cernich. “The Intersection of Disability and Pregnancy: Risks for Maternal Morbidity and Mortality,” Journal of Women’s Health, February 2, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1089/jwh.2020.8864 Pregnant women with disabilities have a much higher risk for severe pregnancy- and birth-related complications and death than other pregnant women.U.S. National Institutes of Health. “NIH Study Suggests Women with Disabilities Have Higher Risk of Birth Complications and Death,” December 15, 2021, https://www.nih.gov/news-events/news-releases/nih-study-suggests-women-disabilities-have-higher-risk-birth-complications-death However, we need additional research and data on the intersection of disability, gender, race, and other identities, in order to improve policies for Black, disabled birthing people.Emily DiMatteo, Osub Ahmed, Vilissa Thompson, and Mia Ives-Rublee. “Reproductive Justice for Disabled Women Ending Systemic Discrimination,” Center for American Progress, April 13, 2022, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/reproductive-justice-for-disabled-women-ending-systemic-discrimination/
Birthing people with disabilities face unique challenges accessing care. They often have to deal with health care providers who lack the knowledge or are uncomfortable managing their pregnancies, which can result in heightened risk of pregnancy-related complications.Jessica L. Gleason, Jagteshwar Grewal, Zhen Chen, Alison N. Cernich, and Katherine L. Grantz. “Risk of Adverse Maternal Outcomes in Pregnant Women with Disabilities,” JAMA Network Open, December 15, 2021, http://www.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.38414; National Center for Health Workforce Analysis. “State of the Maternal Health Workforce Brief,” August 2022, https://bhw.hrsa.gov/sites/default/files/bureau-health-workforce/dataresearch/maternal-health-workforce-brief-2022.pdf This lack of knowledge, as well as discrimination within health care, can create a number of barriers, including inadequate resources to support their health, little or no institutional readiness, lack of proper or working equipment or accessible signage, and insufficient staff training or other required modifications or supports.Jessica L. Gleason, Jagteshwar Grewal, Zhen Chen, Alison N. Cernich, and Katherine L. Grantz. “Risk of Adverse Maternal Outcomes in Pregnant Women with Disabilities,” JAMA Network Open, December 15, 2021, http://www.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.38414; National Center for Health Workforce Analysis. “State of the Maternal Health Workforce Brief,” August 2022, https://bhw.hrsa.gov/sites/default/files/bureau-health-workforce/dataresearch/maternal-health-workforce-brief-2022.pdf The challenge is compounded for Black, disabled birthing people, who already experience medical racism.
Disabled people face 11 times the risk of maternal death.Marissa Ditkowsky. “Disabled People Face Renewed Threats to Autonomy After Dobbs Decision,” National Partnership for Women & Families, July 18, 2023, https://nationalpartnership.org/disabled-people-face-renewed-threats-to-autonomy-after-dobbs-decision/
Black adults are more likely than white adults to have a disability: One in four Black adults have a disability.U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “Adults with Disabilities: Ethnicity and Race,” accessed October 9, 2023, https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/disabilityandhealth/materials/infographic-disabilities-ethnicity-race.html
3.5 million Black women (35 percent of all Black women in the United States) are disabled.Megan Buckles. “How to Make Policies Work for Black Women with Disabilities,” Center for American Progress, https://www.americanprogress.org/article/how-to-make-policies-work-for-black-women-with-disabilities/
Nearly one out of 15 (6.4 percent) of Black women who gave birth in the last 12 months are disabled, compared to 4.9 percent of all recent mothers and 4.7 percent of white, non-Hispanic women who recently gave birth.See note 9. People are identified as having a disability in this analysis if they responded that they have difficulty in one or more of the following realms: vision, hearing, cognitive, ambulatory, self care, and independent living. This is a limited definition of disability that excludes a portion of disabled people. For more information on how disability is measured in the American Community Survey, please see: United States Census Bureau. “How Disability Data are Collected from The American Community Survey,” https://www.census.gov/topics/health/disability/guidance/data-collection-acs.html
Decision makers must commit to collecting standardized data on disability status, in addition to disaggregated race/ethnicity (with subgroups) and sexual orientation and gender identity data, as well as how these identities interact with each other, so that we can understand and solve for inequalities and their root causes. Hospital leaders should assess their current capability to effectively and respectfully serve specific groups of people who wish to become pregnant, are currently pregnant, or have recently given birth, including people with disabilities. Hospital systems should allocate the necessary budgets to improve institutional readiness and accessibility to exemplary maternity services.
By Venicia Gray, Stephanie Green, Ariel Adelman, and Blen Asres
The authors are grateful to Marissa Dikowsky, Sinsi Hernández-Cancio, Erin Mackay, Anwesha Majumder, Jaclyn Dean, Vasu Reddy, Jessi Leigh Swenson, and Carol Sakala for their review and thoughtful comments. With deep gratitude to Katherine Gallager Robbins for her data analysis.
This issue brief was made possible thanks to the generous support of the Skyline Foundation.
Read the 2-page fact sheet that accompanies this issue brief.
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Facts and Case Summary - New Jersey v. T.L.O.
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Facts T.L.O. was a 14-year-old female student at a New Jersey high school. A teacher found T.L.O. and another student smoking cigarettes in the girls’ restroom in the school building in violation of school rules. The teacher brought the two students to a school administrator, who questioned each of them. The second student admitted to smoking cigarettes. T.L.O. denied the
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Facts
T.L.O. was a 14-year-old female student at a New Jersey high school. A teacher found T.L.O. and another student smoking cigarettes in the girls’ restroom in the school building in violation of school rules. The teacher brought the two students to a school administrator, who questioned each of them. The second student admitted to smoking cigarettes. T.L.O. denied the allegations. The administrator then accused T.LO. of lying to him, and demanded to see her purse in an attempt to find the cigarettes. Among other things, when the administrator opened her purse, he found a pack of cigarettes, and cigarette rolling paper. Due to the fact that the administrator knew that cigarette rolling paper is used to smoke marijuana he now suspected T.L.O. of marijuana use. He further searched T.L.O.’s purse, and found a small plastic bag containing a grass-like substance and items that could be drug paraphernalia, including a pipe, a wad of money, a piece of paper with the names of students who apparently owed T.L.O. money, and a letter that appeared to implicate T.L.O. in dealing marijuana. The administrator contacted the police who, in turn, contacted T.L.O.’s mother. Her mother brought T.L.O. to the police station, where she confessed to selling marijuana.
Due to her age, T.L.O. faced delinquency charges in Juvenile Court. The Juvenile Court denied T.L.O.’s motion to suppress (keep out) her confession and the evidence from the search. Her lawyer argued that the search of her purse was a violation of the Fourth Amendment. T.L.O. was found delinquent, and was put on probation for one year. After a lengthy appeal process in the New Jersey state court system, the U.S. Supreme Court of the United States agreed to hear the case.
The Fourth Amendment Provides:
“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”
Procedure
Lower Court 1: Juvenile and Domestic Relations Court of Middlesex County, N.J.
Lower Court 1 Ruling: The Fourth Amendment applies to searches carried out by school officials, but a school official may conduct a search of a student’s person under certain circumstances. Specifically, the Juvenile Court held that a school official may search a student if the official has reasonable suspicion that a crime has been or is in the process of being committed, or has reasonable cause to believe the search is necessary to maintain school discipline or enforce polices. Applying this standard to the facts of this case, the Court held that the Fourth Amendment was not violated by the school administrator’s search. T.L.O. was found delinquent and sentenced to probation for one year.
Lower Court 2: Appellate Division (New Jersey State Court System)
Lower Court 2 Ruling: Affirmed the Juvenile Court’s decision that there was no Fourth Amendment violation, but vacated the delinquency adjudication and remanded (sent back) the case to the Juvenile Court decide if T.L.O. had knowingly and voluntarily waived her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination before confessing.
Lower Court 3: New Jersey State Supreme Court
Lower Court 3 Ruling: Agreed with the lower courts that the Fourth Amendment is applicable to the conduct of school officials; also agreed that school officials may conduct a warrantless search of a student when they have reasonable grounds to believe that a student possesses evidence of illegal activity or activity that interferes with school discipline and order. However, New Jersey’s highest court ultimately reversed, holding, in T.L.O.’s case, the school administrator’s conduct was not reasonable because the mere possession of cigarettes did not violate school rules. The administrator’s desire to catch T.L.O. in a lie did not justify rummaging through her purse.
Issue Before the Supreme Court of the United States
Whether evidence unlawfully seized by a school official – without involvement of law enforcement officials – should be allowed in as evidence at juvenile delinquency proceedings.
U.S. Supreme Court Ruling
The Court did not reach this issue. As explained in the reasoning section below, the Court concluded that, under the circumstances of this case, the search of T.L.O.’s purse did not violate the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The Court did not address the issue of whether unlawfully seized evidence should be suppressed in a juvenile delinquency hearing. However, the Court decided that the Fourth Amendment applies to school officials.
Supreme Court Vote: 6-3
Argued: March 28, 1984
Re-argued: October 2, 1984
Decided: January 15, 1985
Majority Opinion:
Justice White
Concurrences:
Justice Powell, with Justice Day O’Connor
Justice Blackmun
Concurrence in Part and Dissent in Part:
Justice Brennan, with Justice Marshall
Justice Stevens, with Justices Marshall and Brennan
Reasoning
The Court held that the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures is not limited solely to the actions of law enforcement personnel. It also applies to the conduct of public school officials. Public school teachers act as agents of the state, and not merely agents of the students’ parents. Thus, the Fourth Amendment applies to their actions.
The Court also held that students have some legitimate expectation of privacy at school. However, the students’ expectation of privacy must be balanced against the needs of school authorities to maintain an educational environment. As such, school authorities do not need to obtain a warrant or have probable cause that a crime occurred before searching a student. Rather, the reasonableness of a search, under all circumstances, will determine its legality.
The Court established the following test to determine the reasonableness of a search: whether the search was 1) justified at its inception and 2) as the search was conducted, was it reasonably related in scope to the circumstances that justified the interference in the first place.
Finally, the Court evaluated the facts of T.L.O.’s search in light of this test. First, the Court concluded that the search was justified at its inception. The initial report from the teacher that T.L.O. had been smoking in violation of school rules constituted reasonable suspicion that cigarettes were in her purse (a fact that would be relevant to the smoking accusation).
Second, the Court noted that the discovery of rolling paper provided reasonable suspicion that T.L.O. possessed marijuana, and this justified the further search of her purse. Since the school administrator’s actions were justified at the inception and were reasonably related in scope to the circumstances that justified the interference, the search was reasonable. Although the Court held that the Fourth Amendment applied to the school administrator’s actions, the court ultimately determined that his actions in this case did not violate the Fourth Amendment.
In a concurrence, Justice Powell, joined by Justice O’Connor, agreed with the majority’s opinion, but he would have emphasized the fact that, in a school setting, the Constitution may not afford students all of the constitutional protections they would otherwise have in a non-school setting.
In a concurrence, Justice Blackmun agreed with the majority. However, he emphasized that the need for school authorities to immediately respond to threats to safety and to protect the education environment would justify a special exception from the Fourth Amendment’s warrant and probable cause requirements for school searches.
Justice Brennan, joined by Justice Marshall, concurred in part and dissented in part. Justice Brennan, joined by Justice Marshall, agreed with the Court’s finding that the Fourth Amendment applies to public school teachers and that school officials may generally search students without a warrant. However, he disagreed with the Court’s holding that reasonable suspicion as opposed to probable cause should be the test for determining whether such searches may be permitted. Applying the probable cause standard, Justice Brennan held that the school administrator’s actions violated T.L.O.’s rights and, thus, the evidence from the illegal search should be suppressed.
Justice Stevens, in his concurrence in part and dissent in part, noted that the Court should address the original issue, i.e., whether the exclusionary rule applies to searches made by public school officials and teachers in school. Justice Stevens concluded that the search was not justified at its inception because the school administrator had no reason to believe that T.L.O.’s purse contained evidence of criminal activity or a violation of school rules at the time that he searched it. Thus, the search violated the Fourth Amendment and the evidence should be suppressed.
Disclaimer (Please Note): This activity is meant to help high school students understand, as part of their civics education, the key facts and holdings of a well-known U.S. Supreme Court case. A link is provided to the Supreme Court decision. This activity is not meant to provide a legal analysis of this case or any related matters. It in no way provides legal advice or guidance on this or other issues.
Background: Putting the Case into Context
Fourteenth Amendment, Fourth Amendment, and Incorporation of the Bill of Rights
The Fourteenth Amendment
The provisions of the first Ten Amendments to the Constitution, i.e., the Bill of Rights (1791), originally were applicable only to the federal government, and not to state governments. In 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified. It says, in relevant part, “[N]or shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” In a series of cases starting in 1925, the U.S. Supreme Court interpreted the 14th Amendment as “incorporating” (applying) most but not all of the provisions of the Bill of Rights to the states.
Incorporation of the Fourth Amendment
In several cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has incorporated various provisions of the Fourth Amendment, and related judicial rulings, to the states. For instance, in Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961), the Court held that the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures was applicable to States. Also applicable to the states was the exclusionary rule (a remedy by which evidence seized in violation of the Fourth Amendment is inadmissible in court). As a result of these incorporations, the U.S. Supreme Court had the authority to decide whether the actions of the school administrator in T.L.O.’s case violated the U.S. Constitution.
Importance of State Constitutions
Each state has its own Constitution, including some form of a state Bill of Rights, as well as laws. The states are free to interpret their Constitutions and laws in a manner that gives more protections to individuals than the U.S. Constitution. However, they cannot interpret them in a manner that gives less protection. The U.S. Supreme Court found that the school administrator’s actions in T.L.O.’s case did not violate the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution as applied to the states through the 14th Amendment.
It is possible that the New Jersey courts, applying the New Jersey Constitution and laws, could find that the school administrator’s actions violated New Jersey’s equivalent of the Fourth Amendment. In Footnote 10 of the majority opinion, Justice White makes this point, saying: “Of course, New Jersey may insist on a more demanding standard under its own Constitution or statutes. In that case, this court would not purport to be applying the Fourth Amendment when they invalidate a search.”
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Women's Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2024
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190,600 women are behind bars in the U.S. See the report that shows where they are locked up and why.
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Women’s Mass Incarceration:
The Whole Pie 2024 Tweet this
By Aleks Kajstura and Wendy Sawyer
March 5, 2024
Press release
With growing public attention to the problem of mass incarceration, people want to know about women’s experiences with incarceration. How many women are held in prisons, jails, and other correctional facilities in the United States? Why are they there? How are their experiences different from men’s? These are important questions, but finding the answers requires not only disentangling the country’s decentralized and overlapping criminal legal systems,1 but also unearthing the frustratingly limited data that’s broken down by gender.2
This report provides a detailed view of the 190,600 women and girls incarcerated in the United States and how they fit into the even broader picture of correctional control. We pull together data from a number of government agencies and break down the number of women and girls held by each correctional system, by specific offense, in 446 state prisons, 27 federal prisons, 3,116 local jails, 1,323 juvenile correctional facilities, 80 Indian country jails, and 80 immigration detention facilities, as well as in military prisons, civil commitment centers, and prisons in the U.S. territories.3 We also go beyond the numbers, including rare self-reported data from a national survey of people in prison4 to offer new insights about incarcerated women’s backgrounds, families, health, and experiences in prison. This report answers the questions of why and where women are locked up — and much more:
Most notably, and in stark contrast to the total incarcerated population, where the state prison systems hold twice as many people as are held in jails, more incarcerated women are held in jails than in state prisons. As we will explain, the outsized role of jails has serious consequences for incarcerated women and their families.
Women’s incarceration has grown at twice the pace of men’s incarceration in recent decades, and has disproportionately been located in local jails. The data needed to explain exactly what happened, when, and why do not yet exist, not least because the data on women has long been obscured by the larger scale of men’s incarceration. Frustratingly, even as this report is updated using many of the same data sources from year to year, it is not a direct tool for tracking changes in women’s incarceration over time because we are forced to rely on the limited sources available, which are neither updated regularly nor always compatible across years.
Particularly in light of the scarcity of gender-specific data, the disaggregated numbers presented here are an important step to ensuring that women are not left behind in the effort to end mass incarceration.5
Jails loom large in women’s incarceration
A staggering number of women who are incarcerated are not even convicted: more than a quarter of women who are behind bars have not yet had a trial. Moreover, 60% of women in jails under local control have not been convicted of a crime and are awaiting trial.
Aside from women under local authority (or jurisdiction), state and federal agencies also pay local jails to house nearly 9,000 additional women. For example, ICE and the U.S. Marshals Service, which have fewer dedicated facilities for their detainees, contract with local jails to hold roughly 2,900 women. So, the number of women physically held in jails is even higher:
Women disproportionately stuck in jails: Causes and effects
Avoiding pretrial detention is particularly challenging for women. The number of unconvicted women stuck in jail is surely not because courts are considering women to be a flight risk, particularly when they are generally the primary caregivers of children. The far more likely answer is that incarcerated women, who have lower incomes than incarcerated men, have an even harder time affording money bail. When the typical bail amounts to a full year’s income for women,6 it’s no wonder that women are stuck in jail awaiting trial.7
Even once convicted, the system funnels women into jails: About one-third (32%) of convicted incarcerated women are held in jails, compared to about 13% of all people incarcerated with a conviction. This reflects the different distribution of offense types and criminal histories between convicted men and women. Women are proportionally more likely to be serving a sentence of incarceration for a property or drug offense and less likely to be incarcerated for a violent offense when compared to men. These differences mean that women are more likely to be sentenced to a term in jail, where people typically serve shorter sentences of up to one year.8
So, what does it mean that large numbers of women are held in jail — for them, and for their families? First, while stays in jail are generally shorter than in stays in prison, jails can be especially deadly for women. Women have a higher mortality rate than men in jails, dying of drug and alcohol intoxication at twice the rate of men. And the number of deaths by suicide among women in jails increased by almost 65% between the periods of 2000-2004 and 2015-2019. Women are more likely than men to enter jail with a medical problem or a serious mental illness and while incarcerated, women are more likely to suffer from mental health problems and experience serious psychological distress.9 Being locked up doesn’t help: Research shows that incarceration can cause lasting damage to mental health.
Compounding the problem is the fact that jails are particularly poorly positioned to provide proper health care. In fact, local jails tend to offer fewer services and programs overall than prisons do, and because most programs are designed for the larger male population, women may not even have access to programming that’s available to men in the same jail. (However, this is certainly not to say that prisons are always better at meeting women’s needs, as we will discuss further.)
Jails also make it harder to stay in touch with family than prisons do. Jail phone calls are often at least three times as expensive as calls from prison, and other forms of communication are more restricted — some jails don’t even allow real letters, limiting mail to postcards. Increasingly, both prisons and jails are doing away with real mail altogether and contracting with private companies that scan and then destroy postal mail, delivering shoddy scanned copies to the recipients. These barriers to authentic communication are especially troubling given that 80% of women in jails are mothers, and most of them are primary caretakers of their children. Thus children are particularly susceptible to the domino effect of burdens placed on incarcerated women.
Ending mass incarceration requires looking at all offenses — and all women
The numbers revealed by this report enable a national conversation about policies that impact women incarcerated by different government agencies and in different types of facilities. These figures also serve as the foundation for reforming the policies that lead to incarcerating women in the first place.
Too often, the conversation about criminal justice reform starts and stops with the question of “non-violent” drug and property offenses. While drug and property offenses make up more than half of the offenses for which women are incarcerated, the pie chart reveals that all offenses — including the violent offenses that account for over a quarter10 of all incarcerated women — must be considered in the effort to reduce the number of incarcerated women in this country. This fact underscores the need for reform discussions to focus not just on the easier choices but on the policy changes that will have the most impact. Particularly in light of the fact that many survivors of domestic and sexual abuse have been incarcerated for violent crimes that occurred in response to gendered violence and abuse, exclusions from reforms based on entire offense categories make even less sense.
Furthermore, even among women, incarceration is not indiscriminate and reforms should address the disparities related to LBTQ+ status, race, and ethnicity as well. A 2017 study revealed that one-third of incarcerated women identify as lesbian or bisexual,11 compared to less than 10% of men. The same study found that lesbian and bisexual women are likely to receive longer sentences than their heterosexual peers, and more likely to be put into solitary confinement.
And although the data do not exist to break down the “whole pie” by race or ethnicity, we know that Black and American Indian or Alaska Native women are consistently overrepresented in state and federal prisons: Women in prison are 48% white, 17% Black, 19% Hispanic, 2.5% American Indian or Alaska Native, 0.7% Asian, and 13% “other.”12 While we are a long way from having data on intersectional impacts of sexuality and race or ethnicity on women’s likelihood of incarceration, it is clear that Black and lesbian or bisexual women and girls are disproportionately subject to incarceration.13
Mass incarceration targets girls, too
Nearly 7,000 young women and girls are caught up in various systems of confinement, very often for minor and even non-criminal offenses. About half are held in facilities for the juvenile justice system, and almost as many are unaccompanied migrant children in facilities operated by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR).14 While children held by ORR are not held for any criminal or delinquent offense, most are held in shelters or even juvenile placement facilities under detention-like conditions.15 And a not-insignificant number of confined girls are actually held in adult prisons and jails. Like their adult counterparts, confined girls often report identities that are marginalized in the U.S. along lines of race, gender, and sexual orientation.
For nearly 1 in 4 girls (23%) confined by the juvenile justice system, the most serious charge levelled against them is a non-criminal “technical” violation of probation (16%) or a status offense (7%), such as “running away, truancy, and incorrigibility.” These are behaviors that would not warrant confinement except for these girls’ status as probationers or as minors. By comparison, boys are held for these technical violations and status offenses at half the rate of girls. The use of confinement in response to status offenses is particularly troubling because those behaviors tend to be simply responses to abuse.
Girls of color and those who identify as LBTQ+ are disproportionately confined by the juvenile justice system. Black girls account for 32% of all girls in juvenile facilities, despite making up just 14% of girls under 18 nationwide; similarly, 3.5% of girls in juvenile facilities are American Indian or Alaska Natives, compared to less than 1% of girls nationwide.16 And while LBTQ+ women are overrepresented in the adult correctional systems, a staggering 40% of girls in the juvenile justice system are lesbian, bisexual, or questioning and gender non-conforming. The comparable statistic for boys is just under 14%.
While society and the criminal legal systems subject all girls to stricter codes of conduct than is expected of their male peers, Black girls in particular shoulder an added burden of adultification — being perceived as older, more culpable, and more responsible than their peers — which leads to greater contact with and harsher consequences within the juvenile justice system. In fact, about 160 girls aged 17 or younger are locked up in adult prisons and jails,17 the result of laws that allow the transfer of youth from juvenile to adult criminal courts. In 2021, 133 girls were “waived” to criminal courts from the juvenile system — about 6% of all cases “waived.” More than one-third (37%) of those girls were Black.
Prison is no answer for marginalized, traumatized women
About half of confined women and girls are held in state and federal prisons.18 In general, women in prison are serving longer sentences than those in jails, and they are often located far from their families and friends. In many geographically large states there is just one facility for women,19 making visits difficult for children and other loved ones located hundreds of miles away.20 But this is just one of the many challenges facing women in prison, as we found in our 2022 analysis of a rich dataset published by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the 2016 Survey of Prison Inmates.21
The data from the survey offer a rare in-depth look at the backgrounds and experiences of people in prison, relying on responses from incarcerated people themselves, rather than the administrative data that’s easier to collect from prison systems. In our analysis, we focused on people held in state prisons, who make up a much larger piece of the “whole pie” than those in federal prisons. Among our findings, and those of the Bureau of Justice Statistics, we see that in state prisons nationwide:22
Women report childhood disadvantages at alarming rates: 12% report homelessness before they turned 18; 19% were in foster care at some point; and 43% came from families that received welfare or other public assistance. Almost half (45%) had been arrested by age 18.
Women are more likely than men to enter prison having already received a high school diploma or equivalent credential, but still over half (53%) did not finish high school.
Over a quarter of women (26%) experienced homelessness in the year before the arrest that led to their incarceration — a higher rate than among men (16%).
Women are more likely to be jobless (53%) than to be employed in the month before their arrest.
Women are more likely to be written up for a prison rule violation in the past year (58%), particularly for “minor” rule violations.
Women report disabilities (50%) and physical and mental health problems at higher rates than men. Over half (58%) of women met the criteria for a substance use disorder the year before they went to prison, and over three-quarters (76%) had some indication of a past or current mental health problem — both significantly higher rates than among men. Yet just 47% had received treatment for a substance use disorder and just 43% had received professional mental health care since they went to prison.
Women are more likely to be parents of minor children (58%), more likely to be single parents, and more likely to have been living with their children prior to their imprisonment — making it more likely that incarceration would uproot their children and lead to termination of parental rights, permanently breaking up their families.
About 4% of women (over 3,000) were pregnant when they went to prison, and more than two-thirds (68%) of these women had no health insurance at the time. Yet only half had received any kind of prenatal care in prison apart from an obstetric exam. 23
Additionally, another government survey shows that while incarcerated, women are 3 times as likely as men to be sexually victimized by prison or jail staff.24
These statistics confirm much of what we know about incarcerated women from previous research: By almost any measure, women in prison are worse off than men, both leading up to and during their incarceration. Furthermore, the underlying causes of women’s criminal behavior are distinct from men’s and show that they would be better served in treatment programs in their communities than by criminal legal system punishments.25
The tentacles of mass incarceration have a long reach
Even the “whole pie” of incarceration in the chart above represents just one small portion (17%) of the women under any form of correctional control, which includes 808,700 women on probation or parole.26 Again, this is in stark contrast to the total correctional population (mostly men), where one-third (34%) of all people under correctional control are in prisons and jails.
Nearly three-quarters of women (73%) under the control of any U.S. correctional system are on probation. Probation is often billed as an alternative to incarceration, but instead it is frequently set with unrealistic conditions that undermine its goal of keeping people from being locked up.27 For example, probation often comes with steep fees, which, like bail, women are in the worst position to afford.28 Failing to pay these probation fees is often a non-criminal “technical” violation of probation. Childcare duties further complicate the common probation requirement to meet regularly with probation officers, especially for women with no extra money to spend on childcare or reliable transportation across town. And probation violations — even for these innocuous and understandable reasons — can land women in jail or prison who were never sentenced to incarceration. In fact, our analysis of the 2016 Survey of Prison Inmates found that one-third (33%) of women in state prisons were on probation at the time of their arrest, which underscores how this “alternative to incarceration” often simply delays incarceration.
In the wake of the 2022 Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, restrictive pretrial, probation, and parole conditions can also create barriers to accessing reproductive health care. Restrictions on travel are “standard conditions” of supervision in many places, requiring approval from a probation or parole officer to make specific trips. With many states now restricting access to and criminalizing abortion, seeking abortion or other reproductive care may be difficult or impossible for many of the hundreds of thousands of women on probation or parole in those states.
Reentry is another critical point at which women are too often left behind. Almost 2.5 million women and girls are released from prisons and jails every year,29 but fewer post-release programs are available to them — partly because so many women are confined to jails, which are not meant to be used for long-term incarceration. Additionally, many women with criminal records face barriers to employment in female-dominated occupations, such as nursing and elder care.30 It is little surprise, therefore, that formerly incarcerated women — especially women of color — are also more likely to be unemployed and/or homeless than formerly incarcerated men, making reentry and compliance with probation or parole even more difficult. All of these issues make women particularly vulnerable to being incarcerated not because they commit crimes, but because they run afoul of one of the burdensome obligations of their community supervision.
Like probation before it, electronic monitoring is touted as an “alternative” to incarceration, but it is being used to expand the scope of correctional control rather than reduce the number of people behind bars. The rapid expansion of electronic monitoring in the pretrial context has created “an entirely new path to incarceration via ‘technical violations.’” And ICE’s “Alternatives to Detention” and “Intensive Supervision Appearance Program,” which both rely almost entirely on electronic monitoring, now subject hundreds of thousands more people to constant surveillance and the threat of detention or deportation than just a few years ago. Unlike probation, electronic monitoring is so constrictive that it amounts to a form of “e-carceration.” Unfortunately, the available data are not broken down by sex or gender identity, but with nearly half a million people on electronic monitoring across the criminal legal and immigration systems in 2022, it’s safe to assume that many, many women are confined by this form of mass incarceration as well.
The need for more data
The picture of women’s incarceration is far from complete, and many questions remain about mass incarceration’s unique impact on women. This report offers the critical estimate that a quarter of all incarcerated women are unconvicted. But — since the federal government hasn’t collected the key underlying data in 20 years — is that number growing? And how do the harms of that unnecessary incarceration intersect with women’s disproportionate caregiving to impact families? Beyond these big picture questions, there are a plethora of detailed data points that are not reported for women by any government agencies. In addition to the many data holes and limitations mentioned throughout this report, we’re missing other basic data, such as the simple number of women incarcerated in U.S. territories or involuntarily committed to state psychiatric hospitals because of justice system involvement.
As public awareness has grown about the differences between gender identity and sex assigned at birth, there has been a growing interest in the question of how transgender and nonbinary individuals experience incarceration. Unfortunately, government surveys that break down data between “male” and “female” categories often include trans men among “females” and trans women among “males,” relying on housing assignments as a proxy for gender. This further muddies the picture of women’s incarceration.
While more data are needed, the data in this report lend focus and perspective to the policy reforms needed to end mass incarceration without leaving women behind.
Acknowledgements
The Prison Policy Initiative would like to thank the MacArthur Foundation’s Safety and Justice Challenge for its support of this project. We also thank all of the donors, researchers, programmers and designers who helped the Prison Policy Initiative develop the Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie series of reports.
About the authors
Aleks Kajstura is Legal Director at the Prison Policy Initiative. She directs the organization’s campaign to end prison gerrymandering (the practice of using prison populations to distort democracy via redistricting). Aleks has also published several reports on women’s incarceration, including previous versions of Women’s Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie, and States of Women’s Incarceration: The Global Context, which compares the rate of women’s incarceration in every U.S. state to 166 independent countries.
Wendy Sawyer is the Research Director at the Prison Policy Initiative. Along with helping direct the organization’s research priorities, Wendy is the author (or co-author) of several major reports, including Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie, Beyond the Count: A deep dive into state prison populations, All Profit, No Risk: How the bail industry exploits the justice system and Arrest, Release, Repeat: How police and jails are misused to respond to social problems. Wendy also frequently publishes briefings on recent data releases, academic research, women’s incarceration, pretrial detention, probation, and more.
About the Prison Policy Initiative
The non-profit, non-partisan Prison Policy Initiative was founded in 2001 to expose the broader harms of mass criminalization and spark advocacy campaigns to create a more just society. Through big-picture reports like Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie, as well as in-depth reports on issues such as probation and parole, the organization helps the public more fully engage in criminal justice reform. The organization also launched, and continues to lead, the national fight to keep the prison system from exerting undue influence on the political process (a.k.a. prison gerrymandering).
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Fact Sheet: Aging in the United States
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The current growth of the population ages 65 and older, driven by the large baby boom generation—those born between 1946 and 1964—is unprecedented in U.S. history. This aging of the U.S. population has brought both challenges and opportunities to the economy, infrastructure, and institutions.
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en
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PRB
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https://www.prb.org/resources/fact-sheet-aging-in-the-united-states/
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The current growth of the population ages 65 and older, driven by the large baby boom generation—those born between 1946 and 1964—is unprecedented in U.S. history.
This aging of the U.S. population has brought both challenges and opportunities to the economy, infrastructure, and institutions.
Demographic Shifts
The number of Americans ages 65 and older is projected to increase from 58 million in 2022 to 82 million by 2050 (a 47% increase), and the 65-and-older age group’s share of the total population is projected to rise from 17% to 23%.1
The U.S population is older today than it has ever been. Between 1980 and 2022, the median age of the population increased from 30.0 to 38.9, but one-third (17) of states in the country had a median age above 40 in 2022, with Maine (44.8) and New Hampshire (43.3) at the top of the list.2
The older population is becoming more racially and ethnically diverse. Between 2022 and 2050 the share of the older population that identifies as non-Hispanic white is projected to drop from 75% to 60%.3
The rising diversity among older Americans can’t match the rapidly changing racial/ethnic composition of those under age 18, creating a diversity gap between generations. In 2022, fewer than half of children ages 0 to 17 (49%) were non-Hispanic white.4 But research shows that there is fluidity in how people identify with racial/ethnic categories: Mixed-race Americans (particularly mixed Hispanic and white) increasingly see themselves as part of the white majority.5
Positive Developments
Education levels are increasing. Among people ages 65 and older in 1965, only 5% had completed four years of college or more. By 2023, this share had risen to 33%.6
Older adults are working longer. By 2022, 24% of men and about 15% of women ages 65 and older were in the labor force. These levels are projected to rise further by 2032, to 25% for men and 17% for women.7
The poverty rate for Americans ages 65 and older has dropped sharply during the past 50 years, from nearly 30% in 1966 to 10% today.8 The Census Bureau’s Supplemental Poverty Measure, which accounts for non-cash benefits, tax credits, and medical expenses, shows that 14% of older Americans lived in poverty in 2022.9
More older adults can meet their daily care needs. Older adults are functioning better on their own, and a shrinking share are living in nursing homes and assisted living settings than a decade ago. Home modifications and assistive devices such as walkers have helped older Americans maintain their independence.10
Challenges
Gains in life expectancy recently stalled. U.S. life expectancy at birth declined by 2.4 years between 2019 and 2021.11 The drop in life expectancy was driven largely by the COVID-19 pandemic, but deaths from drug overdoses, heart disease, chronic liver disease and cirrhosis, and suicide also played a role.12 Life expectancy rebounded slightly in 2022, to 77.5 years, but not enough to offset the decline during the pandemic.
Obesity prevalence among older Americans has increased at an alarming rate. In a single generation—between 1988-1994 and 2015-2018—the share of U.S. adults ages 65 and older with obesity nearly doubled, increasing from 22% to 40%.13
Wide economic disparities are found across different population subgroups. Among adults ages 65 and older, 17% and 18% of those identifying as Latino and African American, respectively, lived in poverty in 2022—more than twice the rate of those who identified as non-Hispanic white (8%).14
More older adults are divorced compared with previous generations. The share of divorced women ages 65 and older increased from 3% in 1980 to 15% in 2023, and for men from 4% to 12% during the same period.15
More older women are living alone. Over one-fourth (27%) of women ages 65 to 74 lived alone in 2023. This share jumped to 39% among women ages 75 to 84, and to 50% among women ages 85 and older.16
Older Americans face a caregiving gap, especially those with lower incomes and dementia.17 Demand for elder care is expected to increase sharply with a rise in the number of Americans living with Alzheimer’s disease, which could more than double by 2050 to 13 million, from 6 million today.18
Social Security and Medicare expenditures will increase from a combined 9.1% of gross domestic product in 2023 to 11.5% by 2035 because of the large share of older adults.19
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United States
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The United States of America is the world's third largest country in size and nearly the third largest in terms of population.
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Geography
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https://kids.nationalgeographic.com/geography/countries/article/united-states
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For centuries native peoples lived across the vast expanse that would become the United States. Starting in the 16th century, settlers moved from Europe to the New World, established colonies, and displaced these native peoples.
Explorers arrived from Spain in 1565 at St. Augustine, Florida, and the British landed in 1587 to establish a colony in Roanoke, in present-day Virginia. In 1606 another British colony was established in what would become Jamestown, Virginia. From there, the French founded Quebec in 1608, then the Dutch started a colony in 1609 in present-day New York. Europeans continued to settle in the New World in ever-increasing numbers throughout the next couple of centuries.
Conflict with the Native Americans
While Native Americans resisted European efforts to gain land and power, they were often outnumbered and didn’t have as powerful of weapons. The settlers also brought diseases that the native peoples had not faced before, and these illnesses sometimes had horrible effects. A 1616 epidemic killed an estimated 75 percent of the Native Americans in the New England region of North America.
During this time, fights between the settlers and Native Americans erupted often, particularly as more people claimed land where the Native Americans lived. The U.S. government signed nearly 400 peace treaties between the mid-18th century and the mid-19th century to try to show they wanted peace with the Indigenous tribes. But the government did not honor most of these treaties, and even sent military units to forcibly remove Native Americans from their lands.
For example, in 1830, President Andrew Jackson signed the Indian Removal Act, which granted land west of the Mississippi River to Native American tribes who agreed to give up their lands. But this broke with other treaties he had signed with Native American tribes in the Southeast. The removal was supposed to be voluntary, but Jackson used legal and military action to remove several tribes from their homelands and ended nearly 70 treaties during his presidency.
By the mid-19th century, most Native American tribes had been wiped out or moved to live on much smaller portions of land in the Midwest.
Declaring Independence
In 1776, colonists living in the New England area of the New World drafted the Declaration of Independence, a document that stated that the American colonies were tired of being ruled by Great Britain (now called the United Kingdom). The settlers fought for—and won—their independence and formed a union of states based on a new constitution. But despite stating that “all men are created equal” in the Declaration of Independence, the new country was home to millions of enslaved people.
Slavery in the United States
Enslaved Africans were brought to North America by boat as early as 1619. The trans-Atlantic slave trade saw more than 12.5 million people kidnapped from Africa and sold at ports throughout the Americas over the next couple of centuries.
By 1860, nearly four million enslaved people lived in the country. Most worked in the South, where their free labor allowed the sugar, cotton, and tobacco industries to flourish. Enslaved people even built the White House and the U.S. Capitol.
When Abraham Lincoln became president in 1861, the nation had been arguing for more than a hundred years about enslaving people and each state’s right to allow it. Lincoln wanted to end slavery. Many people in the northern states agreed with him; some people in the southern states, however, relied on enslaved people to farm their crops and did not want slavery to end. Eventually, 11 southern states formed the Confederate States of America to oppose the 23 northern states that remained in the Union. The Civil War began on April 12, 1861.
The Civil War was fought between abolitionists, or people who wanted to end slavery, and the pro-slavery Confederacy. Enslaved people weren’t freed until Lincoln delivered his famous Emancipation Proclamation speech in 1863, midway through the war. Two years later, the Civil War ended with a Union victory.
That same year, the passage of the 13th Amendment officially abolished the practice of slavery and ended nearly 250 years of slavery in the country. But it did not end racism. Former enslaved people—as well as their descendants—struggled with discrimination, and African American heroes today are still fighting for equality.
Progress (and Wars) in the 20th Century
After the Civil War, the United States continued to expand westward until 1890, when the U.S. government declared the West fully explored. During this time of expansion, the population grew from about five million people in 1800 to nearly 80 million people in 1900.
The early 1900s were a time of progress in the United States. This in part was because of the number of immigrants coming to the country looking for opportunity. Between 1900 and 1915, 15 million immigrants arrived in the United States from countries such as Italy, Russia, and Poland. The new citizens worked in places such as gold mines and garment factories, and helped construct railroads and canals. These immigrants brought new ideas and culture to the young country.
The 20th century was also a time of industrial advancement. The development of the automobile and the airplane lead to an increase in factory jobs and marked a shift in more people moving to live and work in big cities instead of farming in small towns.
But there were tough times, too. The United States fought alongside Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Romania, and Japan against Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Ottoman Empire (now the country of Turkey) in World War I, before the country suffered through what became known as the Great Depression, a time of economic crisis during the 1930s.
In the 1940s, then-president Franklin Delano Roosevelt steered the country out of the Depression before leading the country during the Second World War, alongside allies France, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union (now Russia), against Germany, Italy, and Japan.
The United States’ reputation as a progressive country took hold after the two World Wars and the Great Depression. The ’50s, ’60s, and ’70s were a time of innovation in the nation. In 1958, NASA—the National Aeronautics and Space Administration—started exploring the possibility of space flight. By 1969, the agency landed the first human on the moon.
Throughout these three decades, the fight for civil rights in the country continued with Americans of all backgrounds fighting for equal rights for their fellow citizens. Civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech is perhaps the most famous speech associated with the civil rights movement. Historic firsts for people of color during these decades include Dalip Singh Saund becoming the first Asian American elected to the Congress in 1957; Thurgood Marshall becomingthe first African American justice to serve on the Supreme Court in 1967; and Shirley Chisholm becoming the first African American female elected to Congress in 1968.
The late 1900s saw the U.S. government get involved in several wars on different fronts, including the Vietnam War, a war between what was then the two separate countries of North and South Vietnam, in which the United States sided with South Vietnam; the Cold War, a long period of non-violent tensions between the United States and the former Soviet Union, now Russia; and the Gulf War, a war waged by 30-plus nations lead by the United States against the country of Iraq.
An Attack on America
Although the country was still a relatively young nation at the beginning of the 21st century, the United States had established itself as a global power. Some people saw this power as a threat.
On September 11, 2001, 19 terrorists who disagreed with the United States’ involvement in world affairs hijacked four planes. Two of the planes were flown into the two 110-story skyscrapers that made up New York City’s World Trade Center. Another crashed into the Pentagon outside of Washington, D.C. The fourth plane went down in a Pennsylvania field. Nearly 3,000 people died that day.
Then-president George W. Bush sent troops to Afghanistan after the events of 9/11. He hoped to capture those responsible for the attacks, including al Qaeda terrorist leader Osama bin Laden. Bush also sent troops to Iraq in 2003, after rumors started that the country was hiding dangerous weapons that the president wanted to find and destroy.
While bin Laden was eventually located and killed in 2011, the United States is still fighting what’s called “the war on terrorism” today.
Historic Firsts—Plus, a Pandemic
The 21st century marked more progress for the United States, particularly at its highest levels of government. In 2008, Barack Obama became the first African American to be elected president of the United States. In 2020, Kamala Harris became the first Black and Indian American person and the first woman elected vice president.
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Maternal Mortality in the United States: Updates on Trends, Causes, and Solutions
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2019-10-16T00:00:00
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The rising trend in pregnancy-related deaths during the past 2 decades in the United States stands out among other high-income countries where pregnancy-related deaths are declining. Cardiomyopathy and other cardiovascular conditions, hemorrhage, and ...
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7377107/
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Neoreviews. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2020 Jul 23.
Published in final edited form as:
PMCID: PMC7377107
NIHMSID: NIHMS1607881
PMID: 31575778
Maternal Mortality in the United States: Updates on Trends, Causes, and Solutions
, MD*‡ and , MD, MPH†‡
Ai-ris Y. Collier
*Division of Maternal Fetal Medicine, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, MA
‡Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA
Find articles by Ai-ris Y. Collier
Rose L. Molina
†Division of Global and Community Health, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, MA
‡Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA
Find articles by Rose L. Molina
*Division of Maternal Fetal Medicine, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, MA
†Division of Global and Community Health, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, MA
‡Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA
Reprints Information about ordering reprints can be found online: http://classic.neoreviews.aappublications.org/content/reprints
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Abstract
The rising trend in pregnancy-related deaths during the past 2 decades in the United States stands out among other high-income countries where pregnancy-related deaths are declining. Cardiomyopathy and other cardiovascular conditions, hemorrhage, and other chronic medical conditions are all important causes of death. Unintentional death from violence, overdose, and self-harm are emerging causes that require medical and public health attention. Significant racial/ethnic inequities exist in pregnancy care with non-Hispanic black women incurring 3 to 4 times higher rates of pregnancy-related death than non-Hispanic white women. Varied terminology and lack of standardized methods for identifying maternal deaths in the United States have resulted in nuanced data collection and interpretation challenges. State maternal mortality review committees are important mechanisms for capturing and interpreting data on cause, timing, and preventability of maternal deaths. Importantly, a thorough standardized review of each maternal death leads to recommendations to prevent future pregnancy-associated deaths. Key interventions to improve maternal health outcomes include 1) integrating multidisciplinary care for women with high-risk comorbidities during preconception care, pregnancy, postpartum, and beyond; 2) addressing structural racism and the social determinants of health; 3) implementing hospital-wide safety bundles with team training and simulation; 4) providing patient education on early warning signs for medical complications of pregnancy; and 5) regionalizing maternal levels of care so that women with risk factors are supported when delivering at facilities with specialized care teams.
INTRODUCTION
Maternal death during pregnancy, childbirth, or postpartum is a tragedy with catastrophic impact on families and serves as an important indicator of the quality of a health system. The World Health Organization (WHO) has defined maternal mortality ratio (MMR) as “the number of maternal deaths per 100,000 live births, [where] maternal death is the death of a woman while pregnant or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy,” regardless of whether the cause was related to or aggravated by pregnancy. (1) However, according to the WHO definition, maternal deaths do not include those from accidental or incidental causes. Although the MMR has been the most common indicator for international comparisons of maternal health, it does not specify the cause of death in relation to pregnancy.
The MMR in the United States has decreased drastically in the last century because of advances in surgical technique, safer anesthesia, antisepsis, and overall improved living conditions. Although the MMR dropped from 900 deaths per 100,000 live births in the 1900s to 12.7 in 2007, the US rate of MMR has seen a rise over the past several decades. (2) In 2014, complications during pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period ranked as the 6th greatest cause of death among women aged 20 to 34 in the United States. (3) The MMR in the United States has more than doubled from 9.8 per 100,000 live births in 2000 to 21.5 in 2014, (4) and this trend stands out among high-income countries; maternal mortality has decreased in other high-income countries, such as Canada and the United Kingdom, during the same time period. According to the WHO, the MMR has fallen by 44% from 1990 to 2015 in low- and middle-income countries. (5)
When interpreting these trends, however, we must also account for improvements in data ascertainment. The addition of a pregnancy question on the US death certificate in 2003 coincided with increased mortality rate, which suggests improved detection and reporting as part of the story. (4) Increasing maternal mortality rates vary by state and have generated public attention on family planning availability and the growing prevalence of chronic medical conditions including obesity, diabetes, and heart disease. Delayed childbearing leading to more advanced age during pregnancy, higher cesarean delivery rates, the opioid epidemic, and fragmented and limited access to care during and after pregnancy have also been identified as potential contributors. (6)
In the United States, the racial/ethnic inequities in maternal deaths are troubling; most notably, non-Hispanic black women carry a 3- to 4-fold risk of pregnancy-related deaths compared with non-Hispanic white women. (7) While the medical and public health communities have made strides to reduce infant mortality with strategies such as the Safe to Sleep campaign, (8) it is time to focus on solutions to improve maternal health as well, particularly for those at highest risk for adverse outcomes. This review summarizes the data collection challenges, causes of maternal mortality and severe maternal morbidity, inequities in maternal health outcomes, and solutions to reduce maternal morbidity and mortality.
DEFINITIONS AND DATA COLLECTION CHALLENGES
In the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has put forward 3 classifications of pregnancy-associated death (death of a woman while pregnant or within 1 year of termination of pregnancy, irrespective of the cause)(9):
Pregnancy-related: “The death of a woman while pregnant or within 1 year of termination of pregnancy, from any cause related to or aggravated by her pregnancy or its management, but not from accidental or incidental causes.” (Example: the death of a woman from postpartum hemorrhage or amniotic fluid embolism).
Pregnancy-associated but not pregnancy-related: “The death of a woman while pregnant or within 1 year of termination of pregnancy due to a cause unrelated to pregnancy.” (Example: the death of a pregnant woman from an earthquake).
Pregnancy-associated but undetermined if pregnancy-related: “The death of a woman while pregnant or within 1 year of termination of pregnancy from a cause that cannot be determined or conclusively categorized as either pregnancy-related or not pregnancy related.” (Example: a woman with an unknown mental health history dies at 6 months postpartum from a self-inflicted cause).
The CDC manages the 2 national data sources of maternal deaths: 1) the National Vital Statistics System compiled annually by the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), and 2) the Pregnancy Mortality Surveillance System (PMSS), a flagship program run by the Division of Reproductive Health at the National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion ( ). (10) The NCHS relies exclusively on International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision (ICD-10) codes assigned to causes of death listed on maternal death certificates and publishes the maternal mortality rate, consistent with the WHO definition of maternal death. The PMSS relies on epidemiologists to classify deaths according to the aforementioned definitions of pregnancy-related and pregnancy-associated deaths and allocate the causes of death into 10 categories: hemorrhage, infection/sepsis, amniotic fluid embolism, thrombotic pulmonary or other embolism, hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, anesthesia complications, cerebrovascular accidents, cardiomyopathy, cardiovascular disease, and noncardiovascular medical conditions.
TABLE.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS (NCHS)PREGNANCY MORTALITY SURVEILLANCE SYSTEM (PMSS)Data sourceDeath certificatesDeath certificates linked to fetal death and birth certificatesTime frameDuring pregnancy to 42 days postpartumDuring pregnancy to 365 days postpartumSource of classificationICD-10 codesMedical epidemiologists assign PMSS codesTermsMaternal deathPregnancy-associated deathPregnancy-related deathAssociated but not pregnancy-related deathMeasureMaternal Mortality RatePregnancy-Related Mortality Ratio= # of maternal deaths per 100,000 live births= # of pregnancy-related deaths per 100,000 live birthsPurpose(s)Show national trends and provide basis for international comparisonAnalyze clinical factors associated with deaths, publish information that may lead to prevention strategiesStrengthsBest source of historical data (back to 1900)Most clinically relevant national measure of the burden of maternal deathsReliable basis for international comparisonBased on readily available data (death certificates)ChallengesConstrained by ICD-10 codesConstrained by information available on death and birth certificatesLacks sufficient detail to inform prevention strategiesLacks detailed information on contributors to death
Measurement challenges include the limitations of ICD code accuracy and significant variation in the statewide implementation of the pregnancy checkbox on death certificates, which began in 2003, but was not fully implemented in all states until 2016. (10) Multiple studies have concluded that improvements in reporting and case ascertainment explain some of the recent increase in maternal mortality in the United States. (7)(11)(12)(13) One study estimated that about 80% of the reported increase in maternal mortality between 2000 and 2014 could be attributed to improvements in data linkages and the pregnancy box. (10) Another study found that the addition of the checkbox may have increased case identification but also misclassification, particularly among women aged 40 years or older. (14) However, after correcting for improved ascertainment of maternal deaths from implementation of the pregnancy question, the adjusted average MMR across 48 US states is still estimated to have risen by 27% from 18.8 to 23.8 per 100,000 live births from 2000 to 2014 (4); the smaller adjusted increase in MMR is because of significant under-reporting during the early time point. (4) The MMR in Texas doubled from 2011 to 2014, suggesting gaps in data quality rather than a true doubling of maternal death rates. (13) The study team used an enhanced method with full review of medical records for identifying pregnancy-associated deaths and found that more than half of the obstetric-coded deaths were inaccurately labeled. (13) However, even accounting for these data collection challenges, the MMR in the United States has not decreased substantially in the recent decades, as it has in other high-income countries.
State-based maternal mortality review committees (MMRCs) are the gold standard in identifying and reviewing pregnancy-associated and pregnancy-related deaths because they are made of a multidisciplinary team that reviews all available data, including prenatal records, hospital records, and autopsy reports. (10) MMRCs are now functional in approximately two-thirds of states and are best positioned to classify deaths as preventable or not and to make recommendations to prevent similar deaths in the future. (15)(16)(17)(18)(19)(20) The CDC has developed a standardized data collection system for state MMRCs called the Maternal Mortality Review Information Application (MMRIA). (21) The MMRIA is a publicly available set of standardized forms for abstracting data and recording MMRC decisions on 6 key questions: 1) Was the death pregnancy-related? 2) What was the cause of death? 3) Was the death preventable? 4) What were the factors that contributed to this death? 5) What are the recommendations and actions that address those contributing factors? 6) What is the anticipated impact of those actions if implemented?”(21) MMRCs play a critical role in evaluating all information about maternal deaths to identify systems solutions to improve care delivery for those that are deemed preventable.
CAUSES OF MATERNAL MORTALITY AND MORBIDITY
The 2018 report from 9 state MMRCs concluded that around 50% of all pregnancy-related deaths were caused by hemorrhage, cardiovascular/coronary conditions, cardiomyopathy, or infection. For non-Hispanic black women, the most common underlying causes of death included preeclampsia, eclampsia, and embolism. For non-Hispanic white women, mental health conditions were the leading cause of death. (22)
The most recent CDC report on maternal mortality from May 2019 also identified cardiovascular conditions (including cardiomyopathy, myocardial infarction, and cerebrovascular accidents) as the cause for more than 33% of pregnancy-related deaths ( ). (22)(23)(24) From 2003 to 2012 there was a 25% increase in the number of women entering pregnancy with preexisting heart disease. Most of these women have congenital heart disease or valvular heart disease. However, the prevalence of cardiomyopathy and pulmonary hypertension increased significantly and demonstrated the highest in-hospital mortality, most often because of heart failure, arrhythmia, respiratory failure, shock, renal failure, and preeclampsia. (25) It is unclear why the incidence of cardiomyopathy is increasing, but it could be associated with increases in maternal age, multifetal pregnancies, or improved recognition.
In a study of the National Inpatient Sample from 2002 to 2013, the incidence of cardiogenic shock (the most extreme of cardiovascular disease associated with mortality) increased over 3-fold; the mortality rate for pregnant women with cardiogenic shock was 19% compared with 0.02% of women without cardiogenic shock. (26) More than 80% of pregnant and postpartum women with cardiogenic shock had peripartum cardiomyopathy, a pregnancy-associated diagnosis that has also increased during the same period. (27) Both acute and chronic renal failure were significantly associated with mortality in women with cardiogenic shock. (26) Commonly identified risk factors for cardiovascular death include increasing maternal age, obesity, and hypertensive disorders. (27)(28) Strategies aimed at reducing modifiable chronic conditions such as obesity, hypertension, and diabetes in women of reproductive age may help reduce the incidence of cardiovascular disease and major adverse events. In addition, multidisciplinary care of pregnant women with cardiovascular disease, beginning with adequate risk assessment and evaluation for known and unknown cardiac disease is necessary to eliminate preventable maternal deaths. (29)(30)(31)
Obstetric hemorrhage was the cause of 11.5% of pregnancy-related deaths from 2011 to 2014 and is usually preventable. (32) Hemorrhage also accounts for the overwhelming majority of severe maternal morbidity, with blood product transfusions rising from 25 per 10,000 delivery hospitalizations in 1993 to 122 per 10,000 delivery hospitalizations in 2014. (24) This is a critical area for focused efforts to implement hospital-based national safety bundles, multidisciplinary team training, simulation, and reporting systems so that cases can be reviewed to ensure continuous improvement in safety and quality. (33) Successful implementation of state-wide bundles across 99 diverse hospitals in California has demonstrated reductions in severe morbidity rates from hemorrhage by 20.8%. (34) Some of the increase in prevalence of hemorrhage can be attributed to skyrocketing rates of cesarean delivery. Although cesarean can be a life-saving intervention, the US average annual cesarean delivery rate has risen from 23% in 1996 to 33% in 2011 without a corresponding reduction in maternal and neonatal morbidity or mortality. (35) Cesarean delivery is associated with increased maternal mortality and morbidity (particularly hemorrhage, infection, and thromboembolism) compared with vaginal birth and leads to future risks for abnormal placentation such as placenta previa and placenta accreta in subsequent pregnancies. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) has taken steps to reduce the number of unnecessary cesarean deliveries by creating guidelines for the safe prevention of the primary cesarean. (35)
Another important emerging contributor to maternal death is self-harm (suicide or accidental overdose). In Colorado, 30% of the 211 maternal deaths over a 9-year study period were related to self-harm, with the majority occurring in the postpartum period. Prior psychiatric history and psychopharmacotherapy use during pregnancy were documented in over half of these women. (36) In Philadelphia, over a 4-year period, 49% of maternal deaths had nonmedical causes, including unintentional injury (overdose, motor vehicle crash, or other), homicide, and suicide; overdose composed 40% of nonmedical causes of maternal deaths. (37) The authors caution againstnarrowing the focus of maternal mortality on medical causes because nonmedical causes, particularly unintentional overdose, are important contributors to pregnancy-associated mortality. Mental illness, substance use, and intimate partner violence are common risk factors among women who died of both medical and nonmedical causes, reinforcing the importance of screening and providing interdisciplinary perinatal management of substance use disorders and psychobehavioral interventions. (37)
Severe maternal morbidity (SMM) is defined by the CDC as an index of 18 indicators of significant events (such as blood transfusion, hysterectomy, heart failure, eclampsia, respiratory distress, and sepsis) corresponding to ICD-10 diagnoses during delivery admission. (24) These indicators were chosen because they can be life-threatening, and are associated with short- or long-term morbidity, prolonged hospitalization, and high health care costs. (2) Many studies of smaller datasets use SMM as a surrogate for maternal mortality because SMM is thought to include the sentinel events that lead to significantly increased risk of death. SMM rates have increased 200% from 1993 to 2014, and this increase is primarily driven by increasing blood transfusions in response to postpartum hemorrhage. After removing blood transfusion, SMM has increased 20% over this period, with hysterectomy and temporary ventilatory support accounting for the next most common complications. (24)
The prevalence of reproductive-aged women with chronic conditions continues to rise, and pregnant women with multiple chronic conditions are at 276% higher risk of SMM and mortality than women with no chronic conditions. (38) Women with multiple chronic conditions are often older than women with a single chronic condition or no chronic conditions. Noncardiovascular medical conditions accounted for 14.3% of pregnancy-related deaths during the period from 2011 to 2015. (23)
Prepregnancy obesity has been associated with SMM and mortality in a cohort of women delivering in Washington State between 2004 and 2013, suggesting that the obesity epidemic was an important contributing factor to adverse maternal health outcomes. (39) An analysis of California births found that the incidence of SMM increased 65% from 2007 to 2014 and the prevalence of prepregnancy obesity, maternal age older than or equal to 35 years, and comorbid conditions also increased during the same period, but were estimated to contribute only 13% of the increasing morbidity. (40) Cesarean delivery was estimated to contribute 37% of the SMM in California during these 7 years. Increasing prevalence of maternal chronic medical conditions and cesarean delivery accounts for only half of the SMM, leaving room for investigation of other contributing factors. Although national efforts to reduce unnecessary cesarean deliveries may be promising interventions for reducing SMM, this study underscores the need to also address other contributing factors. (40)
In a study using delivery data from Washington State from 2000 to 2008, the rate of early-onset preeclampsia before 34 weeks’ gestation increased by 33% and was associated with a 10-fold greater risk of maternal death compared with women without preeclampsia. (41) Preeclampsia is also associated with significantly higher rates of SMM, particularly from cardiovascular, respiratory, or renal failure. Hypertensive disease in pregnancy has long-term health implications, including a 2-fold increased risk for all-cause mortality before age 50 years, and increased mortality related to diabetes, ischemic heart disease, and stroke. These long-term sequelae occurred more frequently in the group of women who had 2 or more pregnancies complicated by hypertensive disease. (42) Identifying women at risk for cardiovascular disease during their childbearing years offers an opportunity to intervene and optimize long-term health.
Access to abortion care has been curtailed in multiple states because of legislative restrictions on physician and facility requirements, medication abortion restrictions, gestational age limits, funding cuts, mandatory waiting periods, and parental consent laws, which can place women at increased risk of harm if they attempt self-induced abortions. (43) Improved insurance coverage for abortion care through state Medicaid has been associated with 16% fewer cases of SMM, suggesting that increased coverage for abortion care reduces complications associated with pregnancy. (44)
INEQUITIES IN MATERNAL MORBIDITY AND MORTALITY
Inequities—differences that are systematic, avoidable, and unjust—in maternal health outcomes have persisted and are a cause for concern. Although multiple social conditions confer increased risk of adverse outcomes, the most prominent examples of inequities in maternal health in the United States are rooted in the social constructs of race and ethnicity. One conceptual model from Dr Elizabeth Howell demonstrates the ecosystem of factors (patient, community/neighborhood, provider, and systems) that contribute to adverse health outcomes throughout the continuum of reproductive health care, particularly for women of color. (45)
Black women experience maternal deaths at a rate 3 to 4 times that of white women in the United States, (2)(7) regardless of age. (46) According to the CDC, the pregnancy-related mortality ratios between 2011 and 2014 were as follows: 12.4 deaths per 100,000 live births for white women, 40.0 deaths per 100,000 live births for black women, and 17.8 deaths per 100,000 live births for women of other races (32); this inequity remains unchanged in the 2019 report of pregnancy-related deaths from 2015. (23) The 2018 report of 9 MMRCs revealed that greater proportions of pregnancy-related deaths of all pregnancy-associated deaths occurred among non-Hispanic black women compared with white women ( ). (22)
Black and Native American women also experience increased complications from pregnancy compared with white women, regardless of socioeconomic status and comorbidities. (47) Using 7 state inpatient databases from 2008 to 2010, Creanga et al identified race/ethnicity as an important predictor of maternal morbidity. (48) Although other factors were also identified as significant predictors of SMM, such as age less than 20 years or more than or equal to 35 years, self-pay or Medicaid coverage for delivery, low socioeconomic status, and presence of chronic medical conditions, they did not fully explain the observed racial/ethnic disparities in SMM. (48) Using the National Inpatient Sample from 2012 to 2015, Admon et al also found that SMM during delivery hospitalization was higher among all racial/ethnic groups compared with non-Hispanic whites. (49) The most common SMM was blood transfusion, which accounted for nearly 75% of all morbidity across racial/ethnic groups. The incidence of SMM was highest among women with multiple chronic conditions and particularly among those of color, suggesting increased case morbidity. (49) Grobman et al found that racial/ethnic disparities in maternal morbidity persisted even after controlling for patient-level factors and hospital of delivery. (50) In addition, racial/ethnic disparities in obstetric care delivery exist. Non-Hispanic blacks, Hispanics, and Asians all had lower odds of labor induction than non-Hispanic whites. The odds of receiving an episiotomy was increased in Asians but decreased in non-Hispanic blacks and Hispanics compared with non-Hispanic whites, (50) indicating that there may be biases in care delivery. Women of color also experience pregnancy-related complications that are associated with higher rates of death, such as tuberculosis, (51) or experience higher case fatality with conditions such as ectopic pregnancy. (52)
The root cause of racial/ethnic inequities is the legacy of structural racism that permeates people’s lived experiences, including experiences in the health care system. One important driver of inequities in maternal health is distrust in the health system as a result of historical and contemporary discrimination, which often manifests as lower prenatal care utilization and adherence with treatment plans. An analysis of more than 2,000 responses to the Listening to Mothers III survey found that more than 40% of participants reported communication challenges in prenatal care and 24% perceived discrimination during birth hospitalization, predominantly among black or Hispanic women and uninsured women. (53)
Another important driver of inequities is the variation in hospital quality of care during childbirth, in which women of color more commonly go to hospitals with higher risk-adjusted morbidity compared with the hospitals where white women go more commonly. (54) In an analysis of the black-white differences in hospital of delivery in New York City, Howell et al estimated that as much as 48% of the racial disparity in SMM could be attributed to differences in care quality at the hospital level. (55) A similar analysis among Hispanic women also showed that up to 37% of the ethnic disparity could be attributed to differences in care quality at the hospital level. (55)
Solutions to reduce inequities span all levels, from policies to address racism and social determinants of health to improving quality of care delivery and experience of care during childbirth, to mobilizing community-based organizations to support women before, during, and after pregnancy. Some examples include standardizing and improving quality of care in hospitals, particularly among facilities that have higher risk-adjusted morbidity rates and also care for a disproportionate number of women of color. (56) In addition, developing disparity dashboards to track outcomes among specific groups is important for monitoring, evaluation, and quality improvement. (57) Training on implicit bias is critical across the health care workforce to sensitize individuals to the role implicit bias may play in their interactions with patients. Lastly, there are innovative antenatal and postnatal care delivery models that are being evaluated as strategies to close disparities, such as group antenatal care and postpartum home visits with integrated interdisciplinary health teams. (58)
IMPROVING SAFETY AND QUALITY OF CHILDBIRTH CARE
With the increases in both maternal mortality and morbidity, there has been an increasing focus on quality of care at the hospital level in the days before and after childbirth. In addition to wide variation in SMM across hospitals, there is also substantial variation within hospitals. (56) The imperative to standardize and improve safety and quality is the foundation for reducing adverse maternal outcomes in the hospital setting. The most common mechanisms to achieve this end are 1) a focus on team communication and team training; 2) implementation of evidence-based safety bundles or toolkits to manage obstetric complications that are most likely to cause SMM and/or death; and 3) data-driven MMRCs that can provide specific recommendations for systems improvement to prevent future maternal deaths.
According to a review of sentinel events reported to the Joint Commission, failures in communication were the second leading root cause of SMM and maternal mortality and the leading root cause of perinatal deaths and injuries. (59) Key facilitators include leadership champions to build and support a culture of safety that encourages open communication among all team members and transparent, nonpunitive reporting of safety-critical events with a focus on systems improvement. (59) In addition, structured communication tools, such as safety huddles, safety checklists, “SBAR” (Situation, Background, Assessment, Recommendation) approach, and team training simulation such as TeamSTEPPS facilitate interprofessional communication and teamwork, particularly in acute situations that require coordination of resources and expertise. The maternal early warning triggers or criteria facilitate communication between bedside nurses and clinicians through increased clinical surveillance and responsiveness to patients with abnormal vital signs who may require prompt evaluation and treatment to prevent morbidity. (60)(61)(62)
Safety bundles and/or toolkits that facilitate adherence with evidence-based guidelines have been critical efforts to reduce maternal morbidity and mortality in the United States. At a national level, multiple professional organizations and stakeholders came together to form the National Partnership for Maternal Safety, which developed safety bundles for obstetric hemorrhage, severe hypertension in pregnancy, and peripartum venous thromboembolism. (63) Since the introduction of universal pneumatic compression devices at the time of cesarean delivery and rapid treatment of severe hypertension, there was a reduction in maternal deaths from postcesarean pulmonary embolism and in deaths and morbidity related to hypertensive disorders. (64)(65)(66)
The California Maternal Quality Care Collaborative (CMQCC) was developed as a public-private partnership and leveraged data from the Department of Public Health to support data-driven large-scale quality improvement initiatives to reduce maternal deaths and morbidity. (67) CMQCC-affiliated hospitals have demonstrated reductions in maternal morbidity from postpartum hemorrhage after implementing a comprehensive hemorrhage bundle compared with non–CMQCC-affiliated hospitals in California (20.8% vs 1.2%). (34)
With federal funding from the Health Resources and Services Administration Maternal Child Health Bureau, the Alliance for Innovation on Maternal Health (AIM) was formed and led by partners from the ACOG Council on Patient Safety and Women’s Health Care and the National Partnership for Maternal Safety. (68) AIM is a state-based program that develops and provides implementation support for safety bundles. Each bundle has 4 components: readiness, recognition, response, and reporting and systems learning. (68) AIM operationalizes the bundle implementation and reporting systems through state-based teams, often organized as state perinatal quality collaboratives (PQCs). PQCs are defined as “state or multistate networks of multidisciplinary teams, working to improve measurable population outcomes for maternal and infant health by advancing evidence-informed clinical practices and processes using quality improvement principles.”(69) The anchoring structure of PQCs relies on the department of public health, state hospital association, and clinician leadership. Additional members may include the state MMRC, community health organizations, patient advocacy groups, risk management, payers, and purchasers. (69) A critical function of the PQCs is to develop and sustain a robust data collection system for maternal health indicators at the state level.
Adjunct health system solutions to improve maternal outcomes include developing an obstetrics hospitalist workforce that may be best positioned to respond to uncommon emergencies (4)(70) and improve patient education at the time of discharge from the hospital. Although the obstetrics hospitalist workforce is growing across the United States, there remains wide variation regarding work models and scope of practice. (71) More data are needed to assess maternal outcomes in hospitals where a robust obstetrics hospitalist workforce manages intrapartum care. Similar to the integrated regional neonatal levels of care to improve perinatal mortality, maternal levels of care provide risk-appropriate care for those who would benefit from additional expertise and infrastructure because of preexisting comorbidities in pregnancy. (72) Implementation of regionalized maternal levels of care would allow for patients with high-risk conditions to be cared for at higher-volume hospitals with greater access to subspecialists. In addition, patient communication and education about danger signs, such as the POST-BIRTH tool, have been additional areas of focus to improve prompt recognition of symptoms and medical evaluation, especially once patients return home after childbirth. (73)
The 2018 report of 9 MMRCs found that more than 60% of pregnancy-related deaths were preventable and the leading factors contributing to death were patient/family factors (namely, lack of knowledge about early warning signs to seek care), provider factors (misdiagnosis or ineffective treatments), and factors related to systems of care (lack of coordination between providers) ( ). (22) Most importantly, the MMRCs provided recommendations to prevent future maternal deaths, such as adopting levels of maternal care, (72) improving and enforcing policies and procedures on obstetric hemorrhage, and addressing health equity. Specifically, a California review of pregnancy-related cardiovascular deaths identified both patient and provider contributing factors, particularly a delay in patients seeking care as well as in provider response, which suggests an opportunity to improve patient education and standardize response protocols. (28)
CURRENT HEALTH CARE POLICY TO ADDRESS MATERNAL MORTALITY
On December 21, 2018, the Preventing Maternal Deaths Act (HR 1318) was signed into law. This legislation allocates federal funding to support states in establishing and sustaining MMRCs. (74) One challenge will be standardizing data collection and reporting systems among the various MMRCs.
Other maternal health bills in Congress at this time are the Maternal Care Access and Reducing Emergencies (CARE) Act, the Rural Maternal and Obstetric Modernization of Services (MOMS) Act, and the Mothers and Offspring Mortality and Morbidity Awareness (MOMMA) Act. The CARE Act, introduced by California Senator Kamala Harris, focuses on dismantling structural racism through training programs around implicit bias for clinicians. The MOMS Act, introduced by North Dakota Senator Heidi Heitkamp, addresses the disparities in access to obstetric care for women in rural communities by creating regional networks and increasing workforce capacity in rural areas. The MOMMA Act, introduced by Illinois Representative Robin Kelly, seeks to expand Medicaid through 1 year after delivery, standardize data collection through the CDC, establish and enforce national emergency obstetric protocols, and improve culturally competent care. In addition, there are multiple bills at the state and federal levels around expanding Medicaid through 1 year after delivery and providing Medicaid reimbursement for doula services.
PREPREGNANCY AND INTERPREGNANCY HEALTH
Pregnancy conditions, such as hypertensive disease and gestational diabetes, are known risk factors for cardiovascular disease later in life and increased early mortality. (42)(75) Other adverse pregnancy outcomes such as preterm labor and fetal growth restriction may also be associated with increased lifelong cardiovascular risk. (76) The postpartum period is a time of significant biological, psychological, and social transition with increased risk of complications, yet 10% to 40% of women do not attend any postpartum visit between 4 and 12 weeks. (77) During pregnancy and postpartum care, obstetricians have an opportunity to provide anticipatory guidance; arrange for appropriate follow-up for chronic health conditions, mental health, and substance use disorders; and identify and educate patients about early warning signs of SMM. According to the most recent CDC report, the majority of unintentional deaths occurred between 6 weeks and 1 year after delivery, highlighting the importance of the continuum of care that extends beyond the traditional 6-week postpartum period. (23) ACOG has revised recommendations for postpartum care to become an ongoing process of addressing recovery from birth, newborn care, psychosocial and sexual well-being, contraception, chronic disease management, health maintenance, and a transition to ongoing well-woman care, rather than a single encounter. (78) The prepregnancy and interpregnancy periods are windows of opportunity for implementing risk-reducing interventions for women with multiple medical conditions, mental health issues, or substance use disorders to optimize outcomes for future pregnancies and long-term well-being. Improving health systems to allow longitudinal continuous care from pregnancy and beyond is critical to reduce maternal mortality. (79)
CONCLUSION
Pregnancy-related deaths have been steadily rising in the United States and are not just a result of improved data acquisition. Cardiovascular conditions, obstetric hemorrhage, and self-harm or unintentional harm are important causes of pregnancy-related deaths; significant inequities exist between non-Hispanic black and non-Hispanic white women. The majority of pregnancy-related deaths are preventable. Implementation of safety bundles, team training, integrated multidisciplinary care for high-risk patients, risk-stratified levels of maternal care, improvements in communication between providers and patients regarding early warning signs, and addressing structural racism and the social determinants of health are all strategies for improving maternal safety, quality and equity. Health care policy to improve funding and resources for standardized, state-based review of pregnancy-related deaths are important steps to reverse rising rates and close persistent inequities in maternal morbidity and mortality.
In contrast to other high-income countries, the maternal death rate in the United States has been rising for over 20 years with persistent racial/ethnic inequities.
Initiatives to improve safety, quality, and equity of care during pregnancy, delivery, and beyond are essential to optimize maternal health outcomes.
Explain the definitions of pregnancy-related and pregnancy-associated deaths and the data challenges in the United States.
Recognize key contributors to rising maternal deaths and persistent inequities in the United States.
Identify key strategies and solutions for improving maternal health.
Know the effects on the fetus and/or newborn infant of maternal cardiac disease and its management.
Know the essentials of prenatal care, including risk assessment, perinatal referral, screening, and standard monitoring.
Know how maternal obesity may influence pregnancy and pregnancy outcome.
Know the components of pre- and periconceptional health care (including nutritional requirements during pregnancy) that influence pregnancy outcomes.
Know the issues in the organization of perinatal care (e.g., regionalization, transport, practice guidelines, benchmarking data, quality improvement).
Acknowledgments
AUTHOR DISCLOSURE Dr Collier is supported by the Reproductive Scientist Development Program (K12HD000849), the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development, and Burroughs Wellcome Fund as part of the Reproductive Scientist Development Program. Dr Molina has disclosed no financial relationships relevant to this article. This commentary does not contain a discussion of an unapproved/investigative use of a commercial product/device.
ABBREVIATIONS
ACOGAmerican College of Obstetricians and GynecologistsAIMAlliance for Innovation on Maternal HealthCARE ActMaternal Care Access and Reducing Emergencies ActCDCCenters for Disease Control and PreventionCMQCCCalifornia Maternal Quality Care CollaborativeICD-10International Classification of Diseases, 10th RevisionMMRmaternal mortality ratioMMRCmaternal mortality review committeeMMRIAMaternal Mortality Review Information ApplicationMOMMA ActMothers and Offspring Mortality and Morbidity Awareness ActMOMS ActMaternal and Obstetric Modernization of Services ActNCHSNational Center for Health StatisticsPMSSPregnancy Mortality Surveillance SystemPQCperinatal quality collaborativeSMMsevere maternal morbidityWHOWorld Health Organization
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Remarks by President Biden and First Lady Jill Biden at Screening of the Film “Flamin’ Hot”
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South Lawn 8:09 P.M. EDT THE FIRST LADY: Hello. Thank you. And welcome to the White House. (Applause.) It’s
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The White House
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https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/06/16/remarks-by-president-biden-and-first-lady-jill-biden-at-screening-of-the-film-flamin-hot/
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South Lawn
8:09 P.M. EDT
THE FIRST LADY: Hello. Thank you. And welcome to the White House. (Applause.)
It’s wonderful to see so many friends here today. And can we get another round of applause for Mariachi Vagas — Vargas. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Where are they? (Laughter.)
THE FIRST LADY: This — this country is and has always been defined by “We, the People.” With varied backgrounds and beliefs, each of us makes our nation and remakes it in big ways and small ones — when we create and innovate, when we raise families and start businesses, when we run for office or show up to volunteer.
We — (applause) — we are millions of individuals who add up to something so much bigger than any one of us. And all of us deserve to have our stories told, respected, and heard. (Applause.)
Richard helped change the way companies think about Latino customers, helped establish that this community and the economic power it holds deserve to be taken seriously. (Applause.)
But this film isn’t just about Richard. It’s about everyone who has been overlooked and underestimated but reached for a dream anyway. It’s about sacrifice and love and partnership — how when someone sees the possibility that you hold, you can find the courage to take risks and rise to the top, no matter what stands in your way. (Applause.)
And it’s about the entire community who came together to make this movie possible. Of course, that effort has been led by the incomparable Eva Longoria. (Applause.)
Eva, as an actress, a producer, director, nonprofit founder, and entrepreneur, you have worked tirelessly to tell the stories of your community. And you’ve done so much to lift up the women, especially Latinas — (applause) — who want to follow in your footsteps starting businesses and shaping politics and changing our world. We’re honored to screen your movie here today. (Applause.)
When we fight for what we believe in, when we embrace what makes us unique, what makes us stand out, the world becomes a more beautiful place to be. And as you lead and as you fight for what you believe in, remember that Joe and I stand with you. (Applause.)
Now it’s my pleasure to welcome Eva to the mic. Eva! (Applause.)
MS. LONGORIA: So amazing. Oh my gosh. Woo! (Applause.) Thank you, guys. Thank you, Dr. Biden. Woo, we’re at the White House! (Applause.)
I — when we set out to make this movie, I never imagined a night like this would be possible. It’s a dream I didn’t even know I had. So, thank you to the Bidens for making this come true for — for not only me, for our entire cast that’s here — (applause); for Latinos everywhere who deserve to — to have their stories told.
And I’m so happy that I’m here with you all tonight at the People’s House — (applause) — because this truly is a people’s story. When our producer, DeVon Franklin, came to me with — with Richard’s story, I was so inspired. And I was also ashamed that I didn’t know his story. I’m Mexican American. He’s Mexican American. How come we don’t hear about the heroes in our community?
And I became obsessed with being the only person who could tell his story. I was inspired. And I thought: I am Richard Montañez. I’ve been told no. I’ve been told, “Ideas don’t come from people like you.” “You’re a woman. Maybe you shouldn’t do that job.”
And Richard dared to ask, “But why not me? Why can’t I be great?” (Applause.) So —
THE PRESIDENT: You are great.
MS. LONGORIA: (Laughs.) So, as you may heard — have heard already, Richard Montañez disrupted the food industry in the ‘90s by channeling his Mexican American heritage to help turn Flamin’ Hot Cheetos — (applause) — into a multibillion-dollar brand today and a cultural phenomenon.
We are telling a story that celebrates the American entrepreneurial dream without sidestepping the fact that the dream isn’t available in the same way for everyone. (Applause.)
We know that even though talent is evenly distributed in this world, opportunities have not been, which is why we rarely get to see movies where we are the heroes — let alone a janitor turned corporate executive.
So I knew I wanted to highlight his story, his life, and the importance and power of the Latino community within — (applause) — within American culture. So we worked hard to produce this authentic film steeped in inclusion both in front of and behind the camera.
We have a brilliant Chicano Mexicano cast — (applause) — with our lead actors — led by lead actors Jesse Garcia and Annie Gonzalez — (applause) — Bobby Soto, Brice Gonzalez, Emilio Rivera, Jimmy Gonzales. We have so many amazing talents in this movie, and also with our brilliant writer, Linda Yvette Chávez. (Applause.)
And we proved that when we tell our stories, we tell great American stories, because American history is Latino history; Latino history is American history. (Applause.)
So, now we get to bring this story to La Casa Blanca — (applause) — under an administration that believes in our community and shares our values. (Applause.) And that’s very, very important.
We have a lot of work to do, you guys. There’s a lot of work coming, and we have to make sure that entrepreneurs and visionaries like Richard have the opportunities and that infrastructure of opportunity to make their dreams a reality. And that can only happen when you have leaders like President Biden. (Applause.)
So throughout Biden’s career, I — I’ve been working with President Biden for many, many years, and it has always been a great joy. We share so much. He’s been a champion for working people in search of the American Dream. (Applause.)
You know, what he’s been doing for the country means there’s going to be a lot more Richard Montañezes ready and waiting to take their shot to make history. (Applause.)
So, it is my honor and sincere pleasure to introduce to you tonight the man who has been fighting for us all — fighting for Latinos, fighting for Americans, fighting for workers, and, most importantly, fighting for democracy. (Applause.) A man who understands and embodies the values of family, community, and perseverance.
Please help me welcome President Biden. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: My name is Joe Biden. I’m Jill Biden’s husband. (Applause.)
Thank you, Eva, for that introduction. And congratulations on your de- —
AUDIENCE MEMBER: We love you!
THE PRESIDENT: I accept. (Laughter.)
— your debut as a director, adding another accomplishment to an already incredible, incredible career. We’ve known each other a long time. She was 17; I was 40. (Laughter.)
And thank you — the entire cast and crew and everyone involved — (applause) — for making this film. It reminds us of the power — and I mean this sincerely — the power of diversity, hope, and opportunity, which is the American story. American story — the story I see in all of you — members of Congress that are here, members of my Cabinet that are here, my fellow Americans all across the country.
As Jill said, it’s important to show the country all our stories — all our stories. That’s why we’re honored to host you, the first-ever public screening of a film focused on the Hispanic community at the White House, the People’s House — your house. (Applause.)
Jill and Eva described the film. Let me add this: When I think about tonight’s movie, I think about courage. So many of you, your ancestors left behind all that they knew to start a new life in the United States, a nation — a nation that’s more than just a place.
We’re unique in all of history, America. America is not based on ethnicity or religion or geo- — we’re — we’re founded on an idea. For real. That’s what makes it — an idea: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, all men and women are created equal, endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights…” No, I’m se- — we’ve never fully lived up to it. We’ve never lived up to it, but we’ve never abandoned it. And we keep trying to make it better.
You know, since our founding, the very idea of America has nurtured, enriched, and advanced by the contributions and the sacrifice and dreams of immigrants and all their descendants.
Like so many of you, like my family and Jill’s from Ireland and from Italy, we look and see American families all across — and most of us came because we were persecuted. Most of us came because we weren’t welcome where we were. And when we got here, we had to fight like hell to be recognized — to fight like hell to be recognized.
That’s why it’s fitting we host this screening during Immigrant Heritage Month — (applause) — that’s what this is — a time when we celebrate the country’s immigrant heritage. I want to see — I want you to know, Jill and I, we see you, we value you. We are indirectly a part of you because of our heritage as well in different ethnicities. But when we came, we were not welcome. You know, and I’ll never stop fighting for you, I promise you. (Applause.) Because fighting for you —
By the way, I love when people say, “Well, why do we spend so much…” Do you realize that 26 out of every 100 students in grades kindergarten through 12 speak Spanish? (Applause.)
No, think about it. What in the hell — heck are we talking about here? (Laughter.)
Today is important for another reason. It marks the 11th anniversary of DACA — (applause) — the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals — one of the proudest accomplishments of the Obama-Biden administration. (Applause.) This has transformed the lives of hundreds of thousands of DREAMers who were brought here as children, who only know America as their home, who make invaluable contributions to our nation.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Here to stay!
THE PRESIDENT: As I — you’re damn right, you are. I promise you. (Applause.)
I said in my State of the Union Address we have to provide a pathway to citizenship for DREAMers — (applause) — tho- — also, those on temporary status, farm workers, essential workers. I’m going to continue to call on Congress to pass this bill that does just that, we’ve been pushing.
Folks, look — (applause) — it’s important because there are those who’ve made clear that they don’t see you, don’t want you in America’s future. They demonize the community, undermine the security of this community, you know, and erase the history and contributions of the community. It’s outrageous.
We have to speak out. My dad used to use an expression that came from his generation: Silence is complicity. And we will not be silent. Period. (Applause.) I mean it. I mean it.
I — let me close with this. Last summer, I had the honor of bestowing the Presidential Meda- — Medal of Freemon [sic] — Freedom on distinguished Americans, including Juliet Garcia, the first Latina to serve as a college president in American history. (Applause.)
And here’s what she said. She said, “My job was always to thrust open doors of opportunity.” “My job was always to thrust open doors of opportunity.” That’s my job as well: thrust open doors of opportunity. (Applause.)
And tonight’s film is a reminder of that essential truth: opportunity. It’s a cornerstone of our democracy and the American Dream. And as you’ll see in the film, that’s exactly what the Hispanic community embodies: opportunity and courage.
And let me say one more thing. I’ve said it before. Nights like this are a reminder of the power of stories, the importance of treating storytellers with dignity and re- — I mean this sincerely. Maybe it’s because I’m Irish I think that. (Laughter.)
And, by the way, I’m always quoting Irish poets. My colleagues always would kid me. They think that it’s because I was Irish. It’s not the reason. They happen to be the best poets in the world. That’s why I — (laughter).
But all kidding aside, you got to treat everybody with dignity and respect and the value they deserve. Tell the stories of our nation. Tell the stories of all of us.
Ladies and gentlemen, here from the White House, Jill and I are honored to present “Flamin’ Hot.” (Applause.)
May God bless you. And may God protect our troops.
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https://www.humanesociety.org/resources/outdoor-cats-faq
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Outdoor cats FAQ
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Sometimes called stray or feral cats, community cats are part of the community. Here are answers to frequently asked questions.
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en
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/themes/custom/ts_hsus/images/favicon.ico
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The Humane Society of the United States
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https://www.humanesociety.org/resources/outdoor-cats-faq
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Where can I get help sterilizing the cats I feed?
A growing number of animal welfare organizations and municipal governments have TNR programs. Many will loan you traps and connect with you with free or low-cost spay/neuter providers in or near your community. Depending on available resources, some programs may also have pet food assistance programs and volunteers who can help you trap the cats or transport them to and from the spay/neuter clinic.
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How can I tell if a cat I see outside is lost or needs my help?
If you’re outside and spot a cat lounging in the grass or by the side of the road, follow these steps to determine if the cat needs your help.
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I’ve found a litter of kittens: Should I rescue them?
Before you scoop up a litter of newborn kittens, keep in mind that, depending on their age, the kittens may be better off with their mom (for a while, at least). Check out these guidelines for whether and when you should rescue kittens.
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Why do some people consider outdoor cats a nuisance?
Problems can arise when outdoor cats venture into a yard where they aren’t welcome. People can be upset when cats dig, urinate or defecate in their yard or garden, jump on their car, sleep (and shed their fur) on porch furniture, or agitate their pets. Others are concerned about wildlife the cats may prey on or about the health and welfare of cats they see outdoors. These concerns often lead to calls to animal control agencies and other officials whose job it is to serve the public, making outdoor cats a problem for them as well. Robust TNR programs, the use of cat deterrents and other strategies, and some neighborhood diplomacy can establish peaceful relations among community cats and their human neighbors.
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How can I keep cats out of my yard or garden?
Just as there are nonlethal ways to resolve problems with raccoons, opossums or other wild animals, there are humane solutions for keeping cats away from areas where they’re not welcome. Whether your goal is to prevent neighborhood cats from digging in your garden, upsetting your indoor pets or leaving pawprints on your car, a little ingenuity and some high- and low-tech strategies will teach outdoors cats to avoid off-limits areas.
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How can I protect birds or other wildlife from cats?
Cat-wildlife conflicts can be humanely resolved by implementing and sustaining effective TNR programs. The ultimate goal of TNR programs is to dramatically and humanely reduce the number of cats outdoors, which is better for the cats, wildlife and the public. To prevent outdoor cats from stalking your bird feeder, check out these tips.
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How can I keep cats safe from coyotes and other predators?
While any cat outside faces some risks, smart caretaking practices and other strategies can decrease the chances of coyotes preying on the cats you feed.
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How can I protect outdoor cats in the event of a hurricane, earthquake or other disaster?
Although community cats are resourceful and instinctively seek out safe places in times of danger, extreme weather may pose a threat to them. If you take care of a colony of cats, follow these tips to increase their chances of coming through the storm safe and sound.
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Should I adopt a community cat?
Many people don’t go looking for a cat to adopt—the cat finds them. Before you adopt a seemingly homeless cat, think about what you’d want someone to do if they happened to find your pet cat or a community cat you’ve been feeding. First, you’d want them to notify you. So follow the steps outlined here before you take in a cat and call them yours.
If you gone through all the steps and still can’t identify an owner or feeder (or the people who have been caring for the cat agree that your home is the right place for the animal), take the cat to the vet, follow these guidelines for transitioning an outdoor cat into an indoor home, and check out these tips for introducing a new cat to your resident pets. Congratulations on your new best friend!
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I’m already feeding outdoor cats; what can I do to improve their health and safety?
The most important thing you can do to protect the health and safety of the cats you feed is to ensure they’re sterilized and vaccinated. In addition, you can be a stellar caretaker by following smart feeding practices, providing winter shelter, monitoring cats for health issues, and keeping the peace between cats and their human neighbors.
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My neighbors’ cats keep having kittens: What can I do?
You’ve done your part to combat cat overpopulation and protect the health of your cats by having them sterilized, but meanwhile your neighbors’ outdoor cats keep producing litter after litter. Instead of feeling frustrated and helpless, you can turn a problem situation into a success story, benefiting the cats and your neighborhood in the process.
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Where do community cats live?
Population estimates vary widely, but most experts agree that tens of millions of community cats live in the U.S. They’re predominantly found near where people live or work. They can thrive in densely populated areas, where there is easy access to food and shelter, as well as rural settings, where they’re often called barn cats. Community cats may live alone or in pairs or congregate in groups. Rarely do you find cats living in remote areas in the U.S., surviving without the help of humans.
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Who takes care of the cats?
An estimated 10-12% of the American public feed community cats. In addition to providing daily meals and fresh water, these cat caregivers may provide dedicated shelter to protect the cats in inclement weather and provide medical care if the cats become sick or are injured. They look out for the cats and often participate in TNR efforts to get the cats fixed and vaccinated and work with other residents to mitigate any complaints that arise due to the presence of the outdoor cats.
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Why are there so many cats outdoors?
Overpopulation is a serious concern with an estimated 30 to 40 million community cats in the United States. Some cats have lived outside for generations, while others adapted to living outdoors after being lost or abandoned. Since a female cat can become pregnant as early as 5 months of age and have multiple litters each year, the number of cats in a neighborhood can rapidly increase if cats aren’t spayed or neutered.
Community cats produce around 80% of the kittens born in the U.S. each year. Without adequate spay/neuter programs (including TNR) more cats will enter animal shelters, feline euthanasia rates will increase (including for adoptable cats when cage space runs out or because the cats get sick due to overcrowding) and donor and taxpayer dollars will be squandered on ineffective solutions.
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How do we solve cat overpopulation?
Solving cat overpopulation is a complex undertaking that involves both humanely reducing the population of community cats and preventing the addition of more cats. There’s no quick fix and no one solution—a combination of tools is needed:
Spaying and neutering of community cats through strategic, high-intensity TNR and related programs. To effectively reduce the population, approximately 80% of the cats in the focus area (or community) need to be sterilized.
Spaying and neutering of owned cats and cats adopted from shelters and rescues before they are 5 months old (because cats can have kittens while they are still kittens).
Helping people keep their own cats when faced with cat behavior challenges as well as their own financial struggles and housing issues.
Providing people with options and assistance for rehoming cats they can no longer keep so that those cats aren’t abandoned outdoors.
Encouraging people to keep their owned cats indoors and promoting strategies to keep cats happy and active with an indoors lifestyle.
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Why shouldn’t I let my cats roam outdoors?
Allowing your cat to roam freely outdoors comes with risks. When outside, cats face dangers such as being hit by a car, being harmed by another animal or person, contracting certain diseases and being infected with parasites. Additionally, your cat may cause conflicts with your neighbors and injure or kill wildlife. Why take the risk?
Approximately 71% of the estimated 80 million pet cats in the U.S. are kept indoors, and more owners are realizing that their cats are safer and can lead happy lives indoors. You can transition your cat indoors and provide safe outdoor time with a catio (an enclosed cat patio) or by taking your cat for a walk on a harness and leash. It’s always a good idea for your cat to wear a collar with identification (and be microchipped) to help reunite you should they become lost or be picked up by a neighbor or animal control.
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Trap-neuter-return (TNR) FAQ
How TNR reduces cat overpopulation and improves the lives of community cats
Cities and towns around the country are increasingly using trap-neuter-return as the preferred method of managing the numbers of community cats (cats who live outdoors with no clear owner).
Contents
How does TNR work?
How does TNR solve common complaints about outdoor cats?
Isn’t living outside dangerous for cats?
Why can’t animal shelters rescue all the community cats?
Would it be better to just humanely euthanize the cats who can’t be adopted?
Shouldn’t we remove cats in order to protect wildlife?
How does TNR work?
Trap-neuter-return is a nonlethal strategy for managing community cat populations while improving the lives of outdoor cats. TNR involves:
Humanely trapping community cats
Spaying or neutering them
Vaccinating them against rabies and other diseases
Surgically removing the tip of one ear (a “tipped” ear is the sign of a cat who has been spayed or neutered)
Returning the cats to their home (the location where they were trapped)
TNR is the fundamental component of community cat programs, which are essential to effectively combating cat overpopulation, preventing the deaths of kittens born outside, and providing healthier, safer lives for the cats.
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How does TNR solve common complaints about outdoor cats?
Spaying and neutering not only improves the welfare of individual cats, it can also solve many common complaints:
The cats no longer reproduce. That means no more kittens to worry about and the family of outdoor cats won’t continue to grow.
Behaviors associated with mating, such as yowling and fighting, are dramatically reduced.
Neutered cats also roam less; they will stay closer to home and are less likely to be hit by cars.
Foul odors are greatly reduced as well because neutered male cats, no longer producing testosterone, won’t have that distinctive tomcat smell to their urine.
If enough cats in a community are TNR’d, the population will stabilize and over time, will decline and eventually die out. Fewer cats means fewer complaints. (Learn strategies for deterring cats from areas where they’re not welcome.)
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Isn’t living outside dangerous for cats?
The idea that community cats are at great risk for suffering and untimely death if not admitted to a shelter is a long-standing one. Free-roaming cats do risk higher exposure to dangers such as coyotes and other predators, poisons, infectious and parasitic agents, weather extremes and cruel human acts. While the physical dangers to free-roaming cats are not to be ignored, a growing body of evidence suggests that community cats are generally fit and healthy.
The overall health of community cats improves after being sterilized, vaccinated and returned: they have greater immunity against a host of other diseases and parasites, they fight less and stay closer to home, decreasing risk of injury or of being hit by a car. Sterilized cats are also less likely to transmit feline diseases that are largely spread through mating behavior and mating-related fighting. While some believe cats living outdoors are more susceptible to common feline diseases, such as feline immunodeficiency virus (FIV) or feline leukemia virus (FeLV), these viruses occur at the same rate as in the pet cat population.
The most vulnerable population is kittens, as only 25% of cats born outdoors survive past 6 months of age. Recent population modeling work shows that high-intensity TNR not only reduces overall populations of free-roaming cats more effectively than other management tactics, but also results in significantly fewer kittens dying. In fact, researchers found that high-intensity TNR results in 31 times fewer preventable cat deaths compared to no intervention. This is one reason why TNR should be implemented more broadly across the country.
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Why can’t animal shelters rescue all the community cats?
Most community cats don’t need rescuing; they have an outdoor home and people who care for them. Bringing these healthy community cats into shelters leads to overcrowding, cats getting sick, higher euthanasia rates and an ongoing drain on resources that could be more effectively spent on proactive spay/neuter efforts. Shelters and rescue groups help by participating in programs to get these cats spayed or neutered and vaccinated and to help support the people in the community who care for them.
Ideally, kittens, once weaned, can be placed in adoption programs. Kittens need to be exposed to humans by about 9 weeks of age in order to not harbor a fear of humans. Many community cat programs include foster homes to socialize kittens born outdoors so that they can be adopted into homes. Volunteering to be a foster home is one way you can be part of the solution.
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Would it be better to just humanely euthanize the cats who can’t be adopted?
While some people feel sorry for outdoor cats because they view the cats as fending for themselves or feel they will suffer a fate worse than euthanasia, adult community cats are generally healthy and thriving outdoors. Others are annoyed by the cats’ behaviors and want them removed without much thought to what happens to the cats. But the majority of people don’t feel that community cats should be euthanized.
It’s not a solution to overpopulation either. Community cats live at a certain location because it offers food and shelter. When cats are removed, unmanaged cats from surrounding areas may move in to take advantage of the newly available resources. The cycle of reproduction and nuisance behavior begins all over again. Rarely does an animal control agency have the capacity to remove enough cats to impact the population. They don’t have the resources nor, increasingly, the desire to remove cats who have little to no chance of being adopted. They also don’t have the support of the community members who feed the cats, making it very difficult to trap a significant number of the cats.
A better approach includes TNR and the involvement of one or more caregivers. Spayed or neutered cats are healthier because they no longer fight over mates or expend resources on making and caring for kittens, and their nuisance behaviors are greatly reduced or eliminated. Caregivers provide food, water, and shelter and watch over the cats’ health and well-being.
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Shouldn’t we remove cats in order to protect wildlife?
There are no easy answers to the issue of cat predation on wildlife. However, removing cats only results in a temporary reduction in the cats’ numbers, essentially putting a bandage on the problem and further distance from real solutions.
Trap and remove may at first glance seem to be a logical approach to solving cat-wildlife conflict. You might be able to eliminate the population if your target is just a few cats, but trap and remove does not effectively scale up to an entire community—the level you’d need to have any impact on threats to wildlife. In order to reduce the population, at least 50% of the cats will need to be removed annually. The cats left behind will tend to have larger litters of kittens, and more of those kittens will survive. The population will quickly return to where it was before cats were removed—and in some cases has been documented to double!
Wildlife and cat advocates can help protect wildlife by collaborating on projects that encourage cat owners to keep owned cats indoors, seek support and funds for installing cat-proof fences around sensitive natural areas, humanely relocate cat colonies that pose unacceptable risks to wildlife, and improve the efficiency and economy of TNR programs. In recent years, animal welfare advocates and wildlife experts have joined forces to develop science-based methods for measuring the number of cats in a community, paving the way to more effective programs for humanely managing and reducing the number of outdoor cats.
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https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/07/why-women-still-cant-have-it-all/309020/
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Why Women Still Can’t Have It All
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] | null |
[
"Anne-Marie Slaughter"
] |
2012-06-13T14:15:26+00:00
|
It’s time to stop fooling ourselves, says a woman who left a position of power: the women who have managed to be both mothers and top professionals are superhuman, rich, or self-employed. If we truly believe in equal opportunity for all women, here’s what has to change.
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en
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https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/favicon-3888b0e329526a975703e3059a02b92d.ico
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The Atlantic
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https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/07/why-women-still-cant-have-it-all/309020/
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Eighteen months into my job as the first woman director of policy planning at the State Department, a foreign-policy dream job that traces its origins back to George Kennan, I found myself in New York, at the United Nations’ annual assemblage of every foreign minister and head of state in the world. On a Wednesday evening, President and Mrs. Obama hosted a glamorous reception at the American Museum of Natural History. I sipped champagne, greeted foreign dignitaries, and mingled. But I could not stop thinking about my 14-year-old son, who had started eighth grade three weeks earlier and was already resuming what had become his pattern of skipping homework, disrupting classes, failing math, and tuning out any adult who tried to reach him. Over the summer, we had barely spoken to each other—or, more accurately, he had barely spoken to me. And the previous spring I had received several urgent phone calls—invariably on the day of an important meeting—that required me to take the first train from Washington, D.C., where I worked, back to Princeton, New Jersey, where he lived. My husband, who has always done everything possible to support my career, took care of him and his 12-year-old brother during the week; outside of those midweek emergencies, I came home only on weekends.
As the evening wore on, I ran into a colleague who held a senior position in the White House. She has two sons exactly my sons’ ages, but she had chosen to move them from California to D.C. when she got her job, which meant her husband commuted back to California regularly. I told her how difficult I was finding it to be away from my son when he clearly needed me. Then I said, “When this is over, I’m going to write an op-ed titled ‘Women Can’t Have It All.’”
She was horrified. “You can’t write that,” she said. “You, of all people.” What she meant was that such a statement, coming from a high-profile career woman—a role model—would be a terrible signal to younger generations of women. By the end of the evening, she had talked me out of it, but for the remainder of my stint in Washington, I was increasingly aware that the feminist beliefs on which I had built my entire career were shifting under my feet. I had always assumed that if I could get a foreign-policy job in the State Department or the White House while my party was in power, I would stay the course as long as I had the opportunity to do work I loved. But in January 2011, when my two-year public-service leave from Princeton University was up, I hurried home as fast as I could.
A rude epiphany hit me soon after I got there. When people asked why I had left government, I explained that I’d come home not only because of Princeton’s rules (after two years of leave, you lose your tenure), but also because of my desire to be with my family and my conclusion that juggling high-level government work with the needs of two teenage boys was not possible. I have not exactly left the ranks of full-time career women: I teach a full course load; write regular print and online columns on foreign policy; give 40 to 50 speeches a year; appear regularly on TV and radio; and am working on a new academic book. But I routinely got reactions from other women my age or older that ranged from disappointed (“It’s such a pity that you had to leave Washington”) to condescending (“I wouldn’t generalize from your experience. I’ve never had to compromise, and my kids turned out great”).
The first set of reactions, with the underlying assumption that my choice was somehow sad or unfortunate, was irksome enough. But it was the second set of reactions—those implying that my parenting and/or my commitment to my profession were somehow substandard—that triggered a blind fury. Suddenly, finally, the penny dropped. All my life, I’d been on the other side of this exchange. I’d been the woman smiling the faintly superior smile while another woman told me she had decided to take some time out or pursue a less competitive career track so that she could spend more time with her family. I’d been the woman congratulating herself on her unswerving commitment to the feminist cause, chatting smugly with her dwindling number of college or law-school friends who had reached and maintained their place on the highest rungs of their profession. I’d been the one telling young women at my lectures that you can have it all and do it all, regardless of what field you are in. Which means I’d been part, albeit unwittingly, of making millions of women feel that they are to blame if they cannot manage to rise up the ladder as fast as men and also have a family and an active home life (and be thin and beautiful to boot).
VIDEO: Anne-Marie Slaughter talks with Hanna Rosin about the struggles of working mothers.
Last spring, I flew to Oxford to give a public lecture. At the request of a young Rhodes Scholar I know, I’d agreed to talk to the Rhodes community about “work-family balance.” I ended up speaking to a group of about 40 men and women in their mid-20s. What poured out of me was a set of very frank reflections on how unexpectedly hard it was to do the kind of job I wanted to do as a high government official and be the kind of parent I wanted to be, at a demanding time for my children (even though my husband, an academic, was willing to take on the lion’s share of parenting for the two years I was in Washington). I concluded by saying that my time in office had convinced me that further government service would be very unlikely while my sons were still at home. The audience was rapt, and asked many thoughtful questions. One of the first was from a young woman who began by thanking me for “not giving just one more fatuous ‘You can have it all’ talk.” Just about all of the women in that room planned to combine careers and family in some way. But almost all assumed and accepted that they would have to make compromises that the men in their lives were far less likely to have to make.
The striking gap between the responses I heard from those young women (and others like them) and the responses I heard from my peers and associates prompted me to write this article. Women of my generation have clung to the feminist credo we were raised with, even as our ranks have been steadily thinned by unresolvable tensions between family and career, because we are determined not to drop the flag for the next generation. But when many members of the younger generation have stopped listening, on the grounds that glibly repeating “you can have it all” is simply airbrushing reality, it is time to talk.
I still strongly believe that women can “have it all” (and that men can too). I believe that we can “have it all at the same time.” But not today, not with the way America’s economy and society are currently structured. My experiences over the past three years have forced me to confront a number of uncomfortable facts that need to be widely acknowledged—and quickly changed.
Before my service in government, I’d spent my career in academia: as a law professor and then as the dean of Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. Both were demanding jobs, but I had the ability to set my own schedule most of the time. I could be with my kids when I needed to be, and still get the work done. I had to travel frequently, but I found I could make up for that with an extended period at home or a family vacation.
I knew that I was lucky in my career choice, but I had no idea how lucky until I spent two years in Washington within a rigid bureaucracy, even with bosses as understanding as Hillary Clinton and her chief of staff, Cheryl Mills. My workweek started at 4:20 on Monday morning, when I got up to get the 5:30 train from Trenton to Washington. It ended late on Friday, with the train home. In between, the days were crammed with meetings, and when the meetings stopped, the writing work began—a never-ending stream of memos, reports, and comments on other people’s drafts. For two years, I never left the office early enough to go to any stores other than those open 24 hours, which meant that everything from dry cleaning to hair appointments to Christmas shopping had to be done on weekends, amid children’s sporting events, music lessons, family meals, and conference calls. I was entitled to four hours of vacation per pay period, which came to one day of vacation a month. And I had it better than many of my peers in D.C.; Secretary Clinton deliberately came in around 8 a.m. and left around 7 p.m., to allow her close staff to have morning and evening time with their families (although of course she worked earlier and later, from home).
In short, the minute I found myself in a job that is typical for the vast majority of working women (and men), working long hours on someone else’s schedule, I could no longer be both the parent and the professional I wanted to be—at least not with a child experiencing a rocky adolescence. I realized what should have perhaps been obvious: having it all, at least for me, depended almost entirely on what type of job I had. The flip side is the harder truth: having it all was not possible in many types of jobs, including high government office—at least not for very long.
I am hardly alone in this realization. Michèle Flournoy stepped down after three years as undersecretary of defense for policy, the third-highest job in the department, to spend more time at home with her three children, two of whom are teenagers. Karen Hughes left her position as the counselor to President George W. Bush after a year and a half in Washington to go home to Texas for the sake of her family. Mary Matalin, who spent two years as an assistant to Bush and the counselor to Vice President Dick Cheney before stepping down to spend more time with her daughters, wrote: “Having control over your schedule is the only way that women who want to have a career and a family can make it work.”
Yet the decision to step down from a position of power—to value family over professional advancement, even for a time—is directly at odds with the prevailing social pressures on career professionals in the United States. One phrase says it all about current attitudes toward work and family, particularly among elites. In Washington, “leaving to spend time with your family” is a euphemism for being fired. This understanding is so ingrained that when Flournoy announced her resignation last December, TheNew York Times covered her decision as follows:
Think about what this “standard Washington excuse” implies: it is so unthinkable that an official would actually step down to spend time with his or her family that this must be a cover for something else. How could anyone voluntarily leave the circles of power for the responsibilities of parenthood? Depending on one’s vantage point, it is either ironic or maddening that this view abides in the nation’s capital, despite the ritual commitments to “family values” that are part of every political campaign. Regardless, this sentiment makes true work-life balance exceptionally difficult. But it cannot change unless top women speak out.
Only recently have I begun to appreciate the extent to which many young professional women feel under assault by women my age and older. After I gave a recent speech in New York, several women in their late 60s or early 70s came up to tell me how glad and proud they were to see me speaking as a foreign-policy expert. A couple of them went on, however, to contrast my career with the path being traveled by “younger women today.” One expressed dismay that many younger women “are just not willing to get out there and do it.” Said another, unaware of the circumstances of my recent job change: “They think they have to choose between having a career and having a family.”
A similar assumption underlies Facebook Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg’s widely publicized 2011 commencement speech at Barnard, and her earlier TED talk, in which she lamented the dismally small number of women at the top and advised young women not to “leave before you leave.” When a woman starts thinking about having children, Sandberg said, “she doesn’t raise her hand anymore … She starts leaning back.” Although couched in terms of encouragement, Sandberg’s exhortation contains more than a note of reproach. We who have made it to the top, or are striving to get there, are essentially saying to the women in the generation behind us: “What’s the matter with you?”
They have an answer that we don’t want to hear. After the speech I gave in New York, I went to dinner with a group of 30-somethings. I sat across from two vibrant women, one of whom worked at the UN and the other at a big New York law firm. As nearly always happens in these situations, they soon began asking me about work-life balance. When I told them I was writing this article, the lawyer said, “I look for role models and can’t find any.” She said the women in her firm who had become partners and taken on management positions had made tremendous sacrifices, “many of which they don’t even seem to realize … They take two years off when their kids are young but then work like crazy to get back on track professionally, which means that they see their kids when they are toddlers but not teenagers, or really barely at all.” Her friend nodded, mentioning the top professional women she knew, all of whom essentially relied on round-the-clock nannies. Both were very clear that they did not want that life, but could not figure out how to combine professional success and satisfaction with a real commitment to family.
I realize that I am blessed to have been born in the late 1950s instead of the early 1930s, as my mother was, or the beginning of the 20th century, as my grandmothers were. My mother built a successful and rewarding career as a professional artist largely in the years after my brothers and I left home—and after being told in her 20s that she could not go to medical school, as her father had done and her brother would go on to do, because, of course, she was going to get married. I owe my own freedoms and opportunities to the pioneering generation of women ahead of me—the women now in their 60s, 70s, and 80s who faced overt sexism of a kind I see only when watching Mad Men, and who knew that the only way to make it as a woman was to act exactly like a man. To admit to, much less act on, maternal longings would have been fatal to their careers.
But precisely thanks to their progress, a different kind of conversation is now possible. It is time for women in leadership positions to recognize that although we are still blazing trails and breaking ceilings, many of us are also reinforcing a falsehood: that “having it all” is, more than anything, a function of personal determination. As Kerry Rubin and Lia Macko, the authors of Midlife Crisis at 30, their cri de coeur for Gen-X and Gen-Y women, put it:
I am well aware that the majority of American women face problems far greater than any discussed in this article. I am writing for my demographic—highly educated, well-off women who are privileged enough to have choices in the first place. We may not have choices about whether to do paid work, as dual incomes have become indispensable. But we have choices about the type and tempo of the work we do. We are the women who could be leading, and who should be equally represented in the leadership ranks.
Millions of other working women face much more difficult life circumstances. Some are single mothers; many struggle to find any job; others support husbands who cannot find jobs. Many cope with a work life in which good day care is either unavailable or very expensive; school schedules do not match work schedules; and schools themselves are failing to educate their children. Many of these women are worrying not about having it all, but rather about holding on to what they do have. And although women as a group have made substantial gains in wages, educational attainment, and prestige over the past three decades, the economists Justin Wolfers and Betsey Stevenson have shown that women are less happy today than their predecessors were in 1972, both in absolute terms and relative to men.
The best hope for improving the lot of all women, and for closing what Wolfers and Stevenson call a “new gender gap”—measured by well-being rather than wages—is to close the leadership gap: to elect a woman president and 50 women senators; to ensure that women are equally represented in the ranks of corporate executives and judicial leaders. Only when women wield power in sufficient numbers will we create a society that genuinely works for all women. That will be a society that works for everyone.
Let’s briefly examine the stories we tell ourselves, the clichés that I and many other women typically fall back on when younger women ask us how we have managed to “have it all.” They are not necessarily lies, but at best partial truths. We must clear them out of the way to make room for a more honest and productive discussion about real solutions to the problems faced by professional women.
It’s possible if you are just committed enough.
Our usual starting point, whether we say it explicitly or not, is that having it all depends primarily on the depth and intensity of a woman’s commitment to her career. That is precisely the sentiment behind the dismay so many older career women feel about the younger generation. They are not committed enough, we say, to make the trade-offs and sacrifices that the women ahead of them made.
Yet instead of chiding, perhaps we should face some basic facts. Very few women reach leadership positions. The pool of female candidates for any top job is small, and will only grow smaller if the women who come after us decide to take time out, or drop out of professional competition altogether, to raise children. That is exactly what has Sheryl Sandberg so upset, and rightly so. In her words, “Women are not making it to the top. A hundred and ninety heads of state; nine are women. Of all the people in parliament in the world, 13 percent are women. In the corporate sector, [the share of] women at the top—C-level jobs, board seats—tops out at 15, 16 percent.”
What’s more, among those who have made it to the top, a balanced life still is more elusive for women than it is for men. A simple measure is how many women in top positions have children compared with their male colleagues. Every male Supreme Court justice has a family. Two of the three female justices are single with no children. And the third, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, began her career as a judge only when her younger child was almost grown. The pattern is the same at the National Security Council: Condoleezza Rice, the first and only woman national-security adviser, is also the only national-security adviser since the 1950s not to have a family. Can “insufficient commitment” even plausibly explain these numbers? To be sure, the women who do make it to the top are highly committed to their profession. On closer examination, however, it turns out that most of them have something else in common: they are genuine superwomen. Consider the number of women recently in the top ranks in Washington—Susan Rice, Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall, Michelle Gavin, Nancy-Ann Min DeParle—who are Rhodes Scholars. Samantha Power, another senior White House official, won a Pulitzer Prize at age 32. Or consider Sandberg herself, who graduated with the prize given to Harvard’s top student of economics. These women cannot possibly be the standard against which even very talented professional women should measure themselves. Such a standard sets up most women for a sense of failure.
The line of high-level women appointees in the Obama administration is one woman deep. Virtually all of us who have stepped down have been succeeded by men; searches for women to succeed men in similar positions come up empty. Just about every woman who could plausibly be tapped is already in government. The rest of the foreign-policy world is not much better; Micah Zenko, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, recently surveyed the best data he could find across the government, the military, the academy, and think tanks, and found that women hold fewer than 30 percent of the senior foreign-policy positions in each of these institutions.
These numbers are all the more striking when we look back to the 1980s, when women now in their late 40s and 50s were coming out of graduate school, and remember that our classes were nearly 50-50 men and women. We were sure then that by now, we would be living in a 50-50 world. Something derailed that dream.
Sandberg thinks that “something” is an “ambition gap”—that women do not dream big enough. I am all for encouraging young women to reach for the stars. But I fear that the obstacles that keep women from reaching the top are rather more prosaic than the scope of their ambition. My longtime and invaluable assistant, who has a doctorate and juggles many balls as the mother of teenage twins, e-mailed me while I was working on this article: “You know what would help the vast majority of women with work/family balance? MAKE SCHOOL SCHEDULES MATCH WORK SCHEDULES.” The present system, she noted, is based on a society that no longer exists—one in which farming was a major occupation and stay-at-home moms were the norm. Yet the system hasn’t changed.
Consider some of the responses of women interviewed by Zenko about why “women are significantly underrepresented in foreign policy and national security positions in government, academia, and think tanks.” Juliette Kayyem, who served as an assistant secretary in the Department of Homeland Security from 2009 to 2011 and now writes a foreign-policy and national-security column for The Boston Globe, told Zenko that among other reasons,
Jolynn Shoemaker, the director of Women in International Security, agreed: “Inflexible schedules, unrelenting travel, and constant pressure to be in the office are common features of these jobs.”
These “mundane” issues—the need to travel constantly to succeed, the conflicts between school schedules and work schedules, the insistence that work be done in the office—cannot be solved by exhortations to close the ambition gap. I would hope to see commencement speeches that finger America’s social and business policies, rather than women’s level of ambition, in explaining the dearth of women at the top. But changing these policies requires much more than speeches. It means fighting the mundane battles—every day, every year—in individual workplaces, in legislatures, and in the media.
It’s possible if you marry the right person.
Sandberg’s second message in her Barnard commencement address was: “The most important career decision you’re going to make is whether or not you have a life partner and who that partner is.” Lisa Jackson, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, recently drove that message home to an audience of Princeton students and alumni gathered to hear her acceptance speech for the James Madison Medal. During the Q&A session, an audience member asked her how she managed her career and her family. She laughed and pointed to her husband in the front row, saying: “There’s my work-life balance.” I could never have had the career I have had without my husband, Andrew Moravcsik, who is a tenured professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton. Andy has spent more time with our sons than I have, not only on homework, but also on baseball, music lessons, photography, card games, and more. When each of them had to bring in a foreign dish for his fourth-grade class dinner, Andy made his grandmother’s Hungarian palacsinta; when our older son needed to memorize his lines for a lead role in a school play, he turned to Andy for help.
Still, the proposition that women can have high-powered careers as long as their husbands or partners are willing to share the parenting load equally (or disproportionately) assumes that most women will feel as comfortable as men do about being away from their children, as long as their partner is home with them. In my experience, that is simply not the case.
Here I step onto treacherous ground, mined with stereotypes. From years of conversations and observations, however, I’ve come to believe that men and women respond quite differently when problems at home force them to recognize that their absence is hurting a child, or at least that their presence would likely help. I do not believe fathers love their children any less than mothers do, but men do seem more likely to choose their job at a cost to their family, while women seem more likely to choose their family at a cost to their job.
Many factors determine this choice, of course. Men are still socialized to believe that their primary family obligation is to be the breadwinner; women, to believe that their primary family obligation is to be the caregiver. But it may be more than that. When I described the choice between my children and my job to Senator Jeanne Shaheen, she said exactly what I felt: “There’s really no choice.” She wasn’t referring to social expectations, but to a maternal imperative felt so deeply that the “choice” is reflexive.
Men and women also seem to frame the choice differently. In Midlife Crisis at 30, Mary Matalin recalls her days working as President Bush’s assistant and Vice President Cheney’s counselor:
But Matalin goes on to describe her choice to leave in words that are again uncannily similar to the explanation I have given so many people since leaving the State Department:
To many men, however, the choice to spend more time with their children, instead of working long hours on issues that affect many lives, seems selfish. Male leaders are routinely praised for having sacrificed their personal life on the altar of public or corporate service. That sacrifice, of course, typically involves their family. Yet their children, too, are trained to value public service over private responsibility. At the diplomat Richard Holbrooke’s memorial service, one of his sons told the audience that when he was a child, his father was often gone, not around to teach him to throw a ball or to watch his games. But as he grew older, he said, he realized that Holbrooke’s absence was the price of saving people around the world—a price worth paying.
It is not clear to me that this ethical framework makes sense for society. Why should we want leaders who fall short on personal responsibilities? Perhaps leaders who invested time in their own families would be more keenly aware of the toll their public choices—on issues from war to welfare—take on private lives. (Kati Marton, Holbrooke’s widow and a noted author, says that although Holbrooke adored his children, he came to appreciate the full importance of family only in his 50s, at which point he became a very present parent and grandparent, while continuing to pursue an extraordinary public career.) Regardless, it is clear which set of choices society values more today. Workers who put their careers first are typically rewarded; workers who choose their families are overlooked, disbelieved, or accused of unprofessionalism.
In sum, having a supportive mate may well be a necessary condition if women are to have it all, but it is not sufficient. If women feel deeply that turning down a promotion that would involve more travel, for instance, is the right thing to do, then they will continue to do that. Ultimately, it is society that must change, coming to value choices to put family ahead of work just as much as those to put work ahead of family. If we really valued those choices, we would value the people who make them; if we valued the people who make them, we would do everything possible to hire and retain them; if we did everything possible to allow them to combine work and family equally over time, then the choices would get a lot easier.
It’s possible if you sequence it right.
Young women should be wary of the assertion “You can have it all; you just can’t have it all at once.” This 21st-century addendum to the original line is now proffered by many senior women to their younger mentees. To the extent that it means, in the words of one working mother, “I’m going to do my best and I’m going to keep the long term in mind and know that it’s not always going to be this hard to balance,” it is sound advice. But to the extent that it means that women can have it all if they just find the right sequence of career and family, it’s cheerfully wrong.
The most important sequencing issue is when to have children. Many of the top women leaders of the generation just ahead of me—Madeleine Albright, Hillary Clinton, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sandra Day O’Connor, Patricia Wald, Nannerl Keohane—had their children in their 20s and early 30s, as was the norm in the 1950s through the 1970s. A child born when his mother is 25 will finish high school when his mother is 43, an age at which, with full-time immersion in a career, she still has plenty of time and energy for advancement.
Yet this sequence has fallen out of favor with many high-potential women, and understandably so. People tend to marry later now, and anyway, if you have children earlier, you may have difficulty getting a graduate degree, a good first job, and opportunities for advancement in the crucial early years of your career. Making matters worse, you will also have less income while raising your children, and hence less ability to hire the help that can be indispensable to your juggling act.
When I was the dean, the Woodrow Wilson School created a program called Pathways to Public Service, aimed at advising women whose children were almost grown about how to go into public service, and many women still ask me about the best “on-ramps” to careers in their mid-40s. Honestly, I’m not sure what to tell most of them. Unlike the pioneering women who entered the workforce after having children in the 1970s, these women are competing with their younger selves. Government and NGO jobs are an option, but many careers are effectively closed off. Personally, I have never seen a woman in her 40s enter the academic market successfully, or enter a law firm as a junior associate, Alicia Florrick of The Good Wife notwithstanding.
These considerations are why so many career women of my generation chose to establish themselves in their careers first and have children in their mid-to-late 30s. But that raises the possibility of spending long, stressful years and a small fortune trying to have a baby. I lived that nightmare: for three years, beginning at age 35, I did everything possible to conceive and was frantic at the thought that I had simply left having a biological child until it was too late.
And when everything does work out? I had my first child at 38 (and counted myself blessed) and my second at 40. That means I will be 58 when both of my children are out of the house. What’s more, it means that many peak career opportunities are coinciding precisely with their teenage years, when, experienced parents advise, being available as a parent is just as important as in the first years of a child’s life.
Many women of my generation have found themselves, in the prime of their careers, saying no to opportunities they once would have jumped at and hoping those chances come around again later. Many others who have decided to step back for a while, taking on consultant positions or part-time work that lets them spend more time with their children (or aging parents), are worrying about how long they can “stay out” before they lose the competitive edge they worked so hard to acquire.
Given the way our work culture is oriented today, I recommend establishing yourself in your career first but still trying to have kids before you are 35—or else freeze your eggs, whether you are married or not. You may well be a more mature and less frustrated parent in your 30s or 40s; you are also more likely to have found a lasting life partner. But the truth is, neither sequence is optimal, and both involve trade-offs that men do not have to make.
You should be able to have a family if you want one—however and whenever your life circumstances allow—and still have the career you desire. If more women could strike this balance, more women would reach leadership positions. And if more women were in leadership positions, they could make it easier for more women to stay in the workforce. The rest of this essay details how.
Back in the Reagan administration, a New York Times story about the ferociously competitive budget director Dick Darman reported, “Mr. Darman sometimes managed to convey the impression that he was the last one working in the Reagan White House by leaving his suit coat on his chair and his office light burning after he left for home.” (Darman claimed that it was just easier to leave his suit jacket in the office so he could put it on again in the morning, but his record of psychological manipulation suggests otherwise.)
The culture of “time macho”—a relentless competition to work harder, stay later, pull more all-nighters, travel around the world and bill the extra hours that the international date line affords you—remains astonishingly prevalent among professionals today. Nothing captures the belief that more time equals more value better than the cult of billable hours afflicting large law firms across the country and providing exactly the wrong incentives for employees who hope to integrate work and family. Yet even in industries that don’t explicitly reward sheer quantity of hours spent on the job, the pressure to arrive early, stay late, and be available, always, for in-person meetings at 11 a.m. on Saturdays can be intense. Indeed, by some measures, the problem has gotten worse over time: a study by the Center for American Progress reports that nationwide, the share of all professionals—women and men—working more than 50 hours a week has increased since the late 1970s.
But more time in the office does not always mean more “value added”—and it does not always add up to a more successful organization. In 2009, Sandra Pocharski, a senior female partner at Monitor Group and the head of the firm’s Leadership and Organization practice, commissioned a Harvard Business School professor to assess the factors that helped or hindered women’s effectiveness and advancement at Monitor. The study found that the company’s culture was characterized by an “always on” mode of working, often without due regard to the impact on employees. Pocharski observed:
I have worked very long hours and pulled plenty of all-nighters myself over the course of my career, including a few nights on my office couch during my two years in D.C. Being willing to put the time in when the job simply has to get done is rightfully a hallmark of a successful professional. But looking back, I have to admit that my assumption that I would stay late made me much less efficient over the course of the day than I might have been, and certainly less so than some of my colleagues, who managed to get the same amount of work done and go home at a decent hour. If Dick Darman had had a boss who clearly valued prioritization and time management, he might have found reason to turn out the lights and take his jacket home.
Long hours are one thing, and realistically, they are often unavoidable. But do they really need to be spent at the office? To be sure, being in the office some of the time is beneficial. In-person meetings can be far more efficient than phone or e-mail tag; trust and collegiality are much more easily built up around the same physical table; and spontaneous conversations often generate good ideas and lasting relationships. Still, armed with e-mail, instant messaging, phones, and videoconferencing technology, we should be able to move to a culture where the office is a base of operations more than the required locus of work.
Being able to work from home—in the evening after children are put to bed, or during their sick days or snow days, and at least some of the time on weekends—can be the key, for mothers, to carrying your full load versus letting a team down at crucial moments. State-of-the-art videoconferencing facilities can dramatically reduce the need for long business trips. These technologies are making inroads, and allowing easier integration of work and family life. According to the Women’s Business Center, 61 percent of women business owners use technology to “integrate the responsibilities of work and home”; 44 percent use technology to allow employees “to work off-site or to have flexible work schedules.” Yet our work culture still remains more office-centered than it needs to be, especially in light of technological advances.
One way to change that is by changing the “default rules” that govern office work—the baseline expectations about when, where, and how work will be done. As behavioral economists well know, these baselines can make an enormous difference in the way people act. It is one thing, for instance, for an organization to allow phone-ins to a meeting on an ad hoc basis, when parenting and work schedules collide—a system that’s better than nothing, but likely to engender guilt among those calling in, and possibly resentment among those in the room. It is quite another for that organization to declare that its policy will be to schedule in-person meetings, whenever possible, during the hours of the school day—a system that might normalize call-ins for those (rarer) meetings still held in the late afternoon.
One real-world example comes from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a place most people are more likely to associate with distinguished gentlemen in pinstripes than with progressive thinking about work-family balance. Like so many other places, however, the FCO worries about losing talented members of two-career couples around the world, particularly women. So it recently changed its basic policy from a default rule that jobs have to be done on-site to one that assumes that some jobs might be done remotely, and invites workers to make the case for remote work. Kara Owen, a career foreign-service officer who was the FCO’s diversity director and will soon become the British deputy ambassador to France, writes that she has now done two remote jobs. Before her current maternity leave, she was working a London job from Dublin to be with her partner, using teleconferencing technology and timing her trips to London to coincide “with key meetings where I needed to be in the room (or chatting at the pre-meeting coffee) to have an impact, or to do intensive ‘network maintenance.’” In fact, she writes, “I have found the distance and quiet to be a real advantage in a strategic role, providing I have put in the investment up front to develop very strong personal relationships with the game changers.” Owen recognizes that not every job can be done this way. But she says that for her part, she has been able to combine family requirements with her career.
Changes in default office rules should not advantage parents over other workers; indeed, done right, they can improve relations among co-workers by raising their awareness of each other’s circumstances and instilling a sense of fairness. Two years ago, the ACLU Foundation of Massachusetts decided to replace its “parental leave” policy with a “family leave” policy that provides for as much as 12 weeks of leave not only for new parents, but also for employees who need to care for a spouse, child, or parent with a serious health condition. According to Director Carol Rose, “We wanted a policy that took into account the fact that even employees who do not have children have family obligations.” The policy was shaped by the belief that giving women “special treatment” can “backfire if the broader norms shaping the behavior of all employees do not change.” When I was the dean of the Wilson School, I managed with the mantra “Family comes first”—any family—and found that my employees were both productive and intensely loyal.
None of these changes will happen by themselves, and reasons to avoid them will seldom be hard to find. But obstacles and inertia are usually surmountable if leaders are open to changing their assumptions about the workplace. The use of technology in many high-level government jobs, for instance, is complicated by the need to have access to classified information. But in 2009, Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg, who shares the parenting of his two young daughters equally with his wife, made getting such access at home an immediate priority so that he could leave the office at a reasonable hour and participate in important meetings via videoconferencing if necessary. I wonder how many women in similar positions would be afraid to ask, lest they be seen as insufficiently committed to their jobs.
While employers shouldn’t privilege parents over other workers, too often they end up doing the opposite, usually subtly, and usually in ways that make it harder for a primary caregiver to get ahead. Many people in positions of power seem to place a low value on child care in comparison with other outside activities. Consider the following proposition: An employer has two equally talented and productive employees. One trains for and runs marathons when he is not working. The other takes care of two children. What assumptions is the employer likely to make about the marathon runner? That he gets up in the dark every day and logs an hour or two running before even coming into the office, or drives himself to get out there even after a long day. That he is ferociously disciplined and willing to push himself through distraction, exhaustion, and days when nothing seems to go right in the service of a goal far in the distance. That he must manage his time exceptionally well to squeeze all of that in.
Be honest: Do you think the employer makes those same assumptions about the parent? Even though she likely rises in the dark hours before she needs to be at work, organizes her children’s day, makes breakfast, packs lunch, gets them off to school, figures out shopping and other errands even if she is lucky enough to have a housekeeper—and does much the same work at the end of the day. Cheryl Mills, Hillary Clinton’s indefatigable chief of staff, has twins in elementary school; even with a fully engaged husband, she famously gets up at four every morning to check and send e-mails before her kids wake up. Louise Richardson, now the vice chancellor of the University of St. Andrews, in Scotland, combined an assistant professorship in government at Harvard with mothering three young children. She organized her time so ruthlessly that she always keyed in 1:11 or 2:22 or 3:33 on the microwave rather than 1:00, 2:00, or 3:00, because hitting the same number three times took less time.
Elizabeth Warren, who is now running for the U.S. Senate in Massachusetts, has a similar story. When she had two young children and a part-time law practice, she struggled to find enough time to write the papers and articles that would help get her an academic position. In her words:
The discipline, organization, and sheer endurance it takes to succeed at top levels with young children at home is easily comparable to running 20 to 40 miles a week. But that’s rarely how employers see things, not only when making allowances, but when making promotions. Perhaps because people choose to have children? People also choose to run marathons.
One final example: I have worked with many Orthodox Jewish men who observed the Sabbath from sundown on Friday until sundown on Saturday. Jack Lew, the two-time director of the Office of Management and Budget, former deputy secretary of state for management and resources, and now White House chief of staff, is a case in point. Jack’s wife lived in New York when he worked in the State Department, so he would leave the office early enough on Friday afternoon to take the shuttle to New York and a taxi to his apartment before sundown. He would not work on Friday after sundown or all day Saturday. Everyone who knew him, including me, admired his commitment to his faith and his ability to carve out the time for it, even with an enormously demanding job.
It is hard to imagine, however, that we would have the same response if a mother told us she was blocking out mid-Friday afternoon through the end of the day on Saturday, every week, to spend time with her children. I suspect this would be seen as unprofessional, an imposition of unnecessary costs on co-workers. In fact, of course, one of the great values of the Sabbath—whether Jewish or Christian—is precisely that it carves out a family oasis, with rituals and a mandatory setting-aside of work.
Our assumptions are just that: things we believe that are not necessarily so. Yet what we assume has an enormous impact on our perceptions and responses. Fortunately, changing our assumptions is up to us.
The American definition of a successful professional is someone who can climb the ladder the furthest in the shortest time, generally peaking between ages 45 and 55. It is a definition well suited to the mid-20th century, an era when people had kids in their 20s, stayed in one job, retired at 67, and were dead, on average, by age 71.
It makes far less sense today. Average life expectancy for people in their 20s has increased to 80; men and women in good health can easily work until they are 75. They can expect to have multiple jobs and even multiple careers throughout their working life. Couples marry later, have kids later, and can expect to live on two incomes. They may well retire earlier—the average retirement age has gone down from 67 to 63—but that is commonly “retirement” only in the sense of collecting retirement benefits. Many people go on to “encore” careers.
Assuming the priceless gifts of good health and good fortune, a professional woman can thus expect her working life to stretch some 50 years, from her early or mid-20s to her mid-70s. It is reasonable to assume that she will build her credentials and establish herself, at least in her first career, between 22 and 35; she will have children, if she wants them, sometime between 25 and 45; she’ll want maximum flexibility and control over her time in the 10 years that her children are 8 to 18; and she should plan to take positions of maximum authority and demands on her time after her children are out of the house. Women who have children in their late 20s can expect to immerse themselves completely in their careers in their late 40s, with plenty of time still to rise to the top in their late 50s and early 60s. Women who make partner, managing director, or senior vice president; get tenure; or establish a medical practice before having children in their late 30s should be coming back on line for the most demanding jobs at almost exactly the same age.
Along the way, women should think about the climb to leadership not in terms of a straight upward slope, but as irregular stair steps, with periodic plateaus (and even dips) when they turn down promotions to remain in a job that works for their family situation; when they leave high-powered jobs and spend a year or two at home on a reduced schedule; or when they step off a conventional professional track to take a consulting position or project-based work for a number of years. I think of these plateaus as “investment intervals.” My husband and I took a sabbatical in Shanghai, from August 2007 to May 2008, right in the thick of an election year when many of my friends were advising various candidates on foreign-policy issues. We thought of the move in part as “putting money in the family bank,” taking advantage of the opportunity to spend a close year together in a foreign culture. But we were also investing in our children’s ability to learn Mandarin and in our own knowledge of Asia.
Peaking in your late 50s and early 60s rather than your late 40s and early 50s makes particular sense for women, who live longer than men. And many of the stereotypes about older workers simply do not hold. A 2006 survey of human-resources professionals shows that only 23 percent think older workers are less flexible than younger workers; only 11 percent think older workers require more training than younger workers; and only 7 percent think older workers have less drive than younger workers.
Whether women will really have the confidence to stair-step their careers, however, will again depend in part on perceptions. Slowing down the rate of promotions, taking time out periodically, pursuing an alternative path during crucial parenting or parent-care years—all have to become more visible and more noticeably accepted as a pause rather than an opt-out. (In an encouraging sign, Mass Career Customization, a 2007 book by Cathleen Benko and Anne Weisberg arguing that “today’s career is no longer a straight climb up the corporate ladder, but rather a combination of climbs, lateral moves, and planned descents,” was a Wall Street Journal best seller.)
Institutions can also take concrete steps to promote this acceptance. For instance, in 1970, Princeton established a tenure-extension policy that allowed female assistant professors expecting a child to request a one-year extension on their tenure clocks. This policy was later extended to men, and broadened to include adoptions. In the early 2000s, two reports on the status of female faculty discovered that only about 3 percent of assistant professors requested tenure extensions in a given year. And in response to a survey question, women were much more likely than men to think that a tenure extension would be detrimental to an assistant professor’s career.
So in 2005, under President Shirley Tilghman, Princeton changed the default rule. The administration announced that all assistant professors, female and male, who had a new child would automatically receive a one-year extension on the tenure clock, with no opt-outs allowed. Instead, assistant professors could request early consideration for tenure if they wished. The number of assistant professors who receive a tenure extension has tripled since the change.
One of the best ways to move social norms in this direction is to choose and celebrate different role models. New Jersey Governor Chris Christie and I are poles apart politically, but he went way up in my estimation when he announced that one reason he decided against running for president in 2012 was the impact his campaign would have had on his children. He reportedly made clear at a fund-raiser in Louisiana that he didn’t want to be away from his children for long periods of time; according to a Republican official at the event, he said that “his son [missed] him after being gone for the three days on the road, and that he needed to get back.” He may not get my vote if and when he does run for president, but he definitely gets my admiration (providing he doesn’t turn around and join the GOP ticket this fall).
If we are looking for high-profile female role models, we might begin with Michelle Obama. She started out with the same résumé as her husband, but has repeatedly made career decisions designed to let her do work she cared about and also be the kind of parent she wanted to be. She moved from a high-powered law firm first to Chicago city government and then to the University of Chicago shortly before her daughters were born, a move that let her work only 10 minutes away from home. She has spoken publicly and often about her initial concerns that her husband’s entry into politics would be bad for their family life, and about her determination to limit her participation in the presidential election campaign to have more time at home. Even as first lady, she has been adamant that she be able to balance her official duties with family time. We should see her as a full-time career woman, but one who is taking a very visible investment interval. We should celebrate her not only as a wife, mother, and champion of healthy eating, but also as a woman who has had the courage and judgment to invest in her daughters when they need her most. And we should expect a glittering career from her after she leaves the White House and her daughters leave for college.
One of the most complicated and surprising parts of my journey out of Washington was coming to grips with what I really wanted. I had opportunities to stay on, and I could have tried to work out an arrangement allowing me to spend more time at home. I might have been able to get my family to join me in Washington for a year; I might have been able to get classified technology installed at my house the way Jim Steinberg did; I might have been able to commute only four days a week instead of five. (While this last change would have still left me very little time at home, given the intensity of my job, it might have made the job doable for another year or two.) But I realized that I didn’t just need to go home. Deep down, I wanted to go home. I wanted to be able to spend time with my children in the last few years that they are likely to live at home, crucial years for their development into responsible, productive, happy, and caring adults. But also irreplaceable years for me to enjoy the simple pleasures of parenting—baseball games, piano recitals, waffle breakfasts, family trips, and goofy rituals. My older son is doing very well these days, but even when he gives us a hard time, as all teenagers do, being home to shape his choices and help him make good decisions is deeply satisfying.
The flip side of my realization is captured in Macko and Rubin’s ruminations on the importance of bringing the different parts of their lives together as 30-year-old women:
Women have contributed to the fetish of the one-dimensional life, albeit by necessity. The pioneer generation of feminists walled off their personal lives from their professional personas to ensure that they could never be discriminated against for a lack of commitment to their work. When I was a law student in the 1980s, many women who were then climbing the legal hierarchy in New York firms told me that they never admitted to taking time out for a child’s doctor appointment or school performance, but instead invented a much more neutral excuse.
Today, however, women in power can and should change that environment, although change is not easy. When I became dean of the Woodrow Wilson School, in 2002, I decided that one of the advantages of being a woman in power was that I could help change the norms by deliberately talking about my children and my desire to have a balanced life. Thus, I would end faculty meetings at 6 p.m. by saying that I had to go home for dinner; I would also make clear to all student organizations that I would not come to dinner with them, because I needed to be home from six to eight, but that I would often be willing to come back after eight for a meeting. I also once told the Dean’s Advisory Committee that the associate dean would chair the next session so I could go to a parent-teacher conference.
After a few months of this, several female assistant professors showed up in my office quite agitated. “You have to stop talking about your kids,” one said. “You are not showing the gravitas that people expect from a dean, which is particularly damaging precisely because you are the first woman dean of the school.” I told them that I was doing it deliberately and continued my practice, but it is interesting that gravitas and parenthood don’t seem to go together.
Ten years later, whenever I am introduced at a lecture or other speaking engagement, I insist that the person introducing me mention that I have two sons. It seems odd to me to list degrees, awards, positions, and interests and not include the dimension of my life that is most important to me—and takes an enormous amount of my time. As Secretary Clinton once said in a television interview in Beijing when the interviewer asked her about Chelsea’s upcoming wedding: “That’s my real life.” But I notice that my male introducers are typically uncomfortable when I make the request. They frequently say things like “And she particularly wanted me to mention that she has two sons”—thereby drawing attention to the unusual nature of my request, when my entire purpose is to make family references routine and normal in professional life.
This does not mean that you should insist that your colleagues spend time cooing over pictures of your baby or listening to the prodigious accomplishments of your kindergartner. It does mean that if you are late coming in one week, because it is your turn to drive the kids to school, that you be honest about what you are doing. Indeed, Sheryl Sandberg recently acknowledged not only that she leaves work at 5:30 to have dinner with her family, but also that for many years she did not dare make this admission, even though she would of course make up the work time later in the evening. Her willingness to speak out now is a strong step in the right direction.
Seeking out a more balanced life is not a women’s issue; balance would be better for us all. Bronnie Ware, an Australian blogger who worked for years in palliative care and is the author of the 2011 book The Top Five Regrets of the Dying, writes that the regret she heard most often was “I wish I’d had the courage to live a life true to myself, not the life others expected of me.” The second-most-common regret was “I wish I didn’t work so hard.” She writes: “This came from every male patient that I nursed. They missed their children’s youth and their partner’s companionship.”
Juliette Kayyem, who several years ago left the Department of Homeland Security soon after her husband, David Barron, left a high position in the Justice Department, says their joint decision to leave Washington and return to Boston sprang from their desire to work on the “happiness project,” meaning quality time with their three children. (She borrowed the term from her friend Gretchen Rubin, who wrote a best-selling book and now runs a blog with that name.)
It’s time to embrace a national happiness project. As a daughter of Charlottesville, Virginia, the home of Thomas Jefferson and the university he founded, I grew up with the Declaration of Independence in my blood. Last I checked, he did not declare American independence in the name of life, liberty, and professional success. Let us rediscover the pursuit of happiness, and let us start at home.
As I write this, I can hear the reaction of some readers to many of the proposals in this essay: It’s all fine and well for a tenured professor to write about flexible working hours, investment intervals, and family-comes-first management. But what about the real world? Most American women cannot demand these things, particularly in a bad economy, and their employers have little incentive to grant them voluntarily. Indeed, the most frequent reaction I get in putting forth these ideas is that when the choice is whether to hire a man who will work whenever and wherever needed, or a woman who needs more flexibility, choosing the man will add more value to the company.
In fact, while many of these issues are hard to quantify and measure precisely, the statistics seem to tell a different story. A seminal study of 527 U.S. companies, published in the Academy of Management Journal in 2000, suggests that “organizations with more extensive work-family policies have higher perceived firm-level performance” among their industry peers. These findings accorded with a 2003 study conducted by Michelle Arthur at the University of New Mexico. Examining 130 announcements of family-friendly policies in The Wall Street Journal, Arthur found that the announcements alone significantly improved share prices. In 2011, a study on flexibility in the workplace by Ellen Galinsky, Kelly Sakai, and Tyler Wigton of the Families and Work Institute showed that increased flexibility correlates positively with job engagement, job satisfaction, employee retention, and employee health.
This is only a small sampling from a large and growing literature trying to pin down the relationship between family-friendly policies and economic performance. Other scholars have concluded that good family policies attract better talent, which in turn raises productivity, but that the policies themselves have no impact on productivity. Still others argue that results attributed to these policies are actually a function of good management overall. What is evident, however, is that many firms that recruit and train well-educated professional women are aware that when a woman leaves because of bad work-family balance, they are losing the money and time they invested in her.
Even the legal industry, built around the billable hour, is taking notice. Deborah Epstein Henry, a former big-firm litigator, is now the president of Flex-Time Lawyers, a national consulting firm focused partly on strategies for the retention of female attorneys. In her book Law and Reorder, published by the American Bar Association in 2010, she describes a legal profession “where the billable hour no longer works”; where attorneys, judges, recruiters, and academics all agree that this system of compensation has perverted the industry, leading to brutal work hours, massive inefficiency, and highly inflated costs. The answer—already being deployed in different corners of the industry—is a combination of alternative fee structures, virtual firms, women-owned firms, and the outsourcing of discrete legal jobs to other jurisdictions. Women, and Generation X and Y lawyers more generally, are pushing for these changes on the supply side; clients determined to reduce legal fees and increase flexible service are pulling on the demand side. Slowly, change is happening.
At the core of all this is self-interest. Losing smart and motivated women not only diminishes a company’s talent pool; it also reduces the return on its investment in training and mentoring. In trying to address these issues, some firms are finding out that women’s ways of working may just be better ways of working, for employees and clients alike.
Experts on creativity and innovation emphasize the value of encouraging nonlinear thinking and cultivating randomness by taking long walks or looking at your environment from unusual angles. In their new book, A New Culture of Learning: Cultivating the Imagination for a World of Constant Change, the innovation gurus John Seely Brown and Douglas Thomas write, “We believe that connecting play and imagination may be the single most important step in unleashing the new culture of learning.”
Space for play and imagination is exactly what emerges when rigid work schedules and hierarchies loosen up. Skeptics should consider the “California effect.” California is the cradle of American innovation—in technology, entertainment, sports, food, and lifestyles. It is also a place where people take leisure as seriously as they take work; where companies like Google deliberately encourage play, with Ping-Pong tables, light sabers, and policies that require employees to spend one day a week working on whatever they wish. Charles Baudelaire wrote: “Genius is nothing more nor less than childhood recovered at will.” Google apparently has taken note.
No parent would mistake child care for childhood. Still, seeing the world anew through a child’s eyes can be a powerful source of stimulation. When the Nobel laureate Thomas Schelling wrote The Strategy of Conflict, a classic text applying game theory to conflicts among nations, he frequently drew on child-rearing for examples of when deterrence might succeed or fail. “It may be easier to articulate the peculiar difficulty of constraining [a ruler] by the use of threats,” he wrote, “when one is fresh from a vain attempt at using threats to keep a small child from hurting a dog or a small dog from hurting a child.”
The books I’ve read with my children, the silly movies I’ve watched, the games I’ve played, questions I’ve answered, and people I’ve met while parenting have broadened my world. Another axiom of the literature on innovation is that the more often people with different perspectives come together, the more likely creative ideas are to emerge. Giving workers the ability to integrate their non-work lives with their work—whether they spend that time mothering or marathoning—will open the door to a much wider range of influences and ideas.
Perhaps the most encouraging news of all for achieving the sorts of changes that I have proposed is that men are joining the cause. In commenting on a draft of this article, Martha Minow, the dean of the Harvard Law School, wrote me that one change she has observed during 30 years of teaching law at Harvard is that today many young men are asking questions about how they can manage a work-life balance. And more systematic research on Generation Y confirms that many more men than in the past are asking questions about how they are going to integrate active parenthood with their professional lives.
Abstract aspirations are easier than concrete trade-offs, of course. These young men have not yet faced the question of whether they are prepared to give up that more prestigious clerkship or fellowship, decline a promotion, or delay their professional goals to spend more time with their children and to support their partner’s career.
Yet once work practices and work culture begin to evolve, those changes are likely to carry their own momentum. Kara Owen, the British foreign-service officer who worked a London job from Dublin, wrote me in an e-mail:
Men have, of course, become much more involved parents over the past couple of decades, and that, too, suggests broad support for big changes in the way we balance work and family. It is noteworthy that both James Steinberg, deputy secretary of state, and William Lynn, deputy secretary of defense, stepped down two years into the Obama administration so that they could spend more time with their children (for real).
Going forward, women would do well to frame work-family balance in terms of the broader social and economic issues that affect both women and men. After all, we have a new generation of young men who have been raised by full-time working mothers. Let us presume, as I do with my sons, that they will understand “supporting their families” to mean more than earning money.
I have been blessed to work with and be mentored by some extraordinary women. Watching Hillary Clinton in action makes me incredibly proud—of her intelligence, expertise, professionalism, charisma, and command of any audience. I get a similar rush when I see a front-page picture of Christine Lagarde, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, and Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany, deep in conversation about some of the most important issues on the world stage; or of Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, standing up forcefully for the Syrian people in the Security Council.
These women are extraordinary role models. If I had a daughter, I would encourage her to look to them, and I want a world in which they are extraordinary but not unusual. Yet I also want a world in which, in Lisa Jackson’s words, “to be a strong woman, you don’t have to give up on the things that define you as a woman.” That means respecting, enabling, and indeed celebrating the full range of women’s choices. “Empowering yourself,” Jackson said in her speech at Princeton, “doesn’t have to mean rejecting motherhood, or eliminating the nurturing or feminine aspects of who you are.”
I gave a speech at Vassar last November and arrived in time to wander the campus on a lovely fall afternoon. It is a place infused with a spirit of community and generosity, filled with benches, walkways, public art, and quiet places donated by alumnae seeking to encourage contemplation and connection. Turning the pages of the alumni magazine (Vassar is now coed), I was struck by the entries of older alumnae, who greeted their classmates with Salve (Latin for “hello”) and wrote witty remembrances sprinkled with literary allusions. Theirs was a world in which women wore their learning lightly; their news is mostly of their children’s accomplishments. Many of us look back on that earlier era as a time when it was fine to joke that women went to college to get an “M.R.S.” And many women of my generation abandoned the Seven Sisters as soon as the formerly all-male Ivy League universities became coed. I would never return to the world of segregated sexes and rampant discrimination. But now is the time to revisit the assumption that women must rush to adapt to the “man’s world” that our mothers and mentors warned us about.
I continually push the young women in my classes to speak more. They must gain the confidence to value their own insights and questions, and to present them readily. My husband agrees, but he actually tries to get the young men in his classes to act more like the women—to speak less and listen more. If women are ever to achieve real equality as leaders, then we have to stop accepting male behavior and male choices as the default and the ideal. We must insist on changing social policies and bending career tracks to accommodate our choices, too. We have the power to do it if we decide to, and we have many men standing beside us.
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International Woman Suffrage Highlights
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The official website of the Oregon Secretary of State
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https://www.forbes.com/sites/monicamercuri/2024/06/07/the-unbelievable-true-story-behind-hit-man-on-netflix-who-was-gary-johnson/
|
en
|
The Unbelievable True Story Behind ‘Hit Man’ On Netflix—Who Was Gary Johnson?
|
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[
"Hit Man",
"Netflix",
"Glen Powell",
"Richard Linklater",
"Adria Arjona"
] | null |
[
"Monica Mercuri"
] |
2024-06-07T00:00:00
|
Glen Powell's new film "Hit Man" is now streaming on Netflix. Is the movie based on a true story, and did Gary Johnson exist in real life as a fake hitman?
|
en
|
Forbes
|
https://www.forbes.com/sites/monicamercuri/2024/06/07/the-unbelievable-true-story-behind-hit-man-on-netflix-who-was-gary-johnson/
|
Richard Linklater’s anticipated film Hit Man has officially arrived on Netflix. As you’re watching the romantic action comedy, you might be wondering whether Hit Man is based on a true story and whether Gary Johnson was a fake contract killer who existed in real life.
Starring and co-written by Glen Powell, the Top Gun: Maverick star portrays Gary Johnson, a psychology professor who discovers he has a hidden talent as a fake hitman, including theatrically imitating his suspects with humorous costumes, accents, and mannerisms. He starts to assume false identities to entrap criminals for the local police, but the situation becomes tricky after he meets a prospective client named Madison (Adria Arjona).
Madison wants to hire Johnson to kill her husband, but she ends up stealing his heart and igniting “a powder keg of deception, delight, and mixed-up identities,” according to Netflix’s Tudum. While talking to the streamer, Linklater described Hit Man as a movie about “identity and self and passion.”
The director continued, “But on a plot level, it’s just a guy who gets in a little too deep. His passions lead him in a direction where he’s deceiving someone he’s in love with, and being someone else. They have to deal with those repercussions.”
Is Hit Man On Netflix Based On A True Story?
Yes, Netflix’s Hit Man is loosely based on the true story of Gary Johnson, a man who posed as a contract killer for the Houston police during the late 1980s and 1990s. Linklater came across Johnson’s unbelievable story in a 2001 Texas Monthly article written by Skip Hollandsworth.
The filmmaker had previously adapted another Hollandsworth piece for his 2011 film Bernie, but he struggled to find a central arc for the film. That changed when he met Glen Powell, and together, they began writing Hit Man, which made its debut on Netflix on June 7 after a limited theatrical release.
“I remember Glen saying, ‘Well, what if we just don’t stick to the facts? What if we cut loose once?’ ” Linklater recalled to Netflix’s Tudum.
He and Powell decided to focus on one story from the article in which Johnson declines to set up a police sting to catch a woman who’s hired him to kill her abuser, eventually leading to a romantic connection between them. However, there are several major differences between Powell’s portrayal of Gary Johnson and his real-life counterpart.
Who Was The Real Gary Johnson?
The real Gary Johnson, the man who inspired Hit Man on Netflix, was an actual college professor who was a fake hitman working for the city’s police. Johnson was the focus of a 2001 Texas Monthly story that detailed how he became “the most sought-after professional killer in Houston” whose undercover investigations led “to more than sixty arrests.”
Johnson moved to Houston in 1981, hoping to attend the University of Houston’s doctoral program in psychology. When he wasn’t admitted, he accepted a job as an investigator for the district attorney’s office. In 1989, he found his “true calling” when a 37-year-old lab tech named Kathy Scott contacted a bail bondsman and told him she needed a hitman to kill her husband. When the bail bondsman called the police, his bosses told him, “Gary, you’re our hit man.”
So, whenever the police learned through an informant that someone wanted to hire a hitman, they enlisted Johnson. The informant would introduce Johnson to the individual seeking a contract killer. Johnson, who was wired, had to get the person to explicitly state their intention to have someone murdered and then pay him for the job.
“He’s the perfect chameleon,” prominent Houston lawyer Michael Hinton told Texas Monthly. “Gary is a truly great performer who can turn into whatever he needs to be in whatever situation he finds himself. He never gets flustered, and he never says the wrong thing. He’s somehow able to persuade people who are rich and not so rich, successful and not so successful, that he’s the real thing. He fools them every time.”
Hollandsworth described Johnson as “one of the greatest actors of his generation, so talented that he can perform on any stage and with any kind of script.”
Although Hit Man takes Johnson’s name and the general premise of his unique story of working undercover as a fake contract killer, some parts of the Netflix film are entirely fictional. For example, Linklater said that “the real Gary did slight disguises, but not to the extent that we see in the film.” Instead, Glen “pushed all of that to the max.”
The real Johnson also helped an abuse victim who was being mistreated by her boyfriend, but there is no evidence that he was romantically involved with her as the film portrays. However, Johnson, like his on-screen character, also struggled with his love life; the Texas Monthly piece mentions that he was married three times and was described as “a loner” by his second wife.
“He’ll show up at parties and have a good time, and he’s always friendly, but he likes being alone, being quiet,” his second wife told Hollandsworth. “It’s still amazing to me that he can turn on this other personality that makes people think he is a vicious killer.”
Johnson passed away in 2022.
Hit Man is streaming on Netflix. Watch the official trailer below.
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https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/girlseducation
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en
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Girls' Education
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Enter Short Description
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/content/dam/wbr-redesign/logos/wbg-favicon.png
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World Bank
|
https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/girlseducation
|
Ensuring that all girls and young women receive a quality education is their human right, a global development priority, and a strategic priority for the World Bank.
Achieving gender equality is central to the World Bank Group mission to end poverty on a livable planet. As the largest financing development partner in education globally, the World Bank ensures that all of its education projects are gender-sensitive, and works to overcome barriers that are preventing girls and boys from equally benefiting from countries’ investments in education.
Girls’ education goes beyond getting girls into school. It is also about ensuring that girls learn and feel safe while in school; have the opportunity to complete all levels of education, acquiring the knowledge and skills to compete in the labor market; gain socio-emotional and life skills necessary to navigate and adapt to a changing world; make decisions about their own lives; and contribute to their communities and the world.
Both individuals and countries benefit from girls’ education. Better educated women tend to be more informed about nutrition and healthcare, have fewer children, marry at a later age, and their children are usually healthier, should they choose to become mothers. They are more likely to participate in the formal labor market and earn higher incomes. A 2018 World Bank study estimates that the “limited educational opportunities for girls, and barriers to completing 12 years of education, cost countries between US$15 trillion and $30 trillion in lost lifetime productivity and earnings.” All these factors combined can help lift households, communities, and countries out of poverty.
The Challenge
According to UNICEF estimates, around the world, 122 million girls are out of school, including 34 million of primary school age, and 87 million of secondary school age.
Globally, primary, and secondary school enrollment rates are getting closer to equal for girls and boys (92% male, 90% female). But while enrollment rates are similar – in fact, two-thirds of all countries have reached gender parity in primary school enrollment – completion rates for girls are lower in low-income countries where 63% of female primary school students complete primary school, compared to 67% of male primary school students. In low-income countries, secondary school completion rates for girls also continue to lag, with only 38% of girls completing lower secondary school compared to 43% of boys. Upper secondary completion rates have similar disparities in lower income countries, the rate is 26% for young men and 21% for young women.
The gaps are starker in countries affected by fragility, conflict, and violence (FCV). In FCV countries, girls are 2.5 times more likely to be out of school than boys, and at the secondary level, are 90% more likely to be out of secondary school than those in non-FCV contexts.
Both girls and boys are facing a learning crisis. Learning Poverty (LP) measures the share of children who are not able to read proficiently at age 10. While girls are on average 4 percentage points less learning-poor than boys, the rates remain very high for both groups. The average of Learning Poverty in in low- and middle- income countries is 50% for females, and 56% for males. The gap is narrower in low-income countries, where Learning Poverty averages about 93% for both boys and girls.
In many countries, enrollment in tertiary education slightly favors young women, however, better learning outcomes are not translating into better work and life outcomes for women. There is a large gender gap in labor force participation rates globally. It is especially stark in regions such as South Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, which have some of the lowest female labor force participation rates at 26% and 20% per region, respectively. These are appallingly low rates, considering what is observed in other regions like Latin America (53%) or East Asia (59%), which are still below rates for men.
Gender bias within schools and classrooms may also reinforce messages that affect girls’ ambitions, their own perceptions of their roles in society, and produce labor market engagement disparities and occupational segregation. When gender stereotypes are communicated through the design of school and classroom learning environments or through the behavior of faculty, staff, and peers in a child’s school, it goes on to have sustained impact on academic performance and choice of field of study, especially negatively affecting young women pursuing science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) disciplines.
Poverty is one of the most important factors for determining whether a girl can access and complete her education. Studies consistently reinforce that girls who face multiple disadvantages — such as low family income, living in remote or underserved locations or who have a disability or belong to a minority ethno-linguistic group — are farthest behind in terms of access to and completion of education.
Violence also prevents girls from accessing and completing education – often girls are forced to walk long distances to school placing them at an increased risk of violence and many experience violence while at school. Most recent data estimates that approximately 60 million girls are sexually assaulted on their way to or at school every year. This often has serious consequences for their mental and physical health and overall well-being while also leading to lower attendance and higher dropout rates. An estimated 246 million children experience violence in and around school every year, ending school-related gender-based violence is critical. Adolescent pregnancies can be a result of sexual violence or sexual exploitation. Girls who become pregnant often face strong stigma, and even discrimination, from their communities. The burden of stigma, compounded by unequal gender norms, can lead girls to drop out of school early and not return.
Child marriage is also a critical challenge. Girls who marry young are much more likely to drop out of school, complete fewer years of education than their peers who marry later. They are also more likely to have children at a young age and are exposed to higher levels of violence perpetrated by their partner. In turn, this affects the education and health of their children, as well as their ability to earn a living. Indeed, girls with secondary schooling are up to six times more likely to marry as those children with little or no education. According to a 2017 report, more than 41,000 girls under the age of 18 marry every day. Putting an end to this practice would increase women’s expected educational attainment, and with it, their potential earnings. According to the report’s estimates, ending child marriage could generate more than US$500 billion in benefits annually each year.
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http://lib.msu.edu/
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MSU Libraries
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Welcome! I hope the spring break provided a good opportunity for some rest and relaxation amid a busy semester. The MSU Libraries has also seen a lively term, and as we look ahead I wanted to take a moment to share some important updates.Spring semester hours. Regular hours following spring break resumed Monday, March 4. The MSU Libraries is typically open 24 hours per day on Monday through Thursday, with later opening and earlier closing times on the weekends. Regular hours will shift beginning with the last class day of the spring semester on Friday, April 26, as we head into our shortened summer hours. Please note that for safety and security purposes, all students, staff and faculty are required to scan their MSU ID to access the MSU Main Library building between 10:00 p.m. and 7:30 a.m. on Sunday – Thursday. A complete schedule for the Main Library hours is available here.MSU Press director appointment. In October Elizabeth Demers was appointed director of the MSU Press. Demers comes to MSU from the University of Michigan Press, where she was hired as editorial director in 2017. She also previously held positions at Johns Hopkins University Press, Quarto Publishing and Potomac Books. Demers received undergraduate degrees in English and French from MSU as well as a master’s in comparative literature. She also earned a doctorate in history at MSU. In addition to her education at MSU, she obtained a Master of Business Administration at the University of Maryland. Demers has expressed enthusiasm about the opportunity to lead MSU Press, noting that she is “thrilled to be a part of MSU Press’s tradition of outstanding scholarship and community engagement.”Harmful Language Remediation Group. The Harmful Language Remediation Working Group (HLRWG) at MSU Libraries formed in fall 2022 with the goal of identifying, assessing and responding to harmful language issues in the MSU Libraries’ descriptive metadata. The primary role of the HLRWG is to facilitate and track harmful language remediation projects across the MSU Libraries. The group has recently developed a publicly available form that can be used to report instances of potentially harmful language in the MSU Libraries catalog. This form is available here.Building construction. In August 2022 the Libraries began working in partnership with brightspot strategy to reimagine our spaces and services to be more responsive to current and future needs of our faculty, staff and students. Several phases have already been completed while others have seen significant progress. Our new MSU Libraries Starbucks opened at the beginning of the spring semester, with updated seating in the café area as well as an option for mobile ordering, and the reconfiguration of 2-West is now also complete and home to the MSU Center for Teaching and Learning Innovation and the Office of Faculty and Academic Staff Development. Construction on 3-East to relocate our Stephen O. Murray and Keelung Hong Special Collections is progressing with plans to install shelving in April; this project phase is expected to continue into Fall 2024. Ongoing updates are available on our website at lib.msu.edu.We are looking forward to supporting your learning and research needs as we approach the end of the spring semester (and beyond!). As a reminder, if you are unable to find an answer on our website or would like to speak to someone in person, we are available at our information desks as well as by phone at (517) 353-8700.With warm wishes for a productive semester,Neil Romanosky, Ph.D. Dean of LibrariesView All News Articles
EAST LANSING, Mich., July 2024 – For over 70 years, the Michigan State University Libraries’ 1535 “Ptolemy’s Geographia” was kept under wraps because of its fragile condition. Now, thanks to the work of Conservation Librarian Garrett Sumner, the rare 16th-century cartography text has been restored and made available for use.Donated to the MSU Libraries in 1951 by the E. K. Warren Foundation, “Ptolemy’s Geographia” is one of approximately 60 known copies in existence worldwide. The “Geographia” was previously collected in 1928 by Fred P. Warren of Three Oaks, Michigan, who was the son of E. K. Warren (1847-1919), a wealthy businessman noted for his development of the Warren Featherbone Company. This second edition of the eponymous “Geographia” was translated by German Renaissance lawyer, author and humorist Willibald Pirckheimer (1470-1530), with illustrations by Spanish theologian Michael Villanovanus (1511?-1553), better known as Servetus. It contains 228 pages and 49 maps with woodcut borders that some scholars have attributed to renowned Renaissance artists Hans Holbein the Younger and Urs Graf. Originally written in the 2nd century A.D., this geographical treatise was considered a standard reference until the 16th century and retained influence well into the 18th century, with various scholars and editors offering corrections to inaccuracies in the original. An inscription in the MSU Libraries copy denotes that the volume was once owned and housed by an order of priests known as the Somaschi Fathers at their home church of San Bartolomeo in Somasca, Italy. This inscription, according to Rare Books Curator Tad Boehmer, is likely from the first half of the 16th century. Boehmer, who discovered the “Geographia” in the MSU Libraries vault in 2019, noted that this text contains one of the earliest instances of the term “America” in print.“This copy of Ptolemy’s ‘Geographia’ — a fascinating text in its own right — tells some remarkable stories, from its printing in Lyon, France, by the Trechsel brothers in 1535 and its early use in Somascha, Italy, to its purchase by Fred Warren at an ‘out of the way book store’ in Milan in 1928,” Boehmer said. “In a cinematic description recorded in the Fall 1951 newsletter of the MSU Friends of the Library, due to Mussolini’s declaration that no historical documents could leave the country, Warren enlisted the help of a friendly taxi driver who attached the volume to the undercarriage of his cab, where it eluded the sight of border officials. Though it has had a home at MSU since 1951, it had been underappreciated in recent years until Garrett Sumner’s expert work to clean and repair it. Nearly half a millennium after its creation, this book now speaks to a new generation of students and scholars who visit Murray & Hong Special Collections, and will continue to do so for many more to come.” According to Sumner, when he initially received the volume from Boehmer, his first question was “Why isn’t this in quarantine?” Boehmer had retrieved the box containing the “Geographia” from the MSU Libraries vault, which holds the Libraries’ most valuable — and delicate —materials in the Stephen O. Murray & Keelung Hong Special Collections. The box, Sumner said, had a note on top warning against opening due to mold, but when he took the text out to examine it, he found that it was a “false alarm.” What he did find, however, was an immense amount of damage.“We pulled it out and found there was actually no active mold,” Sumner said. “What I saw was that the binding was completely falling apart — the covers were barely attached, the sewing was frayed throughout, the leather sewing supports used to connect the leaves, sewing, and binding together were disintegrating, the paper had numerous water tidelines from suffering multiple flood incidents, and was also heavily embedded with dirt, with tears throughout. In many places, leaves were either loose or detached from the sewing.”Additional paperwork with the “Geographia” noted that it had been previously sent to two different vendors for conservation treatment. According to Head of Conservation & Preservation Eric Alstrom, the cost to treat the rare text was quoted at over $20K in 2013.“Former Head of Special Collections Peter Berg knew the importance of this book and that it could be used by professors who brought their students to Special Collections,” Alstrom said.“But because of its poor condition, it could not be handled. Even when we would look at it with the utmost care, another folio would detach or a piece of the sewing structure would detach. At that time, the [Florence G.] Wallace Conservation Lab was not equipped to handle a project like this. We didn’t have a sink large enough to wash the pages like we do now. So, Peter and I looked to our conservation vendors for help. Twice we sent the book out to two different vendors, first in 2008 and then in 2013. Both times, the estimated cost for treatment exceeded our yearly budget. Unfortunately, we had to place the book back in the stacks in its damaged, unusable condition and wait for a donor to help or a time when our lab was upgraded and able to handle the project.”Despite the confirmation of an absence of active mold, quarantine still had a role in the historic text’s revival. Sumner, who received the “Geographia” in fall 2019, said he spent the first year under remote work stipulations thinking about how he was going to approach repairing the fragile tome.“The very first part of the process was to fully document and photograph the 'Geographia,'” Sumner explained. “Tad and I then developed a report and treatment plan for the book. In coming up with these plans, we also assess treatment options, one of those being to do absolutely nothing, and what the consequences of that option might be. In this case, the consequence of doing nothing is actually just more and more damage. Doing nothing is always an option because sometimes it's best, but in this case, we wanted to make sure that the book was usable. The final plan we landed on was basically just the full spa treatment — disbinding, washing all the pages and resizing, mending, sewing, and binding them in a new, conservation-sound binding sympathetic to the original, and finally housing the book and its original remnants in a custom enclosure.”Sumner made his first cut into the sewing of the “Geographia” in Jan. 2022., completing the text conservation treatment just ten months later. The volume was used on the first day it became available for a Topics of Art History course taught by Carol Ann Bennett-Vallès Assistant Professor of Art History and Visual Culture Silvia Tita, who emphasized its historical and contemporary relevance.“Over the centuries, ‘Ptolemy’s Geographia’ has fascinated and informed curious minds in search of practical, abstract and encyclopedic knowledge related to humans’ experience of inhabiting and understanding the earth,” Tita noted. “Preserved in various manuscripts, the 'Geographia' was published for the first time in the last quarter of the 15th century, soon after the advent of printing in Europe. The printed editions of the early modern period were equipped with maps and updated knowledge about the world. Such subsequent versions are extremely important as they attest not only to the absorption of ancient theories but more significantly to the changing of ideas and perceptions about the world. At the same time, they alert us nowadays to the duty of preserving them. The MSU Special Collections holds such a copy. Recently restored, it is a splendid pedagogical tool — as noticed firsthand during classes — for both its content and its capability of illuminating on the early stages of printing.” While access to the “Geographia” and other Special Collections materials normally requires making an appointment with the MSU Special Collections staff, select services have been put on hold as the MSU Libraries Special Collections begins the process of relocating to the third floor of the Main Library’s East Wing in August. For current updates on the relocation and related services, please visit the Special Collections webpage.View All News Articles
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https://www.investopedia.com/terms/e/entrepreneur.asp
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Entrepreneur: What It Means to Be One and How to Get Started
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"Adam Hayes"
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2006-05-01T13:00:00-04:00
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Entrepreneurs create new businesses, taking on all the risks and rewards of their company. Learn about entrepreneurship and the challenges facing entrepreneurs.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Investopedia
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https://www.investopedia.com/terms/e/entrepreneur.asp
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What Is an Entrepreneur?
An entrepreneur is an individual who creates a new business, bearing most of the risks and enjoying most of the rewards. The process of setting up a business is known as entrepreneurship.
Entrepreneurs play a key role in any economy, using the skills and initiative necessary to anticipate needs and bring new ideas to market. Entrepreneurship that proves to be successful in taking on the risks of creating a startup is rewarded with profits and growth opportunities.
Why Are Entrepreneurs Important?
Entrepreneurship is one of the resources economists categorize as integral to production, the other three being land/natural resources, labor, and capital. An entrepreneur combines the first three of these to manufacture goods or provide services. They typically create a business plan, hire labor, acquire resources and financing, and provide leadership and management for the business.
Economists have never had a consistent definition of "entrepreneur" or "entrepreneurship" (the word "entrepreneur" comes from the French verb entreprendre, meaning "to undertake"). Though the concept of an entrepreneur existed and was known for centuries, the classical and neoclassical economists left entrepreneurs out of their formal models. They assumed that perfect information would be known to fully rational actors, leaving no room for risk-taking or discovery. It wasn't until the middle of the 20th century that economists seriously attempted to incorporate entrepreneurship into their models.
Three thinkers were central to the inclusion of entrepreneurs: Joseph Schumpeter, Frank Knight, and Israel Kirzner. Schumpeter suggested that entrepreneurs—not just companies—were responsible for the creation of new things in the search for profit. Knight focused on entrepreneurs as the bearers of uncertainty and believed they were responsible for risk premiums in financial markets. Kirzner thought of entrepreneurship as a process that led to the discovery of opportunities.
Fast-forward to today, entrepreneurs commonly face many obstacles when building their companies. The three that many of them cite as the most challenging include overcoming bureaucracy, hiring talent, and obtaining financing.
What Are Different Types of Entrepreneurs?
Not every entrepreneur is the same and not all have the same goals. Here are a few types of entrepreneurs:
Builder
Builders seek to create scalable businesses within a short time frame. Builders typically pass $5 million in revenue in the first two to four years and continue to build up until $100 million or beyond. These individuals seek to build out a strong infrastructure by hiring the best talent and seeking the best investors. Sometimes, they have temperamental personalities that are suited to the fast growth they desire but may make personal and business relationships difficult.
Opportunist
Opportunistic entrepreneurs are optimistic individuals with the ability to pick out financial opportunities, get in at the right time, stay on board during the time of growth, and exit when a business hits its peak.
These types of entrepreneurs are concerned with profits and the wealth they will build, so they are attracted to ideas where they can create residual or renewal income. Because they are looking to find well-timed opportunities, opportunistic entrepreneurs can be impulsive.
Innovator
Innovators are those rare individuals that come up with a great idea or product that no one has thought of before. Think of Thomas Edison, Steve Jobs, and Mark Zuckerberg. These individuals worked on what they loved and found business opportunities through their vision and ideas.
Rather than focusing on money, innovators tend to care more about the impact that their products and services have on society. These individuals are not the best at running a business as they are idea-generating individuals, so they often leave the day-to-day operations to those more capable in that respect.
Specialist
These individuals are analytical and risk-averse. They have a strong skill set in a specific area obtained through education or apprenticeship. A specialist entrepreneur will build out their business through networking and referrals, sometimes resulting in slower growth than a builder entrepreneur.
4 Types of Entrepreneurship
As there are different types of entrepreneurs, there are also different types of businesses they create. Below are the main different types of entrepreneurship.
Small-business
Small business entrepreneurship refers to opening a business without turning it into a large conglomerate or opening many chains. A single-location restaurant, one grocery shop, or a retail shop to sell goods or services would all be examples of small business entrepreneurship.
These people usually invest their own money and succeed if their businesses turn a profit, which serves as their income. Sometimes, they don't have outside investors and will only take a loan if it helps continue the business.
Scalable startup
These are companies that start with a unique idea that can be built to a large scale—think Silicon Valley. The hopes are to innovate with a unique product or service and continue growing the company, continuously scaling up over time. These types of companies often require investors and large amounts of capital to grow their idea and expand into multiple markets.
Large-company
Large company entrepreneurship is a new business division created within an existing company. The existing company may be well placed to branch out into other sectors or it may be positioned well to become involved in new technology.
CEOs of these companies either foresee a new market for the company or individuals within the company generate ideas that they bring to senior management to start the process and development.
Social entrepreneurship
The goal of social entrepreneurship is to create a benefit to society and humankind. This form of business focuses on helping communities or the environment through their products and services. They are not driven by profits but rather by helping the world around them.
How to Become an Entrepreneur
After retiring her professional dancing shoes, Judi Sheppard Missett became an entrepreneur by teaching a dance class in order to earn some extra cash. But she soon learned that women who came to her studio were less interested in learning precise steps than they were in losing weight and toning up. Sheppard Missett then trained instructors to teach her routines to the masses, and Jazzercise was born. Soon, a franchise deal followed and today, the company has more than 8,300 locations worldwide.
Following an ice cream–making correspondence course, two entrepreneurs, Jerry Greenfield and Ben Cohen, paired $8,000 in savings with a $4,000 loan, leased a Burlington, Vermont gas station, and purchased equipment to create uniquely flavored ice cream for the local market. Today, Ben & Jerry’s hauls in millions in annual revenue.
In the 21st century, the example of Internet giants like Google (GOOG), and later its parent company Alphabet, as well as Facebook, and now its parent company Meta (META). Both companies have made their founders wildly wealthy, have been clear examples of the lasting impact of entrepreneurs on society.
Unlike traditional professions, where there is often a defined path to follow, the road to entrepreneurship is mystifying to most. What works for one entrepreneur might not work for the next and vice versa. That said, there are seven general steps that many successful entrepreneurs have followed:
Ensure financial stability
This first step is not a strict requirement but is definitely recommended. While entrepreneurs have built successful businesses while being less than financially flush, starting out with an adequate cash supply and stable ongoing funding is a great foundation.
This increases an entrepreneur's personal financial runway and gives them more time to work on building a successful business, rather than worrying about having to keep raising money or paying back short-term loans.
Build a diverse skill set
Once a person has strong finances, it is important to build a diverse set of skills and then apply those skills in the real world. The beauty of step two is it can be done concurrently with step one.
Building a skill set can be achieved through learning and trying new tasks in real-world settings. For example, if an aspiring entrepreneur has a background in finance, they can move into a sales role at their existing company to learn the soft skills necessary to be successful. Once a diverse skill set is built, it gives an entrepreneur a toolkit that they can rely on when they are faced with the inevitability of tough situations.
Much has been discussed about whether going to college is necessary to become a successful entrepreneur. Many well-known entrepreneurs are famous for having dropped out of college: Steve Jobs, Mark Zuckerberg, and Larry Ellison, to name a few.
Though going to college isn't necessary to build a successful business, it can teach young individuals a lot about the world in many other ways. And these famous college dropouts are the exception rather than the norm. College may not be for everyone and the choice is personal, but it is something to think about, especially with the high price tag of a college education in the U.S.
Consume content across multiple channels
As important as developing a diverse skill set is, the need to consume a diverse array of information and knowledge-building materials is equally so. This content can be in the form of podcasts, books, articles, or lectures. The important thing is that the content, no matter the channel, should be varied in what it covers. Aspiring entrepreneurs should always familiarize themselves with the world around them so they can look at industries with a fresh perspective, giving them the ability to build a business around a specific sector.
Identify a problem to solve
Through the consumption of content across multiple channels, an aspiring entrepreneur is able to identify various problems in need of solutions. One business adage dictates that a company's product or service needs to solve a specific pain point, either for another business or for a consumer group. Through the identification of a problem, an aspiring entrepreneur is able to build a business around solving that problem.
It is important to combine steps three and four so it is possible to identify a problem to solve by looking at various industries as an outsider. This often provides an aspiring entrepreneur with the ability to see a problem others might not.
Solve That Problem
Successful startups solve a specific pain point for other companies or for the public. This is known as "adding value within the problem." Only through adding value to a specific problem or pain point does an entrepreneur become successful.
Say, for example, you identify that the process for making a dental appointment is complicated for patients, and dentists are losing customers as a result. The value could be to build an online appointment system that makes it easier to book appointments.
Network like crazy
Most entrepreneurs can't do it alone. The business world is a cutthroat one and getting any help you can will likely help and reduce the time it takes to achieve a successful business. Networking is critical for any new entrepreneur. Meeting the right people who can introduce you to contacts in your industry, such as the right suppliers, financiers, and even mentors, can mean the difference between success and failure.
Attending conferences, emailing and calling people in the industry, speaking to your cousin's friend's brother who is in a similar business, will help you get out into the world and discover people who can guide you. Once you have your foot in the door with the right people, conducting a business becomes easier.
Lead by example
Every entrepreneur needs to be a leader within their company. Simply doing the day-to-day requirements will not lead to success. A leader needs to work hard, motivate, and inspire their employees to reach their best potential, which will lead to the success of the company.
Look at some of the greatest and most successful companies; all of them have had great leaders. Apple with Steve Jobs and Microsoft with Bill Gates, are just a couple examples. Study these people and read their books to see how to be a great leader and become the leader that your employees can follow by the example you set.
Entrepreneurship Financing
Given the riskiness of a new venture, the acquisition of capital funding is particularly challenging, and many entrepreneurs deal with it via bootstrapping: financing a business using methods such as using their own money, providing sweat equity to reduce labor costs, minimizing inventory, and factoring receivables.
While some entrepreneurs are lone players struggling to get small businesses off the ground on a shoestring, others take on partners armed with greater access to capital and other resources. In these situations, new firms may acquire financing from venture capitalists, angel investors, hedge funds, crowdfunding, or through more traditional sources such as bank loans.
Resources for entrepreneurs
There are a variety of financing resources for entrepreneurs starting their own businesses. Obtaining a small business loan through the Small Business Administration (SBA) can help entrepreneurs get the business off the ground with affordable loans. Here, the SBA helps connect businesses to loan providers.
If entrepreneurs are willing to give up a piece of equity in their business, then they may find financing in the form of angel investors and venture capitalists. These types of investors also provide guidance, mentorship, and connections in addition to capital.
Crowdfunding has also become a popular way for entrepreneurs to raise capital, particularly through Kickstarter or Indiegogo. In this way, an entrepreneur creates a page for their product and a monetary goal to reach while promising certain givebacks to those who donate, such as products or experiences.
Bootstrapping for entrepreneurs
Bootstrapping refers to building a company solely from your savings as an entrepreneur as well as from the initial sales made from your business. This is a difficult process as all the financial risk is placed on the entrepreneur and there is little room for error. If the business fails, the entrepreneur also may lose all of their life savings.
The advantage of bootstrapping is that an entrepreneur can run the business with their own vision and no outside interference or investors demanding quick profits. That being said, sometimes having an outsider's assistance can help a business rather than hurt it. Many companies have succeeded with a bootstrapping strategy, but it is a difficult path.
Small business vs. entrepreneurship
A small business and entrepreneurship have a lot in common but they are different. A small business is a company—usually, a sole-proprietorship or partnership—that is not a medium-sized or large-sized business, operates locally, and does not have access to a vast amount of resources or capital.
Entrepreneurship is when an individual who has an idea acts on that idea, usually to disrupt the current market with a new product or service. Entrepreneurship usually starts as a small business but the long-term vision is much greater, to seek high profits and capture market share with an innovative new idea.
How entrepreneurs make money
Entrepreneurs seek to generate revenues that are greater than costs. Increasing revenues is the goal and that can be achieved through marketing, word-of-mouth, and networking. Keeping costs low is also critical as it results in higher profit margins. This can be achieved through efficient operations and eventually economies of scale.
How do taxes work for entrepreneurs?
The taxes you will pay as an entrepreneur will depend on how you structure your business.
Sole proprietorship: A business set up this way is an extension of the individual. Business income and expenses are filed on Schedule C on your U.S. personal tax return and you are taxed at your individual tax rate.
Partnership: For tax purposes, a partnership functions the same way as a sole proprietorship in the U.S., with the only difference being that income and expenses are split amongst the partners.
C-corporation: A C-corporation is a separate legal entity and has separate taxes filed with the IRS from the entrepreneur. The business income will be taxed at the corporate tax rate rather than the personal income tax rate.
S-corporation: An is corporation is a corporation that is not taxed like a typical corporation. All the income passes through to the individual owner or owners and is reported and taxed on their personal returns.
Limited liability company (LLC): An LLC can either be taxed as a corporation, a partnership, or on the individual's return. This will depend on the number of members and how they elect to be taxed.
7 Characteristics of Entrepreneurs
What else do entrepreneurial success stories have in common? They invariably involve industrious people diving into things they’re naturally passionate about.
Giving credence to the adage, “find a way to get paid for the job you’d do for free,” passion is arguably the most important attribute entrepreneurs must have, and every edge helps.
While the prospect of becoming your own boss and raking in a fortune is alluring to entrepreneurial dreamers, the possible downside to hanging out one’s own shingle is vast. Income isn’t guaranteed, employer-sponsored benefits go by the wayside, and when your business loses money, your personal assets can take a hit; it's not a corporation’s bottom line. But adhering to a few tried and true principles can go a long way in diffusing risk. The following are a few characteristics required to be a successful entrepreneur.
1. Versatility
When starting out, it’s essential to personally handle sales and other customer interactions whenever possible. Direct client contact is the clearest path to obtaining honest feedback about what the target market likes and what you could be doing better. If it’s not always practical to be the sole customer interface, entrepreneurs should train employees to invite customer comments as a matter of course. Not only does this make customers feel empowered, but happier clients are more likely to recommend businesses to others.
Personally answering phones is one of the most significant competitive edges home-based entrepreneurs hold over their larger competitors. In a time of high-tech backlash, where customers are frustrated with automated responses and touch-tone menus, hearing a human voice is one surefire way to entice new customers and make existing ones feel appreciated—an important fact, given that a significant percentage of business is generated from repeat customers.
Paradoxically, while customers value high-touch telephone access, they also expect a highly polished website. Even if your business isn’t in a high-tech industry, entrepreneurs still must exploit internet technology to get their message across. A startup garage-based business can have a superior website to an established company valued at $100 million. Just make sure a live human being is on the other end of the phone number listed.
2. Flexibility
Few successful business owners find perfect formulas straight out of the gate. On the contrary: ideas must morph over time. Whether tweaking product design or altering food items on a menu, finding the perfect sweet spot takes trial and error.
Former Starbucks Chair and CEO Howard Schultz initially thought playing Italian opera music over store speakers would accentuate the Italian coffeehouse experience he was attempting to replicate. But customers saw things differently and didn’t seem to like arias with their espressos. As a result, Schultz jettisoned the opera and introduced comfortable chairs instead.
3. Money savviness
At the heart of any successful new business, is steady cash flow, which is essential for purchasing inventory, paying rent, maintaining equipment, and promoting the business. The key to staying in the black is rigorous, regular cash flow management. And since most new businesses don’t make a profit within the first year, by setting money aside for this contingency, entrepreneurs can help mitigate the risk of falling short of funds. Related to this, it’s essential to keep personal and business costs separate, and never dip into business funds to cover the costs of daily living.
Of course, it’s important to pay yourself a realistic salary that allows you to cover essentials, but not much more—especially where investors are involved. Of course, such sacrifices can strain relationships with loved ones who may need to adjust to lower standards of living and endure worry over risking family assets. For this reason, entrepreneurs should communicate these issues well ahead of time, and make sure significant loved ones are on board.
4. Resiliency
Running your own business is extremely difficult, especially getting one started from scratch. It requires a lot of time, dedication, and often failure. A successful entrepreneur must show resilience to all the difficulties on the road ahead. Whenever they meet with failure or rejection they must keep pushing forward.
Starting your business is a learning process and any learning process comes with a learning curve, which can be frustrating, especially when money is on the line. It's important never to give up through the difficult times if you want to succeed.
5. Focus
Similar to resilience, a successful entrepreneur must stay focused and eliminate the noise and doubts that come with running a business. Becoming sidetracked, not believing in your instincts and ideas, and losing sight of the end goal is a recipe for failure. A successful entrepreneur must always remember why they started the business and remain on course to see it through.
6. Business smarts
Knowing how to manage money and understanding financial statements are critical for anyone running their own business. Knowing your revenues, your costs, and how to increase or decrease them, respectively, is important. Making sure you don't burn through cash will allow you to keep the business alive.
Implementing a sound business strategy, knowing your target market, your competitors, and your strengths and weaknesses will allow you to maneuver the difficult landscape of running your business.
7. Communication skills
Successful communication is important in almost every facet of life, regardless of what you do. It is also of the utmost importance in running a business. From conveying your ideas and strategies to potential investors to sharing your business plan with your employees and negotiating contracts with suppliers—all require successful communication.
Entrepreneurship in Economics
In economist-speak, an entrepreneur acts as a coordinating agent in a capitalist economy. This coordination takes the form of resources being diverted toward new potential profit opportunities. The entrepreneur moves various resources, both tangible and intangible, promoting capital formation.
In a market full of uncertainty, it is the entrepreneur who can actually help clear up uncertainty, as they make judgments or assume risk. To the extent that capitalism is a dynamic profit-and-loss system, entrepreneurs drive efficient discovery and consistently reveal knowledge.
Established firms face increased competition and challenges from entrepreneurs, which often spurs them toward research and development efforts as well. In technical economic terms, the entrepreneur disrupts the course toward steady-state equilibrium.
How entrepreneurship helps economies
Nurturing entrepreneurship can have a positive impact on an economy and society in several ways. For starters, entrepreneurs create new businesses. They invent goods and services, resulting in employment, and often create a ripple effect, resulting in more and more development. For example, after a few information technology companies began in India in the 1990s, businesses in associated industries, like call center operations and hardware providers, began to develop too, offering support services and products.
Entrepreneurs add to the gross national income. Existing businesses may remain confined to their markets and eventually hit an income ceiling. But new products or technologies create new markets and new wealth. Additionally, increased employment and higher earnings contribute to a nation’s tax base, enabling greater government spending on public projects.
Entrepreneurs create social change. They break tradition with unique inventions that reduce dependence on existing methods and systems, sometimes rendering them obsolete. Smartphones and their apps, for example, have revolutionized work and play across the globe.
Entrepreneurs invest in community projects and help charities and other non-profit organizations, supporting causes beyond their own. Bill Gates, for example, has used his considerable wealth for education and public health initiatives.
Entrepreneurial ecosystems
Overall, though, entrepreneurship is a critical driver of innovation and economic growth. Therefore, fostering entrepreneurship is an important part of the economic growth strategies of many local and national governments around the world.
To this end, governments commonly assist in the development of entrepreneurial ecosystems, which may include entrepreneurs themselves, government-sponsored assistance programs, and venture capitalists. They may also include non-government organizations, such as entrepreneurs' associations, business incubators, and education programs.
California's Silicon Valley is often cited as an example of a well-functioning entrepreneurial ecosystem. The region has a well-developed venture capital base, a large pool of well-educated talent, especially in technical fields, and a wide range of government and non-government programs fostering new ventures and providing information and support to entrepreneurs.
Questions for Entrepreneurs
Embarking on the entrepreneurial career path to “being your own boss” is exciting. But along with all your research, make sure to do your homework about yourself and your situation.
A few questions to ask yourself:
Do I have the personality, temperament, and mindset of taking on the world on my own terms?
Do I have the required resources to devote all my time to my venture?
Do I have an exit plan ready with a clearly defined timeline in case my venture does not work?
Do I have a concrete plan for the next "x" number of months or will I face challenges midway due to family, financial, or other commitments? Do I have a mitigation plan for those challenges?
Do I have the required network to seek help and advice as needed?
Have I identified and built bridges with experienced mentors to learn from their expertise?
Have I prepared the rough draft of a complete risk assessment, including dependencies on external factors?
Have I realistically assessed the potential of my offering and how it will figure in the existing market?
If my offering is going to replace an existing product in the market, how will my competitors react?
To keep my offering secure, will it make sense to get a patent? Do I have the capacity to wait until I receive it?
Have I identified my target customer base for the initial phase? Do I have scalability plans ready for larger markets?
Have I identified sales and distribution channels?
Questions that delve into external factors:
Does my entrepreneurial venture meet local regulations and laws? If not feasible locally, can I and should I relocate to another region?
How long does it take to get the necessary license or permissions from concerned authorities? Can I survive that long?
Do I have a plan for getting the necessary resources and skilled employees, and have I made cost considerations for the same?
What are the tentative timelines for bringing the first prototype to market or for services to be operational?
Who are my primary customers?
Who are the funding sources I may need to approach to make this big? Is my venture good enough to convince potential stakeholders?
What technical infrastructure do I need?
Once the business is established, will I have sufficient funds to get resources and take it to the next level? Will other big firms copy my model and kill my operation?
The Bottom Line
An entrepreneur is an individual who takes an idea or product and creates a business, a process known as entrepreneurship. Creating a business requires a lot of work and dedication, which not everyone is cut out for. Entrepreneurs are often young, highly motivated risk-takers who have a vision and often sacrifice a lot to achieve that vision.
Entrepreneurs enter the market because they love what they do, believe their product will have a positive impact, and hope to make profits from their efforts. The steps entrepreneurs take fuel the economy; they create businesses that employ people and make products and services that consumers buy today.
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https://www.netflix.com/tudum/articles/a-good-girls-guide-to-murder-release-date-cast-details
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A Good Girl's Guide to Murder Cast, Soundtrack, Filming Locations, and More on the Mystery Series - Netflix Tudum
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Erin Corbett"
] |
2024-08-02T20:15:02.477000+00:00
|
Wednesday star Emma Myers is on the case for this mystery series adapted from Holly Jackson's popular YA novel. Find out more about the show, which is streaming now on Netflix.
|
en
|
https://assets.nflxext.com/ffe/siteui/common/icons/nficon2023.ico
|
Netflix Tudum
|
https://www.netflix.com/tudum/articles/a-good-girls-guide-to-murder-release-date-cast-details
|
Get ready to crack the case on a new murder mystery, because A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder is sleuthing its way onto your screens.
Emma Myers, who portrays Wednesday Addams’ werewolf roommate, Enid Sinclair, in Wednesday, stars as the smart and single-minded Pip Fitz-Amobi in A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder, based on Holly Jackson’s hugely successful YA mystery novel of the same name. The six-episode season, adapted by Poppy Cogan and directed by Dolly Wells, follows 17-year-old Pip as she investigates the murder of a high school student who was killed five years prior.
“I’m thrilled about this show, and getting to be Pip has been a dream,” Myers tells Tudum. “Whether you’ve read the book or not, A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder is an experience all around. I think people are really going to like it.”
The series, commissioned by the BBC and produced by Moonage Pictures, in co-production with ZDFneo and Netflix, first aired in the UK and Ireland on BBC Three and BBC iPlayer and is now streaming on Netflix as of Aug. 1.
Read on for some more clues about what to expect.
What is A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder about?
The series takes place five years after a murder-suicide shook the town of Little Kilton. Popular high school senior Andie Bell (India Lillie Davies) was murdered by her boyfriend, Sal Singh (Rahul Pattni), who then killed himself. At least, that’s what everyone believes, including the police. Case closed, right? But Pip Fitz-Amobi (Myers), now a high school senior herself, sees how the gruesome murder still has a grip on her hometown, and she thinks there’s more to the story. Pip begins an investigation of her own as she looks into the case for her senior project, determined to get to the bottom of this mystery. But if Sal didn’t do it, that means a murderer is still out there — and Pip herself may now be in danger.
Who’s in the cast of A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder?
Emma Myers (Wednesday,Family Switch) as Pip Fitz-Amobi, who investigates the case of Andie Bell’s disappearance and Sal Singh’s death
India Lillie Davies (Bridgerton) as Andie Bell, the popular high schooler who mysteriously disappeared
Rahul Pattni (Casualty) as Sal Singh, Andie’s boyfriend
Zain Iqbal (All Crazy Random) as Sal’s brother and Pip’s fellow investigator, Ravi Singh
Anna Maxwell Martin (Becoming Jane, The Bletchley Circle) as Pip’s mother, Leanne Fitz-Amobi
Gary Beadle (In the Heart of the Sea) as Pip’s father, Victor Amobi
Asha Banks (The Magic Flute) as Pip’s best friend, Cara Ward
Yasmin Al-Khudhairi (Ackley Bridge) as Cara’s older sister, Naomi Ward
Mathew Baynton (Wonka, The Wrong Mans) as Pip’s English teacher and Cara and Naomi’s dad, Elliot Ward
Henry Ashton (Outlander, My Lady Jane) as Max Hastings, Naomi’s friend
Carla Woodcock (Tell Me Everything) as Becca Bell, Andie’s younger sister
Jessica Webber (After Everything) as Nat Da Silva, Andie’s friend
Jackson Bews (Black Mirror) as Dan Da Silva, Nat’s brother and a young police officer
Georgia Aaron (Ghostbusters: Frozen Empire) as Emma Hutton, Andie’s friend
Mitu Panicucci as Stella Chapman
Orla Hill (Hetty Feather) as Ruby Foxcroft
Ephraim O.P. Sampson (Good Boy) as Jake Lawrence
Matthew Khan as Dylan
Oliver Wickham (Wednesday) as Jesse Walker
Adam Astill (All the Money in the World) as Toby Hastings
Annabel Mullion as Rosie Hastings
Jude Morgan-Collie (Here We Go) as Connor Reynolds
Raiko Gohara (Get Lost) as Zach Chen
Yali Topol Margalith (The Tattooist of Auschwitz) as Lauren Gibson
Where can I watch the trailer for A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder?
You can find the trailer at the top of this story. Watch it carefully, like any good detective would — you just might pick up some clues.
Is A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder based on a book?
The series is based on the popular trilogy of novels by British author Holly Jackson. A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder is the first book in the YA mystery series, which became a New York Times bestseller and has sold millions of copies worldwide. That novel’s 2019 debut was followed by Good Girl, Bad Blood in 2020 and As Good as Dead in 2021. (There’s also a prequel novella you can read about Pip, Kill Joy, that was also published in 2021.)
Jackson, for her part, is “beyond excited” that A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder is streaming on Netflix. “I hope viewers will love discovering (or rediscovering) all the secrets and lies of our small English town — Little Kilton,” she tells Tudum. “Viewers can expect laugh-out-loud moments from all the teenage antics, but also all the pulse-pounding twists you’d find in the darkest of thrillers. Heartbreak, tears, gasps, swooning at all the PipRavi moments brought to life, watching behind a cushion, cursing my name … be prepared for it all when A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder hits your screens.”
What songs are featured in the A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder soundtrack?
Here are all the killer songs that are included in the series.
Episode 1:
“The Feminine Urge” by The Last Dinner Party
“Chances” by Kaytranada
“A New Error” by Moderat
“In the Big Mood” by BBC Big Band
“Gunshot” by Lykke Li
Episode 2:
“Seize the Power” by Yonaka
“To Rage” by Daughter
“Wet Dream” by Wet Leg
“Me and the Devil” by Gil Scott-Heron
“Midnight” by Siobhan Sainte
Episode 3:
“Sail” by AWOLNATION
“Guillotine” by mansionair x NoMBe
“Patient Zero” by CHAV
“Warp 1977” by The Bloody Beetroots feat. Steve Aoki
“Reception” by Daniel Avery
“Beyond Control” by NTO and Monolink
“Osiris” by matstubs x Rfen
“Funnel of Love” by SQÜRL (feat. Madeline Follin)
Episode 4:
“Selfish Soul'” by Sudan Archives
“Since Last Wednesday” by Highasakite
“Take Care” by Beach House
“You Should See Me in a Crown” by Billie Eilish
Episode 5:
“Pump” by Chris Lorenzo
“5 In the Morning” by Charli XCX
“Concrete Over Water” by Jockstrap
“The Whole Universe Wants to be Touched” by Nils Frahm
“Organ Donor” by DJ Shadow
Episode 6:
“Keep the Streets Empty for Me” by Fever Ray
“Out of Control” by The Chemical Brothers
“Nothing Is Safe” by Clipping
“If I Had a Heart” by Fever Ray
“Coffee” by Sylvan Esso
“Anyone Who Knows What Love Is” by Irma Thomas
Where was A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder filmed?
You can’t actually go to the fictional Little Kilton, but you could pay a visit to Axbridge in Somerset, England, which stood in for the series’ quiet little town. The scenes at Little Kilton School were filmed at Redmaids’ High School in Bristol, and the Redcliffe Caves in Bristol were the location for the secretive calamity party.
When is A Good Girl’s Guide to Murder coming to Netflix?
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"Other countries have social safety nets. The U.S. has women."
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"Anne Helen Petersen"
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2020-11-11T21:33:42+00:00
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This is the midweek edition of Culture Study — the newsletter from Anne Helen Petersen, which you can read about here. If you like it and want more like it in your inbox, consider subscribing.
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https://annehelen.substack.com/p/other-countries-have-social-safety
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This is the midweek edition of Culture Study — the newsletter from Anne Helen Petersen, which you can read about here. If you like it and want more like it in your inbox, consider subscribing.
For the newsletter this week, I’m talking with sociologist Jessica Calarco about her recent research on mothers grappling with parenting, partners, anxiety, work, and feelings of failure during the pandemic. She’s whipsmart, as you’ll see below, and I love what she has to say about the work of sociology as a form of “ungaslighting.” Follow her on Twitter here — and if you have thoughts, praise, or questions, please feel free to leave them in the comments. [Academics don’t get a lot of explicit praise, in particular, just saying]
And if you have ideas for other organizers, academics, and thinkers I should interview at length, send me an email!
Can you tell me a bit about yourself and your work?
I’m an associate professor of sociology at Indiana University, and my research focuses on inequalities in family life and education. I’m also the mom of a 6-year-old and a 3-year-old whose antics and insights and general hilariousness are getting me through the darker days of the pandemic.
This research grew out of a project examining how mothers navigate parenting controversies in making decisions for themselves and their children (e.g., decisions about breastfeeding, co-sleeping, vaccines, screen time, and employment after childbirth). The project started in 2018 with surveys of pregnant women in Southern Indiana, and we’ve been following up with those same mothers with surveys and in-depth interviews every six months.
In the interviews we conducted early in the pandemic, mothers told us about waking up at 5 am to work before their kids got up, trying to keep toddlers occupied during conference calls, losing their jobs and their childcare in the same week, fighting with their partners about whether or not to wear masks, and doubling or tripling their kids’ normal screen time, just so they could get a break. My coauthors and I (Amy Knopf, Assistant Professor, Indiana University School of Nursing; Emily Meanwell, Clinical Professor of Sociology, Indiana University; Elizabeth Anderson, PhD student in Sociology, Indiana University) made the decision to develop a follow-up project called The Pandemic Parenting Study.
The first paper we’ve developed (“Let’s Not Pretend It’s Fun”) focuses on pandemic-related childcare disruptions: Among the mothers who have greatly increased the time they are spending with their children, 80% report that they are experiencing more stress during the pandemic, 72% report that they are experiencing more anxiety during the pandemic, and 56% report that they are experiencing more frustrations with their kids.
Because of intensive work pressures and intensive parenting pressures, and because of a lack of adequate support from the government, their employers, or their partners, mothers who are working from home without childcare feel like failures — as both workers and mothers. They also blame themselves for those failures. Many are turning to turn to food and alcohol as ways to cope — even hiding out eating Oreos in the bathroom to give themselves a break. Some mothers are also dropping out of the workforce to reduce the stress they face.
The second paper (“My Husband Thinks I’m Crazy”) shows how the pandemic is exacerbating longstanding sources of conflict in couples with young children (related to men’s perceived lack of support with parenting and household responsibilities) and also creating new sources of conflict (related to men’s perceived dismissal of mothers’ concerns about COVID-19).
39% of the mothers in our sample report increased frustrations with their partners during the pandemic — and this frustration is especially common among mothers who have been working from home without childcare (because, in many of these cases, their partners are not providing adequate support with parenting) and mothers whose partners are not extremely supportive of the steps they are taking during the pandemic (because, in many of these cases, partners are dismissing mothers’ concerns about COVID-19, leaving mothers to do the work of managing their families’ health, and sometimes taking actions that put their families at increased risk, e.g., by refusing to wear masks).
In many cases, mothers are blaming themselves for the conflicts they’re experiencing with their partners — and feel responsible for reducing those conflicts, including by leaving the workforce, beginning use of antidepressants, or ignoring their own concerns about COVID-19.
My coauthors and I are especially concerned about the mothers who, because they are unemployed or make less money than their husbands/partners, have been left in a position with limited power to demand that their husbands/partners do more at home. In the paper, we talk about a woman named Audrey. Pre-pandemic, Audrey and her husband were trying to have another baby. But when the pandemic hit, Audrey lost her job and her husband had to work long hours, which led to frequent arguments. Because of those arguments, Audrey no longer wanted another baby. Despite Audrey's wishes, her husband (to use her words) sexually assaulted her by not pulling out during sex, and Audrey got pregnant. The pregnancy and the assault have taken a serious toll on Audrey's mental health, leading her into therapy and onto antidepressants.
Meanwhile, the pandemic has left Audrey without a full-time job, without her own health insurance, and with a toddler and a baby on the way. Essentially, the pandemic has left her in a tremendously difficult situation with very few options for herself and her children.
It’s easy for people on the outside to tell Audrey that she should leave her husband, or that she should demand he treat her better and do more at home. But because of the lack of social support for mothers in the U.S., and because of Audrey’s own limited support network, leaving is a risky prospect — it would leave her without income or health insurance or a place to live, while pregnant, in the middle of a pandemic. Because of her limited power within her own home, demanding that her husband do more could also put Audrey at risk for further abuse. To support mothers like Audrey — and all mothers — we argue that policymakers should ensure that families can access financial resources that aren't predicated on employment. More specifically: making TANF [Temporary Assistance for Needy Families] less restrictive, funding universal healthcare and childcare, and extending unemployment relief.
For people who aren’t academics or sociologists, can you explain these studies, why you shaped them the way you did, and the limitations (and bonuses) of focusing on a particular area in Indiana?
Many studies use surveys to determine how common some experience is in the population as a whole: How many women have dropped out of the workforce because of the pandemic; How many kids are falling behind because their schools are closed; How many dads are doing their fair share at home. That kind of research requires large samples that reflect the same demographics as the U.S.
Other studies — “qualitative” studies like this one — use in-depth interviews (and sometimes small-scale surveys) to understand how people perceive their experiences, what those experiences mean to them, and what motivates people to respond to their experiences in particular ways. With our study, we can’t say with certainty what proportion of mothers in the U.S. are experiencing increased stress or increased frustrations with their children or their partners. We can’t say what proportion of U.S. mothers are dropping out of the workforce to deal with these challenges. But we can say — better than any large-sample surveys — how mothers are experiencing pandemic-related disruptions in their normal routines and what motivates mothers to respond to those disruptions in particular ways.
Between our pre-pandemic research and the research we’ve conducted during the pandemic, we’ve spent more than 500 hours interviewing these mothers and conducted nearly 800 surveys with them. This has allowed us to see their pandemic experiences in the context of their pre-pandemic lives, and in the context of the lives of other mothers in the same community.
There are certainly limitations involved in focusing on mothers in one Southern Indiana community. The community we studied, for example, is primarily white. We do have Black, Latina, and Asian women in our study, but we can’t say with certainty whether their experiences are representative of the experiences of Black, Latina, or Asian women in the U.S. as a whole. At the same time, getting to know these women allows us to make sense of their experiences and their decisions in the context of their own lives — and in the context of the lives of other women facing similar challenges in their lives.
What sticks out to you about your findings? What’s the thing you can’t stop thinking about or can’t stop telling people about?
Mothers are blaming themselves for their “failures” in this pandemic — for “failing” to be the kind of perfect worker who doesn’t let her kids distract her from work, for “failing” to be the kind of perfect mother who sacrifices work to meet her kids’ needs, for “failing” to be the kind of perfect wife who never gets angry and always defers to her spouse.
As a sociologist, it’s easy for me to see how that blame is deeply misplaced — how women should be blaming our government for failing to stop the spread of the virus, for failing to pay people to stay home, for failing to provide an adequate social support system with affordable childcare, affordable healthcare, and sufficient financial protections for people who can’t make ends meet…how women should be blaming their employers for putting profits before people, for setting unrealistic expectations, and for failing to provide the support that workers need…how women should, in many cases, be blaming their own spouses or partners for prioritizing their own careers, for not doing enough at home, and for denying the science about COVID-19.
In the U.S., most of us aren’t taught to use our sociological imaginations. We’re not taught to think about social problems as structural problems. We’re not taught to see the forces that operate beyond our control – forces like capitalism, patriarchy, and white supremacy. And we’re not taught to see how those forces create many of the challenges we face in our lives and constrain our ability to make choices that could help us overcome those challenges.
Instead, we — especially women and people from other systematically marginalized groups — are taught to self-help-book our way out of structural problems. To believe that all our problems would go away if only we were to strictly follow some seventeen-step plan.
Another part of this I can’t stop thinking about is how our lack of a social safety net is putting women’s health and relationships at risk. So much of the public conversation has focused on the women who are dropping out of the workforce. Those stories are important, but to me they signal the centrality of capitalism in all of our public concerns.
Meanwhile, we’re paying far less attention to the challenges faced by mothers who are struggling to stay in the workforce while caring for their children at home. These women may face penalties in the workforce — being passed over for promotions or salary increases or being chastised by their bosses for failing to get work done. But these women are also taking serious hits to their relationships, their health, and their wellbeing.
I’d say we’re also not paying enough attention to the mothers (and the families more generally) who are struggling to make ends meet. Early in the pandemic, because of the CARES Act payments and expanded unemployment benefits, many of the low-income mothers we talked to were doing okay. Not great. But most had enough to pay their bills and keep a stable situation for their kids. Now, with that extra money gone, and with the pandemic dragging on, those families are facing dire challenges with no end in sight.
Can we talk a bit about “intensive” parenting expectations? I don’t know how to talk about intensive parenting in a way that doesn’t feel blamey — I want to simultaneously acknowledge the fact that these are standards that we reinforce ourselves, but also that it can be very, very difficult to opt out of them.
As we find in our research, intensive work and intensive parenting can lead mothers to experience more stress, more anxiety, and more frustration in navigating disruptions to their normal routines.
But mothers should not be blamed for attempting to remain engaged in intensive work or intensive parenting. Both are social norms in the U.S.: Workers, especially elite professional workers, are expected to devote their whole lives to their jobs. Meanwhile, mothers, all mothers, are expected to devote their whole lives to their children and do whatever it takes to meet their children’s needs (usually while being devoted, supportive partners, as well).
And these norms, like all norms, exist to keep people from challenging the status quo. People who break norms judge themselves. A minor breech might make them feel awkward, the way you might feel if you stood backward on an escalator packed with people. A more serious breech might make them feel like failures. As people, we’re taught to judge ourselves – to feel embarrassment and shame for breaking norms – to push us back into compliance with norms and to prevent us from breaking norms in the first place.
Intensive work and intensive parenting norms are especially powerful because they serve the interests of powerful actors in our society, including corporations and (white) men. It’s easy to see how intensive work norms benefit corporations—the harder workers work, the more money corporations stand to make. Especially if workers, because they’re so “committed” to their jobs, don’t demand higher salaries to compensate. But these intensive parenting norms are directed primarily at women. And they make it more difficult for women to manage having kids while also having demanding careers.
That serves men’s interests in two ways: Intensive parenting norms push some women to become stay-at-home mothers, which often leaves them financially dependent on their (male) partners and gives those (male) partners more power in the home. Meanwhile, intensive parenting norms also push women to put their children ahead of their careers. In the workforce, that makes it harder for women to compete with men for top positions, because they’re seen as less committed to their jobs (violating the intensive worker norms). At home, that means men also remain (at least in most families with different-sex partners) the primary breadwinners, which gives men more power and authority in that personal sphere.
If people in power want to stay in power, they have an interest in enforcing social norms. (Meanwhile, people with less power also tend to be complicit in enforcing norms, especially if they have followed those norms themselves. They do so because it allows them to feel validated in their own choice to follow the norms. And because it validates the idea that they deserve the benefits they’ve received for following the norms). This also means that for mothers, as for all people who want to participate in society, not following norms comes with very real risks.
For mothers, the feelings of judgment and failure that can come from breaking norms are especially threatening right now. Many mothers are already feeling isolated because of the pandemic, and breaking norms runs the risk of making them even more disconnected than they already are. Many mothers are still holding themselves to those standards, even when it undermines their wellbeing.
Mothers who are struggling to meet intensive worker and intensive parenting norms report feeling like failures, and they sometimes face consequences from others, including criticism from their bosses or snide comments from their mother-in-laws. The title of our first paper, “Let’s Not Pretend It’s Fun,” comes from a mom who was working full-time while also trying to provide full-time care for her toddler in the home. That mom was frustrated with her mother-in-law, who was pressuring her to “cherish these special times” being home with her 17-month-old daughter. [As a side note, I’ve gotten very similar comments and pressures from my own mother during the pandemic, and even though I study this stuff, it’s hard not to judge myself against the standard she sets].
We also found that these norms served the interests of the powerful, even during a pandemic. Faced with intensive worker norms, many professional mothers found ways to get their work done, even if it meant sacrificing sleep or sacrificing their relationships or sacrificing their own wellbeing. Meanwhile, many mothers also became the default parent, even when they and their husbands/male partners were both working from home.
Erica and her husband, for example, were both working from home during the pandemic while caring for their first grader, preschooler, and toddler. Explaining why she was doing the bulk of the pandemic parenting, Erica told us: “My husband’s job is very demanding, and they talk a lot about flexibility, but at the end of the day if [his boss] sets a meeting, he sets a meeting. You can’t not go, even during a pandemic, if you want to keep your job…. [So] it’s primarily me.”
Erica went on to tell us that, because of that role, she’s “been the one that’s been more frustrated and a little less patient with the kids,” and she’s also planning to leave the workforce, at least temporarily, so that she can just focus on her kids and not have to juggle parenting with paid work. In another family, Natalie and her husband were both PhD students – they literally had the same job and were both working from home while caring for their toddler. They also tried to split the number of childcare hours evenly. Yet Natalie still felt pressured to give her husband the more desirable morning work shift, taking the afternoon work shift for herself, even though she was often too tired after a full morning of parenting to get any work done in the afternoons.
There were some moms who were able to push back against or reject intensive parenting norms — but those moms tended to be less socially connected before the pandemic. With fewer social connections, they didn’t feel as beholden to other people’s expectations for what “good parenting” should look like. They didn’t stress as much if their kids were watching Moana on loop, because they didn’t have other mom friends to compare themselves to. And they didn’t stress as much if their kids weren’t doing much academically during the pandemic, because they weren’t comparing themselves to other families they knew at their kids’ schools (in some cases because they were already homeschooling pre-pandemic).
At the same time, having fewer social connections often meant these mothers had to do more on their own with less support (e.g., less support from extended family members or friends who might serve as a sounding board or step in to offer resources or assistance when needed, etc.).
I don’t think the pandemic has necessarily created new problem so much as exacerbated, amplified, and highlighted old/chronic ones. How much of what you’re seeing is connected to chronic patriarchy, chronic undervaluing of women’s unpaid work in the home, chronic inattention to cultivating affordable childcare options?
Other countries have social safety nets. The U.S. has women. Women in the U.S. have long done a disproportionate share of the unpaid service work in institutions and at home. They’re the ones who run the bake sales so the school can have an art teacher or enough books to go around. They’re the ones who run church outreach programs to attract new families and serve community members in need. They’re the ones who check in on sick coworkers, remember birthdays, and help their colleagues feel like part of a team. Women do all of that unpaid service for the institutions in their lives, and then they go home and do even more.
Women serve as the social safety net because norms (norms that serve capitalistic, patriarchal, and white interests) in the U.S. tell them that’s their role. And because breaking those norms leaves them open to judgments (or worse) from others and judgments from themselves.
The pandemic came along and ripped a giant hole through what little safety net we did have to support women and especially mothers in the U.S. It’s closed the childcare centers and schools mothers rely on for childcare; it’s made it more difficult for mothers to rely on other people and organizations they might usually turn to for support. And because of the pandemic’s disproportionate impact on women’s careers, it has also made it more difficult for unpartnered mothers to support their families and for mothers in difficult or dangerous relationships to consider leaving and going out on their own.
Our society has long failed to support mothers in meeting the demands of paid work and parenting. And this pandemic has made painfully clear the need for adequate support. That includes universal access to affordable childcare. It also includes policies that reduce intensive work and parenting pressures and ensure that all families have access to the resources they need.
I first heard about your work within the framework of “un-gaslighting” — aka, sociology helps us un-gaslight ourselves when it comes to thinking that everything is our own failing, our own problems, instead of linked to massive structural issues, ideologies, etc. What sort of takeaway would you hope to give people who are parenting during this pandemic?
The U.S. is a deeply individualistic society. And that culture of individualism is reinforced by the lessons we’re taught at home, in schools, and in the media. So many of those lessons, in turn, are dominated by a pop psychology narrative that promotes individual solutions to deeply structural problems. Pull yourself by your bootstraps. Wash your face. Lean in.
Sociology turns that narrative on its head. Sociologist C. Wright Mills, for example, described using a “sociological imagination” as seeing how individual human lives are shaped both by “history and biography.” This means recognizing that people’s experiences, decisions, and outcomes are shaped by the larger social contexts in which they live and also their status within those social contexts, as determined by forces like racism, sexism, and economic marginalization. Certainly, people have agency. But that agency is enhanced or constrained by their social status and by the larger contexts in which they live.
As a sociologist, then, I can see that offering “tips and tricks” for mothers about how to parent during the pandemic would be ineffective at best and harmful at worst. Sure, some mothers might benefit from that kind of advice. But they’re probably going to be the mothers who already have plenty of resources and plenty of people on whom they can rely for support.
The people I’d much rather target for recommendations are the people with the power to ensure that mothers get the resources and support they need. Because moms don’t need advice right now. They need politicians and business owners and community leaders and their own partners to step up and give them the support they deserve.
In the long term, we need to ensure that families’ access to resources and support isn’t tied to or predicated on employment. This means making TANF less restrictive, funding universal healthcare and universal preschool, ensuring universal access to affordable childcare, family leave, and sick leave, and also extending the expanded unemployment benefits put in place through the CARES Act.
In the short term, we need policymakers — and individuals — to take steps to stop the spread of the virus and make it safe to reopen schools, childcare centers, and businesses. These sorts of solutions will be difficult to achieve given politically entrenched disagreement about COVID-19, which means we also need clear, scientifically-informed communications from political and public health leaders about the steps necessary to reduce the spread of the virus. As mothers like Cassidy suggested in our interviews, seeing leaders like President Trump take the pandemic seriously can persuade skeptical men that the pandemic is actually “a big deal.” ●
Long interviews like this with (with someone who’s not a celebrity) rarely get published on a mainstream news sites, so if this is the sort of thing you value, and want more of, think about going to the paid version of the newsletter. One of the perks = weirdly fun/interesting/generative discussion threads, just for subscribers, every week, which are thus far still one of the good places on the internet.
If you are a contingent worker or un- or under-employed, just email and I’ll give you a free subscription, no questions asked. If you’d like to underwrite a year of those subscriptions, you can donate one here.
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https://about.bankofamerica.com/en/our-company
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About Bank of America: Our strategy, mission & vision
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https://www.hullhousemuseum.org/about-jane-addams
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en
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About Jane Addams and Hull
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Jane Addams Hull-House Museum
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https://www.hullhousemuseum.org/about-jane-addams
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Born in Cedarville, Illinois, on September 6, 1860, and graduated from Rockford Female Seminary in 1881, Jane Addams founded, with Ellen Gates Starr, the world famous social settlement Hull-House on Chicago's Near West Side in 1889. From Hull-House, where she lived and worked until her death in 1935, Jane Addams built her reputation as the country's most prominent woman through her writing, settlement work, and international efforts for peace.
Social settlements began in the 1880s in London in response to problems created by urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. The idea spread to other industrialized countries. Settlement houses typically attracted educated, native born, middle-class and upper-middle class women and men, known as “residents,” to live (settle) in poor urban neighborhoods. Some social settlements were linked to religious institutions. Others, like Hull-House, were secular. By 1900, the U.S. had over 100 settlement houses. By 1911, Chicago had 35.
In the 1890s, Hull-House was located in the midst of a densely populated urban neighborhood peopled by Italian, Irish, German, Greek, Bohemian, and Russian and Polish Jewish immigrants. During the 1920s, African Americans and Mexicans began to put down roots in the neighborhood and joined the clubs and activities at Hull-House. Jane Addams and the Hull-House residents provided kindergarten and day care facilities for the children of working mothers; an employment bureau; an art gallery; libraries; English and citizenship classes; and theater, music and art classes. As the complex expanded to include thirteen buildings, Hull-House supported more clubs and activities such as a Labor Museum, the Jane Club for single working girls, meeting places for trade union groups, and a wide array of cultural events.
The residents of Hull-House formed an impressive group, including Jane Addams, Ellen Gates Starr, Florence Kelley, Dr. Alice Hamilton, Julia Lathrop, Sophonisba Breckinridge, and Grace and Edith Abbott. From their experiences in the Hull-House neighborhood, the Hull-House residents and their supporters forged a powerful reform movement. Among the projects that they helped launch were the Immigrants' Protective League, the Juvenile Protective Association, the first juvenile court in the nation, and a Juvenile Psychopathic Clinic (later called the Institute for Juvenile Research). Through their efforts, the Illinois Legislature enacted protective legislation for women and children in 1893. With the creation of the Federal Children's Bureau in 1912 and the passage of a federal child labor law in 1916, the Hull-House reformers saw their efforts expanded to the national level.
Jane Addams wrote prolifically on topics related to Hull-House activities, producing eleven books and numerous articles as well as maintaining an active speaking schedule nationwide and throughout the world. She played an important role in many local and national organizations. A founder of the Chicago Federation of Settlements in 1894, she also helped to establish the National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers in 1911. She was a leader in the Consumers League and served as the first woman president of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections (later the National Conference of Social Work). She was chair of the Labor Committee of the General Federation of Women's Clubs, vice-president of the Campfire Girls, and a member of the executive boards of the National Playground Association and the National Child Labor Committee. In addition, she actively supported the campaign for woman suffrage and the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (1909) and the American Civil Liberties Union (1920).
In the early years of the twentieth century Jane Addams became involved in the peace movement. During the First World War, she and other women from belligerent and neutral nations met at the International Congress of Women at the Hague in 1915, attempting to stop the war. She maintained her pacifist stance after the United States entered the war in 1917, working to found the Women's Peace Party (WILPF), which became the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom in 1919. She was the WILPF's first president. As a result of her work, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931.
Jane Addams died in Chicago on May 21, 1935. She was buried in Cedarville, her childhood home town.
About Hull-House
Hull-House, Chicago's first social settlement was not only the private home of Jane Addams and other Hull-House residents, but also a place where immigrants of diverse communities gathered to learn, to eat, to debate, and to acquire the tools necessary to put down roots in their new country. The Museum is comprised of two of the settlement complex's original thirteen buildings, the Hull-Home and the Residents' Dining Hall. These spaces were used variously over the years, including as a nursery school, a library, and a salon for social and political dialogue.
When Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr first opened Hull-House in 1889, they had very modest goals. They imagined a place to offer art and literary education to their less fortunate neighbors. The role of Hull-House, however, quickly grew beyond what either Gates or Addams could have imagined and continuously evolved to meet the needs of their neighbors. The residents of Hull-House, at the request of the surrounding community, began to offer practical classes that might help the new immigrants become more integrated into American society, such as English language, cooking, sewing and technical skills, and American government. The residents were the women and men who chose to live at Hull-House; they paid rent and contributed to the activities and services that the Settlement was committed to providing to their neighbors. These services included, but were not limited to, a nursery and a kindergarten, a public kitchen, and access to public baths and a playground. Hull-House became not only a cultural center with music, art, and theater offerings, but also a safe haven and a place where the immigrants living on Chicago's Near West Side could find companionship and support and the assistance they needed for coping with the modern city.
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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-47131052
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What is FGM, where does it happen and why?
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2019-02-06T09:19:12+00:00
|
Female Genital Mutilation - the cutting of female genitalia - is forbidden in most countries around the world. And yet the practice still takes place on a daily basis.
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en
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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-47131052
|
It's estimated that 200 million girls and women alive today have undergone some form of FGM, according to the United Nations (UN).
Although primarily concentrated in 30 countries in Africa and the Middle East, it is also practised in some countries in Asia and Latin America. And amongst immigrant populations living in Western Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, the UN says.
It is calling for an end to FGM on International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation on 6 February.
FGM can cause physical and mental health problems that go on to affect women in later life, as Bishara Sheikh Hamo, from the Borana Community in Kenya's Isiolo County explains.
"I underwent FGM when I was 11 years old," says Bishara. "I was told by my grandmother FGM is a requirement for every girl, that it made us pure."
But what Bishara did not know was that it would leave her with irregular periods, bladder problems, and recurrent infections. She was only able to give birth via Caesarean section.
She is now an anti FGM campaigner.
What is Female Genital Mutilation?
Female genital mutilation, or FGM for short, is the deliberate cutting or removal of a female's external genitalia.
It often involves the removal or cutting of the labia and clitoris, and the World Health Organization describes it as "any procedure that injures the female genital organs for non-medical reasons".
Omnia Ibrahim, a blogger and film maker from Egypt, says FGM is distressing and damages women's relationships and how they feel about themselves.
"You are an ice cube. You don't feel; you don't love; you don't have desire," she says.
Omnia says she has struggled with the psychological impact of FGM all her adult life. She says her community taught her "that a body means sex and that sex is a sin. To my mind my body had become a curse".
"I used to always ask myself: did I hate sex because I was taught to be afraid of it, or do I really not care for it?"
In Kenya, Bishara told the BBC FGM was carried out on her, together with four other girls. "I was blindfolded. Then she [the cutter] tied my hands behind my back. My legs were spread open and then they pinned down my labia."
"Then after a few minutes, I felt a sharp pain. I screamed, I yelled, but no-one could hear me. I tried to kick myself free, but a vice-like grip held my leg.
She says it was "pathetic. It's one of the most severe types of medical procedures, and so unhygienic. They used the same cutting tool on all of us girls".
The only pain relief available was a traditional remedy: "There was a hole in the ground, and they kept herbs in the hole. Then they tied my legs like a goat and rubbed the herbs on me. Then they said 'next girl, next girl,' and they took another girl..."
Although FGM it is illegal in many countries, it is still routinely carried out in parts of Africa, Asia and the Middle East - and also among the diaspora of those countries where FGM is common.
There are four types of FGM
Type 1: Clitoridectomy. That's the total or partial removal of the sensitive clitoris and its surrounding skin.
Type 2: Excision. The partial or total removal of the clitoris plus the removal of the labia minora, or inner skin folds surrounding the vagina.
Type 3: Infibulation. The cutting and repositioning of the labia minora and the labia majora - the outer skin folds that surround the vagina. This often includes stitching to leave only a small gap.
This practice is not only extremely painful and distressing, it's also an ongoing infection risk: the closing over of the vagina and the urethra leaves women with a very small opening through which to pass menstrual fluid and urine.
In fact, sometimes the opening can be so small that it needs to be cut open to allow sexual intercourse or birth - often causing complications which harm both mother and baby.
Type 4: This covers all other harmful procedures like pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterising the clitoris or genital area.
Why does it happen?
The most frequently cited reasons for carrying out FGM are social acceptance, religion, misconceptions about hygiene, a means of preserving a girl or woman's virginity, making the woman "marriageable" and enhancing male sexual pleasure.
In some cultures FGM is regarded as a rite of passage into adulthood, and considered a pre-requisite for marriage.
Although there are no hygienic advantages or health benefits to FGM, practising communities believe that women's vaginas need to be cut - and women who have not undergone FGM are regarded as unhealthy, unclean or unworthy.
Often it's performed against their will, and health professionals worldwide consider it a form of violence against women and a violation of their human rights. When FGM is inflicted on children, it is also seen as a form of child abuse.
Where is FGM practised?
Many of the women surveyed by Unicef and the WHO said it was taboo to even discuss FGM in their communities for fear of attracting criticism from outsiders, or - in those places where FGM is illegal - for fear it would lead to prosecution of family or community members.
Therefore figures are based on estimates.
The above map was put together by The Woman Stats Project, who have collated research on the issue, including data from the UN and Unicef.
It is estimated by the UN that although FGM is concentrated in 30 countries in Africa and the Middle East, it is also practiced in some countries in Asia and Latin America. And amongst immigrant populations living in Western Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, the UN says.
According to a Unicef report carried out in 29 countries in Africa and the Middle East, the practice is still being widely carried out, despite the fact that 24 of these countries have legislation or some form of decrees against FGM.
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https://www.unfpa.org/resources/female-genital-mutilation-fgm-frequently-asked-questions
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en
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Female genital mutilation (FGM) frequently asked questions
|
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The above dashboard shows female genital mutilation prevalence in the 17 countries where the UNFPA-UNICEF Joint
|
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United Nations Population Fund
|
https://www.unfpa.org/resources/female-genital-mutilation-fgm-frequently-asked-questions
|
What is female genital mutilation ?
How many women and girls are affected?
How does female genital mutilation affect the health of women and girls?
What are the consequences for childbirth?
Is there a link between female genital mutilation and the risk of HIV infection?
What are the psychological effects of female genital mutilation?
What are the different types of female genital mutilation?
Which types are most common?
Why are there different terms to describe female genital mutilation, such as female genital cutting and female circumcision?
What terminology does UNFPA use?
Where does the practice come from?
At what age is female genital mutilation performed?
Where is female genital mutilation practiced?
Who performs female genital mutilation?
What instruments are used to perform female genital mutilation?
Why is female genital mutilation performed?
Is female genital mutilation required by certain religions?
Since female genital mutilation is part of a cultural tradition, can it still be condemned?
Does anyone have the right to interfere in age-old cultural traditions such as female genital mutilation?
What is the link between female genital mutilation and ethnicity?
What does the term “medicalization of female genital mutilation” mean?
Isn’t it safer for female genital mutilation to be performed by a skilled health worker rather than by somebody without a medical background?
What is UNFPA's approach to female genital mutilation?
In which countries is female genital mutilation banned by law?
What does the ICPD Programme of Action say about female genital mutilation?Which international and regional instruments can be referenced for the elimination of female genital mutilation?
What is female genital mutilation?
Female genital mutilation (sometimes abbreviated as FGM or referenced by other names) refers to all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for cultural or other non-medical reasons.
How many women and girls are affected?
An estimated 230 million girls and women alive today are believed to have been subjected to female genital mutilation; but the number of girls subjected to the practice will likely increase due toglobal population growth. Girls and women who have undergone female genital mutilation live predominately in sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab States, but it is also practiced in select countries in Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America. It also occurs among int Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand. (See more.)
If the rates of female genital mutilation continue at current levels, 68 million girls be subjected to it between 2015 and 2030 in the 25 countries where female genital mutilation is routinely practiced.
A key challenge is not only protecting girls who are currently at risk but also ensuring that those to be born in the future will be free from the dangers of the practice. In 2023, UNFPA estimated that nearly 4.3 million girls were at risk of female genital mutilation that year, up from 4.1 million girls in 2019.
From 2020 through 2022, COVID-19 disrupted programmes to to prevent female genital mutilation and other harmful practices. UNFPA has estimated that, due to COVID-19, millions more cases of female genital mutilation could take place over the next decade unless action is scaled up.
How does female genital mutilation affect the health of women and girls?
Female genital mutilation increases the risks of immediate and long-term psychological, obstetric, genitourinary, sexual and reproductive health complications.
There is no health benefit from female genital mutilation.
Immediate complications include severe pain, shock, haemorrhage, tetanus or infection, urine retention, ulceration of the genital region and injury to adjacent tissue, wound infection, urinary infection, fever and septicemia. Haemorrhage and infection can be severe enough to cause death.
Long-term consequences include complications during childbirth, anaemia, the formation of cysts and abscesses, keloid scar formation, damage to the urethra resulting in urinary incontinence, dyspareunia (painful sexual intercourse), sexual dysfunction, hypersensitivity of the genital area and potentially increased trisk of HIV transmission, as well as psychological effects.
Infibulation, or type III female genital mutilation, is the most severe form. A covering seal is made by cutting and appositioning the labia minora or labia majora with or without excision of the clitoral prepuce and glans leaving a small opening for urine and menstrual blood. This type may result in urinary complications such as urination disorders or frequent urinary infections. In addition, infibulation may result in the accumulation of menstrual flow in the vagina and uterus leading to chronic pelvic pain and infertility. Because infibulation creates a physical barrier to sexual intercourse and childbirth, this would require re-opening of the vulvar scar (de-infibulation) before sexual intercourse can take place or during childbirth .
What are the consequences for childbirth?
Compared with women who had not been subjected to female genital mutilation, those who had undergone female genital mutilation faced a significantly greater risk of requiring a Caesarean section, an episiotomy and an extended hospital stay, and also of suffering post-partum haemorrhage.
Women who have undergone infibulation are more likely to suffer from prolonged and obstructed labour, sometimes resulting in stillbirth and early neonatal death.
Is there a link between female genital mutilation and the risk of HIV infection?
There is no clear direct association between female genital mutilation and HIV. Mechanisms that can potentially increase the risk of HIV infection include use of the same instrument among multiple girls or women when performing female genital mutilation. Similarly, HIV risk may increase due to laceration of scar tissue during sexual intercourse or use of unsafe blood transfusion to treat severe postpartum haemorrhage, a condition that is more likely among women subjected to female genital mutilation.
What are the psychological effects of female genital mutilation?
Female genital mutilation may result in immediate or prolonged psychological effects. The psychological effects include post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety disorders, depression and somatic (physical) complaints such as aches or pain with no organic cause.
What are the different types of female genital mutilation?
The World Health Organization (WHO) has identified four types of female genital mutilation:
Type I, also called clitoridectomy: Partial or total removal of the clitoral glans and/or the prepuce.
Type II, also called excision: Partial or total removal of the clitoral glans and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora. The amount of tissue that is removed varies widely from community to community.
Type III, also called infibulation: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with a covering seal. The seal is formed by cutting and re-positioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora. This can take place with or without removal of the clitoral glans/prepuce.
Type IV: All other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example: Pricking, piercing, incising, scraping or cauterization.
Other terms related to female genital mutilation include incision, deinfibulation and reinfibulation:
Deinfibulation refers to a surgical procedure for people who have undergone type III female genital mutilation to improve health and well-being, or allow sexual intercourse or facilitate childbirth. The scar tissue covering the urethral and vaginal opening is cut and its edges are stitched to create an opening.
Reinfibulation is the practice of narrowing the vaginal opening again in a woman who has been deinfibulated. It is usually done after childbirth.
Which types are most common?
Types I and II are the most common globally, but there is variation in how it is performed between and within countries. Type III – infibulation – is experienced by about 10 per cent of all affected women and is practiced mostly in Somalia, Sudan and Djibouti.
Why are there different terms to describe female genital mutilation, such as female genital cutting and female circumcision?
The terminology used for this procedure has gone through various changes.
When the practice first came to international attention, it was generally referred to as “female circumcision.” (In Eastern and Northern Africa, this term is often used to describe female genital mutilation type I.) However, the term “female circumcision” has been criticized for drawing a parallel with male circumcision and creating confusion between the two distinct practices. Adding to the confusion is the fact that health experts in many Eastern and Southern African countries encourage male circumcision to reduce HIV transmission; female genital mutilation, on the other hand, can potentially increase the risk of HIV transmission and has no known health benefit.
It is also sometimes argued that the term obscures the serious physical and psychological effects on women. UNFPA does not encourage use of the term “female circumcision” because the health implications of male and female circumcision are very different.
The term “female genital mutilation” is used by a wide range of women's health and human rights organizations. It establishes a clear distinction from male circumcision. Use of the word “mutilation” also emphasizes the gravity of the act and reinforces that the practice is a violation of women's and girls’ basic human rights. This expression gained support in the late 1970s, and since 1994, it has been used in several United Nations conference documents and has served as a policy and advocacy tool. In Resolution 65/170, Member States clearly stated that female genital mutilation should be used to refer to this harmful practice.
In the late 1990s the term “female genital cutting” was introduced, partly in response to dissatisfaction with the term “female genital mutilation.” There is concern that communities could find the term “mutilation” demeaning, or that it could imply that parents or practitioners perform this procedure maliciously. Some fear the term “female genital mutilation” could alienate practicing communities, or even cause a backlash, possibly increasing the number of girls subjected to the practice.
Some organizations embrace both terms, referring to “female genital mutilation/cutting” or FGM/C.
What terminology does UNFPA use?
UNFPA uses the term “female genital mutilation” because it embraces a human rights perspective on the issue. “Female genital mutilation” more accurately describes the practice from a human rights viewpoint.
Today, a greater number of countries have outlawed the practice, and an increasing number of communities have committed to abandoning it, indicating that the social and cultural perceptions of the practice are being challenged by communities themselves, along with national, regional and international decision-makers. Therefore, it is time to accelerate the momentum towards full abandonment of the practice by framing the issue from a human rights perspective.
Additionally, the term “female genital mutilation” is used in a number of UN and intergovernmental documents. One recent document is the 2016 UN Secretary General's Report (A/71/209) on Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations. Other documents using the term “female genital mutilation” include: Report of the Secretary-General on Ending Female Genital Mutilation, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council: Towards the elimination of female genital mutilation, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa; Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action; and Eliminating female genital mutilation: An interagency statement. And each year on 6 February, the United Nations observes the “International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation.”
Where does the practice come from?
The origins of the practice are unclear. It predates the rise of Christianity and Islam. It is said some Egyptian mummies display characteristics of female genital mutilation. Historians such as Herodotus claim that, in the fifth century BC, the Phoenicians, the Hittites and the Ethiopians practiced circumcision. It is also reported that circumcision rites were practiced in tropical zones of Africa, in the Philippines, by certain tribes in the Upper Amazon, by women of the Arunta tribe in Australia and by certain early Romans and Arabs. As recent as the 1950s, removal of clitoral glans was practiced in Western Europe and the United States to treat perceived ailments including hysteria, epilepsy, mental disorders, masturbation, nymphomania and melancholia. In other words, the practice of female genital mutilation has been followed by many different peoples and societies across the ages and continents.
At what age is female genital mutilation performed?
It varies but most performed between 5 and 9 years old. In some areas, female genital mutilation is carried out during infancy – as early as a couple of days after birth. In others, it takes place during childhood, at the time of marriage, during a woman's first pregnancy or after the birth of her first child. Recent reports suggest that the ages when the practice is performed has been dropping in some countries.
Where is female genital mutilation practiced?
Female genital mutilation is currently documented in 92 countries around the world through either nationally representative data, indirect estimates (usually in countries where female genital mutilation is mainly practiced by diaspora communities), small-scale studies, or anecdotal evidence and media reports. This highlights the global nature of this harmful practice and the need for a global and comprehensive response to eliminate it.
In Africa, 33 countries generate female genital mutilation data from nationally representative data: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Cote d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
In the Middle East, the practice occurs in Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen, as well as in Iraq, Iran, Jordan and the State of Palestine.
Asian countries with female genital mutilation practice include India, Indonesia, Malaysia, India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Thailand, Brunei, Singapore, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, The Philippines, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and The Maldives.
Female genital mutilation is also reported in New Zealand and Australia.
In Europe, female genital mutilation practiced in Georgia the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom.
It is also reported in the United States, Canada and inColombia, Ecuador, Panama and Peru in South America.
Who performs female genital mutilation?
Female genital mutilation is typically carried out by elderly people in the community (usually, but not exclusively, women) designated to perform this task or by traditional birth attendants. Among certain populations, female genital mutilation may be carried out by traditional health practitioners, (male) barbers, members of secret societies, herbalists or sometimes a female relative.
In some cases, health workers perform female genital mutilation. This is referred to as the “medicalization” of female genital mutilation. According to recent UNFPA’s estimates, around one in four girls and women between the ages of 15 and 49 who have undergone the practice(or 52 million) had undergone the practice by health personnel. (In some countries, this ratio can reach as high as three in four girls.) This proportion is twice as high among adolescents (34 per cent among those between the ages of 15 and 19) compared to older women (16 per cent among those between the ages of 45 and 49). According to estimates from demographic and health surveys and multiple indicator cluster surveys, the countries where the majority of female genital mutilation cases are performed by health workers are Egypt (38%), Sudan (67%), Kenya (15%), Nigeria (13%) and Guinea (15%).
What instruments are used to perform female genital mutilation?
Most of female genital mutilation is carried out with special knives, scissors, scalpels, pieces of glass or razor blades. Anaesthetic and antiseptics are generally not used unless the procedure is carried out by health workers. In communities where infibulation is practiced, girls' legs are often bound together to immobilize them for 10-14 days, allowing the formation of scar tissue..
Why is female genital mutilation performed?
This social norm is driven by traditional beliefs that are passed on through generations often unquestioned and enforced by societal approvals such as marriage prospects and sanctions such as ostracism. These societal rules make it difficult for individuals or families to abandon the practice. The immediate or long-term health complications are overlooked as the perceived social benefits of the practice are deemed higher than its disadvantages.
The reasons given for practicing female genital mutilation fall generally into four categories:
Psychosexual reasons: Female genital mutilation is carried out as a way to control women’s sexuality, which is sometimes said to be insatiable if parts of the genitalia, especially the clitoris, are not removed. It is thought to ensure virginity before marriage and fidelity afterward, and to increase male sexual pleasure.
Sociological and cultural rites: Female genital mutilation is seen as part of a girl’s initiation into womanhood and as a requirement for marriage.
Hygiene and aesthetic reasons: In some communities, the external female genitalia are considered dirty and ugly and are removed, ostensibly to promote hygiene and aesthetic appeal. Related myths about female genitalia (e.g., that an uncut clitoris will grow to the size of a penis, or that female genital mutilation will enhance fertility or promote child survival) also perpetuate the practice.
Religious reasons: Although female genital mutilation is not endorsed by either Islam or Christianity, supposed religious doctrine is often used to justify the practice.
Is female genital mutilation required by certain religions?
No religious text promotes or condones female genital mutilation. Still, more than half of girls and women in four out of 14 countries where data are available believe female genital mutilation is a religious requirement. And although female genital mutilation is often perceived as being connected to Islam, perhaps because it is practiced among many Muslim groups, not all Islamic groups practice female genital mutilation, and many non-Islamic groups do, including some Christians, Ethiopian Jews and followers of certain traditional African religions.
Female genital mutilation is thus a cultural rather than a religious practice. In fact, many religious leaders have denounced it.
Since female genital mutilation is part of a cultural tradition, can it still be condemned?
Yes. Culture and tradition provide a framework for human well-being, and cultural arguments cannot be used to condone violence against people, male or female. Moreover, culture is not static, but constantly changing and adapting. Nevertheless, activities for the elimination of female genital mutilation should be developed and implemented in a way that is sensitive to the cultural and social background of the communities that practice it. Behaviour can change when people understand the hazards of certain practices and when they realize that it is possible to give up harmful practices without giving up meaningful aspects of their culture.
Does anyone have the right to interfere in age-old cultural traditions such as female genital mutilation?
Every child has the right to be protected from harm, in all settings and at all times. The movement to end female genital mutilation – often local in origin – is intended to protect girls from profound, permanent and completely unnecessary harm. The evidence shows that most people in affected countries want to stop cutting girls, and that overall support for female genital mutilation is declining even in countries where the practice is almost universal (such as Egypt and Sudan). Ending the practice will take intensive and sustained collaboration from all parts of society, including families and communities, religious and other leaders, the media, governments and the international community.
What is the link between female genital mutilation and ethnicity?
There is no clear association between female genital mutilation and ethnicity. The practice is prevalent in countries that have multiple and diverse ethnicities.
There are also anecdotal reports of increasing female genital cosmetic surgery in Canada and America which includes labiaplasty and removal of clitoral prepuce.
What do women and girls who have experienced female genital mutilation say about it themselves?
Women around the world are speaking out about their experiences and advocating for change.
“It is what my grandmother called the three feminine sorrows: the day of circumcision, the wedding night and the birth of a baby.” – From “The Three Feminine Sorrows”, a Somali poem
"My two sisters, myself and our mother went to visit our family back home. I assumed we were going for a holiday. A bit later they told us that we were going to be infibulated. The day before our operation was due to take place, another girl was infibulated and she died because of the operation. We were so scared and didn't want to suffer the same fate. But our parents told us it was an obligation, so we went. We fought back; we really thought we were going to die because of the pain. You have one woman holding your mouth so you won't scream, two holding your chest and the other two holding your legs. After we were infibulated, we had rope tied across our legs so it was like we had to learn to walk again. We had to try to go to the toilet. If you couldn't pass water in the next 10 days something was wrong. We were lucky, I suppose. We gradually recovered and didn't die like the other girl. But the memory and the pain never really go away." –Zainab, who was infibulated at the age of eight (from the WHO)
“I will never subject my child to [female genital mutilation] if she happens to be a girl, and I will teach her the consequences of the practice early on.” – Kadiga, Ethiopia
“In my village there is one girl who is younger than I am who has not been cut because I discussed the issue with her parents. I told them how much the operation had hurt me, how it had traumatized me and made me not trust my own parents. They decided they did not want this to happen to their daughter.” –Meaza, 15 years old
What does the term “medicalization of female genital mutilation” mean?
According to WHO, the medicalization of female genital mutilation is when the practice is performed by a health worker, such as a community health worker, midwife, nurse or doctor. Medicalized female genital mutilation can take place in a public or private clinic, at home or elsewhere. It also includes the procedure of reinfibulation at any point in time in a woman’s life. In 2010, a joint interagency Global Strategy to Stop Health-Care Providers from Performing FGM was released. In 2016, the WHO also released guidelines on the management of health complications from female genital mutilation. This strategy reflects consensus between international experts, United Nations entities and the Member States they represent. In addition, the global commitment to eliminate all forms of female genital mutilation by 2030 is clearly stated in target 5.3 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG).
Isn’t it safer for female genital mutilation to be performed by a skilled health worker rather than by somebody without a medical background?
Female genital mutilation can never be “safe”. Even when the procedure is performed in a sterile environment and by a health worker, there can be serious health consequences immediately and later in life. Medicalizing the practice gives a false sense of safety. There are serious risks associated with all forms of female genital mutilation, including medicalized female genital mutilation.
In addition, there is no medical justification for the practice. Advocating any form of harm to the genitals of girls and women, and suggesting that health workers should perform it is unacceptable from a public health and human rights perspective. Health workers who perform female genital mutilation are violating girls’ and women’s rights to life, physical integrity and health as well as violating the professional code of conduct of “do no harm.”
Furthermore, the belief that female genital mutilation performed by health worker is less severe is unfounded. Several studies have shown that girls can be subjected to the practice repeatedly when members of their family or community are dissatisfied with the results of earlier procedures. Furthermore, studies have shown that women’s reporting on less severe forms of female genital mutilation is often not clinically correct. One study from Sudan found that, among the women who claimed to have undergone less severe forms such as “nicking” or what is thought of “sunna type” about one third had actually been subjected to infibulation, and all had experienced the removal of their clitoral glans and labia minora.
When health workers perform female genital mutilation, they wrongly legitimize the practice as medically sound or beneficial for girls and women’s health. And because health workers l often hold power, authority and respect in society, it can be seen as endorsing the practice.
What is UNFPA's approach to female genital mutilation?
UNFPA and UNICEF jointly lead the largest global programme to accelerate the elimination of female genital mutilation and to ensure that survivors receive the appropriate health, social and legal services to their needs.. This programme works with Governments, civil society organizations, networks of religious leaders, parliamentarians, youth and human rights activists academia and grass roots to:
Support the development of policies and legislation, and ensure adequate resources, to end female genital mutilation;
Amplify interventions that expand collective knowledge about the harms of female genital mutilation and empower champions towards its elimination;
Facilitate girls’ and women’s movements to end practice;
Empower young people to end female genital mutilation in their communities;
Stop the medicalization of female genital mutilation through health policies, funded health sector interventions, building the knowledge and skills of health workers, strengthening monitoring and evaluation and accountability as well as creating supportive legislative and regulatory frameworks;
Integrate female genital mutilation responses into sexual and reproductive health, maternal and child health and child protection services as well as with humanitarian-development nexuses – areas that offer entry points for identifying and supporting girls and women who are at risk or have been subjected to the practice.
Mainstream information about female genital mutilation into health training programmes, mobilize doctors, nurses and midwives in support of prevention and survivor care, and empower health providers to serve as role models, counsellors and advocates in an effort to end the practice; and
Establish a global knowledge hub for the measurement and dissemination of social norms and good practices captured by the Joint Programme for policy-making and improved programming.
The Joint Programme recognizes that eliminating FGM requires communities to make a collective and coordinated choice so that no single girl or family is disadvantaged by the decision.
This approach has seen progress. Civil society organizations are implementing community-led education and dialogue sessions on human rights and health. These networks are helping a growing number of communities declare their abandonment of female genital mutilation. A shift has occurred among religious leaders, many of whom have gone from endorsing the practice to actively condemning it. There has been a growing number of public declarations unlinking female genital mutilation from religion and supporting abandonment of the practice.
With UNFPA technical guidance and support, there has been a surge in activities to strengthen the role of public health services in preventing female genital mutilation and, wherever possible, in treating survivors of the practice and mitigating its negative effects on women’s health. Health workers have been trained to treat complications caused by female genital mutilation, including the integration of survivor care into medical education curricula.
Referral systems that build coordination between health providers and community actors and organizations have also been strengthened.
Several countries have passed new national legislation banning specifically female genital mutilation and developed national policies with concrete steps towards achieving the abandonment of the practice. Radio networks have aired call-in shows about the harm caused by female genital mutilation. The use of media to galvanize public opinion against the practice has helped change perceptions and transformed public perceptions of girls who remain uncut.
In which countries is female genital mutilation banned by law?
According to the 2021 edition of the World Bank’s “Compendium of International and National Legal Frameworks on Female Genital Mutilation”, 84 countries in the world have domestic legislation that either specifically prohibits the practice of female genital mutilation or allows it to be prosecuted through other laws, such as the criminal or penal code, child protections laws, violence against women laws or domestic violence laws.
Africa: Algeria (2015); Benin (2003); Burkina Faso (1996); Cameroon (2016); Central African Republic (1996, 2006); Chad (2002); Comoros (1982); Congo Republic (2002); Côte d'Ivoire (1998); Djibouti (1994, 2009); Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006); Egypt (2008); Eritrea (2007, 2015); Ethiopia (2004); The Gambia (2015); Ghana (1994, 2007); Guinea (1965, 2000, 2016); Guinea Bissau (2011); Liberia (2018, by one-year executive order); Kenya (2001, 2011); Malawi (2000); Mauritania (2005); Mozambique (2014); Niger (2003); Nigeria (2015); Senegal (1999); Sierra Leone (2007); Somalia (2001)*; South Africa (2005); Sudan (2020); South Sudan (2008); Tanzania (1998); Togo (1998); Uganda (2010); Zambia (2005, 2011); Zimbabwe (2006).
Others: Australia (6 out of 8 states between 1994-2006); Austria (1974, 2002); Bahrain (1976); Belgium (2000); Brazil (1984); Bulgaria (1968); Canada (1997); Colombia (2006, Resolution No. 001 of 2009 by indigenous authorities); Croatia (2013); Cyprus (2003); Czech Republic (2009); Denmark (2003); Estonia (2001); Finland (2013); France (1979); Hungary (2012); India (1860); Italy (2006); Iran (1991); Iraq (2011, only applicable in Kurdistan); Ireland (2012); Kuwait (2015); Georgia (Germany (2013); Greece (1951); Latvia (2005); Lithuania (2000); Luxembourg (on mutilations only, not specifically on 'genital' mutilation, 2008); Malta (1854); Mexico (2020); Netherlands (1881); New Zealand (1995); Norway (1995); Oman (2019), Pakistan (1860); Panama (2007); Peru (1991); Philippines (1930); Poland (2003); Portugal (2007); Romania (2017); Slovakia (2005); Slovenia (2008); Spain (2003); Sweden (1982,1998); Switzerland (2005, 2012); Trinidad and Tobago (2012); United Kingdom (1985; 2003); United States (1996).
Penalties range from a minimum of six months to a maximum of life in prison. Several countries also include monetary fines in the penalty.
*Somalia’s Constitution expressly states that the “circumcision of girls is prohibited”. However, there is no national legislation that expressly implements this Constitutional provision, and there are no known instances where female genital mutilation offenses have been prosecuted under general criminal provisions. The female genital mutilation bill has been stuck in the legislative process for several years.
What does the ICPD Programme of Action say about female genital mutilation?
The Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) recognizes that violence against women is a widespread phenomenon. It states, "In a number of countries, harmful practices meant to control women's sexuality have led to great suffering. Among them is the practice of female genital cutting, which is a violation of basic rights and a major lifelong risk to women's health” (para 7.35).
The Programme of Action calls for "Governments and communities [to] urgently take steps to stop the practice of female genital cutting and protect women and girls from all such similar unnecessary and dangerous practices. Steps to eliminate the practice should include strong community outreach programmes involving village and religious leaders, education and counselling about its impact on girls' and women's health, and appropriate treatment and rehabilitation for girls and women who have suffered cutting. Services should include counselling for women and men to discourage the practice". (para 7.40)
Chapter 4, para 4.4 states, "Countries should act to empower women and should take steps to eliminate inequalities between men and women as soon as possible by … eliminating all practices that discriminate against women; assisting women to establish and realize their rights, including those that relate to reproductive and sexual health”. Para 4.9, states, "Countries should take full measure to eliminate all forms of exploitation, abuse, harassment and violence against women, adolescents and children".
Which international and regional instruments can be referenced for the elimination of female genital mutilation?
Most governments in countries where female genital mutilation is practiced have ratified international conventions and declarations that make provisions for the promotion and protection of the health of women and girls. For example:
1948
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims the right of all human beings to live in conditions that enable them to enjoy good health and health care (art. 25). Adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 10 December 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has five articles which together form a basis to condemn female genital mutilation: Article 2 on discrimination, article 3 concerning the right to security of person, article 5 on cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, article 12 on privacy and article 25 on the right to a minimum standard of living (including adequate health care) and protection of motherhood.
1951
The Convention relating to the Status of Refugees defines who is a refugee, what their rights are, and explains the legal obligations of states. Those fleeing the threat of female genital mutilation qualify for refugee status.
1966
The International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights condemn discrimination on the grounds of sex and recognize the universal right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health (art. 12).
1979
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women requires State Parties to "take all appropriate measures to modify or abolish customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women" (art. 2f) and "modify social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes" (art 5a).
General recommendation 24 (1999) of the Convention emphasizes that certain cultural or traditional practices, such as female genital mutilation, carry a high risk of death and disability and recommends that State parties should ensure laws that prohibit female genital mutilation.
General recommendation 14 (1990) recommends State parties take appropriate and effective measures to eradicate female genital mutilation; to collect and disseminate basic data on traditional practices; to support women's organizations that work for the elimination of harmful practices; to encourage politicians, professionals, religious and community leaders to co-operate in influencing attitudes; to introduce appropriate educational and training programmes; to include appropriate strategies aimed at ending female genital mutilation into national health policies; to invite assistance, information and advice from the appropriate organization of the United Nations system; and to include in their reports to the Committee, under articles 10 and 12 of the Convention, information about measures taken to eliminate female genital mutilation.
1984
The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment was adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 39/46 (entered into force in 1990). The Committee against Torture clearly states in General Comment No. 2 that female genital mutilation falls within its mandate. The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women and the UN Special Rapporteur on torture have both recognized that female genital mutilation can amount to torture under this Convention.
1989
The Convention on the Rights of the Child protects against all forms of mental and physical violence and maltreatment (art 19.1); calls for freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment (art 37a); and requires States to take all effective and appropriate measures to abolish traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children (art 24.3).
1993
The Vienna Declaration and the Programme of Action of the World Conference on Human Rights expanded the international human rights agenda to include gender-based violence, including female genital mutilation.
1994
The International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action calls for governments to “urgently take steps to stop the practice of female genital cutting and protect women and girls from all such similar unnecessary and dangerous practices”.
1995
The Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women urges governments, international organizations and non-governmental groups to develop policies and programmes to eliminate all forms of discrimination against girls, including female genital cutting.
1996
The United Nations General Assembly passed The Girl Child Resolution (A/RES/51/76), recognizing female genital mutilation as a form of "discrimination against the girl child and the violation of the rights of the girl child".
1997
The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights highlights human rights. Article 4 focuses on integrity of the person, article 5 on human dignity and protection against degradation, article 16 on the right to health and article 18 (3) on the protection of the rights of women and children.
1998
The Addis Ababa Declaration on Violence against Women serves as an important step towards the formulation of an African charter on violence against women, providing the framework for national laws against female genital mutilation. It was adopted at the Council of Ministers during its sixty-eighth Session in July 1998 by the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The Declaration was later endorsed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Governments.
The Banjul Declaration condemns female genital mutilation and demands its elimination.
1999
The United Nations Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee approved a resolution that calls upon States to implement national legislation and policies that prohibit traditional or customary practices that damage the health of women and girls, including female genital mutilation.
The Ouagadougou Declaration of the Regional Workshop on the Fight against Female Genital Mutilation calls for networks and mechanisms to combat female genital mutilation.
Key Actions for the Further Implementation of the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development calls for governments to promote the human rights of women and girls and ensure their freedom from coercion, discrimination and violence, including harmful practices. It also calls for governments to ensure health providers are knowledgeable and trained to serve clients who have been subjected to harmful practices.
2000
Further Actions and Initiatives to Implement the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action recognizes the progress made in national efforts to ban female genital mutilation, and points out that discriminatory attitudes and norms continue to make girls and women vulnerable to gender-based violence, including female genital mutilation. It calls for governments to combat and eliminate violence against women.
2001
The European Parliament adopted a resolution on female genital mutilation calling for measures to protect survivors of the practice and urging member states to recognize the right to asylum for women and girls at risk of being subject to female genital mutilation.
2003
The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights, on the rights of women in Africa, also known as the Maputo Protocol, calls for the “elimination of harmful practices”.
2007
United Nations General Assembly adopted The Girl Child Resolution (A/RES/62/140) stating it was “deeply concerned … that female genital mutilation is an irreparable, irreversible harmful practice.”
2010
Commission of the Status of Women passed Resolution 54/7 on ending female genital mutilation.
2011
African Union Assembly/AU/Dec. 383(XVII) produced a decision stating that “female genital mutilation (FGM) is a gross violation of the fundamental human rights of women and girls, with serious repercussions on the lives of millions of people worldwide, especially women and girls in Africa”.
The Fifty-sixth session of the Commission on the Status of Women approved a draft decision, “Ending female genital mutilation”. (E/CN.6/2012/L.1) The Secretary-General released a report, “Ending Female Genital Mutilation”, which summarized progress made on the implementation of 2010 CSW resolution 54/7.
The World Health Assembly passed Resolution WHA61.16 and Progress Report 2011 (A64/26), both referring to female genital mutilation.
2012
European Parliament Resolution of 14 June 2012 focused on ending female genital mutilation.
The United Nations General Assembly passed The Girl Child Resolution (62/140), stating it was “deeply concerned … that female genital mutilation is an irreparable, irreversible harmful practice”. The Secretary-General’s Report on the Girl Child also included a special emphasis on female genital mutilation (A/64/315, 2009 and A/66/257, 2012).
The United Nations General Assembly also passed Resolution 67/146 on intensifying global efforts to eliminate female genital mutilation, reaffirmed by Resolution 69/150 in 2014 and 71/168 in 2016.
2014
The Human Rights Council produced a resolution calling for “Intensifying global efforts and sharing good practices to effectively eliminate female genital mutilation”.
2015
Female genital mutilation is included in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) under Target 5.3, “Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation”.
The African Union has also developed
continental legal frameworks addressing the issue. The African Union Commission has aligned its Agenda 2063 aspirations to prioritize the end of violence and discrimination against women and girls with clear targets to “end all harmful social norms and customary practices against women and girls and those that promote violence and discrimination against women and girls by 2025”. Decisions and fora include the following.
2018
First International Conference on Ending Female Genital Mutilation in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.
2019
The Declaration and Action Plan to End Cross-border Female Genital Mutilation, adopted at an inaugural regional inter-ministerial meeting held in 2019. The meeting, which was the first of its kind in the history of global efforts to eradicate female genital mutilation, reaffirmed the need for strong partnerships at all levels to end this harmful practice.
2019
African Union General Assembly Decision on Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation. It endorsed and launched the implementation of the Saleema Initiative on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation on the continent.
2020
Follow up 33rd Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union in 2020. Participants reaffirmed commitment to implement the recommendations from the report of the African Union Champion on the Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation.
The 44th Session, the Human Rights Council. Resolution 44/16 on elimination of female genital mutilation was adopted.
The Saleema Youth Victorious Ambassadors (SYVA) initiative. It was adopted and launched through AU Assembly Decision 737/ 2019.
2021-2023: The Spotlight Initiative Africa Regional Programme. This programme implemented by the African Union with the technical support of the United Nations and financial support of the European Union.
2022
African Union Accountability Framework on Harmful Practices.
2023
Second International African Union Conference On the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
Joint General Comment on Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation, by the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights.
Sources
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change. New York, UNICEF, 2013.
Demographic Perspectives on Female Genital Mutilation. New York, UNFPA, 2015.
Askew I, Chaiban T, Kalasa B, et al A repeat call for complete abandonment of FGM Journal of Medical Ethics 2016;42:619-620
Implementation of the International and Regional Human Rights Framework for the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation. New York, UNFPA, 2014.
Female Genital Mutilation: A Joint WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA Statement. WHO, 1997.
Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An interagency statement. WHO, 2008.
Global Strategy to Stop health-care providers from performing FGM. WHO, 2010.
Female Genital Mutilation: The Practice WHO Information Package. WHO, 1994.
Jacqueline Smith. Visions and Discussions on Genital Mutilation of Girls, An International Survey. 1995.
Nahid Toubia, Caring for women with circumcision. A technical manual for healthcare providers. Rainbo, 1999.
M. de Bruyn. Socio-cultural aspects of female genital cutting. KIT, 1998.
E. Leye, K. Roelens, M. Temmerman. Medical aspects of female genital mutilation. International Center for Reproductive Health, University of Gent. 1998.
Prof. H. Rushwan FGC management during pregnancy, childbirth and post-partum period. Background paper for WHO Consultation, Geneva, 1997.
S. Izett, N. Toubia. Learning about social change. A research and evaluation guidebook using female circumcision as a case study. Rainbo, 1999.
M. Hekmati. Towards the Eradication of Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt. 1999.
ECOSOC document E/CN.4/Sub.2/1999/14: "Third report on the situation regarding the elimination of traditional practices affecting the health of women and the girl child", by Ms. Halima Embarek Warzazi, pursuant to sub-commission resolution 1998/16
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. General Comment No. 14. The right to the highest attainable standard of health. UN Doc. E/C. 12/2000/4. Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. General Recommendation No. 14, Female circumcision. General Recommendation No. 19, Violence against women. General Recommendation No. 24, Women and health.
General Assembly document A/C.3/54/C.13. Traditional or customary practices affecting the health of women and girls.
Human Rights Committee. General Comment No. 20. Prohibition of torture and cruel treatment or punishment. General Comment No. 28. Equality of rights between men and women. CCPR/C/21/rev.1/Add.10.
Demographic and Health Surveys
Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys
|
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https://www.goodhousekeeping.com/life/parenting/g23282475/best-animated-movies/
|
en
|
The Top 50 Animated Films of All Time for Kids and Adults
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Marisa LaScala",
"Adrianna Freedman"
] |
2018-09-18T16:00:14.270243-04:00
|
Before the kids move on to bigger and louder blockbusters, make sure to add the best animated films of all time to your family's to-watch list.
|
en
|
/_assets/design-tokens/goodhousekeeping/static/images/favicon.8e97a02.ico
|
Good Housekeeping
|
https://www.goodhousekeeping.com/life/parenting/g23282475/best-animated-movies/
|
When it comes to the world of animated movies, the sky is the limit. Anything goes, and filmmakers can break whatever rules they want to create incredible things. They often find themselves taking viewers on a journey to new worlds, ones that only can be seen in their imaginations. And if that's not enough, there's a level of artistic creativity that comes along with the best animated movies, which makes them memorable for viewers of all ages.
So, when you're thinking of what movies you can watch with your kids, it makes sense your first thought would be to turn to a film that's animated. We've rounded up the best animated films perfect for every family member, even if it's not a genre they would normally gravitate toward. Some are toddler-friendly choices, perfect for your little ones to watch without any fear. Other options have jokes that may be aimed at your tween, teen or even adults. The types of animation on our list are also different, ranging from CGI to stop-motion animation movies. No matter which one you choose, each tells a story you won't soon forget. And who knows? Maybe one of these choices will make it onto your personal list of the best kids' movies of all time.
|
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| 61
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https://www.unr.edu/nevada-today/news/2019/atp-appearance-success
|
en
|
How does appearance affect our success?
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"University of Nevada, Reno"
] |
2019-05-01T17:00:00
|
Assistant Professor of Sociology Kjerstin Gruys discusses how physical appearance can impact success levels throughout life
|
en
|
/Assets/Icons/other/apple-touch-icon.png
|
University of Nevada, Reno
|
https://www.unr.edu/nevada-today/news/2019/atp-appearance-success
|
Social science research shows that a person’s physical appearance has a meaningful impact on their life experiences and opportunities, but the story is more complicated than people might expect.
For the most part, attractive people enjoy a lot of perks. For example, a psychological concept called “the halo effect” that has strong ties to beauty; upon a first impression, highly attractive people are presumed by others to have a variety of positive personality traits, such as altruism, stability, and intelligence, compared to less attractive people, as though an invisible “halo” were shining down upon the beautiful. This helps to explain rampant appearance discrimination in the workplace, dating market, and even in our court system. In his book Beauty Pays, economist David Hamermesh shows that attractive people are more likely to be employed, are paid higher wages, are more likely to be approved for a loan, negotiate loans with better terms, and have better looking and higher-status spouses. Attractive criminals even receive lighter sentences for their crimes (and occasionally their mugshots go viral and they end up with fan-clubs and modeling contracts – Google “Hot Convict” for that story!).
The research I described above paints a picture in which beauty predicts having a good life, but the story is more complicated that. In fact, I strongly caution anyone from investing too heavily in their own appearance. There are two reasons I say this. The first is a critique of the research and its implications, and the second is a more holistic way of understanding “success.”
Okay, so what does this research really mean for individuals?
Most of the research on appearance and inequality relies on highly subjective ratings of beauty. In most cases, a research team ranks photographic images of people on a 1-5 scale, with 1 = strikingly unattractive or homely, 2 = below average appearance for age and sex, 3 = average appearance for age and sex, 4 = above average appearance for age and sex, and 5 = strikingly handsome or beautiful.
It may not be surprising to learn that the greatest differences in life experiences are found when comparing the “1s” to the “5s.” However, differences in life experiences between, say, a “3” and a “4” (one level of difference) or even between a “1” and a “3” (two levels of difference) were generally miniscule. In statistical terms, they were frequently “insignificant,” suggesting that even if a person were able to improve their appearance, they would have to change from being “exceptionally unattractive” to “strikingly beautiful” in order to experience meaningful benefits along the lines I described above. This is simply impossible, even with modern day technology. As David Hamermesh explained “While looks can be altered by clothing, cosmetics, and other short-term investments, the effects of these improvements are minor. Even plastic surgery doesn’t make a huge difference.” In other words, spending excessive amounts of time or money, or putting oneself through miserable weight-loss diets and/or painful or risky medical procedures is NOT a logical investment of one’s resources, time or health. Also, in one of the largest studies of this kind – with 2,774 participants – over 95% of people were rated as 2s, 3s, or 4s, so at the end of the day we’re all pretty much average, and I, personally, find some comfort in that.
What do we really mean by “success”?
My argument that people should not invest too much into their appearance because there won’t be much payoff may leave some people feeling quite discouraged about their ability to become more attractive and therefore more successful. It seems unfair. And yet…. this only matters if our definition of “success” is entangled with money and status. The good news (I think) is that, despite its other perks, BEAUTY IS NOT A STRONG PREDICTOR OF OVERALL HAPPINESS OR LIFE SATISFACTION. Gorgeous people are not happier than homely folks. Rather, decades of social-psychological research tells us that the single biggest predictor of human happiness in the quality of a person’s social relationships. In other words, if you want to be happier and more satisfied with your life, you should work on improving the health of your relationships, not the appearance of your body.
Wait - Does this mean that appearance discrimination doesn’t matter?
No. Absolutely not. In fact, my own research focuses on appearance discrimination in both the workplace and in cultural markets, such as the fashion industry. Happiness is more important than money, but income inequality and social stigma and bullying are both serious issues that need to be addressed. We need to change our culture at all levels to accept and celebrate bodily diversity, and our legal system needs to recognize appearance discrimination as an issue of civil rights. I tell my students to stop wasting their time and energy on the latest fad diet, and to instead channel those resources towards more reliable self-care projects and especially towards activism. In particular, I’m very critical of media messages that (1) tell us that our looks are the most important aspect of who we are (which simply isn’t true), and then (2) present images of beauty that are extremely photoshopped and therefore physiologically impossible to achieve in real life. These images and messages contribute to poor body image and eating disorders, and we need to hold advertisers and social media influencers accountable for the damage they cause.
Okay. Then does this mean that caring about beauty and fashion and makeup is always bad?
Absolutely not, again! I personally love playing around with fashion and makeup. As a feminist and sociologist of culture I value people’s enjoyment of creative self-expression and I recognize that indulging in beauty practices can be an element of self-care and pride for many people. Self-expression matters. Identity matters. Creativity matters. Pleasure matters. That said, for every person there is a point of diminishing returns on investing in appearance. I encourage people to thoughtfully find their point of diminishing returns, so they can more consciously decide how to spend their time and resources.
Kjerstin Gruys is an assistant professor of sociology in the College of Liberal Arts at the University of Nevada, Reno and author of “Mirror, Mirror, OFF the Wall: How I Learned to Love My Body By Not Looking at It for a Year,” (Avery, 2013). She has been published in Social Problems and Social Science & Medicine, recently on the ForbesWomen section of Forbes.com, among others.
Prior to earning her Ph.D. from UCLA (2014), Kjerstin worked as a merchandiser in the corporate offices of two multi-national fashion firms. She is currently developing a book manuscript, tentatively titled: “True to Size?: A Social History of Clothing Size Standards in the U.S. Fashion Industry.”
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https://www.unwomen.org/en/how-we-work/commission-on-the-status-of-women/csw68-2024
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en
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68th session of the Commission on the Status of Women
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Everything you need to know about the 8th annual Commission on the Status of Women (CSW68).
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UN Women – Headquarters
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https://www.unwomen.org/en/how-we-work/commission-on-the-status-of-women/csw68-2024
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10 a.m. – 1 p.m.
The Commission’s first day will open with the election of officers, the adoption of the agenda and other organizational matters, and the introduction of the official documents. It will lead into a general discussion on the follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women and to the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly.
10 -11 a.m.
The annual Townhall Meeting with the Secretary-General and Civil society on the occasion of the 68th session of the Commission on the Status of Women will be moderated by UN Women Executive Director, Sima Sami Bahous, and take place at the United Nations Headquarters. The session will and take place in English and will include interpretation services in all official UN languages, International Sign Language and live closed captioning is available in English. It will be webcast live at http://webtv.un.org/
15 March, 4.45 – 6 p.m.; 16 March, 9 a.m. – 4 p.m.; 17 March, 10 a.m.- 1 p.m.
UN Women will convene an annual CSW Youth Forum, led by young people with the support of UN Women, as a pivotal event in engaging young people in the Commission. The Forum will open at the UN Secretariat in New York on 15th of March, followed by two days at the United Nations International School on the 16th and 17th of March 2024. The Forum will provide a dynamic and interactive space that enables young participants to engage directly with policymakers, articulate their ideas, and foreground their priorities, especially regarding methods of ensuring accountability.
3 p.m. – 4.15 p.m.
UN Women is convening a high-level panel of diverse leaders to discuss how social protection can be harnessed to realize human rights, promote gender equality and eradicate poverty, especially in the context of multiple crises and repeated shocks. As the global community prepares for the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (B+30) in 2025, the event will bring together speakers to highlight good practices, lessons learned and country examples on how we can accelerate progress to expand social protection.
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https://www.trade.gov/pricing-strategy
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Pricing Strategy
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Pricing your product, giving complete and accurate quotations, choosing the terms of the sale, and selecting the payment method are critical elements.
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International Trade Administration | Trade.gov
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https://www.trade.gov/pricing-strategy
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Pricing can be the most challenging due to different market forces and pricing structures around the world. What determines a successful export pricing strategy? The key elements include assessing your company’s foreign market objectives, product-related costs, market demand, and competition. Other factors to consider are transportation, taxes and duties, sales commissions, insurance, and financing.
Pricing U.S. Products for Export
As in the domestic market, the price at which a product or service is sold directly determines your company’s revenues. Your firm’s market research should include an evaluation of all variables that may affect the price range for your product or service. If your company’s price is too high, the product or service will not sell. If the price is too low, export activities may not be sufficiently profitable or may actually create a net loss.
Traditional components for determining proper pricing are costs, market demand, and competition. Each component must be compared with your company’s objective in entering the foreign market. An analysis of each component from an export perspective may result in export prices that are different from domestic prices.
There are additional costs that are typically borne by the importer. These include tariffs, customs fees, currency fluctuation, transaction costs (including shipping), and value-added taxes (VATs). These costs can add substantially to the final price paid by the importer, sometimes resulting in a total that is more than double the price charged in the United States. U.S. products often compete better on quality, reputation, and service than they do on price—but buyers consider the whole package.
Pricing Considerations
As you develop your export pricing strategy, these considerations will help determine the best price for your product overseas:
What type of market positioning (i.e., customer perception) does your company want to convey from its pricing structure?
Does the export price reflect your product’s quality?
Is the price competitive?
What type of discount (e.g., trade, cash, quantity) and allowances (e.g., advertising, trade-offs) should your company offer its foreign customers?
Should prices differ by market segment?
What should your company do about product-line pricing?
What pricing options are available if your company’s costs increase or decrease?
Is the demand in the foreign market elastic or inelastic?
Is the foreign government going to view your prices as reasonable or exploitative?
Do the foreign country’s antidumping laws pose a problem?
Key Elements of Pricing Analysis
Foreign Market Objectives
An important aspect of your company’s pricing analysis is the determination of market objectives. For example, is your company attempting to penetrate a new market, seeking long-term market growth, or looking for an outlet for surplus production or outmoded products? Marketing and pricing objectives may be generalized or tailored to particular foreign markets. For example, marketing objectives for sales to a developing nation, where per capita income may be one-tenth of that in the United States, necessarily differ from marketing objectives for sales to Europe or Japan.
Costs
The actual cost of producing a product and bringing it to market is key to determining if exporting is financially viable.
Cost-plus method is when the exporter starts with the domestic manufacturing cost and adds administration, research and development, overhead, freight forwarding, distributor margins, customs charges, and profit. However, the effect of this pricing approach may be that the export price escalates into an uncompetitive range once exporting costs have been included.
Marginal cost pricing is a more competitive method of pricing a product for market entry. This method considers the direct out-of-pocket expenses of producing and selling products for export as a floor beneath which prices cannot be set without incurring a loss. For example, additional costs may occur because of product modification for the export market. Costs may decrease, however, if the export products are stripped-down versions or made without increasing the fixed costs of domestic production.
Other costs should be assessed for domestic and export products according to how much benefit each product receives from such expenditures, and may include:
Fees for market research and credit checks
Business travel expenses
International postage and telephone rates
Translation costs
Commissions, training charges, and other costs associated with foreign representatives
Consultant and freight forwarder fees
Product modification and special packaging costs
After the actual cost of the export product has been calculated, you should formulate an approximate consumer price for the foreign market.
Market Demand
For most consumer goods, per capita income is a good gauge of a market’s ability to pay. Some products (for example, popular U.S. fashion labels) create such a strong demand that even low per capita income will not affect their selling price. Simplifying the product to reduce its selling price may be an answer for your company in markets with low per capita income. Your company must also keep in mind that currency fluctuations may alter the affordability of its goods.
Competition
In the domestic market, U.S. companies carefully evaluate their competitors’ pricing policies. You will also need to evaluate competitor’s prices in each potential export market. If there are many competitors within the foreign market, you may have to match the market price or even underprice the product or service for the sake of establishing a market share. If the product or service is new to a particular foreign market, however, it may actually be possible to set a higher price than is feasible in the domestic market.
Pricing Summary
It’s important to remember several key points when determining your product’s price:
Determine the objective in the foreign market.
Compute the actual cost of the export product.
Compute the final consumer price.
Evaluate market demand and competition.
Consider modifying the product to reduce the export price.
Include “non-market” costs, such as tariffs and customs fees.
Exclude cost elements that provide no benefit to the export function, such as domestic advertising.
Learn More
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https://www.ruralhealthinfo.org/topics/healthcare-access
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Healthcare Access in Rural Communities Overview
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Provides resources and answers frequently asked questions related to healthcare access. Discusses the importance of primary care for rural residents and covers barriers to healthcare access in rural areas, such as transportation, insurance, and workforce issues. Highlights strategies to improve access to care for rural residents.
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Access to healthcare services is critical to good health, yet rural residents face a variety of access barriers. A 1993 National Academies report, Access to Healthcare in America, defined access as “the timely use of personal health services to achieve the best possible health outcomes.” A 2014 RUPRI Health Panel report on rural healthcare access summarizes additional definitions of access with examples of measures that can be used to determine access.
Ideally, residents should be able to conveniently and confidently access services such as primary care, dental care, behavioral health, emergency care, and public health services. Access to healthcare is important for:
Overall physical, social, and mental health status
Disease prevention
Detection, diagnosis, and treatment of illness
Quality of life
Avoiding preventable deaths
Life expectancy
Rural residents often encounter barriers to healthcare that limit their ability to obtain the care they need. Access to healthcare implies that healthcare services are available and obtainable in a timely manner. Yet rural residents often encounter barriers to healthcare access. Even when an adequate supply of healthcare services exists in the community, there are other factors that may impede healthcare access. For instance, to have healthcare access, rural residents must also have:
Financial means to pay for services, such as health or dental insurance that is accepted by the provider
Means to reach and use services, such as transportation to services that may be located at a distance, and the ability to take paid time off of work to use such services
Confidence in their ability to communicate with healthcare providers, particularly if the patient is not fluent in English or has limited health literacy
Trust that they can use services without compromising privacy
Confidence that they will receive quality care
This guide provides an overview of healthcare access in rural America, including discussion of the importance and benefits of healthcare access and the barriers that rural residents experience. The guide includes information regarding:
Barriers to care, including workforce shortages, health insurance status, transportation issues, health literacy, and stigma in rural communities
Access issues for specific populations and healthcare services
Strategies and resources to improve access
For information on access to public health services in rural communities, see the Rural Public Health Agencies topic guide.
Frequently Asked Questions
How does the lack of healthcare access affect population health and patient well-being in a community?
What are barriers to healthcare access in rural areas?
Why is primary care access important for rural residents?
What types of healthcare services are frequently difficult to access in rural areas?
How do rural healthcare facility and service closures impact access to care?
What are some strategies to improve access to care in rural communities?
What can be done to help rural veterans access healthcare?
What is different about healthcare access for American Indians and Alaska Natives?
What organizations work to improve rural healthcare access?
How are private foundations working to improve healthcare access and the related reimbursement issues?
How does the lack of healthcare access affect population health and patient well-being in a community?
The supply of primary care providers per capita is lower in rural areas compared to urban areas, according to Supply and Distribution of the Primary Care Workforce in Rural America: 2019. Travel to reach a primary care provider may be costly and burdensome for patients living in remote rural areas, with subspecialty care often even farther away. These patients may substitute local primary care providers for subspecialists or they may decide to postpone or forego care. Access in Brief: Rural and Urban Health Care compares access to care and use of services for rural and urban adults and children with Medicaid coverage and shows that from 2013-2015 34% of urban adults utilized the emergency room (ER) for care compared to 43.5% of rural adults who utilized the ER. The high number of ER visits can be an indicator that the patient lacks a usual source of care or has developed emergent health problems due to foregone care.
According to the 2014 RUPRI Health Panel report, Access to Rural Health Care - A Literature Review and New Synthesis, barriers to healthcare result in unmet healthcare needs, including a lack of preventive and screening services and treatment of illnesses. A vital rural community is dependent on the health of its population. While access to medical care does not guarantee good health, access to healthcare is critical for a population's well-being and optimal health.
The challenges that rural residents face in accessing healthcare services contribute to health disparities. To learn more about disparities in health outcomes, see RHIhub's Rural Health Disparities topic guide.
What are barriers to healthcare access in rural areas?
Distance and Transportation
Rural populations are more likely to have to travel long distances to access healthcare services, particularly subspecialist services. This can be a significant burden in terms of travel time, cost, and time away from the workplace. In addition, the lack of reliable transportation is a barrier to care. In urban areas, public transit is generally an option for patients to get to medical appointments; however, these transportation services are often lacking in rural areas. Rural communities often have more elderly residents who have chronic conditions requiring multiple visits to outpatient healthcare facilities. This becomes challenging without available public or private transportation. RHIhub's Transportation to Support Rural Healthcare topic guide provides resources and information about transportation and related issues for rural communities.
Workforce Shortages
Healthcare workforce shortages impact healthcare access in rural communities. One measure of healthcare access is having a regular source of care, which is dependent on having an adequate healthcare workforce. Some health services researchers argue that evaluating healthcare access by simply measuring provider availability is not an adequate measure to fully understand healthcare access. Measures of nonuse, such as counting rural residents who could not find an appropriate care provider, can help provide a fuller picture of whether a sufficient healthcare workforce is available to rural residents. See What state-level policies and programs can help address the problem of shortages in the rural healthcare workforce? on RHIhub's Rural Health Workforce topic guide, for more information.
A shortage of healthcare professionals in rural areas of the U.S. can restrict access to healthcare by limiting the supply of available services. As of September 2022, 65.6% of Primary Care Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) were located in rural areas. For the most current numbers, see the Health Resource and Services Administration (HRSA's) Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics. HRSA also includes statistics on mental health and dental HPSAs.
Primary Care HPSAs are scored 0-25, with higher scores indicating a greater need for primary care providers. This July 2024 map highlights nonmetropolitan areas with primary care workforce shortages, with areas in darker green indicating higher nonmetro HPSA scores:
For more information on healthcare workforce challenges in rural areas, resources, and strategies used to address rural healthcare workforce shortages, see RHIhub's Rural Healthcare Workforce topic guide.
Health Insurance Coverage
Individuals without health insurance have less access to healthcare services. According to Geographic Variation in Health Insurance Coverage: United States, 2022, nonmetropolitan children and adults under 65 were more likely than their metropolitan peers to be uninsured.
The June 2016 issue brief from the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, Impact of the Affordable Care Act Coverage Expansion on Rural and Urban Populations, found that 43.4% of uninsured rural residents reported not having a usual source of care, which was less than the 52.6% of uninsured urban residents reporting not having a usual source of care. Yet, the brief reports that 26.5% of uninsured rural residents delayed receiving healthcare in the past year due to cost. The Affordable Care Act and Insurance Coverage in Rural Areas, a 2014 Kaiser Family Foundation issue brief, points out that uninsured rural residents face greater difficulty accessing care due to the limited supply of rural healthcare providers who offer low-cost or charity healthcare, when compared to their urban counterparts.
Health insurance affordability is a concern for rural areas. A RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis policy brief, Health Insurance Marketplaces: Issuer Participation and Premium Trends in Rural Places, 2018, evaluated changes in average health insurance marketplace (HIM) plan premiums from 2014 to 2018. Average premiums were higher in rural counties than in urban counties. In addition, rural counties were more likely to have only one insurance issuer participating in the HIM. Medicare Advantage plan co-pays and deductibles are higher in rural, and no-cost benefits like health clubs and transportation are less frequently offered in rural areas.
Broadband Access
While the use of telehealth services was already becoming more popular and widespread at the beginning of 2020, measures implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated this growth. Unfortunately, many areas lack access to broadband internet and experience slow internet speeds, both of which are barriers to accessing telehealth services. Compared to their urban counterparts, rural individuals are nearly two times more likely to lack broadband access. A Peterson Center on Healthcare and Kaiser Family Foundation report, How Might Internet Connectivity Affect Health Care Access?, stated that 7% of people in metropolitan areas did not have access to internet at home in 2019, while 13% of people in nonmetropolitan areas lacked access. To learn about additional challenges for rural telehealth use, see What are the challenges related to providing telehealth services in rural communities? on RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide.
Poor Health Literacy
Health literacy can also be a barrier to accessing healthcare. Health literacy impacts a patient's ability to understand health information and instructions from their healthcare providers. This can be especially concerning in rural communities, where lower educational levels and higher incidence of poverty often impact residents. Low health literacy can make residents reluctant to seek healthcare due to fear or frustration related to communicating with a healthcare professional. Additionally, navigating the healthcare system can be difficult without health literacy skills. To learn more about low health literacy in rural America, see the Rural Health Literacy Toolkit in RHIhub's evidence-based toolkits. The Rural Monitor's 2017 two-part series on rural health literacy, Understanding Skills and Demands is Key to Improvement and Who's Delivering Health Information? explores connections between health and health literacy and how health information is being delivered to rural populations. The Rural Monitor's 2022 two-part series, A New Era of Health Literacy? Expanded Definitions, Digital Influences, and Rural Inequities and Educating Future Healthcare Providers: Health Literacy Opportunities for Webside Manners explores health literacy in the digital era.
Social Stigma and Privacy Issues
In rural areas, because there is little anonymity, social stigma and privacy concerns are more likely to act as barriers to healthcare access. Rural residents can have concerns about seeking care for mental health, substance use, sexual health, pregnancy, or even common chronic illnesses due to unease or privacy concerns. Patients' feelings may be caused by personal relationships with their healthcare provider or others working in the healthcare facility. Additionally, patients can feel fear or concerns about other residents, who are often friends, family members, or co-workers, who may notice them utilizing services for health conditions that are typically not openly discussed, such as counseling or HIV testing services. Co-location or the integration of behavioral health services with primary care healthcare services in the same building can help ease patient concerns. Understanding Rural Communities, a 2018 podcast from the Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, features an interview with Dennis Mohatt, the Vice President for Behavioral Health at the Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education (WICHE), discussing rural health and the stigma surrounding mental healthcare in rural communities.
Why is primary care access important for rural residents?
Primary care, in addition to emergency and public health care, are essential rural healthcare services. Primary care providers offer a broad range of services and treat a wide spectrum of medical issues. The American Academy of Family Physicians characterizes primary care as follows:
“A primary care practice serves as the patient's first point of entry into the health care system and as the continuing focal point for all needed health care services…Primary care practices provide health promotion, disease prevention, health maintenance, counseling, patient education, diagnosis and treatment of acute and chronic illnesses in a variety of health care settings.”
A 2005 Milbank Quarterly article, Contribution of Primary Care to Health Systems and Health, identifies the key roles primary care access plays in preventing disease and improving health. Primary care serves as a first entry point into the health system, which can be particularly important for groups, such as rural residents and racial/ethnic minorities, who might otherwise face barriers to accessing healthcare. Some benefits of primary care access are:
Preventive services, including early disease detection
Care coordination
Lower all-cause, cancer, and heart disease mortality rates
Reduction in low birth weight
Improved health behaviors
Improved overall health
Lower healthcare costs
Access to Quality Health Services in Rural Areas – Primary Care: A Literature Review, a section of the 2015 report Rural Healthy People 2020: A Companion Document to Healthy People 2020, Volume 1, provides an overview of the impact primary care access has on rural health. Rural residents with limited primary care access may not receive preventive screenings that can lead to early detection and treatment of disease. A North Carolina Rural Health Research Program 2018 findings brief, Access to Care: Populations in Counties with No FQHC, RHC, or Acute Care Hospital, describes the scope of limited primary care access in rural areas in the U.S. and covers three facility types that provide primary care services to rural communities, including Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs), Rural Health Clinics (RHCs), and acute care hospital outpatient departments. The findings brief reports that there are 660,893 U.S. residents who live in rural counties without an FQHC, RHC, or acute care hospital. A 2019 Rural & Minority Health Research Center Findings Brief states that 279 rural counties did not have an FQHC or RHC and 72 of those counties were isolated from primary care safety net providers. For more information on primary care in rural and urban areas, see Primary Care in the United States: A Chartbook of Facts and Statistics from the Robert Graham Center.
To learn more about FQHCs, see RHIhub's Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) topic guide. Additionally, RHIhub's Rural Health Clinics (RHCs) topic guide answers frequently asked questions on these types of facilities and provides information and resources.
What types of healthcare services are frequently difficult to access in rural areas?
Home Health
Home health services in rural America are a growing need, but may be difficult to access for some rural residents. A 2022 Rural & Minority Health Research Center findings brief indicates that 10.3% of all rural ZIP Code Tabulation Areas (ZCTAs) were not served by any home health agency, with frontier and remote areas having the least access to home health care. Home is Where the Heart Is: Insights on the Coordination and Delivery of Home Health Services in Rural America, an August 2017 Rural Health Reform Policy Research Center policy brief, covers many barriers and challenges facing rural home health agencies that affect their ability to provide access in rural areas, including:
Reimbursement and insurance coverage
Face-to-face requirement
Homebound status requirement
Changing rules and regulations
Workforce
Time and resources required to serve patients located at a distance
Discharge process and referral difficulties
See To what extent are home health services available in rural communities? on the Rural Home Health Services topic guide for more information.
Hospice and Palliative Care
Hospice and palliative care agencies often face barriers and challenges similar to other healthcare services in rural areas. These challenges can include workforce shortages; recruitment and retention programs; reimbursement issues; limited access to broadband; and others.
RHIhub's Rural Hospice and Palliative Care topic guide answers frequently asked questions and provides resources on hospice and palliative care in rural areas. Community-based Palliative Care: Scaling Access for Rural Populations, an October 2018 Rural Monitor article, describes the role palliative care plays in meeting the needs of patients who are chronically and seriously ill and covers challenges to accessing palliative care in rural areas.
Mental Health Services
Access to mental health providers and services is a challenge in rural areas. As a result, primary care providers often fill the gap and provide mental health services. However, primary care providers may face challenges that may limit their ability to provide mental health care access, such as inadequate financial reimbursement or lack of time with patients.
As of September 2022, 60.58% of Mental Health Professional Shortage Areas were located in rural areas. For the most current figures, see HRSA's Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics.
Mental Health HPSAs are scored 0-25, with higher scores indicating a greater need for mental health providers. The July 2024 map below highlights mental health HPSAs for both metro areas, in multiple shades of purple, and nonmetro areas, in various shades of green.
Due to the lack of mental health providers in rural communities, the use of telehealth to deliver mental health services is increasing. The June 2016 Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality technical brief, Telehealth: Mapping the Evidence for Patient Outcomes from Systematic Reviews, found that mental health services can be effectively delivered via telehealth. By using telehealth delivery systems, mental health services can be provided in a variety of rural settings, including rural clinics, schools, residential programs, long-term care facilities, and individual patient homes. Additionally, the Calendar Year (CY) 2022 Medicare Physician Fee Schedule Final Rule made permanent the ability for FQHCs and RHCs to be reimbursed by Medicare for telemental health appointments. RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide has many more resources on how telehealth can improve access to care. For additional resources on access to mental health services in rural areas, see RHIhub's Rural Mental Health topic guide.
For more information, see the 2016 WWAMI Rural Health Research Center data brief, Supply and Distribution of the Behavioral Health Workforce in Rural America. The brief discusses and compares the provider to population ratios of the behavioral health workforce in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan U.S. counties, including micropolitan and noncore areas. A state-level analysis of the study is also available with information for all states.
Substance Use Disorder Services
Despite a growing need, there is a shortage of substance use disorder services offered in many rural communities across America.
A 2015 American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse article, Rural Substance Use Treatment Centers in the United States: An Assessment of Treatment Quality by Location, reports that rural substance use disorder treatment centers had a lower proportion of highly educated counselors, compared to urban centers. Rural treatment centers were found to offer fewer wraparound services and specialized treatment tracks.
Detoxification is an initial step of substance use disorder treatment that involves managing acute intoxication, withdrawal, and minimizing medical complications. A 2009 Maine Rural Health Research Center research and policy brief, Few and Far Away: Detoxification Services in Rural Areas, found that 82% of rural residents live in a county without a detox provider. The lack of detox providers in rural areas creates a barrier to care that could result in patients forgoing or delaying needed treatment. In lieu of a detox provider in a rural community, the local emergency room or county jail, although not the most appropriate location for detoxification services, must often serve as a substitute.
Access to medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD) is also limited in rural communities. What's MAT Got to Do with It? Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Use Disorder in Rural America provides an overview of MOUD — previously referred to as MAT — an evidence-based treatment for opioid use disorder, with information on the science behind the disorder and how three medications for opioid use disorder work. According to Practical Tools for Prescribing and Promoting Buprenorphine in Primary Care Settings, rural areas benefit from using the drug buprenorphine for MOUD treatment, but often face staffing, transportation, and technology constraints that prevent making MOUD a viable option in rural communities. This source recommends leveraging non-physician staff for treatment, prescribing buprenorphine for at-home treatment, and engaging the local community to build service locations as strategies to overcome barriers. See our Rural Medication for Opioid Use Disorder (MOUD) Toolkit for more information.
A shortage of mental health and substance use disorder clinicians in rural communities led to the development of new models to bridge the gap and provide needed mental health and substance use disorder services using allied behavioral health workers, such as:
Nurse Navigator and Recovery Specialist Outreach Program
ASPIN Network's Community Health Worker Program
RHIhub's Substance Use and Misuse in Rural Areas and Rural Response to the Opioid Crisis topic guides provide information and resources, answer frequently asked questions, and list model programs to address substance use disorder and model programs to address opioid use in rural areas.
Reproductive, Obstetric, and Maternal Health Services
Reproductive healthcare is typically more difficult to access in rural areas. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation's (KFF) issue brief, Women's Sexual and Reproductive Health Services: Key Findings from the 2020 KFF Women's Health Survey, rural women are less likely to have had a recent pap test and less likely to have access to a provider who discussed reproductive health issues with them, such as contraception, sexual and relationship history, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and other transmissible diseases, pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), and menopause.
Access to obstetric services is a persistent, but growing concern in rural areas. A 2022 Center for Economic Analysis of Rural Health policy brief, County-Level Availability of Obstetric Care and Economic Implications of Hospital Closures on Obstetric Care, reports that out of 148 counties that lost obstetric services between 2012 and 2019 due to hospital or unit closures/conversions, 113 of the counties were rural. A June 2020 University of Minnesota Rural Health Research Center (UMN RHRC) infographic, Loss of Hospital-based Obstetric Services in Rural Counties in the United States, 2004-2018, displays similar data. According to the document, only 27% of non-core counties had hospital-based OB services as of 2018. A 2022 report from March of Dimes states that 911 rural U.S. counties are maternity care deserts. Additionally, a 2020 action plan from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Healthy Women, Healthy Pregnancies, Healthy Futures: Action Plan to Improve Maternal Health in America, points out that, although 15% of people in the U.S. live in rural communities, only 6% of OB/GYNs serve these areas. However, many rural family physicians provide broad OB/GYN services to their patients.
A 2014 committee opinion from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), Health Disparities in Rural Women, reports that “prenatal care initiation in the first trimester was lower for mothers in more rural areas compared with suburban areas.” Access to labor and delivery, prenatal, and related services is also a concern of ACOG, reporting that “less than one half of rural women live within a 30-minute drive to the nearest hospital offering perinatal services.”
A 2020 case study Making it Work: Models of Success in Rural Maternity Care discusses 3 rural obstetric service providers, highlighting the importance of strong partnerships, collaboration, and community support to maintaining successful rural maternity care. The RHIhub Rural Maternal Health Toolkit also discusses access to maternity care in rural areas.
The 2019 National Rural Health Association (NRHA) policy brief, Access to Rural Maternity Care, provides an overview of the decline in access to maternity care in rural areas and factors contributing to the decline in access. The brief offers policy considerations to support maternity care services and address barriers to access in the rural U.S., such as increasing research funding, rural OB practice challenges, workforce issues, and quality of OB care. The report Restoring Access to Maternity Care in Rural America discusses strategies to improve maternal care, such as creating maternity care networks, promoting visibility for care, helping rural providers care for patients with high-risk pregnancies, utilizing telemedicine, expanding and training the rural healthcare workforce, enlisting nonclinical partners, and more.
Oral Health Services
Oral health can affect overall physical and emotional health. For example, oral health needs that are not addressed can lead to pain, cosmetic concerns, and can affect academic or professional success. Despite the importance of oral health, access to dental care is either very limited or difficult to access in many rural and remote communities.
Traditionally, health insurance plans have not covered oral health services. A separate dental insurance plan is needed to cover oral health services and procedures. According to the 2021 National Institutes of Health report Oral Health in America, fewer rural residents have dental insurance compared to urban residents.
Another factor limiting access to dental services is the lack of dental health professionals in rural and underserved areas. As of September 2022, 67.06% of Dental Health Professional Shortage Areas were located in rural areas. For the most current numbers, see HRSA's Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics. A June 2015 WWAMI Rural Health Research Center report, Dentist Supply, Dental Care Utilization, and Oral Health Among Rural and Urban U.S. Residents, found that rural adults used dental services less and had more permanent tooth loss compared to urban adults, which could be related to the scarcity of dentists in rural areas. According to 2020-2021 HRSA Area Health Resource Files, there are 7.5 dentists per 10,000 citizens in metropolitan areas and 4.7 dentists per 10,000 citizens in nonmetropolitan areas.
A May 2018 NRHA policy brief, Improving Rural Oral Healthcare Access, offers recommendations to address dental workforce shortages and to ultimately improve access to oral health services, including:
Providing rural training tracks during dental education
Admitting dental students from rural areas who would be more likely to practice in a rural community
Providing dental students opportunities to obtain a broad range of dental skills which will be needed in a rural practice
Helping rural communities recruit and retain oral health providers through local community development programs
For more information, see What oral health disparities are present in rural America? on RHIhub's Oral Health in Rural Communities topic guide.
How do rural healthcare facility and service closures impact access to care?
The closure of rural healthcare facilities or the discontinuation of services can have a negative impact on access to healthcare in rural communities.
Local rural healthcare systems are fragile; when one facility closes or a provider leaves, it can impact care and access across the community. For example, if a surgeon leaves, C-section access declines and obstetric care is jeopardized. If a hospital closes, it may be harder to recruit physicians.
There are multiple factors that can affect the severity and impact of a hospital or healthcare facility closure on healthcare access, including:
Distance to the next closest provider
Availability of alternative services
Transportation services
Community members' socioeconomic and health status
Traveling to receive healthcare services places the burden on patients. For individuals with low incomes, no paid time off from their jobs, physical limitations, acute conditions, or no personal transportation, these burdens can significantly affect their ability to access healthcare services.
A significant concern for rural communities losing their hospital is the loss of emergency services. In emergency situations, care delays can have serious adverse consequences on patient outcomes.
A 2015 findings brief from the North Carolina Rural Health Research Program, A Comparison of Closed Rural Hospitals and Perceived Impact, identifies the following potential impacts on healthcare access due to hospital closure:
Unstable health services, particularly diagnostic and lab tests, obstetrics, rehabilitation, and emergency medical care
Rising EMS costs
Residents not receiving needed care or services due to lack of transportation
Greater impact on access for the elderly, racial/ethnic minorities, the poor, and people with disabilities
The North Carolina Rural Health Research Program maintains an interactive map, which displays locations of rural hospital closures in the U.S. from January 2005 to present. According to the map, 183 rural hospitals had closed as of July 2022. Unfortunately, rural health experts believe rural hospital closures are likely to continue because many rural hospitals have minimal operating margins with little room for financial loss. According to the 2022 findings brief Since 1990, Rural Hospital Closures Have Increasingly Occurred in Counties that Are More Urbanized, Diverse, and Economically Unequal, closures disproportionately impact communities of color, impoverished areas, and rural counties in the South.
Alternative models and provider types may be needed to meet access needs in rural areas in the event of closures. A 2016 Medicare Payment Advisory Commission presentation, Improving Efficiency and Preserving Access to Emergency Care in Rural Areas, describes policies and strategies to ensure access to emergency department services in rural areas. The presentation provides discussion on alternative healthcare delivery models. The 2020 research brief Alternatives to Hospital Closure: Findings from a National Survey of CAH Executives explores options to maintain access in rural communities whose hospitals are encountering negative profit margins.
Additional closures impacting rural areas can be seen in nursing homes in nonmetropolitan counties. Trends in Nursing Home Closures in Nonmetropolitan and Metropolitan Counties in the United States, 2008-2018 shows that in this time span 472 nursing homes closed in 400 nonmetropolitan counties and as of 2018, 10.1% of rural counties in the U.S. were considered nursing home deserts.
Maintaining pharmacy services in rural towns can also be a challenge, particularly when the only pharmacist in town nears retirement. When a community's only pharmacy closes, it creates a void and residents must adapt to find new ways to meet their medication needs. According to Causes and Consequences of Rural Pharmacy Closures: A Multi-Case Study:
“Rural residents rely on local pharmacies to provide pharmacy and clinical care management and coordination. The absence of a pharmacy may be disproportionately felt by the rural elderly, who often have a greater need for access to medications and medication management services.”
A 2015 rural policy brief from RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis, Characteristics of Rural Communities with a Sole, Independently Owned Pharmacy, analyzed data to describe characteristics of vulnerable rural communities served by a sole, independently owned rural pharmacy. Average characteristics of communities include:
19% of the population was aged 65 and older
Unemployment at 8%
Uninsured rates were 15%
28% had incomes below 150% of the federal poverty level
A 2022 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis Brief states: “Between 2003 and 2021, the number of retail pharmacies declined in noncore rural areas by 9.8 percent, and in rural micropolitan areas by 4.4 percent, while the number in metropolitan areas increased by 15.1 percent during the same period.” For more information on rural pharmacy access or challenges rural pharmacies face, see RHIhub's Rural Pharmacy and Prescription Drugs topic guide.
What are some strategies to improve access to care in rural communities?
There are multiple strategies being used to improve access to healthcare in rural areas. Examples include:
Delivery Models
In 2023, a new Medicare provider type will be implemented, the Rural Emergency Hospital, which is designed to maintain access to emergency and outpatient care in rural areas. For more information, see the RHIhub Rural Emergency Hospital topic guide.
Freestanding Emergency Departments (FSEDs) are defined by the American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP) as a “facility that is structurally separate and distinct from a hospital and provides emergency care.” ACEP provides FSED operational and staffing recommendations. A November 2016 Rural Monitor article, Freestanding Emergency Departments: An Alternative Model for Rural Communities, further defines an FSED and describes the two types, while discussing the financial sustainability of the model. After Hospital Closure: Pursuing High Performance Rural Health Systems without Inpatient Care, a June 2017 RUPRI Health Panel report, discusses case studies from 3 rural communities that transitioned to new models of care, including freestanding emergency department services, increased telemedicine capacity, and specialty care. The report also describes a range of different delivery options for communities that lack hospital inpatient care.
Community Paramedicine is a model of care where paramedics and emergency medical technicians (EMTs) operate in expanded roles to assist with healthcare services for those in need without duplicating available services existing within the community. RHIhub's Community Paramedicine topic guide describes how this model of care can benefit rural communities and covers steps to starting a rural community paramedicine program. Rural communities looking to develop community paramedicine or mobile integrated health programs can also view RHIhub's Rural Community Paramedicine Toolkit for emerging practices and resources.
The Community Health Worker (CHW) model facilitates healthcare access by using CHWs as a liaison between healthcare providers and rural residents to ensure their healthcare needs are met. RHIhub's Community Health Workers in Rural Settings topic guide offers information and resources on CHWs and covers CHW education, training, and certification.
Care coordination and team-based care models, such as Accountable Care Organizations and Patient-Centered Medical Homes (PCMHs), can also extend access to primary care services in rural communities. A variety of rural medical home and care coordination programs are highlighted in RHIhub's Rural Health Models and Innovations section.
Affiliation with Larger Systems or Networks
Local rural healthcare facilities may choose to join healthcare networks or affiliate themselves with larger healthcare systems as a strategic move to maintain or improve healthcare access in their communities. These affiliations or joining of healthcare networks may improve the financial viability of the rural facility, provide additional resources and infrastructure for the facility, and allow the rural healthcare facility to offer new or expanded healthcare services they could not otherwise provide. However, the benefits of an affiliation with a larger healthcare system may come at the expense of local control.
A 2018 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis policy brief, Trends in Hospital System Affiliation, 2007-2016, notes that rural hospitals do follow the general trend and show an increase in hospital system affiliation. The brief found nonmetropolitan CAHs had the lowest rate of increase in hospital system affiliation. The 2018 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis report, The Rural Hospital and Health System Affiliation Landscape – A Brief Review, discusses the various types of hospital affiliations that rural hospitals might consider and factors that might affect which option rural hospitals choose, such as maintaining local decision-making authority and meeting the demands of the hospital system affiliation. The report covers some benefits hospital system affiliation can afford a rural hospital, including access to:
Technology
Staff recruitment and retention
Group purchasing
Increased access to healthcare and operational services
Ability to adapt to value-based payment models
Improved performance
Efforts to Improve the Workforce
An adequate workforce is necessary for maintaining healthcare access in a community. In order to increase access to healthcare, rural communities must use their healthcare professionals in the most efficient and strategic ways. This might include allowing each professional to work at the top of their license, using new types of providers, working in interprofessional teams, and creative scheduling to offer clinic time outside of regular work hours.
RHIhub's Rural Healthcare Workforce topic guide discusses how rural areas can address workforce shortages, such as partnering with other healthcare facilities; increasing pay for staff; adding flexibility and incentives to improve recruitment and retention of healthcare providers; and using telehealth services. The guide also discusses state and federal policies and programs to improve the supply of rural health professionals, such as loan repayment programs and visa waivers.
Telehealth
Telehealth is considered to be a key tool to help address rural healthcare access issues. Through telehealth, rural patients can see specialists in a timely manner while staying in the comfort of their home or local facility. Local healthcare providers can also benefit from subspecialists' expertise provided via telehealth. However, the temporary changes to telehealth policy in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has made visible potential for unequal access to these services due to a lack of broadband internet access in some rural areas. According to the Federal Communications Commission 2020 Broadband Deployment Report, 22.3% of rural Americans and 27.7% of Americans living in tribal areas lack fixed terrestrial broadband coverage, compared to 1.5% of Americans who lack coverage in urban areas.
For more information on telehealth policy, including broadband capacity, see the Rural Policy Research Institute's 2020 report The Evolving Landscape of National Telehealth Policies during a Public Health Emergency: Responsiveness to Rural Needs. The report notes the RUPRI Health Panel's recommendation that telehealth should support rather than supplant local healthcare services. Additionally, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has a telehealth guide that is specific to rural areas.
RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide provides a broad overview of how telehealth is being used in rural communities to improve healthcare access. The guide covers specific programs currently in use in rural areas, as well as providing resources and a listing of funding and opportunities that can be used to support telehealth solutions.
What can be done to help rural veterans access healthcare?
One of the primary barriers that rural veterans face when accessing healthcare services is the significant travel distance to the nearest Veterans Affairs (VA) healthcare facility. A 2018 study found that rural veterans' access to healthcare is not necessarily an issue of eligibility for purchased care from non-VA providers, as most VA healthcare facility deserts are also underserved by non-VA providers.
According to the 2019 research brief Access to Care Among Rural Veterans, 56% of rural veterans enrolled in the VA health system are over 65 years of age and are more likely to experience diabetes, heart conditions, and high blood pressure compared to urban veterans. Moreover, suicide rates are higher for rural compared to urban veterans. It is important that populations with complex medical needs have access to support programs.
To address access issues for rural veterans, the VA has created community-based outpatient clinics in many rural areas, in addition to using mobile clinics and telehealth services. To learn more about VA services for rural veterans or the VA's efforts to address veterans' healthcare access, see RHIhub's Rural Veterans and Access to Healthcare topic guide.
What is different about healthcare access for American Indians and Alaska Natives?
Health and Health Care for American Indians and Alaska Natives (AI/ANs), a 2018 publication from the Kaiser Family Foundation, reports that nonelderly AI/AN adults are more likely to be uninsured compared to nonelderly White adults, 25% and 8% respectively, and that there are higher uninsured rates of AI/AN children (14%) compared to White children (4%).
The federal Indian Health Service (IHS) provides healthcare and prevention services to AI/AN people. Broken Promises: Continuing Federal Funding Shortfall for Native Americans, a 2018 report, states that federal funding for Native American programs in the past 15 years has been severely inadequate and does not meet the basic needs and services of the federal government's obligations to the populations they serve, which in itself is a barrier to accessing healthcare for AI/AN people. IHS provides direct healthcare services at an IHS facility or Purchase/Referred Care (PRC) provided by a non-IHS facility or provider through a contractual agreement, and these services are not considered healthcare insurance coverage. This is explained further in RHIhub's Rural Tribal Health topic guide question Is access to Indian Health Service (IHS) resources considered health insurance?
RHIhub's Rural Tribal Health topic guide answers frequently asked questions on tribal health and provides resources on rural AI/AN populations.
What organizations work to improve rural healthcare access?
Many organizations work to meet the needs of rural communities and help ensure the availability of essential healthcare services.
The Federal Office of Rural Health Policy (FORHP) focuses on rural healthcare issues and is part of HRSA.
Rural Health Research Centers are funded by the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy to produce policy-relevant research and analysis on healthcare and issues impacting healthcare in rural areas.
The National Rural Health Association (NRHA) provides leadership and resources on rural health issues for healthcare providers and organizations working to improve the health of rural communities.
The National Association of Rural Health Clinics (NARHC) works to improve the delivery of quality, cost-effective healthcare in rural underserved areas through the RHC Program.
The American Hospital Association (AHA) Section for Rural Health Services represents the interests of small and rural hospitals and works to ensure that the unique needs of this segment of AHA's membership are a national priority.
State Offices of Rural Health (SORHs) and State Rural Health Associations (SRHAs) help rural communities build healthcare delivery systems by coordinating rural healthcare activities in the state, collecting and disseminating information, and providing technical assistance to public and non-profit entities.
The National Organization of State Offices of Rural Health (NOSORH) works to foster and promote legislation, resources, and education with the SORHs, the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy, NRHA, and other organizations promoting and supporting rural healthcare access.
The National Rural Recruitment and Retention Network (3RNET) is a national recruitment organization for healthcare professional jobs in rural and underserved communities.
How are private foundations working to improve healthcare access and the related reimbursement issues?
Many private foundations work to improve healthcare access by funding transportation services, improving workforce, and addressing other factors that affect rural healthcare access. Investing in existing safety net providers and programs, offering grants to develop and implement innovative healthcare delivery models, and funding research to study policy implications as they relate to rural healthcare access are all examples of actions foundations can take to support rural healthcare access.
A November 2017 article published in Health Affairs, Foundations' Efforts to Improve Rural Health Care, covers private foundation projects focused on improving access to rural healthcare.
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Introduction
The National Council on Alcohol and Drug Dependence defines alcoholism this way:
"Alcoholism is a primary, chronic disease with genetic, psychological, and environmental factors influencing its development and manifestations. The disease is often progressive and fatal. It is characterized by impaired control over drinking, preoccupation with the drug alcohol, use of alcohol despite adverse consequences, and distortion in thinking, most notably denial."
Alcohol is the single most used and abused drug in America. According to the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA), nearly 14 million Americans (1 in every 13 adults) abuse alcohol or are alcoholics. Several million more adults engage in risky drinking patterns that could lead to alcohol problems. The costs to society in terms of lost productivity, health care costs, traffic accidents, and personal tragedies are staggering. Numerous studies and reports have been issued on the workplace costs of alcoholism and alcohol abuse, and they report costs that range from $33 billion to $68 billion per year. Alcohol is a major factor in injuries, both at home, at work, and on the road. Nearly half of all traffic fatalities involve alcohol. Please see the Appendix - The Disease of Alcoholism for a further discussion of alcoholism.
In the workplace, the costs of alcoholism and alcohol abuse manifest themselves in many different ways. Absenteeism is estimated to be 4 to 8 times greater among alcoholics and alcohol abusers. Other family members of alcoholics also have greater rates of absenteeism. Accidents and on-the-job injuries are far more prevalent among alcoholics and alcohol abusers.
The Federal workplace is no different than any other in respect to alcoholism and alcohol abuse. Though no studies have been done on the prevalence of alcoholism and alcohol abuse among Federal employees, it is safe to assume that a similar proportion of Federal employees are alcoholics or alcohol abusers as in the national workforce. The associated increased health care costs and lost productivity are passed along directly to the taxpayer, and to each and every one of us.
This booklet was developed in cooperation with the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) and is designed to foster a better awareness in supervisors, managers, and human resource personnel of the issues surrounding alcoholism and alcohol abuse, especially as it relates to the Federal workplace. The booklet is not intended to cover, in detail, all the various aspects of alcoholism and alcohol abuse but to give you enough information to understand and recognize the problems and know where to go to get assistance. See the Appendix for more detailed information regarding alcoholism.
Alcoholism in the Workplace
As far as the Government as an employer is concerned, an employee’s decision to drink is that individual’s personal business. However, when the use or abuse of alcohol interferes with the employee’s ability to perform his or her duties, the employer does have legitimate concerns, including the proper performance of duties, health and safety issues, and employee conduct at the workplace.
Supervisor’s Role
As a supervisor, you have an important role in dealing with alcohol problems in the workplace, along with other agency officials. You have the day-to-day responsibility to monitor the work and on-the-job conduct of your employees. You are not responsible for diagnosing alcoholism in employees. Basic supervisory responsibilities include:
assigning, monitoring, reviewing, and appraising work and performance;
setting work schedules, approving or disapproving leave requests;
taking necessary corrective and disciplinary actions when performance or conduct problems surface; and
referring employees to your agency’s Employee Assistance Program (EAP).
At some point, you will likely encounter employees with problems related to alcohol in dealing with performance, conduct, and leave problems. In some cases, you may not know that there is an alcohol problem. In other cases, you may know, either because the employee admits to being an alcoholic, or the problem is self-evident. For example, an employee may become intoxicated while on duty or be arrested for drunk driving. Your role is not to diagnose the alcohol problem but to exercise responsibility in dealing with the performance or conduct problem, hold the employee accountable, refer the employee to the EAP, and take any appropriate disciplinary action. Your role in dealing with alcoholism in the workplace is crucial. The most effective way to get an alcoholic to deal with the problem is to make the alcoholic aware that his or her job is on the line and that he or she must get help and improve performance and conduct, or face serious consequences, including the possibility of losing his or her job.
Signs to Look for
Even though you must not try to diagnose the problem, there are many signs that may indicate a problem with alcohol, and should trigger a referral to the EAP.
Leave and Attendance
Unexplained or unauthorized absences from work
Frequent tardiness
Excessive use of sick leave
Patterns of absence such as the day after payday or frequent Monday or Friday absences
Frequent unplanned absences due to "emergencies" (e.g., household repairs, car trouble, family emergencies, legal problems)
The employee may also be absent from his or her duty station without explanation or permission for significant periods of time.
Performance Problems
Missed deadlines
Careless or sloppy work or incomplete assignments
Production quotas not met
Many excuses for incomplete assignments or missed deadlines
Faulty analysis
In jobs requiring long-term projects or detailed analysis, an employee may be able to hide a performance problem for quite some time.
Relationships at Work
Relationships with co-workers may become strained
The employee may be belligerent, argumentative, or short-tempered, especially in the mornings or after weekends or holidays
The employee may become a "loner"
The employee may also have noticeable financial problems evidenced by borrowing money from other employees or receiving phone calls at work from creditors or collection companies.
Behavior at Work
The appearance of being inebriated or under the influence of alcohol might include:
The smell of alcohol
Staggering, or an unsteady gait
Bloodshot eyes
Smell of alcohol on the breath
Mood and behavior changes such as excessive laughter and inappropriate loud talk
Excessive use of mouthwash or breath mints
Avoidance of supervisory contact, especially after lunch
Tremors
Sleeping on duty
Not any one of these signs means that an employee is an alcoholic. However, when there are performance and conduct problems coupled with any number of these signs, it is time to make a referral to the EAP for an assessment so that the employee can get help if it is needed.
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Next Steps
Employee Assistance Program
Employee Assistance Programs deal with all kinds of problems and provide short-term counseling, assessment, and referral of employees with alcohol and drug abuse problems, emotional and mental health problems, marital and family problems, financial problems, dependent care concerns, and other personal problems that can affect the employee’s work. This service is confidential. These programs are usually staffed by professional counselors and may be operated in-house with agency personnel, under a contract with other agencies or EAP providers, or a combination of the two.
The EAP counselor will meet with the employee, assess or diagnose the problem, and, if necessary, refer the employee to a treatment program or resource. (Please see the material in the Appendix ) With permission of the client, the EAP counselor will keep you informed as to the nature of the problem, what type of treatment may be needed, and the progress of the employee in treatment. Before releasing this information to you, or anyone else, the counselor would need a signed written release of information from the client which would state what information may be released and to whom it may be released. The EAP counselor will also monitor the employee’s progress and will provide follow-up counseling if needed.
Sometimes, the employee will contact the EAP on his or her own. However, in some cases, the employee will be referred by you because you have noted a decline in the employee’s conduct, attendance, or performance and/or seen actual evidence of alcohol use or impairment at work.
Human Resources, or Employee Relations Program
The role of the Human Resources, or Employee Relations office in dealing with cases of substance abuse is to advise management of appropriate adverse, disciplinary, or other administrative actions which may be taken. They also advise employees of their rights and the procedures in such cases. They do not obtain confidential information from the EAP nor do they independently approach the employee regarding the problem.
As a supervisor, you are responsible for confronting the employee. Employee relations staff will work with the EAP to the extent that confidentiality is not violated, will try to assist you in working with the EAP, and will work with you to try to make sure that any adverse or disciplinary actions are appropriate and defensible. In most agencies, it is the employee relations or human resources specialist who actually prepares or drafts adverse or disciplinary action letters, including those involving a firm choice. A firm choice is a clear warning to an employee who has raised alcohol or drug abuse in connection with a specific performance, conduct, or leave use incident or deficiency. He or she must make a choice between accepting treatment for the alcohol or drug problem and improving job performance or facing disciplinary action, up to and including removal.
Confronting the Employee
It is generally a good practice to notify any employee who is being counseled for a performance or conduct problem about the availability of the EAP. However, it is crucial to make a referral to the EAP in the case of an employee with a known alcohol problem. Although you are not diagnosing the problem, you are dealing with employee performance and conduct and, possibly, alcohol-related misconduct such as using, possessing, or being under the influence of alcohol at work.
As a supervisor, you need to develop a strategy for addressing the work-related problems, as well as for encouraging the employee to get help. A good starting point is to meet with the EAP counselor, if possible, to discuss the problems observed and any other behavior by the employee that needs attention. The EAP counselor can help devise a strategy for confronting the employee and advise on techniques of addressing the problems.
Before actually meeting with the employee, you should gather any documentation of performance or conduct problems and think about what items to discuss with the employee. It is important to be specific about the problems in the employee’s performance and conduct and the particular incidents of concern. It might be helpful to rehearse this or at least go over the documentation with the EAP counselor.
Once prepared, you should notify the employee of the time and place of the meeting. The meeting should be held in a private place away from distractions. It is important to calmly but firmly explain the problems with the employee’s performance, the specific acts of misconduct or troubling behavior, and the consequences of any misconduct or poor performance. Unless the employee reveals the existence of an alcohol problem or there is immediate evidence of on-duty impairment, you must be careful not to offer any opinion that the employee may have a problem with alcohol. You should refer the employee to the EAP and explain that failure to correct any deficiencies may result in disciplinary or other action. It would be preferable to have already made an appointment for the employee with the EAP. While the employee may not be forced to take advantage of the EAP services, you should make clear that it is in the employee’s best interest to use the services.
Sometimes the employee will not accept the referral to the EAP or will deny the existence of a problem. If this happens, it is important to continue to document any problems and to take any necessary disciplinary action. It is not unusual to have additional meetings with the employee and to make additional referrals. The employee is in "denial" at this point and does not see that he or she has a problem. This is the hardest part of dealing with an alcoholic. The disease is so strong that the individual is unable to see what is happening to himself or herself. In any case, the appropriate course of action is to continue to hold the employee accountable for his or her performance and/or conduct, regardless of whether or not the employee has admitted an alcohol problem.
If an employee chooses to use the EAP at your urging, he or she may enter some type of treatment program as described earlier in this booklet. If the employee does not choose to go into treatment, the next step will be to take any disciplinary or corrective actions that are necessary.
Intervention
One technique which can be used to confront the employee is called intervention. It generally consists of scheduling a session with the employee where a number of people significant in his or her life are present, including you, the spouse, children, clergy, other family members, co-workers and other friends.
The session must be led by a trained professional, such as the EAP counselor. It involves having each of the individuals present directly tell the employee how his or her drinking has affected their lives and what the consequences of that employee’s drinking have been. If the
intervention is effective, this can be a very powerful tool to counter denial and may help the employee consider treatment. It is extremely important that such an intervention be led by a trained professional and not by a lay person, such as a supervisor, because it can be a very emotional and powerful event and, if not conducted properly, may very likely backfire. Supervisors should contact an agency EAP counselor for more information about the intervention technique.
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Considerations During and After Treatment
Leave Status
During the period of time that the employee is away from work receiving treatment, he or she will usually be carried in some type of approved leave status. In most cases, it would be appropriate for the employee to be carried on any available sick leave. Otherwise, annual leave or leave without pay would be appropriate. Normally, the employee would not be charged as absent without approved leave (AWOL) unless the employee’s absence had not been approved. Check with the Human Resources office about the rules and policies regarding approval and denial of leave.
Return to Duty
When the employee has completed any treatment requiring extended absence and is ready to return to work, it is a good practice to have a back-to-work conference. The conference should be attended by you as the supervisor, the employee, the EAP counselor, a staff member from the treatment program, other appropriate personnel from human resources, and the employee’s representative if one has been elected. This back-to-work conference can help explain what has gone on in treatment, what the employee’s treatment schedule looks like, and any needed changes in work such as travel schedules or closer supervision.
Follow-up Care
After the employee’s return to duty, there will be some type of follow-up care such as a 12-Step program or other group meetings, therapy, EAP sessions, or any combination of the foregoing (please see the Appendix ). These sessions should cause only minimal disruption to the work schedule. The EAP counselor can explain the importance of the follow-up program to the employee’s continued sobriety.
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Other Topics
Alcohol Testing
Generally, agencies do not have the authority to conduct mandatory alcohol testing. Although some agencies may have the equipment and trained personnel to administer an alcohol test, such a test would be voluntary. Most alcohol testing would probably be conducted with an evidentiary breath testing device (EBT), commonly referred to as a breathalyzer. While there are other methods of testing for alcohol, including blood or saliva tests, an EBT is the predominant method because it is less invasive and is already in use by law enforcement personnel. Law enforcement personnel on Federal property may administer alcohol tests to drivers when there is an accident or reasonable cause to do such testing. However, cause for such testing must be based on a violation of motor vehicle and traffic rules and not mandatory testing by the agency.
The Department of Transportation (DOT) has issued rules regarding alcohol testing for certain groups of employees such as those who are required to possess a Commercial Driver’s License, and certain employees in aviation-related positions. These rules call for mandatory alcohol testing, using EBTs, of applicants for identified positions and in cases of reasonable suspicion of alcohol use, and for random testing of employees in these positions. Any agencies conducting this type of testing will have a specific program spelled out in agency policy.
An agency may conduct voluntary alcohol testing. An example of this might be an instance where you think that an employee is intoxicated but the employee denies it. In this instance, an alcohol test may be given at the employee’s request or with the employee’s permission. If intoxication is indicated by the test, the agency may use it as a basis for some type of administrative action, such as sending the employee home, or taking disciplinary action. An agency may not take disciplinary action solely because an employee declines to undergo a voluntary alcohol test.
Intoxication at Work
An area that is often troublesome for supervisors is what to do when an employee is apparently under the influence or intoxicated at work. Agencies have a fair amount of latitude about what to do in these situations. The following is a list of steps you should take in dealing with such a situation. Though not all steps would be appropriate in all situations, most would be applicable.
If the employee is performing, or required to perform, safety-sensitive duties such as driving vehicles, using heavy equipment, working around explosives or weaponry, or performing patient care activities, he or she must be restricted from performing these duties.
If the employee is willing, he or she may be sent to the health unit for observation or a possible assessment. Health unit personnel may be able to offer a medical judgment that, in their opinion, the employee is intoxicated. They may also be able to conduct a voluntary alcohol test, most likely an EBT. Unless the employee is in a job with specific medical or physical requirements, you cannot order the employee to undergo any type of medical examination, including an EBT. Examples of the types of jobs that may have specific medical requirements include police officers, certain vehicle operators, air traffic controllers, and various direct patient-care personnel.
The EAP should be contacted. The counselor may be able to assist in any immediate assessment or may be at least able to talk to the client immediately. Even if the EAP counselor is unable to see the employee immediately, EAP personnel should be informed of the situation. You should refer the employee to the EAP after the employee returns to duty.
If the employee is disruptive to the workplace, you should remove him or her from the immediate worksite. This may involve taking the employee home or at least taking him or her to the health unit, the EAP office, or some other safe location. An employee who is physically resisting should be dealt with by agency security or local police. The employee should not be sent home alone or allowed to drive. It would be appropriate to consider having a family member take the employee home. A taxi is also an option. There could be some serious liability issues involved here so it is important to consult with Human Resources, Employee Relations, and the legal counsel’s office.
It is important to immediately and accurately document in writing what has transpired. Record all the events that led to sending the employee home, especially if any disciplinary action is necessary. It is important to work with the EAP and employee relations staff and keep them informed of such events because the quality of the information they receive from you impacts on the quality of their advice and service.
Things to Avoid
Avoid being an "enabler." An enabler is someone who allows the alcoholic to continue the addiction without being held responsible for his or her actions. Supervisors often think that they are being kind, when actually they are hurting the alcoholic employee by letting him or her continue to engage in self-destructive behaviors. In addition, failing to hold the alcoholic employee accountable can have a negative effect on co-workers’ morale. Examples of supervisory behavior that might be considered enabling include:
Covering up for the employee;
Lending the employee money;
Allowing the employee’s spouse, rather than the employee, to call about the employee’s absence;
Failing to refer the employee to the EAP;
Shifting the employee’s work to other employees;
Trying to counsel the employee on your own;
Making excuses to others about the employee’s behavior or performance; and
Adjusting the employee’s work schedule, for example, allowing the employee to continually come in late and make up
the hours later. ul>
Conclusion
Alcoholism is a disease. Employees who suffer from it need the agency’s compassion. However, sometimes that compassion has to be firm in order to communicate that, while the agency is willing to help the employee get assistance, the employee is ultimately responsible for his or her own rehabilitation, recovery, and performance.
The best help that you as a supervisor can offer is to learn something about the disease, refer the employee to the EAP, and hold him or her accountable for his or her conduct or performance.
This is just a brief road map for dealing with alcohol problems in the workplace. For further information on alcohol abuse and alcoholism, contact your agency’s Employee Assistance Program (EAP), your Human Resources or Employee Relations office, local mental health or substance abuse programs, or by email at worklife@opm.gov. Additionally, a great deal of information can be obtained from the National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information (NCADI) at:
National Clearinghouse for
Alcohol and Drug Information
P.O. Box 2345
Rockville, MD 20847-2345
1-800-729-6686
TDD 1-800-487-4889
Appendix - The Disease of Alcoholism
There are, and have been, many theories about alcoholism. The most prevailing theory, and now most commonly accepted, is called the Disease Model. Its basic tenets are that alcoholism is a disease with recognizable symptoms, causes, and methods of treatment. In addition, there are several stages of the disease which are often described as early, middle, and late. While it is not essential for a supervisor to fully define these stages, it is useful to understand them in terms of how the disease presents itself in the workplace.
The Early or Adaptive Stage
The early or adaptive stage of alcoholism is marked by increasing tolerance to alcohol and physical adaptations in the body which are largely unseen. This increased tolerance is marked by the alcoholic’s ability to consume greater quantities of alcohol while appearing to suffer few effects and continuing to function. This tolerance is not created simply because the alcoholic drinks too much but rather because the alcoholic is able to drink great quantities because of physical changes going on inside his or her body.
The early stage is difficult to detect. By appearances, an individual may be able to drink a great deal without becoming intoxicated, having hangovers, or suffering other apparent ill-effects from alcohol. An early stage alcoholic is often indistinguishable from a non-alcoholic who happens to be a fairly heavy drinker.
In the workplace, there is likely to be little or no obvious impact on the alcoholic’s performance or conduct at work. At this stage, the alcoholic is not likely to see any problem with his or her drinking and would scoff at any attempts to indicate that he or she might have a problem. The alcoholic is simply not aware of what is going on in his or her body.
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The Middle Stage
There is no clear line between the early and middle stages of alcoholism, but there are several characteristics that mark a new stage of the disease. Many of the pleasures and benefits that the alcoholic obtained from drinking during the early stage are now being replaced by the destructive facets of alcohol abuse. The drinking that was done for the purpose of getting high is now being replaced by drinking to combat the pain and misery caused by prior drinking.
One basic characteristic of the middle stage is physical dependence. In the early stage, the alcoholic’s tolerance to greater amounts of alcohol is increasing. Along with this, however, the body becomes used to these amounts of alcohol and now suffers from withdrawal when the alcohol is not present.
Another basic characteristic of the middle stage is craving. Alcoholics develop a very powerful urge to drink which they are eventually unable to control. As the alcoholic’s tolerance increases along with the physical dependence, the alcoholic loses his or her ability to control drinking and craves alcohol.
The third characteristic of the middle stage is loss of control. The alcoholic simply loses his or her ability to limit his or her drinking to socially acceptable times, patterns, and places. This loss of control is due to a decrease in the alcoholic’s tolerance and an increase in the withdrawal symptoms. The alcoholic cannot handle as much alcohol as they once could without getting drunk, yet needs increasing amounts to avoid withdrawal.
Another feature of middle stage alcoholics is blackouts. Contrary to what you might assume, the alcoholic does not actually pass out during these episodes. Instead, the alcoholic continues to function but is unable to remember what he or she has done or has been. Basically, the alcoholic simply can’t remember these episodes because the brain has either stored these memories improperly or has not stored them at all. Blackouts may also occur in early stage alcoholics.
Impairment becomes evident in the workplace during the middle stage. The alcoholic battles with loss of control, withdrawal symptoms, and cravings. This will become apparent at work in terms of any or all of the following: increased and unpredictable absences, poorly performed work assignments, behavior problems with co-workers, inability to concentrate, accidents, increased use of sick leave, and possible deterioration in overall appearance and demeanor. This is the point where the employee may be facing disciplinary action.
Late Stage
The late, or deteriorative stage, is best identified as the point at which the damage to the body from the toxic effects of alcohol is evident, and the alcoholic is suffering from a host of ailments. An alcoholic in the final stages may be destitute, extremely ill, mentally confused, and drinking almost constantly. The alcoholic in this stage is suffering from many physical and psychological problems due to the damage to vital organs. His or her immunity to infections is lowered, and the employee’s mental condition is very unstable. Some of the very serious medical conditions the alcoholic faces at this point include heart failure, fatty liver, hepatitis, cirrhosis of the liver, malnutrition, pancreatitis, respiratory infections, and brain damage, some of which is reversible.
Why does an alcoholic continue to drink despite the known facts about the disease and the obvious adverse consequences of continued drinking? The answer to this question is quite simple. In the early stage, the alcoholic does not consider himself or herself sick because his or her tolerance is increasing. In the middle stage, the alcoholic is unknowingly physically dependent on alcohol. He or she simply finds that continuing to use alcohol will prevent the problems of withdrawal. By the time an alcoholic is in the late stage, he or she is often irrational, deluded, and unable to understand what has happened.
In addition to the effects of these changes, the alcoholic is faced with one of the most powerful facets of addiction: denial. An alcoholic will deny that he or she has a problem. This denial is a very strong force. If an alcoholic did not deny the existence of a problem, he or she would most likely seek help when faced with the overwhelming problems caused by drinking. While denial is not a diagnosable physical symptom or psychiatric disorder, it is an accurate description of the state of the alcoholic’s behavior and thinking and is very real.
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Treating Alcoholism
An alcoholic will rarely stop drinking and stay sober without outside help. Also, he or she usually will not stop drinking without some kind of outside pressure. This pressure may come from family, friends, clergy, other health care professionals, law enforcement or judicial authorities, or the employer. For example, a spouse may threaten divorce, or the alcoholic may be arrested for driving under the influence. There was at one time a widespread belief that alcoholics would not get help until they had "hit bottom." This theory has generally been discredited as many early and middle stage alcoholics have quit drinking when faced with consequences such as the loss of a job, a divorce, or a convincing warning from a physician regarding the potentially fatal consequences of continued drinking.
There are obvious advantages to getting the alcoholic into treatment earlier rather than later. One advantage is that, the earlier treatment is begun, the probability of having less expensive treatment, such as outpatient care, is increased. There is also a greater likelihood of success in treatment with an individual who has not yet lost everything and still has a supportive environment to return to, including an intact family, good health, and a job. In addition, the employer has a stake in the early treatment of alcoholism, since the employee will have a greater chance of returning sooner to full functioning on the job if the disease is arrested at an earlier point. Early treatment is simply less disruptive to the workplace and can help the employee avoid further misconduct and poor performance. If an alcoholic employee doesn't’t get help until very late in the disease, there may have been irreparable harm done to the employee-employer relationship.
The alcoholic does not initially have to want to get help to go into treatment. Many people go into treatment because of some kind of threat such as loss of a job or possible incarceration. However, even the individual that is forced will eventually have to personally accept the need for treatment for it to be effective. The employer is a very potent force in getting the alcoholic into treatment. The threat of the loss of a job is often the push the alcoholic needs to enter treatment. This threat is usually communicated to the employee through some type of an adverse or disciplinary action and is accompanied by a referral to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) which will refer the employee to an appropriate treatment program.
There are various kinds of treatment and programs for alcoholism. Though some alcoholics do stop drinking on their own, this is rare. Most alcoholics require some type of treatment or help. The following are some common types of programs and approaches to treatment:
Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) – AA is what is called a 12-Step program and involves a spiritual component (not affiliated with any particular religion) and a supportive group of fellow alcoholics to provide a network for total abstinence from alcohol. There are AA meetings where alcoholics can gather to learn about the disease, hear talks from recovering alcoholics, and enjoy the support of fellow alcoholics who are learning, or have learned, how to stay sober. AA is not really a formal organization as it has no leaders. It is a loose confederation of groups formed by recovering alcoholics operating on common principles spelled out in the book Alcoholics Anonymous (it is also known as the "Big Book") which spells out the Twelve Steps and the principles of AA.
There are other support groups such as Rational Recovery which have a different focus than AA. Some individuals find approaches other than AA to be more useful in their treatment.
Detoxification – Detoxification, also known as "detox," is a process whereby the alcoholic undergoes a supervised withdrawal. The body can begin to recover from the toxic effects of alcohol and the patient can become sober. This is something that is best done in a medical setting where the patient can be closely monitored and have his or her medical condition evaluated. Detoxification can last anywhere from two to seven days.
Inpatient treatment – This consists of a formal, residential program which may include detox at the beginning. Typically an inpatient program would include education about the disease; medical treatment for related medical conditions and nutritional stabilization; counseling, including individual and group therapy sessions; an introduction to a 12-Step program; and monitoring of the patient including drug and/or alcohol testing to ensure compliance with the program. Inpatient programs last anywhere from one to six weeks, typically 3-4 weeks. Some are connected with hospitals while others are not. There are some programs called "day treatment" in which patients spend the entire day at the treatment center but go home at night or on weekends. Inpatient treatment is very expensive and can easily cost $5,000 to $10,000.
Outpatient treatment – This consists of counseling and treatment on a daily or weekly basis in an office or clinic setting. Outpatient treatment is often a follow-up to an inpatient or detox program. In some cases, the severity of the addiction is such that inpatient care is not needed, and the client undergoes only outpatient treatment. It may include education about the disease, individual or group therapy, or follow-up counseling. Outpatient treatment is not as expensive as inpatient treatment and may last anywhere from one month to a year.
Quite often, treatment will consist of a combination of all of the above, depending on such factors as the severity of the problem, the individual’s insurance coverage, whether detox is needed, and the availability of programs. The cost of treatment is the employee’s responsibility. All Federal Employee Health Benefit Plans have some kind of coverage; however, that coverage is limited. The EAP counselor and the employee benefits representative will have information on health benefits coverage. Employees should direct any questions to one of these resources.
Post Treatment
After the initial treatment program, the employee may be in follow-up counseling and treatment for an extended period of time, possibly up to a year. This will most likely consist of outpatient counseling, AA meetings, and follow-up sessions with the EAP counselor. It can be very beneficial for the EAP counselor to schedule a back-to-work conference with the employee, the supervisor, and other interested parties such as an employee relations specialist or a counselor from the treatment program. The purpose of this meeting is to discuss the employee’s treatment, the expectations in terms of the employee’s performance and conduct, scheduling concerns in terms of follow-up counseling and AA meetings, and to help get the employee back into the regular work routine.
Relapse
An important and frustrating facet of treating alcoholism is relapse or a return to drinking. An alcoholic often relapses due to a variety of factors including: inadequate treatment or follow-up, cravings for alcohol that are difficult to control, failure by the alcoholic to follow treatment instructions, failure to change lifestyle, use of other mood altering drugs, and other untreated mental or physical illnesses. Relapses are not always a return to constant drinking and may only be a one time occurrence. However, relapses must be dealt with and seen as a sign to the alcoholic that there are areas of his or her treatment and recovery that need work. Relapse prevention is an area in the treatment field that is receiving increased attention and research. A basic part of any effective treatment program will include relapse prevention activities. Good coordination between the EAP counselor and the treatment program can help the employee deal with and prevent relapse.
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[] |
[
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[
"Skyler Caruso",
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2023-06-22T17:43:21.932000-04:00
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Here's everything to know about the Zendaya-led tennis film Challengers, including who's in the cast and when it premieres.
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en
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/favicon.ico
|
Peoplemag
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https://people.com/challengers-movie-everything-to-know-7552298
|
Between spider web-slinging and tennis racket swinging, is there anything Zendaya can't do?
The Spider-Man: No Way Home star is stepping into another action-packed role but this time, she's putting her athletic abilities to the test in the tennis-focused Challengers movie.
First announced in February 2022, the Zendaya-led film follows a pro tennis player named Tashi who finds herself entangled in a love triangle with her current husband and former boyfriend. Meanwhile, her past and present lovers have a history — and rivalry — on the court.
While many plot details are being kept under wraps, the official Challengers synopsis suggests that the romantic sports comedy film won't be short of competition, drama and love. Zendaya put in the work for it, too, training hard with a professional tennis coach.
The Emmy winning actress also reunited with Amy Pascal, who worked on Spider-Man: No Way Home, on the film, who served as a producer alongside executive producers Bernard Bellew and Kevin Ulrich.
Here's everything to know about the tennis film Challengers.
What is Challengers about?
Challengers is billed as a romantic sports comedy film that explores an intense love triangle entangling a professional tennis player and former tennis rivals. Competition — and drama — ensue both on and off the court as their past and present collide.
According to the official film synopsis, Challengers follows “three players who knew each other when they were teenagers as they compete in a tennis tournament to be the world-famous grand slam winner and reignite old rivalries on and off the court.”
Tashi Duncan (Zendaya) is the player at the center of it all, a former tennis prodigy turned coach who is an unapologetic force of nature in the sport and at the game of love. She's married to a champion on a losing streak, who must compete against a washed-up player who also happens to be his former best friend and Tashi's ex-boyfriend.
Who's in the Challengers cast?
In addition to Zendaya as Tashi Duncan, Mike Faist and Josh O’Connor round out Challengers' lead cast. Faist plays Art, Tashi's husband and fellow tennis player. O'Connor plays Patrick, Tashi's former love interest and Art's former rival on the court.
Mike Faist is an American actor best known for his portrayal of Connor Murphy in the Broadway musical Dear Evan Hansen. His credits span television, film and theater. Recently, he played the leader of the Jets in Steven Spielberg’s 2021 remake of West Side Story.
O'Connor is a British actor best known for his portrayal of Prince Charles in The Crown on Netflix. Prior, he was regarded for his role in Francis Lee's drama film God's Own Country. He's received several awards including a Primetime Emmy Award and a Golden Globe Award.
Who directed Challengers?
Challengers is directed by Luca Guadagnino. He is best known for helming 2017's Call Me by Your Name starring Timothée Chalamet. The coming-of-age drama received four nominations at the Academy Awards, winning in the Best Adapted Screenplay category.
In October 2022, Guadagnino opened up about Zendaya's ability to adapt as an actress, specifically raving about her learned tennis skills for the role in Challengers. “She’s wonderful,” Guadagnino told Variety at the 2022 Academy Museum Gala.
“I mean, wow. We edited the movie and we almost actually don’t use any of her double. She’s so good," he continued. “They spent like three months working very hard,” Guadagnino said of his leads in the film. “Everybody – technically, athletically.”
Challengers aside, Guadagnino's latest project, Bones and All, saw his return with Chalamet. The actor, along with Taylor Russell, starred in a cannibal love story that premiered in November 2022. The film was based on the Camille DeAngelis novel of the same name.
Chalamet, who starred opposite Zendaya in Dune, also raved about his former costar's performance in Challengers. Without wanting to reveal too much, he told Variety that he "loved it." He also opened up about the connection he has not only working alongside Zendaya but Guadagnino as well.
"She's really become a sister. I’m so grateful to count her as a partner and a sister and a friend," he said of Zendaya. “And also to share stories about how amazing it is to work with Luca, because we worked with him back to back on wildly different projects.”
Is Challengers based on a true story?
Guadagnino's "first comedy," Challengers is not based on a true story. He described the fictional tennis telling as "beautiful complex" when speaking with IndieWire at the Provincetown Film Festival in October 2022. He also called it “a fairly fizzy, sexy movie about the world of tennis.”
“I think those three characters in that movie are beautifully complex and really f—d up people that I love very much," Guadagnino told the outlet. "And a sports film, why not? It’s hyperkinetic, and I do films, so it’s great.”
But while Challengers isn't based on a true story, the athleticism in the film is very much real. Guadagnino told Variety that Zendaya trained for three months with pro tennis coach and former player Brad Gilbert (who also served as a consultant on the film.)
Is there a Challengers trailer?
The first official trailer for Challengers was released on June 20, 2023. The clip gave viewers a highly-anticipated look at Zendaya in the romantic sports comedy film.
A second trailer was released in February 2024. Zendaya's boyfriend, Tom Holland, showed his support for his girlfriend by posting a clip in his Instagram Story and tagging her along with a cute caption.
"You ain't ready for this one!" he wrote.
When did Challengers film?
Challengers was first announced in February 2022, began filming that May and wrapped in June 2023. Production primarily took place in Boston.
When does Challengers premiere?
Challengers hits theaters on April 26, 2024.
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https://www.vox.com/culture/2019/3/22/18275141/us-spoilers-twist-ending-explained-jordan-peele-lupita-nyongo
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en
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Jordan Peele’s Us — and its ending — explained. Sort of.
|
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"Emily St. James"
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2019-03-22T00:00:00
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The new movie’s conclusion is one elastic metaphor after another. That’s what makes it frustrating. And brilliant.
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en
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Vox
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https://www.vox.com/culture/2019/3/22/18275141/us-spoilers-twist-ending-explained-jordan-peele-lupita-nyongo
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Guess what? Spoilers follow!
First things first: I’m going to give this article a headline that’s something like, “Us’s ending, explained” or “Us’s ending, dissected,” and I should tell you upfront that I’m not going to explain Us’s ending. I can’t.
Jordan Peele’s second film has an ending that dares you to bring what you think to it. Where the ending of his first film, Get Out (for which he won an Oscar for Best Original Screenplay), was a series of puzzle pieces snapping into place, Us ends in a way that causes the film’s structure to sprawl endlessly. It’s five different puzzles mixed up in the same box, and you only have about 75 percent of the pieces for any of them at best.
But I found that approach incredibly engaging. The audience leaving my screening the other night seemed sharply divided on the film — and its last-minute twist — but I plunged deeper and deeper into it because of that messy, glorious ending.
So let’s talk first about what happens in that ending and how we could read that ending, and then try to find a way to synthesize all of these ideas.
What happens at the end of Us
Us breaks evenly into a classic three-act structure. The first act is all unsettling setup — first with a flashback to our protagonist, Adelaide (Lupita Nyong’o), as a young girl, meeting an eerie mirror version of herself, then to the first few days of a family vacation that she takes with her husband (Winston Duke) and kids as an adult. The second act follows Adelaide’s and her family’s actions after being menaced by horrifying double versions of themselves — played by the same actors — over the course of one long, gory night.
The second act — roughly the middle hour of the 116-minute film — is pretty much perfect, the kind of expertly pitched horror comedy we see far too rarely. And all along the way, Peele is seeding in exposition, like when we learn that Adelaide and her family aren’t the only ones being menaced by their doubles (who are called “Tethers” in the film, because they’re tethered to their mirror images), and the film cuts away to the vicious murder of two of their friends (Tim Heidecker and Elisabeth Moss) by the friends’ doubles.
Some of this exposition is stated outright, as when Adelaide’s double, Red, explains exactly who she is and who her compatriots are. Other exposition is mostly implied. (Pay close attention, for instance, to whom the Tethers kill and whom they just maim.) And still other stuff is probably just me reading my own opinions into the movie.
Anyway, the third act begins when the family finally makes it to daylight, having killed two of their doubles, with a third double falling right at the top of Act 3. The only Tether left is Red, who absconds with Adelaide’s son, Jason (Evan Alex), and races with him down into a gigantic complex of tunnels that exists beneath the Santa Cruz, California, boardwalk and — it’s implied — the entire country.
The tunnels have the feel of an abandoned military facility more than anything else, and they’re filled with rabbits, which have been set free from cages. (The bunnies are the only food the Tethers get.) This vague military feel tracks with something Red tells Adelaide when the two finally face off in what seems to be a classroom. The Tethers were created by a nebulous “them” to control their other selves.
But the experiment was abandoned for unexplained reasons, leaving the Tethers belowground, mimicking our every movement up here, and living lives where they have no free will, lives entirely dictated by our choices. (The long expository monologue where Red basically explains all of this is the movie’s weakest section and kills its momentum. This was also true of the long expository monologue in Get Out!)
The status quo held until Red and Adelaide met as young girls, and the two begin a fight that’s almost a dance but still recognizably a fight. (Peele intercuts this with footage of the teenage Adelaide — a great ballerina — dancing beautifully as Red replicates her actions in a weirdly grotesque mirror belowground.) Finally, Adelaide overcomes Red and kills her. She finds Jason and exits the tunnels.
But aboveground, the many Tethers have joined hands together in a mirror of Hands Across America, the 1986 event meant to raise money and awareness of hunger, which stretched a 6.5 million-person chain (almost all the way) across the Lower 48. The presence of this massive chain of Tethers should hopefully clue in viewers to the film’s final twist. An ad for Hands Across America is one of the last things little Adelaide sees before she goes to the Santa Cruz boardwalk with her parents — which is where she meets Red and (the final scene reveals) is forced to take Red’s place in the Tether world while Red comes up to ours.
The movie never makes clear whether this is long-buried trauma that Adelaide is resurfacing as she and her family ride off into the new, post-apocalyptic landscape of a world where seemingly millions have been murdered by their doubles and a chain of those doubles stands athwart the continent, or whether it’s something she’s pointedly avoided referencing throughout the film. You can make an argument for either.
The movie leaves you with the twist: Adelaide was Red, and Red was Adelaide, and they switched places as young girls. Jason, somehow, seems to realize this in his mother’s eyes, and he looks worried as the scene cuts to the camera tilting over the hills surrounding Santa Cruz — where a long chain of Tethers stretches, presumably from sea to shining sea.
What’s it all mean?
There is no single meaning to the conclusion of Us, and the beauty of it is how elastic its metaphor is
One of the reasons Get Out took off so readily with online theorists was that every single piece of it was crafted to add up to the film’s central revelation about elderly white people literally possessing the bodies of young black people. It was a potent commentary on racial relations, yes, but Peele seeded hints about the big twist into the plot as well. He had clearly thought through every little detail of the movie’s world.
You can’t really say the same for Us. Every time you think you’ve got the movie pinned down to say, “It’s about this!” it slips away from you. Its central metaphor of meeting a literal evil twin of yourself certainly can be read as a commentary on race, but it’s also a pretty brilliant commentary on class, on capitalism, on gender, and on the lasting effects of trauma or mental illness. You can probably add your own possibilities to this list.
All of these concepts keep informing one another. If you want to read what happens to Red and Adelaide as a commentary on how differently traumatic incidents weigh on children of means versus children who grow up with little money, doing so can support both an interpretation of the film as being about mental illness and one where it’s about class.
What’s more, Us doesn’t seem to want to be read as social commentary in the same way Get Out was. That middle hour is so fun precisely because it never really bothers to stop and make you think about the movie’s deeper themes. It’s too busy killing off Tethers by chewing them up in a boat’s motor.
Now, granted, my experience of Us was pretty different from a lot of folks’ experiences (at least from the people I’ve talked to), because I guessed from the first flashback sequence that Red and Adelaide had switched places as kids. I assumed the movie wanted me to figure this out, because it was essentially the only way the movie’s larger plot — the idea that everybody has a Tether, and not just this specific family — could make any sense. Something had to have caused this breach in reality, and the connection between Adelaide and Red seemed the most likely culprit.
Yet it’s honestly remarkable that the movie works as well as it does when you figure out its big twist early on, because Peele does a terrific job of teasing you in ways that make you think maybe you didn’t figure it out, or that the twist is something else entirely. (Get Out, after all, didn’t really have “a twist” in the way this movie does, only a reveal that happens before the ending.)
Still, set the twist aside, and let’s take Red at her word when it comes to the origin of the Tethers. Some strange experiment produced them, and now they’re a kind of national id, a barely checked shadow self that every American has. (At one point, when asked who she and her family are, Red croaks, “We’re Americans,” which ... fair.)
The natural pushback to this is — it’s preposterous. By giving so much information but still so little, Peele creates a situation where it feels like he’s going to answer all our questions and then just doesn’t. (Credit where it’s due: I love how accurately the whole third act replicates the experience of falling down a particularly disturbing Wikipedia hole at 3 am, right down to somehow finding yourself reading about Hands Across America.)
And yet ... is the twist that preposterous? I don’t literally have a shadow self, but there’s some other person out there in the country right now who could have had my life and career but, instead, has some less comfortable one because he grew up with parents who didn’t have enough money to send him to college, or because he grew up some race other than white, or because he was born a girl, or ... fill in the blank.
Taking Red at her word means believing in an idea that seems self-evidently kooky, but it’s also an idea that drives much of modern society. Capitalism demands that we cling desperately to what we’ve got, and the fear that some dark underbelly might come and rob us of what little we have is always present.
Yet the very idea of society means we’re all tethered together somehow, and the actions of those of us with power and money often make those without either jerk about on puppet strings, even if we never know how what we do affects our doppelgängers.
And all the while, “they” — whoever “they” are — get richer and richer and more powerful.
Thoughts on a universal read of the ending of Us (with apologies to Stanley Kubrick)
But Us isn’t really “about” capitalism, unless you (like me) want to read that into it. The movie’s metaphor is so elastic that you could easily mount a read of the film that says it’s about climate change or the 2016 election or zombies. (In the scenes set in the underground complex especially, Peele plays off the familiar images of zombie films, like legions of people shuffling about, shadows of some life they should otherwise be living.) And I also want to be clear that if you just want to watch Us as a super-fun horror comedy, it is absolutely possible, and you should do that.
But I think you can get to a kind of universal understanding of Us, one that drills down into what the film is about at its core while still leaving room for the elasticity that allows you to read as much or as little into its central metaphor as you’d like. To get there, we have to look at the hall of mirrors that first brings Adelaide and Red together as kids.
In 1986, the hall of mirrors features a stereotypical painting of an American Indian that sits atop its entrance. The art is offensive in the way all thoughtlessness is. Nobody cared who might be hurt by this painting; they just went ahead and painted it. Peele isn’t digging into one of America’s original sins here in the way he alluded to slavery in Get Out, but the evocation of a terrible genocide is at least there.
In 2019, the hall of mirrors has now, clumsily, been converted into one for Merlin the wizard. The inside is the same. Most of the outside is the same. But the painting of the Indian has been replaced — not particularly convincingly — with a painting of Merlin that’s seemingly just been mounted over the old American Indian one. It’s a really good joke, honestly; it’s a spin on how willing modern America is to gloss over the horrors in its past in the name of simply coming up with some other story entirely.
It’s also key to the movie’s more universal read. The hall of mirrors was constructed in the first place as a distillation of tropes around a racially charged stereotype. Just because it’s now ostensibly about Merlin doesn’t mean that it’s no longer built around those darker ideas. You can’t simply scrub away the darker past by putting a more palatable face on it.
America (okay, this is, like, 99.9999 percent on white America) likes to pretend it’s a country without a grim history, that its self-proclaimed exceptionalism makes it free from anything too dark. But, of course, that’s not true. The hall of mirrors was constructed with an American Indian atop it because whoever built it could be reasonably certain no one would care if it was offensive. Those who might care are mostly sequestered on reservations or died generations ago. And you, if you’re an American, live on the land you live on because they died.
(Sidebar: This could also be a really elaborate riff on Peele’s part on The Shining, another horror movie that is occasionally read by some of its hardcore fans through the lens of America’s general inability to deal with the genocide lurking in its root system. Peele has been dressing like The Shining’s Jack Torrance on the press tour...)
Now consider Hands Across America. The movement did raise some money for hunger — around $34 million — but much of that was eaten up by operational fees, leaving $15 million to be donated to the actual cause. That isn’t chump change, but it’s a drop in the bucket of the problem of actually trying to fight hunger. Is there anything more American than thinking you’ve solved a problem by creating a gigantic spectacle that accomplishes less than you’d think? Again — something dark is covered up by something glossy, and we celebrate the glossy surface.
Us put me in mind of a book I read recently. In The City in the Middle of the Night, the new novel by science fiction author Charlie Jane Anders, the protagonist, Sophie, meets members of an alien species whose telepathic links mean that they are essentially forced to remember everything that has ever happened, stretching back into their distant past. Even when one member of the species dies, that member’s memories are carried forward by those who knew them, and those memories become part of the collective consciousness.
Anders not only shows just how hard this could be for those who don’t quite feel at home in the collective (those who are dealing with huge emotions that they need to understand privately, say), but she also keenly contrasts this species’ long memory with humanity’s short one. Sophie carries the burdens of decisions made millennia before she was born, back on the massive spaceship that brought her ancestors from Earth to this new planet. Those ancestors were shaped by the decisions that you and I are making right now, even as we’re shaped by decisions made hundreds of years ago, and so on. And many of those decisions are now half-remembered dreams.
It is hard to really deal with this, maybe all but impossible. To really sit and think about all of the ways that you are a product of human history, floating through the immense sweep of time and space, rather than someone who can take control of their life and make a difference, is so dispiriting. So we try to gloss over all of that. We put up paintings of Merlin where once paintings of an Indian stood, and we smile and say, “That’s better.” But the painting is still there, underneath the surface. If the aliens Sophie meets in Anders’s novel are doomed to remember, then we, perhaps, are doomed to forget, to pretend that we are more powerful than we are, simply because we’re alive.
This, I think, is why both Anders’s novel and Us spoke so profoundly to me. To try to escape the past is to try to escape yourself. But to try to escape the past is also deeply, deeply human, because to make any progress, we have to find a way to excuse, forgive, or ignore our own faults, to lock them up in a subterranean basement and hope we don’t remain tethered to them forever. But what a fool’s errand that is.
And this reading of the film’s ending, that it was always about the perils of trying to ignore inconvenient truths when they’re looking right back at you in the mirror, is one that unites every other possible reading of the film, too. Race, gender, class, trauma — they’re all covered by the idea that you can have a great life and be a good person but still unknowingly be causing so much suffering.
All of which is to say, when Jason looks at Adelaide late in this movie, seeing, for the first time, his mother’s true self, he’s not realizing that she’s Red, or that she’s Adelaide, or anything like that. He’s realizing that she is, and always has been, both.
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https://www.theguardian.com/film/2024/jan/24/bound-gagged-poor-things-feminist-masterpiece-male-sex-fantasy-oscar-emma-stone-ruffalo
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en
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‘She’s bound and gagged for laughs’: is Poor Things a feminist masterpiece – or an offensive male sex fantasy?
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"Guardian Staff"
] |
2024-01-24T00:00:00
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The Oscar contender about a sex-crazed young woman with an infant’s brain is dramatically dividing cinema-goers. We asked cultural commentators for their verdicts. <em>Warning: contains spoilers</em>
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en
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/film/2024/jan/24/bound-gagged-poor-things-feminist-masterpiece-male-sex-fantasy-oscar-emma-stone-ruffalo
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‘A middle-aged straight man’s fantasy about nymphomania’
Samira Ahmed, presenter of Front Row on BBC Radio 4 and trustee of the Centre for Women’s Justice
I wanted to enjoy Poor Things. Emma Stone is a terrific actor, Mark Ruffalo a genuine good guy activist playing a cad. Hilarious! But Bella, Stone’s character, has an infant’s brain – and the consent issue for a woman with learning difficulties is a blazing red flag. She embarks on a “voyage of self-discovery” which leads, quickly, to an insatiable desire for sex with as many men as possible, one of the oldest abuser myths. In the 1970s, pornographers jumped on the women’s liberation movement, claiming sexual liberation was essentially never saying no.
As a work of fiction, Poor Things can explore anything it likes, but it is not feminist. Just because a woman chooses to do something, does not make the act feminist. Feminists challenge the patriarchal system in which women’s choices exist. Prostitution has always been romanticised by men in fiction, but it remains overwhelmingly the male exploitation of poor female bodies. Men – always much older and sometimes with visual deformities (raising questions about the degrading treatment of people with disabilities) – use Bella’s body without any attempt at foreplay. She is bound and gagged in a scene played for laughs.
A man forces his young sons to watch him have sex with Bella. I know this scene was shortened, thanks to the BBFC’s suggestion that it contravened the 1978 Protection of Children Act, but lord, it still seems to go on for ever.
The acclaimed French film-maker Céline Sciamma, who made the genuinely erotic drama Portrait of a Lady on Fire, once told me about the battle for female actors, writers and directors to be treated with respect by European cinema’s enduringly sexist male establishment. The feting of Poor Things – a heterosexual middle-aged man’s fantasy about nymphomania, with the flimsiest covering of “satire” and a tagged-on message about female genital mutilation being “bad” – merely confirms that feminism still has a long way to go.
‘It is not promoting paedophilia’
Charlotte Higgins, Guardian chief culture writer
To ask the question “Is Poor Things a feminist movie?” strikes me as a category error. No, I do not think that I will be basing my feminist manifesto on this film any time soon. I might as well think of Medea, the magnificent character of Greek myth who kills her own children, as charting a practical path to power. Poor Things – an adaptation of the late Alasdair Gray’s 1992 novel, itself a version of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein – is a fable.
It is not a handbook advocating the transplanting of a newborn’s brain into the head of a recently deceased adult woman, nor is it promoting (as some have suggested) paedophilia. Its relationship with realism is pretty heavily signalled from the off – as in, a distant one. You have never seen a person like Bella Baxter. You have also never seen a living creature composed of half a goose and half a dog.
Like the story of Medea, though, it brings something rich that is nothing to do with its surface mechanics. In Bella, the film offers a vision of a sexually free woman who fearlessly, without guilt, without negative consequences, quenches her appetites, utterly unconscious of Judaeo-Christian or patriarchal shame. Not a real-world picture, but a thrilling one, albeit one that might be found threatening in some quarters.
The phrase “male gaze” has been attached to the film, owing to the triumvirate of Gray, screenwriter Tony McNamara and director Yorgos Lanthimos. However, unless informed to the contrary, I regard Stone as an artist and a person in her own right, who has chosen to embody Bella in delicious ways of her own devising. That character, by the way, is not just a bodily person but a thinking one (a particularly enjoyable scene involves her, a book, and an older woman played by screen legend Hanna Schygulla). Is Poor Things feminist? The story is too wild and capricious to be captured by such a word, and is all the more magnificent for it.
‘The men are like discarded condoms’
David Thomson, film critic
There’s a point in Poor Things where Bella wonders why people don’t do this thing all the time – she means sexual action, the hectic activity that has overtaken this bride of Frankenstein. I was thinking the same way, though I was as thrilled by the passion of the film-making and the glee it was producing in the audience. I am thinking of how the movie so conflates production design with the ways lenses can enlarge and compress space. I hadn’t felt such a compulsion since Citizen Kane, in which the black-and-white imagery pulsated with megalomania and its shame. Poor Things was breathing and that’s how one feels Bella’s arousal and her coming into life.
The discovery of sex and the discovery of film. Some of us find it hard to escape the gene-splicing in that marriage. I was reminded of Barbarella, another sci-fi comic book rite in which the chronic voyeur Roger Vadim whispered to us: “Can you imagine having Jane Fonda?” Even in 1968, that modestly funny film was smarmy with male-gaze superiority. And I wondered, as I was surfing on Poor Things, whether there would be fresh objections to a display put on by and for men. But I set that aside because of the exuberant commitment Stone brings, not just on screen but in her talking about the picture.
This is a film about female pleasure in which the men are like discarded condoms, relics of archaic transactions, more intent on power than pleasure. That’s what seems so modern in Poor Things. It is interested in nothing so much as animal energy and its release. It says: “Can’t you see, we the people may have to become no more or less than animated sensation machines? Isn’t that where we have been headed all along? Why do anything else?”
Cinema has bred in us the intense narrowness of special effects. In that energy we may shrug off so many isms – even feminism and humanism itself. Why are these things poor? I think it’s because we begin to see that we are no more than on or off. This may be a lesser destiny than being Anna Karenina but Bella Baxter wants to be on, and we understand how film is getting her there. This is a movie for a world getting ready to end. Our last isms will be paroxysms.
‘Desire, will, interest, passion – expressed by constant sex’
Zoe Williams, Guardian columnist
Poor Things asks you to imagine a female sexuality that hasn’t been painstakingly formed by society and its arsenal of explicit rules, unspoken expectation, overt violence and the covert control of shame. And now imagine male sexuality with those levers taken away. Stand well back and see if they can get along.
I want to say that, even if I’d hated the politics, I still would have loved the experimental conviction of Stone’s performance, the virtuoso disintegration of Ruffalo, the pitch-perfect everyman Ramy Youssef – and who doesn’t love Willem Dafoe when he’s missing digits (English Patient klaxon!). But it’s impossible to disaggregate, just as it wouldn’t be possible to separate the meaning from the aesthetic, or its humour from its heart.
From the minute Stone discovers masturbation at the dinner table, then recommends it to a cranky maid, her wild and enchanting performance is pure Jungian libido (desire, will, interest, passion) expressed through libido the way Cosmopolitan uses it (having sex, constantly). Schematically, Willem Dafoe’s transplant surgeon is Frankenstein with a more lurid backstory. Mutilated himself, he thinks he can play God (it perhaps didn’t help that Bella calls him God), and his creation destroys him, except does it? Bella is more like a fire than a monster, though – destructive, heedless, purifying, warming, incredibly fun to watch, particularly in a mad tango with Ruffalo’s Duncan Wedderburn. Her spell in a brothel is the most honest pass at the question, “What does sex work look like stripped of internalised stigma?” I’ve seen in ages.
The film has a pretty confronting opening: the visionary professor and his biddable assistant discuss Bella as a sexual entity, a proposition essentially, while she’s non-verbal. There will be people who won’t walk through that as allegory, will see it as straight wish-fulfilment of a toxic patriarchy (adult body, tabla rasa brain, the perfect cocktail of woman) and that’s a pretty high-stakes ambiguity.
If it were a mainstream film, thinking, “Will people take this as a fable about pleasure and constraint, or as a, psychically speaking, paedophilic fantasy?”, I would run a mile. I would cut my losses and remake National Velvet. Maybe I’m taking it too seriously, but the courage of the film, as it leapt from one gender-flashpoint tightrope to another, struck me as a cultural renewal.
‘By this point, I had lost the will to live’
Viv Groskop, writer
Poor Things is an amazing piece of film-making and a visual extravaganza. Stone’s performance is a tour de force, utterly devoid of vanity and ego, and worthy of all the awards. But feminism this ain’t.
In the opening moments, we learn that Bella has been created by a mad scientist. Having acquired the corpse of a pregnant woman who has thrown herself off a bridge, Godwin Baxter, played by Dafoe, performs a caesarean and transplants the brain of the baby into the adult female. The mother “dies” and is reborn with her own baby’s brain inside her head. Godwin adopts this wobbly toddler-woman and raises her as his daughter. So far, so bonkers.
Things take a turn when baby Bella requests a cucumber at the dining table. (I know.) This kid loves her body! She has no sense of limitations or propriety! She’s wild and free! Bella learns to enjoy her body. She learns to read. And then she learns to appreciate the joys of employment in a Parisian brothel where she “asserts herself” by bravely informing the punters that they stink. Don’t worry, though, she still loves having sex with them! By this point, I had lost the will to live.
The grotesque, surreal comedy of this film is undeniable. But is it really “funny” when Bella is abducted from what is effectively her nursery by a creep who takes her to Lisbon for custard tarts and delightedly consensual “furious jumping” (as Bella calls sex)? Two seconds ago, she was supposedly a child who could barely talk or walk. We do not know the gender of the implanted infant brain. We are never told exactly what happened to her womb. Can Bella menstruate or get pregnant? Who cares? In a situation where transplants, hybrid animals and bubbles of gastric juice are portrayed in meticulous and fantastical detail, the inconveniences of the real-life body of a sexually active child-woman are too boring to explain.
The film’s message is clearly one of personal discovery and freedom from shame. Yay to that. But how can it be that, in 2024, we are supposed to believe that it’s shocking and surprising for a woman to enjoy sex? And how liberating can it be to have the brain of your own baby implanted into you and then go and work in a brothel? I despair.
‘You’re meant to grimace at the men who want her’
Tshepo Mokoena, journalist
I revelled in Poor Things, STD-test punchlines and all. This film isn’t perfect, but is a highly entertaining, dark-yet-silly take on how the patriarchy hurts and constrains both sexes. Bella made me recall the intensity with which I also sought out orgasms – just mine, rarely a partner’s – as a teenager. It all felt so new! It was! I’ve seen criticism of Poor Things boiling womanhood down to a series of frantic cowgirl sex scenes. But sexuality is a major part of what makes us develop into adults, and it’s not exactly been a social norm for women to explore sex (whether penetrative or not) for pleasure alone.
Stone is a conventionally attractive, youthful white woman, her (sometimes nude) body lapped up by the lens. Poor Things won’t beat the male-gaze allegations on that account. But is that enough to dismiss the story overall? This film can’t be everything for everyone, nor can it sum up every part of what it means to grow into a woman. Lanthimos made a choice to do the sex thing, and that’s his right as director – and Stone’s as a producer.
Although it’s uncomfortable to discuss, pleasure from our genitals is built into our bodies and sometimes explored safely and privately before puberty, without relating to intercourse or abuse. That Bella started masturbating before her age matched her body is transgressive, sure, but not a reason to discount an idea that the film presents. You’re meant to grimace at how quickly men who encounter her want to possess her and possibly take advantage of her naivety. Again, this is about the patriarchy.
Even so, the notion of sex work out of desperation as an empowering path – where the body is its own means of production, as Bella says – is a stretch (and would need the input of sex workers in the writer’s room to be truly rounded out). I tensed in my seat waiting for a scene of sexual violence, the likes of which about one in three adult women experience. Maybe Bella’s one of the lucky 70%.
‘Ultimately, she is a woman born into financial privilege’
Ione Gamble, writer
For me, to declare Poor Things feminist would not only be reductive to feminism but also to the film. Yes, Bella has loads of sex and – freed by her baby brain of the patriarchal trappings that plague so many of us – manages to not ascribe ideas of moral good or bad to “furious jumping”. Instead, she focuses only on her pleasure. While shagging her way round Europe, she escapes men who wish to control her – another win for the “Poor Things is feminist” school of thought.
But for everyone who felt empowered watching her story play out on screen, another five felt cheated out of a true depiction of the female experience. For some, the sheer amount of on-screen sex veered into a male fantasy of womanhood, directed and written by a man, and epitomising the male gaze.
Ultimately, Bella is not just a woman moving through the world, but a woman born into financial privilege. She can also arguably be read as disabled and/or neurodivergent – with much of the internet discourse swirling around the film debating if Poor Things is ableist. Divorcing her from these characteristics to push through a feminist or antifeminist argument is to not see the film – or her character – as a whole.
To paraphrase Rachel Sennott’s character in Shiva Baby, feminism is a lens to see the world through. As is class analysis, or discussion around the depiction of disability in Poor Things. The way she learns to move through the world with such freedom is inspiring, but would she be allowed the same freedoms if she wasn’t wealthy and running in upper-class circles? What would it look like to accept some of Bella’s more unconventional behaviours in all people, or does she simply represent the acceptable face of difference?
All of these debates and lenses certainly fall under the umbrella of social politics, but these are questions I was left with after watching the film, not answers that I found tied in neat little bows. Poor Things is not a feminist film – but feminism itself is not an adjective we can neatly assign to media that mirrors our moral values. I would rather watch a messy, complicated narrative that makes us think about our own world, than be spoon-fed a perfectly formed feminist fable.
‘It’s like a Campari ad directed by Willy Wonka’
Bidisha Mamata, broadcaster and presenter
Bloated wank fantasy or simple-hearted bildungsroman? Poor Things is both. The plot is this: Frankenstein creates a manic pixie baby dream girl who’s also a socialist PhD hooker who’s also a thoroughly modern Millie and striking fashion plate who makes no emotional demands and is also a really intelligent nymphomaniac without a jealous bone in her body. With her fresh mind, literal interpretation of events and gorgeous looks, she’s just so bewitchingly bold and artlessly instinctual and unspoilt that she drives men mad with lust and love and longing. But those men just want to control her.
Bella’s “adventures” are 98% penetrative heterosexual sex and 2% conversation. I was particularly grateful for her foray into brothel life, because men who write stories can’t imagine any job for women except prostitution, and then they turn themselves inside out spaffing off about how it’s all just so philosophically interesting, and add insult to injury by putting these masturbatory, self-justifying thoughts into the mouths of fictional women. But what would I know? Just like Bella at the start of the film, I’m just a braindead fuckwit, and I don’t have Bella’s unique combination of intense carnality and virginal beauty to make up for it.
Not that it doesn’t look great, like Willy Wonka directing a Campari ad. Know what we also see a lot of? Stone’s nipples, pubic hair, supine body and unaware, sleeping face. Lanthimos has depressing form in this regard – remember the long, leering, breasty shot of a teenage girl swimming backstroke in The Lobster, and the full-body underwear shot of a teenage girl displaying herself to the boy she wants to impress in The Killing of a Sacred Deer. His camera just eats up all that nubile female flesh.
Poor Things also had a screenplay by McNamara, photography by Robbie Ryan, is based on the novel by Gray, and is executive produced by Daniel Battsek and Ollie Madden. So let me say to all these guys: thank you for explaining.
‘Lisbon is shown to be beautiful, while Alexandria’s a cesspit’
Jason Okundaye, writer
I think the film is quite successful in depicting the different methods men use to attempt to constrain and control women. The central men in Poor Things are very different from each other, yet their attempted control of Bella unites them – whether it’s the father-like Godwin who attempts to imprison Bella to keep her “safe” from the outside world, or the perverse, misogynistic Duncan who throws Bella’s books into the ocean as she gains intellectual consciousness, wishing her to be only his compliant, docile sex doll. Her determination to pursue her desires – masturbate, reject polite society, read – overwhelms and destroys any attempts to restrict her.
That said, the film is not faultless. While Lisbon is depicted for its beauty, Alexandria is presented as a cesspit of poverty, a conduit through which Bella can muse on the “poor things” of Egypt and make vain attempts to improve their lives. Those poor people she witnesses are also described as people who would rape and murder those on the cruise ship if they had the chance, a message surely intended to muse on the cruel opportunism of humanity but instead presenting these people as barbarians.
Equally, while Bella’s resistance to patriarchy and those who attempt to confine her is ultimately triumphant, the depiction of sex work is altogether too casual. I’ve read some comments that claim the male gaze has been subverted in Poor Things as full frontal nudity shots of men are also shown, but the scenes of Bella having sex with a series of disgusting clients seem to serve little purpose beyond gratifying the curiosity of what such encounters may look like.
Certainly, Bella finds liberation through her sexuality: she and her fellow prostitutes refer to sex work as turning their own bodies into a means of production – but prostitution, in the circumstances Bella finds herself in, is surely more about survival and labour than empowerment.
‘Why can’t Bella use her body as she wishes?’
Imogen Tilden, Guardian writer
No need to reference its male author, director and predominantly male production team, this is a film in which the heroine is literally created – stitched together and reanimated – by a man. And yes, Bella’s mature body and child mind is the very template of male fantasy, likewise her straightforward delight in and appetite for sex.
But if the fish-eye lens, the lurch from black and white to oversaturated colour, and the sheer artificiality of every set, costume and prop don’t signal that this is a movie to take with a pinch of salt, then surely the bonkers science does? I loved Lanthimos’s film and found it subversive and exhilarating.
For Bella, masturbation does come not freighted with the guilt and self-disgust embedded in a culture that teaches girls that their bodies or sexual pleasure are shameful. Bella enjoys sex. She is confident and comfortable asking for it and articulating what she needs. The lawyer played by Ruffalo seeks to exploit her but ends up enervated and emasculated. He can neither control nor satisfy her, no more than Godwin was able to contain her.
The happy hooker trope? Bella is not presented as unhappy and given that, for her, sex is a purely physical act, why not accommodate her own reasoning? For, in this fantasy version of a brothel in Toulouse-Lautrec-meets-Moulin Rouge-meets-Tank Girl Paris, it is her simplest way to earn money and thus independence. Why can’t she use her body as she wishes? This is a woman of instinct, but also intellect. Is she exploiting the men? Perhaps … her clients all appear fools or dolts. The most tender moment in this section of the film features her in bed with fellow sex worker, Toinette.
As Bella grows into mental maturity, it is her mind, not her body, she wants to use. The story ends with our heroine not happily married, nor happily jumping, but fully clothed and heading for medical school, the abusive bullying husband of her former life punished with a goat’s brain. As feminist fantasies go, that seems a good one to me.
‘Its pseudo-feminism reminded me of Barbie’
Shaad D’Souza, writer
Poor Things gave me a sense of deja vu: didn’t this film already bludgeon me with its pseudo-feminist credentials over the summer? No, I was just thinking of Greta Gerwig’s Barbie, which featured a similar plot, an overwhelming reliance on fish-out-of-water humour, and a similar propensity for didactic, simplistic morality. In both films, a woman created by men goes on a quest for self-determination and meaning, realises she hates the horrors of the “real” world, and decides to settle for a sense of slightly enlightened equilibrium back in her cloistered old world. In both films, I found it astounding that the surface-level allusions to feminist ideals were greeted with such outsized praise.
Poor Things reminded me of the Tumblr-level gender politics of my high school years, which dictated that a woman’s power is inherently linked to her anatomy and fucking as much as you can is a source of uncomplicated liberation. There’s nothing particularly wrong with those ideas, but Poor Things makes no effort at all to complicate or question them: “furious jumping” becomes Bella’s raison d’etre and, for a period, her vocation. But it’s only ever a backdrop to her studies of philosophy and socialism, rather than something that interacts with them directly.
Some of my favourite films are women’s stories by men. But Poor Things struck me as self-congratulatory and fake deep, obsessed with its own radical approach to a female coming-of-age story. It feels like Barbie for people who thought they were a little too smart for Barbie, but still want their discussions of gender politics served up to them in neat little inspirational speeches. At least Barbie could, theoretically, provide a child with some basic level of feminist literacy. Poor Things, I fear, only serves to reaffirm the values of smug adults.
‘Excellent clothes, especially the huge empowering sleeves’
Jess Cartner-Morley, Guardian fashion editor
Oh come on guys, lighten up. It would be a bit bleak to dismiss the notion of a woman enjoying sex as an unrealistic male fantasy. Not just bleak, but also unfair to young women, who surely should be going into the experience believing that sex is something they should expect to enjoy. A healthy conversation about consent starts from a baseline that if anyone isn’t having fun, that is a problem.
The clothes in Poor Things say a lot about where the film is coming from. In the brothel scenes, Bella and the other girls wear underwear in pale blue, lemon yellow, rose pink. No black stockings, no red lace – no male-gaze filter. It speaks to the film’s joyous, free, girl-centred attitude to sex. When Bella discovers sex she doesn’t transform into a pouting coquette. Instead, she carries on being her gawky, hilarious, mischievous self, just with lots of enthusiastic shagging. Marvellous.
There is a lot of naked Stone in the film, but there are also excellent clothes – especially the huge leg o’mutton sleeves. Holly Waddington, the costume designer, said the sleeves were supposed to be “very empowering. Whenever sleeves have been big for women – the Elizabethan period, the 1940s, the 1980s – women have generally been in a good place.”
The rude bits are unsettling at times, for sure. There are moments when the emphasis on Bella’s childish inexperience feels like an uneasy bedfellow, for want of a better metaphor, with her sexual appetite. Those pastel colours are the colours of Alice in Wonderland. Bella’s wide-eyed forthright manner is very Alice, at times, in fact – and Alice is a child, after all. So, that’s a bit odd. But what makes it work is that Bella’s enthusiasm is for her own physical pleasure.
‘Bella is as eager to punch annoying babies as do sex work’
Leslie Felperin, film critic
This film is many things to many people. For some, it’s a female-centric bildungsroman, with black comedy notes, and lashings of tasteful but very hot arthouse sex. It sometimes seems to me that challenging stories about women, especially ones as opaque, teasing and gloriously sex-positive as Poor Things, get labelled feminist as a get-out-of-accusations-of-sexism free card. I’m not sure that’s the most useful way to see the film, given Bella’s story is not so much about a young woman doing combat with patriarchy so much as just blithely ignoring it from the start as she plunges off on adventures.
Because her mental development is out of sync with her physical presentation, Bella is unburdened by any of the inhibitions women of her time would usually be tethered by, limiting their interests and ambitions. Instead, Bella is as eager to try pasteis de nata and oysters, punching annoying babies, sex work and medical training all in roughly equal measure.
An old-school feminist might take issue with the fact that novelist Gray, screenwriter McNamara and director Lanthimos have created a character who is more a living sex doll than matryoshka, albeit one who is hyper-articulate in the film’s later stages and likes to read philosophy books. Yet, thanks perhaps above all to Stone’s craftsmanship, Bella is achingly brought to life. She takes the raw materials handed to her by the book, the script, Lanthimos’s direction, the wondrous taffeta-and-shot silk costumes and the support of her fellow actors, and – via the uncanny alchemy of performance – creates a whole new creature.
Bella’s point of view is the lodestar of the film. That singularity of focus, the way this whole marvellous world is refracted through one singular woman’s consciousness, is what makes this film extraordinary and near immaculate.
‘I felt a growing unease’
Ann Lee, Guardian writer
There’s much to enjoy in this exuberant and surreal take on Frankenstein. Stone’s ferocious performance for starters, which has deservedly earned her an Oscar nomination. Then there’s the off-kilter visuals, the fantastically gothic depiction of a steampunk Victorian England, and the exquisite costumes.
I revelled in all of these until the sequence where Bella becomes a sex worker in Paris after being ditched, penniless and alone, by Ruffalo as her controlling suitor. In her mind – the mind of a child – it’s a logical conclusion to her financial woes. She likes sex so obviously this is the perfect job for her. Obviously, perhaps, if you’re a man – as the director, adaptor and writer are.
As Bella takes to her new profession with gusto, even jauntily helping a father school his young sons on how to pleasure a woman, I felt a growing unease that what I was actually watching was a male fantasy of what a woman’s journey of self-discovery would be. There are so many other ways to be a sexually liberated woman in the world that don’t involve humiliation, degradation or the threat of violence. Not that Bella would know. Her time at the brothel is presented as an interesting sexual experiment involving no repercussions whatsoever. I doubt a female film-maker would have presented it in such an upbeat manner.
Crucially, in the original novel, Bella denounces everything that happens, claiming it was all the “morbid” imaginings of her “poor fool” of a husband, whose account we have initially been following. So yes, it makes sense that it comes across as a male fantasy as that’s what the author was intending, as part of his commentary on how these are projected on to women, but we don’t get to see that condemnation from Bella on screen. If you want to see a real exploration of unapologetic female sexuality, you’re better off watching The Favourite.
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0
| 23
|
https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/homelessness-statistics/state-of-homelessness/
|
en
|
State of Homelessness: 2024 Edition
|
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2022-09-27T19:00:42+00:00
|
This report provides a comprehensive analysis of homelessness and reveals rising trends, disparities based on race, ethnicity, and gender, and the challenges faced in providing shelter and assistance to those in need.
|
en
|
National Alliance to End Homelessness
|
https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/homelessness-statistics/state-of-homelessness/
|
This analysis excludes 2020-2021. Data for 2021 is a significant undercount due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Alliance includes renter households living below the national poverty level in its analysis – the National Low Income Housing Coalition’s analysis focuses on renter households making 30 percent or less of the area median income.
These numbers are from the HUD PIT count. However, the Alliance drew its analysis of why and how these reductions took place are from news outlets and independent sources.
Key Facts
The current edition of this report analyzes available data on homelessness for 2023 and over time. Key facts and data points include:
Response Systems Work Effectively. The homeless response system continues to add more temporary and permanent beds each year. It increasingly serves more people, but needs more resources to combat the nationwide affordable housing crisis.
Record-High Homeless Counts. A record-high 653,104 people experienced homelessness on a single night in January 2023. This is more than a 12.1 percent increase over the previous year.
Record High Numbers of People Living Unsheltered, Especially Among Individuals. In 2023, a record high 256,610 people, or 39.3 percent of all people experiencing homelessness, were unsheltered. More than 50 percent of individuals experiencing homelessness were unsheltered.
Severe Housing Cost Burden on the Rise. The number of renter households paying more than 50 percent of their income on rent increased dramatically, rising over 12.6 percent between 2015 to 2022. People who identify as Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, Black, Hispanic, Asian or ‘Some Other Race’ are more greatly impacted.
Backward Movement. After years of declines due to targeted assistance, the numbers of veterans and chronically homeless individuals experiencing homelessness are both rising again, with a 7 percent and 12 percent increase, respectively, since the previous year.
The Homelessness Response System is Helping More People Sleep Inside, But It Can’t Keep Up with Demand
In 2023, the homelessness response system worked diligently to reduce homelessness. Evidence of its effectiveness includes:
More People Served in Shelters. Between 2022 and 2023, there was a 14 percent increase in the number of people staying in shelters on the night of the Point-in-Time Count (PIT Count).
Permanent Housing Supply Expanded. The homelessness response system added 36,737 Permanent Support Housing (PSH), Rapid Re-Housing (RRH) and Other Permanent Housing (OPH) units between 2022 and 2023.
More People Exiting to Permanent Housing. The number of people who exited temporary housing, PSH, OPH or RRH to permanent, independent housing increased from 302,006 people in 2022 to 317,994 people in 2023. Still, too many people are entering into homelessness for the system to keep up, too many people are living in doubled up housing due to financial necessity, and exits to permanent housing have not returned to pre-pandemic numbers.
Unsheltered Homelessness Grew Slower than Sheltered Homelessness. Between 2022 and 2023, unsheltered homelessness increased by 9.7 percent but was outpaced by a 13.7 percent increase in sheltered homelessness. The number of people accessing services is increasing faster than the number of people being forced to live outside.
Fewer Returns to Homelessness. Fewer returns to homelessness in 2023 compared to 2019 suggest that frontline workers are connecting people with safe, stable housing and higher incomes.
Unfortunately, the hard work and limited resources of the homeless response system is not enough to overcome the powerful factors that push people into homelessness. This section will discuss the increasing number of people entering homelessness for the first time, the shortage of needed beds, and the need to address unsheltered homelessness.
Why Do People Experience Homelessness?
A nationwide shortage of deeply affordable housing drives homelessness. The National Low Income Housing Coalition found that just 34 affordable units were available for every 100 renters making less than 30 percent of their area’s median income. As a result, 74 percent of extremely low-income renters pay more than 50 percent of their income on rent.3
Rental burdens in 2023 were extremely high. This is not a new problem, but the result of decades of inadequate investments in housing that caused rent burdens to steadily increase since the 1970s. To reverse this long-term trend and end homelessness, policymakers must make significant investments to ensure that all people have deeply affordable and safe housing. Some people also need additional income, health care, and social supports that are too expensive or inaccessible on the private market.
For far too many Americans, rents are too high, while incomes are too low.
Even for people in the labor force, incomes are not keeping pace with rising housing, health care and living costs. When incomes do not keep pace with housing costs, more people struggle to remain housed. When this happens, communities suffer and become less productive.
By greatly expanding the supply of deeply affordable housing – through preserving existing affordable units and building new ones – the United States can make rent less expensive for low-income households. Policymakers can also ensure that people have access to income support when they still cannot afford housing. Crucially, once they are in stable housing, some people may also need access to mental and physical health care as well as substance use treatment. Policymakers should appropriately fund these supportive services.
Research suggests that increasing the availability of affordable permanent housing while ensuring income support for those who need it is the only way to prevent homelessness.
On the Brink
Homelessness should be prevented before it happens, reducing hardships for those impacted and reducing the demand for homeless services. But who is at risk of homelessness? The most relevant groups include households that are a) severely housing cost-burdened or b) doubled up. Policies to support these groups can help everyone access stable housing.
Where Do People Experience Homelessness?
In efforts to understand and end homelessness, location matters in various ways, including:
Who Experiences Homelessness?
The nationwide Point-in-Time Count offers the following facts about people experiencing homelessness:
71.5 percent, the vast majority of people experiencing homelessness, are individual adults.
51.2 percent of these individuals experienced unsheltered homelessness.
28.5 percent are people living in families with children.
To better identify and address disparities, this section will delve deeper into other subpopulations within homelessness.
The United States Can Connect Everyone with a Safe Place to Sleep
Unfortunately, misperceptions about ending homelessness are common. They frequently ignore the root causes and lead policymakers to divert resources from proven interventions. For example, criminalizing homelessness and restricting people from accessing shelters are not solutions. Both are costly and make it more difficult for people to live independently.
Instead, the nation can and should learn from examples that actually work.
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2
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https://www.ekhartyoga.com/articles/philosophy/the-invitation-a-poem-by-oriah-mountain-dreamer
|
en
|
The Invitation, a poem by Oriah Mountain Dreamer
|
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"Esther Ekhart",
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2013-12-02T14:27:00+00:00
|
Esther Ekhart shares a beautiful poem called The Invitation, that made her think about what is really important in life.
|
en
|
Ekhart Yoga
|
https://www.ekhartyoga.com/articles/philosophy/the-invitation-a-poem-by-oriah-mountain-dreamer
|
The Invitation
It doesn’t interest me what you do for a living. I want to know what you ache for and if you dare to dream of meeting your heart’s longing.
It doesn’t interest me how old you are. I want to know if you will risk looking like a fool for love, for your dream, for the adventure of being alive.
It doesn’t interest me what planets are squaring your moon.
I want to know if you have touched the centre of your own sorrow, if you have been opened by life’s betrayals or have become shrivelled and closed from fear of further pain.
I want to know if you can sit with pain, mine or your own, without moving to hide it, or fade it, or fix it.
I want to know if you can be with joy, mine or your own; if you can dance with wildness and let the ecstasy fill you to the tips of your fingers and toes without cautioning us to be careful, be realistic, remember the limitations of being human.
It doesn’t interest me if the story you are telling me is true
I want to know if you can disappoint another to be true to yourself. If you can bear the accusation of betrayal and not betray your own soul.
If you can be faithless and therefore trustworthy.
I want to know if you can see Beauty even when it is not pretty every day. And if you can source your own life from its presence.
I want to know if you can live with failure, yours and mine, and still stand at the edge of the lake and shout to the silver of the full moon, ‘Yes.’
It doesn’t interest me to know where you live or how much money you have.
I want to know if you can get up after the night of grief and despair, weary and bruised to the bone and do what needs to be done to feed the children.
It doesn’t interest me who you know or how you came to be here.
I want to know if you will stand in the centre of the fire with me and not shrink back.
It doesn’t interest me where or what or with whom you have studied.
I want to know what sustains you from the inside when all else falls away.
I want to know if you can be alone with yourself and if you truly like the company you keep in the empty moments.
by Oriah Mountain Dreamer
Explore these themes in class with Esther Ekhart
True acceptance means fully allowing what life is. his class helps us to access a heart space where everything that is, is welcome, without judgement. The class starts with a poem, then we move to open the body and soothe the mind. In between we ask ourselves the questions: “What is going on inside of us?” and “Can we be with it?” Expect some shaking, Qigong, some Cat/Cow and mobilising the upper body and hips, some gentle heart openers, a settling forward bend and a nice twist.
|
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1
| 14
|
https://www.tsa.gov/travel/frequently-asked-questions
|
en
|
Frequently Asked Questions
|
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https://www.tsa.gov/travel/frequently-asked-questions
|
Starting June 30, 2018, if you are traveling from an international last-point-of-departure to the U.S., powder-based substances in carry-on baggage greater than 350mL or 12 oz. may require additional screening at the central checkpoint. Powder-like substances over 12 oz. or 350mL in carry-on that cannot be resolved at the central checkpoint will not be allowed onto the cabin of the aircraft and will be disposed of.
For your convenience, place powders in your checked bag.
The measures have already been implemented at U.S. airports nationwide to identify and prevent potentially dangerous items from being brought aboard the aircraft. There are no changes to what is allowed in carry-on baggage at U.S. airport checkpoints.
TSA does not prohibit photographing, videotaping or filming at security checkpoints, as long as the screening process is not interfered with or sensitive information is not revealed.
Interference with screening includes but is not limited to holding a recording device up to the face of a TSA officer so that the officer is unable to see or move, refusing to assume the proper stance during screening, blocking the movement of others through the checkpoint or refusing to submit a recording device for screening.
Additionally, you may not film or take pictures of equipment monitors that are shielded from public view.
You will be asked to remove all items from your pockets (including non-metallic items) and walk into the imaging portal. Once inside, you are required to stand in position and remain still for a few seconds while the technology creates an image in real time. You will then exit the opposite side of the portal and collect your belongings. The entire process takes a matter of seconds.
Millimeter wave imaging technology uses harmless electromagnetic waves to detect potential threats, which are highlighted on a generic outline of a person appearing on a monitor attached to the unit. If there isn’t an alarm, an “OK” appears on the screen with no outline.
You and your service dog/animal will be screened by a walk-through metal detector. You may walk through together or you may lead the animal through separately on a leash.
If you opt not to be screened by the Advanced Imaging Technology (AIT), or a walk-through metal detector (WTMD), you will undergo a pat-down.
If the metal detector alarms, you and your service dog/animal will undergo additional screening, including a pat-down.
During the additional screening, do not make contact with the dog/animal (other than holding the leash) until a TSA officer has completed inspection of your dog/animal. TSA will not separate you from your service animal. If you have concerns about your screening, you can ask to speak with a supervisor or passenger support specialist at any point during the process.
Service dog/animal collars, harnesses, leashes, backpacks, vests and other items are subject to security screening. Items that are necessary to maintain control of the service dog/animal or indicate that the service dog/animal is on duty do not require removal to be screened.
If you need to relieve your service dog and must exit the security checkpoint, you and the service dog will need to go through the screening process again. You may request to move to the front of the line upon your return.
Medication for service animals must go through X-ray or inspection screening. Please separate medications and inform the TSA officer that you carry these items for your service dog.
Formula, breast milk, juice in quantities greater than 3.4 ounces or 100 milliliters are allowed in carry-on baggage and do not need to fit within a quart-sized bag. Remove these items from your carry-on bag to be screened separately from the rest of your belongings. You do not need to travel with your child to bring breast milk. Breast milk and formula are considered medically necessary liquids. This also applies to breast milk pumping equipment (regardless of presence of breast milk).
Ice packs, freezer packs, frozen gel packs and other accessories required to cool formula, breast milk and juice - regardless of the presence of breast milk - are allowed in carry-on. If these accessories are partially frozen or slushy, they are subject to the same screening as described above. You may also bring gel or liquid-filled teethers, canned, jarred and processed baby food in carry-on baggage. These items may be subject to additional screening.
Yes. If you commit certain violations of federal security regulations, such as assault, threat, intimidation, or interference with flight crew, physical or sexual assault or threat of physical or sexual assault of any individual on an aircraft, interference with security operations, access control violations, providing false or fraudulent documents, making a bomb threat, or bringing a firearm, explosive, or other prohibited item to an airport or onboard an aircraft, you are denied expedited screening for a period of time. The duration of disqualification from participation in TSA PreCheck® is related to the seriousness of the violation and/or a repeated history of regulatory violations. Membership suspension can last up to five years for a first time offense or be permanent for egregious incidents or repeat offenses.
TSA PreCheck® enrollees undergo recurrent criminal history vetting as a condition of their TSA PreCheck® enrollment. Temporary suspensions may occur as a result of recurrent vetting. Resolution typically takes less than 30 days, but can take up to 90 days. TSA PreCheck® enrollees found to have committed a disqualifying offense may have their TSA PreCheck® enrollment temporarily suspended or permanently disqualified, depending on the severity of the offense.
If you are unclear why you are not receiving the TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, first check that your membership has not expired by looking up your KTN (Known Traveler Number) here.
If your KTN is still active, confirm with your airline that your KTN, name, and date of birth are accurate.
If you still do not have a TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, or if you have questions concerning your TSA PreCheck® status, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form. If you've received a notice of violation, please reach out to your assigned case agent
Please note: TSA uses unpredictable security measures, both seen and unseen, throughout the airport. All travelers will be screened, and no individual is guaranteed expedited screening.
Visit tsa.gov/precheck to select the enrollment provider that best meets your needs and has an enrollment location near you. You can pre-enroll online and make an appointment for the in-person process, or walk-in to an enrollment center without an appointment.
The online application takes five minutes to complete with the in-person visit taking 10 minutes. During the in-person process, the enrollment provider will collect your biometric data (fingerprints, photo), verify identity documents, and collect payment.
Any website that claims to allow consumers to register for TSA PreCheck that does not end in “.gov” is not an official TSA PreCheck website. Consumers who are applying for TSA PreCheck for the first time cannot pay the application fee online, they must complete their application and pay in-person at a TSA enrollment center. First time applicants are not asked to provide payment information online.
Before you apply, we recommend that you review the various DHS trusted traveler programs: TSA PreCheck® Application Program, Global Entry, NEXUS, or SENTRI, to ensure you meet the eligibility requirements and determine the best program for you. If you travel internationally four or more times a year, consider enrolling in Global Entry. If you take less than four international trips a year, TSA PreCheck is a great choice for domestic travelers.
Participating airlines display a TSA PreCheck® indicator directly on your boarding pass if you are eligible for TSA PreCheck based on your provided Known Traveler Number (KTN). Please ensure you add your KTN to your airline reservation while booking the reservation. If you do not have a valid boarding pass with a TSA PreCheck indicator on it, you cannot access the TSA PreCheck lane. If you believe you should have the TSA PreCheck indicator on your boarding pass but did not receive it, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form.
No. Medical certification is not required to change the gender options on your TSA PreCheck® application. If you are a member of the TSA PreCheck® Application Program, you may request a gender data update through the enrollment provider you initially applied with. Click here to find contact details for all enrollment providers or to look up your enrollment provider. Please note, updating your gender is not required to receive TSA PreCheck® screening. You are eligible to receive TSA PreCheck® screening even if your current gender differs from the gender you provided when you enrolled in TSA PreCheck®, as long as the name and date of birth on your reservation match the name and date of birth on record with TSA.
If you consistently do not receive TSA PreCheck®, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form.
Please be aware that if you have violated certain federal security regulations, including TSA security regulations, your access to TSA PreCheck® screening will be suspended. The duration of suspension from participation in TSA PreCheck® is related to the seriousness of the violation and/or a repeated history of regulatory violations. Membership suspension can last up to five years for a first time offense or be permanent for egregious incidents or repeat offenses.
Children 12 and under may accompany an enrolled parent or guardian in the TSA PreCheck lanes without restriction. Children 13-17 must have the TSA PreCheck logo on their boarding pass. To be eligible to receive the TSA PreCheck logo on their boarding pass, the passenger between the ages of 13 and 17 must be on the same airline reservation with a TSA PreCheck-eligible parent or guardian.
Children 17 and under who will be traveling alone or without a TSA PreCheck-eligible adult must apply for TSA PreCheck to have access to expedited screening. Please note, adults using gate passes to accompany children traveling alone will be directed to standard screening as gate passes are excluded from TSA PreCheck benefits. This applies even if the gate pass holder has enrolled in TSA PreCheck. The adult will not be permitted to join the child in the TSA PreCheck lane.
Please note, no individual is guaranteed expedited screening because TSA uses unpredictable security measures, both seen and unseen, throughout the airport. All travelers will be screened, and no individual is guaranteed expedited screening.
First, check that your membership has not expired by looking up your account here.
If still active, confirm with your airline that your Known Traveler Number, name, and date of birth are accurate and that your airline participates in TSA PreCheck®. If you still do not have a TSA PreCheck indicator on your boarding pass, we can assist. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or by filling out an online form..
If possible, please contact TSA within 72 hours of experiencing problems with your TSA PreCheck benefits to allow TSA the ability to trouble shoot the issue.
I think my TSA PreCheck membership was suspended or revoked, but I'm not sure why, what do I do?
First, check that your membership has not expired by looking up your KTN (Known Traveler Number) here. You can also confirm your airline participates in the TSA PreCheck® program, by clicking here.
If your KTN is still active, confirm with your airline that your KTN, name, and date of birth are accurate.
If you still do not have a TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, or if you have questions concerning your TSA PreCheck® status, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form. If you received a notice of violation, please contact your case agent.
TSA PreCheck® and Global Entry are both Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Trusted Traveler Programs. TSA PreCheck® provides expedited security screening benefits for flights departing from U.S. Airports. Global Entry provides expedited U.S. customs screening for international air travelers when entering the United States. Global Entry members also receive TSA PreCheck® benefits as part of their membership.
Before you apply, we recommend that you review the various DHS trusted traveler programs, such as the TSA PreCheck® Application Program, Global Entry, NEXUS, or SENTRI, to ensure you meet the eligibility requirements and determine the best program for you. If you travel internationally four or more times a year, consider enrolling in Global Entry. If you take less than four international trips a year, TSA PreCheck is a great choice for domestic travelers. For more information on all of the DHS Trusted Traveler Programs use the DHS interactive Trusted Traveler Tool.
A Known Traveler Number (KTN) is issued to all individuals approved to receive TSA PreCheck® expedited screening. The KTN must be added in the KTN field when booking airline travel reservations to have the TSA PreCheck® indicator appear on your boarding pass.
For members approved for the TSA PreCheck® Application Program, this number is 9 or 10 digits long, can be a combination of numbers and letters and typically begins with TT for those who enrolled through IDEMIA, TE for those who enrolled through Telos, or AC for those who enrolled through CLEAR all of which are official TSA PreCheck® enrollment providers.
For members approved for Global Entry, NEXUS, or SENTRI, the KTN is the CBP PASS ID number. This nine-digit number usually begins with 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 50, 70, 80, 95, 98, or 99 and can be found on the back of your NEXUS, SENTRI, or Global Entry card in the upper-left corner or by logging on to the Trusted Traveler Programs website. Your trusted traveler card will not grant you access to TSA PreCheck® lanes, instead you must add your PASS ID number in the KTN field when making airline reservations to ensure the TSA PreCheck® indicator appears on your boarding pass.
First, check that your membership has not expired by looking up your KTN (Known Traveler Number) here. You can also confirm your airline participates in the TSA PreCheck® program, by clicking here.
If your KTN is still active, confirm with your airline that your KTN, name, and date of birth are accurate.
If you still do not have a TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, or if you have questions concerning your TSA PreCheck® status, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form. If you received a notice of violation, please contact your case agent.
If you commit certain violations of federal security regulations, such as assault, threat, intimidation, or interference with flight crew, physical or sexual assault or threat of physical or sexual assault of any individual on an aircraft, interference with security operations, access control violations, providing false or fraudulent documents, making a bomb threat, or bringing a firearm, explosive, or other prohibited item to an airport or onboard an aircraft, you are denied expedited screening for a period of time. The duration of disqualification from participation in TSA PreCheck® is related to the seriousness of the violation and/or a repeated history of regulatory violations. Membership suspension can last up to five years for a first time offense or be permanent for egregious incidents or repeat offenses.
TSA PreCheck® enrollees undergo recurrent criminal history vetting as a condition of their TSA PreCheck® enrollment. If TSA is notified of new criminal records while you are a member of TSA PreCheck®, your eligibility for TSA PreCheck® expedited screening may be temporarily suspended while TSA investigates the new criminal information. This process typically takes less than 30 days, but can take up to 90 days. TSA PreCheck® enrollees found to have committed a disqualifying offense may have their TSA PreCheck® enrollment temporarily suspended or permanently disqualified, depending on the severity of the offense.
If you are unclear why you are not receiving the TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, first check that your membership has not expired by looking up your KTN (Known Traveler Number) here. You can also confirm your airline participates in the TSA PreCheck® program, by clicking here.
If your KTN is still active, confirm with your airline that your KTN, name, and date of birth are accurate.
If you still do not have a TSA PreCheck® indicator on your boarding pass, or if you have questions concerning your TSA PreCheck® status, we're here to assist you. You can reach out to us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form. If you received a notice of violation, please contact your case agent.
Please note: TSA uses unpredictable security measures, both seen and unseen, throughout the airport. All travelers will be screened, and no individual is guaranteed expedited screening.
No, the majority of applicants will be able to renew completely online with any enrollment provider.
Regardless of which enrollment provider you choose to enroll with, some individuals may need to renew in person, for example, if they have changed their name and have not completed TSA’s name update process. These members may either visit an enrollment center to complete the renewal process or update their name with the enrollment provider with which they would like to renew. Please click here to view enrollment providers' contact information.
Name changes may take up to 45 days to complete and processing time varies by individual.
Injured, wounded service members, veterans and wounded warriors may contact TSA Cares to request assistance with the security screening process. TSA Cares is a helpline to assist travelers with disabilities and medical conditions. Call TSA Cares 72 hours prior to traveling with questions about screening policies, procedures and what to expect at the security checkpoint at (855) 787-2227.
Wounded Warriors
TSA verifies the status of individuals identifying themselves as a wounded warrior through the appropriate military branch. Following verification, the travel information is provided to the departing/arriving U.S. airports where wounded warriors may experience expedited screening procedures.
Veterans
Injured service members/veterans requesting assistance will have their travel information and type of assistance required provided to the departing/arriving U.S. airports to ensure they receive proper assistance at the security checkpoint. Veterans who are not enrolled in TSA PreCheck™ will be screened in standard screening lanes.
Learn about the security screening procedures for travelers with disabilities and medical conditions.
Individuals who commit certain violations of Federal security-related regulations, such as interference with security operations, assault, threat, intimidation, or interference with flight crew, physical or sexual assault or threat of physical or sexual assault of any individual on an aircraft, access control violations, providing false or fraudulent documents, making a bomb threat, or bring a firearm, explosive, or other prohibited items to an airport or on board an aircraft are denied expedited screening for a period of time. The duration of disqualification for expedited screening will depend upon the seriousness of the offense and/or a repeated history of regulatory violations.
The notice of violation process and the TSA PreCheck® disqualification process are separate processes and are handled by different offices. Individuals with questions concerning their TSA PreCheck® status should contact us through X (Twitter @AskTSA), Facebook Messenger (http://www.fb.com/AskTSA), Apple Business Chat or by texting "Travel" to AskTSA (275-872). You can also contact the TSA Contact Center at (866) 289-9673 or fill out an online form. Individuals with questions concerning their notice should contact their case agent in the Special Enforcement Program Office. Your case agent will not be able to assist you with questions concerning your TSA PreCheck® status, and both AskTSA and TCC will not be able to help you with questions concerning your notice of violation. Learn more about TSA PreCheck®
The quickest way to contact the Special Enforcement Program Office is to email to NOV.APO@tsa.dhs.gov and include your full name, TSA case number and case agent’s name (found in the Notice of Violation), and your telephone number.
You may also contact the Special Enforcement Program Office at (571) 227-3994. Be prepared to leave a message providing your name, phone number, the case number and correct spelling of the individual who is listed on the notice of violation, and your case agent’s name. Your message will be directed to your case agent for a return call. It is TSA's goal to return all calls within 72 hours; however, in the event of a delay, the date of your message will be taken into consideration.
You may respond to the Notice of Violation by choosing one of the five options listed in the options sheet that is attached to your notice. Instructions for submitting your response are contained in the options sheet.
All communications with TSA in regard to a specific Notice of Violation must be made in writing with an appropriate options sheet selection by emailing NOV.APO@tsa.dhs.gov. Please include your full name, TSA case number and case agent’s name (found in the Notice of Violation), and your contact information (i.e., telephone numbers, mailing address, and email address) in your email.
You may also respond by mail to:
U.S. Department of Homeland Security
Special Enforcement Program Office
6595 Springfield Center Drive
Springfield, VA 20598-6801
Your response is due within 30 days of your receipt of the NOV.
TSA cannot process a request for “all records” on an individual or for “all communications” between TSA and a third party. You should include a date limitation, a particular topic, and if asking for correspondence, the relevant parties’ names and offices or airports, if known. You can contact the TSA FOIA Branch for assistance in writing a FOIA request. This will ensure we understand which materials you are seeking and help us respond to your request quickly.
Given the variety of programs at TSA and the multiple ways you might have a connection with TSA, we require this additional information about records you are seeking. As TSA operates at over 450 airports and screens on average more than 1.9 million passengers a day, it would be unduly burdensome to conduct a search at over 450 airports and TSA program offices using limited information. Please narrow or otherwise clarify your request by providing specific criteria regarding the records that you are seeking (e.g., time period, airport or other association with TSA, including employment) so that TSA can conduct a reasonable search.
Current TSA employees should access their records through the electronic OPF from a government computer. Access from non-government computers will be denied. Please work with your local management to request access to a government computer for your eOPF request.
In addition, you may request assistance from your facility’s Human Resource/Administrative Office. For additional information, please visit the Office of Personnel Management website.
Former federal civilian employees (the person of record) may obtain copies of most civilian and personnel medical records on file at the National Personnel Records Center, including copies of the Standard Form 50 (Personnel Action) via written request. Different release procedures apply for archival civilian personnel records. Please note, OPFs are retired to the center within 120 days after separation from federal employment. If less than 120 days have elapsed since separation, write to the last employing federal office.
Federal law 5 USC 552a(b) requires that all requests for personnel records and information be submitted in writing. Each request must be signed in cursive and dated within the last year. Please identify the documents or information needed and explain the purpose of your request.
Certain basic information needed to locate civilian personnel records includes the full name used during federal employment, date of birth, Social Security Number, name and location of employing federal agency, and beginning and ending dates of federal service.
Written requests must be signed and dated. Mail or fax to:
National Personnel Records Center, Annex
1411 Boulder Boulevard
Valmeyer, IL 62295
Fax: 618-935-3014
TSA processes requests on a first-come, first-served basis according to two tracks: simple and complex. The first response you receive is TSA’s acknowledgment of your request submission. TSA typically acknowledges requests within 10 days of receipt. The acknowledgment letter provides tracking numbers and informs a requester about whether additional information will be needed to process the request. The letter also provides instructions for checking the status of the request.
If you have not received an acknowledgment from TSA regarding your request within 10 days, you may contact us at 866-364-2872 or email at foia@tsa.dhs.gov to ensure we received your request. Most Internet providers impose a 25-megabyte limit on files sent through email servers. If your request includes attachments that exceed that limit, it may have been blocked.
How long it takes to receive materials from TSA depends on several factors. Our processing time will be determined by the nature of your request, including complexity, scope, and other factors. Requests are deemed complex for reasons that include, but are not limited to, those that require search within multiple offices or airport(s), consultation with multiple DHS components or other agencies, or review of voluminous records from multiple locations. Additionally, the size of TSA’s backlog can affect processing times.
TSA is diligently working through a backlog to more efficiently process all requests.
You may request any information that constitutes an existing TSA record in any format, including an electronic format. Examples of records that may be requested include documents, photographs, videos, sound recordings, drawings, computerized records, electronic mail, and agency policies and procedures.
TSA will conduct a search for records already in existence at the time of the request. Please note the FOIA does not require an agency to create new records, answer questions posed by requesters, complete questionnaires, or attempt to interpret a request that does not identify specific records.
If you request video recordings from airports, please note that the TSA is not the primary custodian of those records. TSA is unlikely to have airport videos unless we obtained them as a result of an alleged checkpoint incident or security breach. Therefore, we recommend that you request video recordings from the local airport authority. Also, be aware that airport authorities generally delete recordings after 30 days.
In order for TSA to provide you with exactly what you need, please include in your request details that will help us conduct a robust but targeted search. These details include date, title or name, author, recipient, names of offices, agencies and organizations, subject matter of the record, case number, file designation, and reference number. For requests regarding airport checkpoint experiences, include the name/location of airport, date and time of travel, checkpoint lane and any other details. For more information, please visit the FOIA requests page.
If a request does not provide sufficient descriptive information, we may not be able to identify the records sought. We may ask you for additional information (e.g., specific subject matter, topic, personnel, etc.) if we are unable to process your request. If we cannot contact you or you do not respond within 30 calendar days to our requests for clarification, we will close your request.
The FOIA request form also requires the following information:
Your full name (for a Privacy Act Request), address, telephone number, and, if available, email.
Indication of whether the request is a FOIA and/or a Privacy Act request (if known).
Specific information about the records sought as described above.
Delivery information for the responsive records, e.g., electronically or via mail.
A statement regarding your willingness to pay applicable fees, including any limitations.
Section 1978 of the TSA Modernization Act passed in October 2018 allows states to issue a Hazardous Materials Endorsement (HME) on a state-issued commercial driver’s license (CDL) to a driver who holds a valid Transportation Worker Identification Credential (TWIC®). This provision allows states to utilize the existing TWIC to verify the completion of the TSA security threat assessment. TSA has approved an exemption from certain portions of the current regulations. This exemption relieves states from requiring an additional HME application from individuals, and relieves them from having to submit certain information and fees to receive a state issued HME if they hold a valid TWIC. Per the approved exemption memo, the state must verify the validity of the TWIC using methods prescribed by TSA prior to issuing the HME. The expiration date of any HME issued through this process will not extend past the expiration date of the relevant TWIC. Check with your state for more details.
You are eligible to pay a reduced fee if you hold a TWIC security threat assessment at least one year remaining before expiration in the following states:
(Arizona, California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Hawaii, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wyoming)
In addition, you are eligible to pay a reduced fee if you hold a TWIC security threat assessment at least four years remaining before expiration in the following states:
(Alabama, Colorado, Kansas, Minnesota, Montana, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Vermont)
Applicants in all States above, except Virginia, can confirm their eligibility online with TSA during the HME STA application process here. The State of Virginia will confirm the eligibility of applicants online with TSA.
TSA’s goal is to provide you with the status of your application within 60 days of receiving the information you provided at enrollment. This may take longer if there was difficulty capturing your fingerprints during enrollment or any data is missing.
If your licensing state is on the list below you cannot check your status online:
Florida, Kentucky, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, Texas, Virginia, and Wisconsin. For these states, please check your application status with your state licensing agency or call 1-833-848-4759.
For other states, you may check the status of your application online. Go to TSA Enrollment and select Check My Service Status.
TSA does not send or issue approval letters. TSA sends official notification of your HME eligibility to your state of license only, and your state verifies your eligibility and provides your result when it issues you a CDL with HME. Please check with your state driver’s licensing agency on your CDL and HME issuance process and status.
If a passenger purchased air transportation from a public charter operator, which means paying the charter operator in full for air transportation, at any time prior to December 19, 2014, the public charter operator must collect the September 11 Security Fee in place prior to December 19, 2014. Conversely, if the passenger purchased public charter air transportation on or after December 19, 2014, the public charter operator must collect the revised September 11 Security Fee.
The direct or foreign air carrier operating the public charter flight must then collect the September 11 Security Fee from the public charter operator and remit the security fees to TSA the earlier of:
The time the direct or foreign air carrier received funds from the public charter escrow account; or
The date the direct or foreign air carrier operated the flight.
Note that the direct and foreign air carrier remittance date to TSA has no effect on the amount of the fee that should be collected from the passenger. The remittance amount is based on when the passenger purchased public charter air transportation from the public charter operator.
Example 1: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles with a stopover only in Los Angeles that returns via the same route purchased before December 19, 2014, is charged a $11.20 fee for two one-way trips. If the passenger changed the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles with only a stopover in Los Angeles and returns via the same route and the ticket is re-priced on or after December 19, 2014, the carrier must continue to charge the September 11 Security Fee of $11.20 for one round trip.
Example 2: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles purchased before December 19, 2014, is charged a $5.60 fee. If the passenger changed the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles with a stopover in Los Angeles and returns via the same route and the ticket is re-priced on or after December 19, 2014, the carrier must charge the revised September 11 Security Fee of $11.20.
Example 3: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles purchased before December 19, 2014, is charged a $5.60 fee. If the air carrier changed the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles on or after December 19, 2014, neither the carrier nor the passenger is liable for a revised September 11 Security Fee. The fee remains $5.60.
If a passenger purchased a ticket before December 19, 2014, and changed the original itinerary and the ticket changed in price December 19, 2014, the carrier must treat the itinerary change as a new purchase and charge the revised September 11 Security Fee.
If however, a passenger purchased a ticket before December 19, 2014, and changed the amenities of that ticket on or after December 19, 2014, the carrier must not treat the transaction as a new purchase of air transportation and continue to collect the fee as in effect prior to December 19, 2014. Amenities include seating changes, meals or other items not related to air transportation.
A public charter operator must collect the September 11 Security Fee in place prior to July 21, 2014, if air transportation was purchased from a public charter operator in full at any time prior to July 21, 2014. Conversely, if the passenger purchases public charter air transportation after July 21, 2014, the public charter operator must collect the revised September 11 Security Fee.
The direct or foreign air carrier operating the public charter flight must then collect the September 11 Security Fee from the public charter operator and remit the security fees to TSA the earlier of: the time the direct or foreign air carrier receives funds from the public charter escrow account; or the date the direct or foreign air carrier operates the flight.
Note that the direct and foreign air carrier remittance date to TSA has no effect on the amount of the fee that should be collected from the passenger. The remittance amount is based on when the passenger purchases public charter air transportation from the public charter operator.
Example 1: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles with a stopover only in Los Angeles and returns via the same route purchased before July 21, 2014, is charged a $10 fee. If the passenger changed the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles with only a stopover in Los Angeles and returned via the same route and the ticket is re-priced after July 21, 2014, the carrier must charge the revised September 11 Security Fee of $11.20.
Example 2: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles purchased before July 21, 2014, is charged a $5 fee. If the passenger changed the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles and the ticket is re-priced after July 21, 2014, the carrier must charge the revised September 11 Security Fee of $5.60.
Example 3: Air transportation from Washington to Chicago to Los Angeles purchased before July 21, 2014, is charged a $5 fee. If the air carrier changes the itinerary to Washington to Los Angeles after July 21, 2014, due to an involuntary re-route, neither the carrier nor the passenger is liable for a revised September 11 Security Fee. The fee remains $5.00.
If a passenger purchased a ticket before July 21, 2014, changed the original itinerary and the ticket was re-priced after July 21, 2014, the carrier must treat the itinerary change as a new purchase and charge the revised September 11 Security Fee.
If a passenger purchased a ticket before July 21, 2014, and changed the amenities of that ticket after July 21, 2014, the carrier must not treat the transaction as a new purchase. The carrier will continue to collect the fee as in effect prior to July 21, 2014. Amenities include seating changes, meals, or other items not related to air transportation.
TWIC card holders may renew their TWIC card online up to one year prior to the expiration date printed on their card and up to one year after their card expires. After one year, you will be considered a new enrollee, subject to the standard in-person enrollment process. To be eligible for online renewal, you must be a U.S. citizen, U.S. national, or a lawful permanent resident.
If you have changed your name since enrollment, you must contact the TSA Help Center at 855-DHS-UES1 (855-347-8371) to update your name before renewing online. If you are not eligible for online renewal, you can follow the same steps as a new applicant to renew your TWIC card in person at an enrollment center.
TSA’s goal is to provide you with a response within 60 days of receiving the information you provided at enrollment. This may take longer if there was difficulty capturing your fingerprints during enrollment. You can check your status online at any time. After an application is approved, you will receive a phone or email notification.
After notification, your TWIC card should arrive at the address provided during enrollment or at an enrollment center within 10 days. If it is not received within the 10-day period, applicants have 60 days to report non-receipt of the card by visiting the TSA Enrollment website or calling (855) 347-8371 weekdays from 8 a.m. to 10 p.m. ET. Failure to report non-receipt of the card within 60 days will result in a $60 fee to replace the lost card.
If TSA finds potentially disqualifying information, TSA will send you a letter with instructions on how to proceed. Review each potential disqualifying offense on the letter to determine if it is accurate as shown. As part of your redress, you may request an Appeal, a Waiver, or both.
TSA considers the following five criteria when determining whether to grant a waiver for a disqualifying criminal offense, as applicable:
Circumstances of the disqualifying act or offense,
Restitution made by the applicant,
Any federal or state mitigation remedies (such as certificates showing completion of court-ordered substance abuse or other treatment programs),
Court records or official medical release documents indicating the applicant no longer lacks mental capacity, and
Any other factors that indicate the applicant does not pose a security threat, including evidence of rehabilitation.
You will have 60 days from receipt of the letter to submit your response to TSA or request additional time to respond. You may also contact 1-855-347-8371 weekdays 8 a.m. to 10 p.m. ET for assistance.
Foreign nationals who perform maritime services in the United States and require access to secure areas of facilities and vessels can apply for this type of B-1 visa, specifically designed for the TWIC program. These individuals are required to meet the eligibility requirements set forth by the Department of State for a B-1 visa (“Temporary Visitor for Business”) and are required to provide an official letter from their employer stating a TWIC is required to perform the individual’s job in the maritime industry.
This letter must be provided to the relevant U.S. Embassy or Consulate as part of the individual’s visa application. The employer letter must contain details such as the type of work performed by the individual, the location and duration of the work, as well as employer contact information if additional information or follow up is necessary.
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https://www.usip.org/publications/2023/04/taking-terrible-toll-talibans-education-ban
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Taking a Terrible Toll: The Taliban’s Education Ban
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2023-04-22T16:42:34-04:00
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Last month, a year after the Taliban banned Afghan girls from receiving secondary education, another school year began in Afghanistan — the only country in the world where girls are prohibited from going to school beyond the primary level. Since the Taliban’s August 2021 takeover, the group has sought to marginalize women and girls and erase them from virtually every aspect of public life. After a March 2022 ban on high school education, the Taliban also barred women from attending university at the end of last year. In a series of interviews with USIP, Afghan mothers, female students, schoolteachers, and university lecturers spoke of the terrible toll the Taliban’s actions have taken on their mental health.
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United States Institute of Peace
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https://www.usip.org/publications/2023/04/taking-terrible-toll-talibans-education-ban
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The Taliban have implemented over 20 written and verbal decrees on girls’ education — with each edict adding more and more restrictions. These decrees, among other things, ban: co-education; secondary education for girls; certain majors for female university students (including journalism, law, agriculture, veterinary science and economics); and annual university entry exams for female students. Meanwhile, university female lecturers face severe restrictions designed to keep them from interacting with men on campus.
Beside these draconian rules, the Taliban are also targeting girls’ and boys’ schools. In the past two weeks alone, two girls’ schools in Faryab and Paktia provinces and a boys’ school in Panjshir have been burned down. These attacks exhibit a common tactic used by the Taliban to clamp down on education.
These actions will have devastating, long-term implications not just for women and girls but the very social and economic fabric of Afghan society, with half of the population unable to contribute to their country’s future.
Hard-won Gains
This stands in sharp contrast to the educational gains Afghanistan had made since 2001. Indeed, prior to the Taliban takeover, the country’s education sector was thriving, with access for girls across all 34 provinces at all education levels — except in areas under the Taliban control.
From 2002 to 2021, 3,816,793 girls enrolled in first through 12th grades. According to the Afghan Ministry of Education’s 2020-2021 annual report, there was 18,765 public and private schools in operation. Afghanistan also had more than 200,000 teachers, including 80,554 women. Over 100,000 Afghan women were enrolled in public or private universities in 2020 and, according to 2019 figures, there were 2,439 female lecturers at higher education institutions. Public and private universities flourished in the last two decades, providing women and girls with countless opportunities to contribute to Afghanistan’s future.
These educational advances fostered broader societal achievements and gains for women. Before the Taliban takeover, 63 women were in the Afghan parliament, nine held minister- or deputy-minister level positions. Afghanistan’s judicial system had 280 women judges and over 500 prosecutors. There were over 2,000 women-owned small- and medium-sized businesses.
This is just a snapshot of how women were increasingly playing vital roles in Afghanistan’s traditionally patriarchal society. The Taliban have worked to quickly erase all this progress — and it is wearing on the hearts and minds of women and girls.
The Psychological Impact
The evaporation of these advancements has led to dire psychological impacts. During interviews with Afghan women and girls, USIP heard distressing reports about girls that have been out of school exhibiting signs of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety and suicidal thoughts, saying they feel they are living a life with no purpose and an uncertain future. “My students are suffering from attention deficiency. Most have learning difficulty and display signs of depression and anxiety,” said a ninth-grade teacher from an underground private school in Kabul.
Some are even isolating themselves from family, while others have turned to narcotics, further fueling Afghanistan’s drug crisis. Those that are using narcotics see it as a way to escape and create alternate realities for themselves. “I like being in my imaginary world I have created for myself. There, I am safe, and I can do whatever I want,” said one female student from Takhar province who told USIP she was using synthetic drugs. “You are probably going to laugh at me, but in that world, I am going to graduate next year and become a pilot.”
These forlorn sentiments are shared by many in Afghanistan. One sixth-grade student from Kabul told USIP that when she thinks about her future, she is “restless and agitated” and that at times “the sadness is overpowering.” She has dreams of becoming a psychologist and her mother, who is a teacher, tells her that despite the current situation she should continue to hold out hope for a brighter future.
The mother of an eighth-grade student from Maidan Wardak, burst into tears while sharing concern about her daughter’s mental health. “My daughter puts on her uniform several times a day. She talks to herself all day about school, her teachers and her classmates. I feel helpless.”
Afghanistan already had a paucity of female mental health experts and Taliban travel restrictions have exacerbated this situation, making it difficult for these experts to even reach communities in need.
Without mental health counselors and practitioners, these girls have no resources to turn to in this critical juncture of their lives.
Going After Educators
The Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice and the Ministry of Education have begun administering religious tests for teachers. These tests are intended as a mechanism for the Taliban to dismiss educated and experienced teachers and replace them with those that are not formally educated or experienced, with the majority only educated at madrassas. The Taliban have also created an incentive structure with the test, providing teachers that pass the religious test with a modest bonus or salary increase. A teacher from northern Kunduz province with over 25 years’ experience was dismissed last fall because she failed the religious knowledge test last year. “Our society is about to sink in a dark pit that the Taliban keep digging deeper and deeper,” she said.
A teacher at an elementary school in Kabul noted that harassment and intimidation by the officers of the Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice is now routine. The ministry has told teachers that white running shoes, high heels and bright colored clothing are banned. In many parts of the country, teachers are ordered to cover their face even inside classrooms while teaching. “We are faced with constant humiliation by Taliban-appointed school officials within the school and by Vice and Virtue and police outside schools, questioning our knowledge of Islam, harassing us because of our outfits,” she said.
Throughout the country, the Taliban’s decrees and bans have been met with vocal opposition from men and women, including education activists working tirelessly to advocate for girls' access to education. Matiullah Wesa is one of these individuals. In 2009, he founded Pen Path Civil Society and Pen Path Helping Charity Organization to provide education to disadvantaged girls and boys in remote areas in all 34 of Afghanistan’s provinces. Since its inception, the organization has provided education access to 57,000 children, 35 percent of whom are girls.
On March 27, the Taliban detained Wesa — his whereabout remain unknown to his family. For those like Wesa that push for basic human rights, forced disappearances and abductions have become commonplace. This is a serious human rights violation that has become a routine Taliban practice to spread terror and silence dissenting voices.
Sustaining Focus on the Plight of Afghans
These edicts and bans will not go away overnight, nor can they be wished away. It is therefore incumbent on concerned parties to maintain consistent and firm pressure on the Taliban — at the domestic, regional and international levels — to allow girls to attend school and open access to female university students and lecturers.
Education and protection against discrimination are basic human rights, enshrined in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Convention against Discrimination in Education and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Taliban should be forced to observe the principles upheld in these conventions or be brought to justice in international fora.
Given the Taliban’s resilience to international pressure to date, there are very limited policy options to circumvent their draconian strictures or compel them to change behavior. Online educational platforms promise secure learning within the home, but millions of Afghan women and girls living in rural areas have limited internet access. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and Muslim-majority countries have called on Taliban to rescind their bans, but it has resulted in no change and it’s unlikely the OIC will be more engaged on this issue. And the international community’s sanctions have had no demonstrable impact.
The international community has largely turned its attention away from the dire situation in Afghanistan, as it focuses on atrocities in Ukraine and elsewhere. For now, it is vital for the international community to continue to spotlight the Taliban’s abuses against Afghanistan’s beleaguered women and girls. “Please be the voice of Afghan mothers and tell the world about our suffering,” pleaded the mother from Maidan Wardak. That is the least we can do.
The names of those interviewed for this article have been omitted for their safety.
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Bechdel Test Movie List
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About
The Bechdel Test, or Bechdel-Wallace Test, sometimes called the Mo Movie Measure or Bechdel Rule is a simple test which names the following three criteria: (1) it has to have at least two women in it, who (2) who talk to each other, about (3) something besides a man. The test was popularized by Alison Bechdel's comic, the name of which Google won't let me put on this page for inciting hate, in a 1985 strip called The Rule. For a nice video introduction to the subject please check out The Bechdel Test for Women in Movies on feministfrequency.com.
If you need access to the raw data, check out the docs for the api.
Add a movie
If you want to add a movie to this list, please go to the Add a movie page and fill in the form. If you disagree with a rating, please leave a comment on the appropriate movie page instead.
Recent activity
Currently 10377 movies in the database. The five latest additions:
2024-07-31 19:43: Fong Sai Yuk (1993)
2024-07-30 16:22: North Hollywood (2021)
2024-07-29 15:58: Double Down South (2022)
2024-07-29 01:30: A Quiet Place: Day One (2024)
2024-07-28 10:39: Digimon Adventure: Last Evolution Kizuna (2020)
The five latest comments were on:
2024-08-16 01:50: Fly me to the moon (2024)
2024-08-15 20:34: Singin' in the Rain (1952)
2024-08-15 14:36: Deadpool & Wolverine (2024)
2024-08-14 04:02: Bottle Rocket (1996)
2024-08-12 16:41: Lisa Frankenstein (2024)
The list
The list you see to the left of this text consists of an icon with the result of the tests (explained below), the title (clicking it will take you to its details page, where you can find the reviews and comments) and finally two optional icons, also explained below. Clicking the icon before the title will take you to the movie's IMDb page.
For the sake of practicality, I've taken the liberty to read the first criterion as only named female characters counting.
There are currently 10377 movies listed. Some stats and graphs are available. Be sure to check out Ten graphics on the Bechdel test on Reddit for more graphs.
You can also view the list sorted by title, date added (latest first), number of comments, number of reviews or rating.
An RSS feed is also available, listing the latest 50 movies added to the list.
You can view just the Movies in the IMDb Top 250 and last but not least, you can search the list.
Links
About the Bechdel test
Wikipedia: Bechdel test
The Bechdel Test: What It Is, And Why It Matters
TV Tropes Wiki: The Bechdel Test
Articles
The Dollar-And-Cents Case Against Hollywood's Exclusion of Women
The Female Character Flowchart
Memo to all women: No half for you in Hollywood
Cartoons are more than just entertainment
The 'Bechdel Rule,' Defining Pop-Culture Character
Review sites
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https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2018/dec/womens-health-us-compared-ten-other-countries
|
en
|
What Is the Status of Women’s Health and Health Care in the U.S. Compared to Ten Other Countries?
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2018-12-19T12:00:00+00:00
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Women in the U.S. have long lagged behind their counterparts in other high-income countries in access to health care and health status. This brief compares U.S. women’s health status, affordability of plans, and ability to access and utilize care with women in 10 other high-income countries, using international data.
|
en
|
/sites/default/files/favicon.ico
|
https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2018/dec/womens-health-us-compared-ten-other-countries
|
Background
Compared to women in other high-income countries — like, for instance, Germany or Australia — American women have long struggled to access the health care they need. The United States spends more on health care than other countries do, but Americans report high rates of not seeking care because of costs, as well as high instances of chronic disease. Prior research has found that poor access to primary care in the United States had led to inadequate management and prevention of diagnoses and diseases.
With the Affordable Care Act (ACA) now in place, most women in the U.S. have guaranteed access to health coverage (Appendix 2); more than 7 million working-age women have gained insurance since the implementation of the law. Millions of others who had been insured now receive additional benefits and cost protections through the law’s reforms. But recent changes by the Trump administration and Congress may jeopardize this progress. These changes include repeal of the law’s individual mandate penalty; expansion of plans that do not have to comply with the law’s consumer protections and benefit requirements, including the requirement to provide maternity care; threats to remove guaranteed coverage of preexisting conditions; and proposed changes to Title X funding. In the future, these changes may raise costs and limit access to health insurance and services for people who do not qualify for subsidized care, especially those with health problems. They could reduce the recent gains U.S. women have made and widen differences between women in the U.S. and those in other countries.
Using data from the Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey (2016) and measures from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), this brief compares U.S. women’s health status, affordability of health plans, and ability to access and utilize care with women in 10 other industrialized countries.
For an overview of each country’s health care system, see Appendix 1, and for further detailed information on each country’s health system, see the Commonwealth Fund International Health Care System Profiles here.
U.S. women were the least likely to rate their quality of care as excellent or very good compared to women in all other countries studied. More than 60 percent of women in the U.K. and Switzerland rated the quality of their health care as high, compared with one-quarter in the U.S. Further analyses showed that women with multiple chronic conditions or emotional distress, and those who faced high out-of-pocket costs, medical bill or cost-related access problems, long specialty wait times, or had emergency department visits were significantly less likely to rate their quality of care as good (data not shown).
Conclusions and Policy Implications
Women in the United States continue to be disadvantaged by their relatively poorer health status and higher costs of care, while benefiting from higher rates of preventive screenings and quicker access to specialty care. While this study did not investigate the reasons behind these findings, they might be viewed in the context of lower rates of health insurance coverage in the U.S., as well as differences in health care delivery systems and the level of social protection across countries.
Consistent with other research, we find that U.S. women have the highest rate of maternal mortality among high-income countries. What’s more, this rate has been steadily rising in the past decades. Considerable racial, rural-urban, and other socioeconomic disparities also persist. U.S. maternal mortality is three times higher among African American mothers — with rates similar to those found in developing countries — compared to white mothers.
It is notable that U.S. women face fewer barriers to accessing specialist care relative to women in most of the 10 other countries analyzed. The U.S. also outperforms most countries in terms of breast cancer screenings. This, coupled with relatively low rate of breast cancer deaths, may be associated with the high quality of cancer care delivered in the U.S., including extensive screenings, treatments, and technology.
Despite the significant gains the United States has made in health insurance coverage since the implementation of the ACA, the U.S. remains the only country in this study without universal coverage. Uninsured adults most often cite concerns about affordability as the reason they do not shop for coverage. Coverage is out of reach for people with low incomes who live in states that have not expanded Medicaid and those who are undocumented and therefore ineligible for coverage. In addition, many people in the U.S. have insurance plans with high levels of cost-sharing. More than one-third of women in the U.S. continue to skip needed care because of costs. While the rates of going without needed care because of costs and problems paying medical bills have decreased since 2010, they are still the highest among all 11 countries included in the 2016 Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey.
The continued efforts by Congress and the Trump administration to weaken the ACA, rather than improve the quality and affordability of health insurance, may increase the cost of insurance and make it more difficult for some women to afford comprehensive health coverage. These actions include the administration’s support for ending the ACA’s guaranteed issue and preexisting conditions protections, which ensure every individual has access to insurance regardless of their health status, and expanding the availability of plans which are not required to comply with the law’s consumer protections. A recent analysis of 24 short-term insurance policies found that none provided coverage for maternity care.
The administration’s recently proposed changes to the Title X program — including cuts to funding for family planning services, counseling, and routine exams and cancer screenings — will reduce access to health services among low-income women and minorities. The proposed regulations would block federal funding to family planning providers that provide abortion services. Nearly 4,000 health centers across the country receive such Title X funding, and over 4 million women, the vast majority of whom have incomes below 150 percent of the federal poverty level, annually receive services from these centers. Many women also receive routine primary care and behavioral health services at women’s health centers. But states can take steps toward prioritizing women’s health. For example, California successfully reduced the rate of maternal mortality by 55 percent in less than a decade, through the statewide Pregnancy-Associated Mortality Review (CA-PAMR) program that introduced surveillance, public health, and quality improvement initiatives for maternal care.
Given the substantial maternal mortality gap between U.S. women and their counterparts in other countries, policymakers might also look at the organization of health systems of these countries. For example, in many other countries compared in this brief, maternal care is free at the point of delivery, including postpartum care (Appendix 1). Furthermore, most countries deliver maternal care in primary care or community-based settings by nurses or midwives, rather than in specialty or inpatient settings using obstetricians, as is often the case in the U.S. This not only makes care more expensive, but also limits women’s choices around childbirth. Midwives attend only 12 percent of U.S. vaginal births. Other countries also provide greater social protection for women of reproductive age. The U.S. remains the only country in the developed world that does not guarantee paid maternity leave, despite International Labor Organization standards recommending that new mothers should be provided at least two-thirds of previous earnings for a minimum of 14 weeks.
Finally, since research suggests that the differences in health spending between the U.S. and the rest of the world stem largely from higher prices, payment and delivery system reform must be at the top of the nation’s policy agenda. For example, international data show that the average costs of a normal delivery or a caesarean section are about twice as high in the U.S. as in Australia and about 40 percent to 60 percent higher than in Switzerland. Bringing health costs under control will help improve access to health insurance and health care.
How We Conducted This Study
This brief includes data from the 2016 Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey of Adults in 11 Countries, conducted by SSRS and country contractors in Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the U.K., and the U.S. between March and June 2016. The survey was administered by telephone (mobile and landline) using a common questionnaire that was translated and adjusted for country-specific wording. Response rates ranged from 11 percent in Norway to 47 percent in Switzerland. The analysis weighted final samples to reflect the distribution of the adult population in the country, adjusting for age, sex, region, education, and additional variables consistent with country standards. This brief restricts the analysis to 9,254 women ages 18 to 64. Sample sizes for each country are included in Appendix 3. The U.S. sample includes women who reported being uninsured for some of part of the previous calendar year (12 months; 8.3%).
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is an international organization representing 36 industrialized countries that share a commitment to democracy and a market economy. The OECD produces reports and data on a wide range of economic and social issues, including the OECD Health Data series, an annual release of data on various aspects of health and health care in the member countries. Working with statistical offices in each member country, the OECD produces the most accurate and comprehensive international health care data available on its member nations. Each year, the OECD releases health data on a range of topics, including spending, hospitals, physicians, pharmaceuticals, prevention, mortality, quality, and safety.
Commonwealth Fund staff analyzed data from the Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey of Adults in 11 Countries as well as data extracted from the OECD on August 6, 2018, and the UNICEF database (maternal mortality only) on June 6, 2018, for the 11 countries. As of December 5, 2018, the UNICEF and OECD data were unchanged.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Yaphet Getachew, Corinne Lewis, and Arnav Shah of the Commonwealth Fund for assistance with verifying data.
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https://www.cnn.com/2023/03/12/us/maam-sir-polarizing-words-cec/index.html
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en
|
How ‘ma’am’ went from being a respectful word for some – but polarizing for others
|
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2023-03-12T00:00:00
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Being called “ma’am” can be jarring for some women. While it’s generally considered a term of respect, it can come across very differently depending on region or context.
|
en
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/media/sites/cnn/apple-touch-icon.png
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CNN
|
https://www.cnn.com/2023/03/12/us/maam-sir-polarizing-words-cec/index.html
|
An unexpected rainstorm. A traffic jam on your morning commute. Realizing you forget to put on deodorant.
There are many things that can turn your day from good to bad. But there is one thing you’re probably not thinking about.
Being called “ma’am.”
I was completely unaware of how much women were outraged by this word until it started getting directed at me as I hit my mid-20s. Like the first time you aren’t carded at the bar, I remember being called “ma’am” by a waiter and realizing, “Yes, he is talking to me.” As someone from Seattle, this term sounded foreign and out of place. It was like society had decided without my permission that my youth was behind me.
It’s an identity shift when you realize people look at you and no longer see a young person. I’m no longer that innocent kid who plays soccer, enjoys summer off and is told “the world is your oyster.” Now, I work the daily grind, get back pain and look forward to a night in watching documentaries.
It all sort of sneaks up on you. When I hear “ma’am,” I feel my youthful privileges slipping away – like the assumptions that you’re interesting, open-minded and up-to-date on the latest trends (I admit, like anyone who’s not in their early 20s, I struggle to keep up with Gen-Z fashion).
“It rattled me the first time I was called ma’am,” one 23-year-old shared on Reddit. “I thought I wasn’t quite old enough for that yet.”
“I address people as ‘sir’. That’s respectful, but not ‘ma’am.’ It sounds old, and that’s coming from me who’s about to turn 60,” said Gary Petersen, a doorman in New York City.
Kacia Woldridge, who works in the food and beverage industry, said she remembers a woman in Southern California “who was openly offended and angrily corrected the employee – ‘ma’am is for my mother, not me.’”
“My waitress (who is visibly younger than me) called me a ‘ma’am.’ Excuse me, did you just say ‘botox’ or ‘ma’am’? They both sound the same,” joked Christina Becerra on Twitter.
There’s no definitive age when a “miss” becomes a “ma’am,” but women take note when they start to hear the shift.
“Ma’am” is generally considered to be a polite term to address a woman, but depending on the region or context, it can mean the exact opposite.
It comes from the French word for “my lady” (ma dame), which in English turned into “madam” and then “ma’am” by the 1600s, according to Merriam-Webster. This pronunciation change happened at a time when American English was trying to differentiate itself from British English, explained Kelly Elizabeth Wright, experimental sociolinguist and lexicographer at Virginia Tech.
“Madam” (or “madame” in French) is traditionally used to refer to a married woman and unmarried women were called “mademoiselle” meaning “young lady” – the equivalent to “miss.” The French government banned the word “mademoiselles” from official usage in 2012. The decision was celebrated by feminists noting that men of all ages only have one label, “monsieur,” so women should also have just one neutral label.
But the English words “miss” and “ma’am” have hung around. Today, when some women hear “ma’am,” instead of envisioning an elegant French lady, they picture a woman past her prime.
“You can’t control how people see you, but you have a right to assert how you’d like to be seen,” said Wright, who notes that she is trying to use the word less after discovering many hear it as offensive and not inclusive. “The only way these things move forward is through constant reassertion.”
‘Ma’am’ has taken on new meanings
Historically, female youth is connected to all kinds of privileged social attributes – beauty, fertility and marriageability. If these attributes represent a subjective peak of femininity, the less young a woman is, the less compelling her social standing.
When a woman is called “ma’am,” even by a well-meaning stranger, it can send a specific and unwanted social message.
In a 1970 episode of “The Mary Tyler Moore Show,” entitled “Today I am a Ma’am,” Moore’s character Mary Richards is shocked and bewildered when a young man at her office calls her “ma’am.”
“This kid, no he wasn’t even a kid, he must have been 21 or 22 years old, and he comes over to me and he calls me ‘ma’am,’” she says.
Richards’ first “ma’am” also happens to coincide with her 30th birthday, further linking the term to the specter of aging. She feels ashamed for hitting the milestone without a husband by her side and goes on a date with a 40-something man. All in all, it’s a bit misogynistic by today’s standards.
“Ma’am” is considered an age-graded term by sociolinguists and dialectologists, which means how the speaker’s use of the word changes as they age.
Wright said “ma’am” is a more common term among older generations. Because times change, along with word meanings, it’s not hard to imagine “ma’am” carries a different context among younger generations.
She said her students also associate the word with bygone areas of nobility and gentry.
“I’ve heard from students that when they hear it, they feel like people are being manipulative, like people are trying to sell them something,” said Wright about the younger generation’s perception of “ma’am.” “I do not think people read these terms with the respect register at all.”
The main way Wright sees the word used by younger people – in person and on TikTok – is in a comedic, ironic manner. In these cases, it’s tossed at people to put them in their place and reset the conversation.
Men have a ma’am too
Women aren’t alone in rejecting certain terms that were originally meant to be respectful. “Sir,” typically used as a respectful form of address for men, is another word that doesn’t always go over well.
In fact, men mention some familiar reasons for being alarmed by the term.
“For me, it’s way too formal and I feel like it makes me feel old when someone says that to me. Like I rather someone say ‘hey dude’ or ‘what’s up bro’ than call me ‘sir,’” said one 25-year-old man on Reddit. “It’s my biggest pet peeve.”
“Young dude working in the building called me ‘sir,’ and I did the (reflexive) old dude ‘oh man, don’t call me sir I’m a regular dude’ thing old people do,” Chad Stanton wrote on Twitter.
But given that there’s simply one catch-all word for men, the term doesn’t carry the same baggage as “ma’am.”
When 21-year-old Virginia Tech student Ethan Leinberger was first called “sir,” he said, “It made me feel like I was respected … I’m sure as I actually get older it’ll start to make me feel old though.”
Molli Reyese, a hostess at a Mexican restaurant in New York City, said she uses “sir” all the time and never hears a complaint, but she refuses to use “ma’am.” She looked dumbfounded at the idea of addressing a woman as “ma’am.”
It’s hard to navigate terms of respect linked to age, gender and marital status with strangers. Most often people gravitate toward “miss,” “ma’am” and “sir” when working in customer service where there’s a power asymmetry between the speaker and subject.
When communication isn’t face-to-face, such terms become a gauntlet of possible faux pas, from misgendering someone to simply not being able to read their receptiveness.
Unfortunately, English leaves us with few alternatives. There isn’t a common world of respect from one human to another that side steps gender – and for women, side steps age.
What are we supposed to say? “Your excellency?”
Where ‘ma’am’ is still embraced
Of course, not everyone has such a complicated relationship with the term. In some cultures and regions, a form of respectful address is expected in most social situations, and the intention of such terms are generally understood.
One such region is the American South.
“It’s still part of the politeness norms that kids learn when they are growing up,” said Jennifer Cramer, professor of linguistics at the University of Kentucky who specialized in regional identity.
As the comedy series “It’s a Southern Thing” puts it: “In the South, if it’s female and has a pulse, you’re legally required to call it ‘ma’am.”
Linguists also point out that “ma’am” is also commonly used in Black communities.
“Black people are linguist innovators,” said Rachel Elizabeth Weissler, faculty in linguistics, psychology, and Black studies at the University of Oregon.
Weissler notes that some of the modern ways we use “ma’am” began in these communities.
If not ma’am, then what?
With the layered meanings and regional uses of ma’am, it’s important to remember language says more about the speaker than the recipient. So if you’re hit by a stray “ma’am” or “sir,” it helps to take a step back.
“Pay attention to the context because context matters,” said Cramer. “Someone using ‘ma’am’ may not be choosing ‘ma’am’ in a way that’s supposed to be derogatory. They may be. But you need to read between the lines to see what’s actually happening.”
Weissler adds, “It’s not necessarily what you say, but how you’re saying it.”
For those who feel like “ma’am” is too old and “miss” is diminutive, implying the subject is childlike, then maybe it’s time for a new word entirely.
Blogger Kristen Hansen Brakeman suggests “we bring back the antiquated Victorian term, ‘M’Lady… M’Lady is sort of sweet and elegant sounding too, isn’t it?”
If all the “ma’am” talk seems like much ado about nothing, Wright points out that language is a huge part of how we see the world and how the world sees us.
“We use language continuously every moment of our lives. We use it so much that we don’t notice it. It’s in our dreams. It forms our thoughts. It’s continuously present with us. So, a single word really matters. It really shapes the way we move through the world.”
The next time you hear a “ma’am,” try not to let it ruin your day. I plan to smile and say, “it’s Janelle.”
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https://www.greatplacetowork.com/resources/blog/creating-a-culture-of-recognition
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Creating a Culture of Recognition
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Employee recognition is central to a thriving company culture. Here are tips for creating a successful culture of recognition!
|
en
|
/templates/gptw15/images/apple-icon-57x57.png
|
Great Place To Work®
|
https://www.greatplacetowork.com/resources/blog/creating-a-culture-of-recognition
|
Benchmarks & Trends , Celebrating , Employee Experience , Employee Recognition , Talent Management , Thanking
A culture of recognition develops engaged and loyal employees. Making employee appreciation integral to your workplace culture can be achieved through meaningful and intentional practices.
Employee recognition has long been a cornerstone of effective management. But today, as the competition for talent escalates, the ways organizations show that they value their employees have become more important than ever.
Creating a recognition program is a start—so if you don’t have one, that’s a good first step!—but great companies go further, constantly reevaluating the ways they reward employees and considering the role recognition plays in their company culture. As companies grow, this becomes even more of a challenge, and leaders must rethink the way they add value to the employee recognition experience.
What is employee recognition?
Employee recognition refers to all the ways an organization shows its appreciation for employees’ contributions. It can take many forms and may or may not involve monetary compensation. Companies recognize employees for things like:
Achievements
Exhibiting desired behaviors
Going above and beyond expectations
Milestones such as tenure
Why employee recognition matters
From a very early age, we crave recognition from parents, teachers and friends. So strong is our desire for positive affirmation, particularly during developmental periods, that we can even perceive a neutral reaction as a negative one.
This continues to hold true as we move into the workplace. Employee recognition helps to:
Retain top talent
Increase employee engagement
Encourage high performance
There's something invigorating about a workplace where recognition is more than just an end-of-year event. With over 700,000 survey respondents echoing this sentiment, it's hard to argue against the data.
Our 2023 discretionary effort study found that when each employee stands an equal chance at getting a gold star for their efforts, they are 2.2 times more likely to flex their discretionary muscles and go above and beyond their regular duties.
How management recognition fuels extra effort
The story doesn't end there. The study's spotlight also fell upon those at the helm—our much-respected management. It turns out, a genuine 'thank you' from those in the corner offices can ignite a 69% increase in the likelihood of employees bringing their extra effort to the work floor.
Great Place To Work-Certified™ company O.C. Tanner has also studied workplace dynamics and the role management plays in shaping them. They've examined employee engagement in-depth and unearthed valuable ways managers can tailor their workplaces to spur it on.
An employee survey included the question, "What is the most important thing that your manager or company currently does that would cause you to produce great work?"
Respondents answered in their own words, providing a variety of responses, but a clear pattern emerged. 37% of respondents said that more personal recognition would encourage them to produce better work more often.
Recognition emerges as a top motivator
While other themes like autonomy and inspiration surfaced, recognition was the most common theme that emerged from responses. The study showed that affirmation, feedback and reward are most effective for motivating employees to do their best work.
See the complete results in the chart below:
By narrowing in on several statements in Great Place To Work® Trust Index™ survey that measure how much employees feel recognized at work, we were able to see the impact of recognition culture on employee experience.
Great Place To Work analyzed 1.7 million employee survey responses gathered between 2018 and 2020 across small, mid-sized and large companies.
Recognition makes employees feel promotions are fair, spurs innovation and extra effort
After comparing the overall experience of employees who received recognition to those who don’t, we found that recognition was strongly tied to several elements of positive company culture.
Compared to those who do not consistently feel recognized at work, people who do feel recognized at work are:
- 2.6x more likely to think that promotions are fair
- 2.2x more likely to drive innovation and bring new ideas forward
- 2.0x more likely to say people here are willing to go above and beyond
Employee appreciation is linked to higher job satisfaction
In the same Trust Index™ survey, when asked what makes their workplace “great,” employees who responded positively to survey questions measuring recognition say that they are “incredibly lucky,” “enjoy hanging” and that the company has “excellent integrity,” “uplifting environment” and some mentioned their “career success.”
Employees who don’t feel recognized also struggle to describe what makes their workplace great
Conversely, employees who don’t feel recognized at work responded to the same question with phrases such as “plays favoritism” and “popularity contest,” indicating there isn’t much that makes their workplace great. The only positive theme was “match benefits.”
When asked what would make their company better, the employees who felt unrecognized responded with phrases that indicated feelings of unfair treatment and a manipulative work environment. Words such as “rampant favoritism,” “scare tactics,” “stop eliminating,” and “job tomorrow” were most common among the “unrecognized” group.
Employee Recognition Trends in 2023
Democratize recognition
Being recognized by one’s peers can be just as meaningful as recognition that comes from the top down. It also:
Increases the number of opportunities for employees to receive recognition by widening the pool of potential recognizers
Reinforces desired behaviors without resorting to explicit, top-down direction
At software company Atlassian, the Kudos program enables team members to recognize their coworkers’ hard work and achievements. An employee might receive Kudos when going above and beyond, or after completing a long project. Kudos can be accompanied by gifts ranging from gift cards to books to wine. Last year, Atlassians awarded nearly 56,000 Kudos.
Law firm Alston & Bird LLP uses its quarterly newsletter to share the ways that team members are engaging with the surrounding community.
Ally Financial's “I am an Ally” award program invites team members to nominate colleagues for their contributions and impact, whether their work affects customers, internal teams, or specific individuals. Internal feedback has shown the popularity of this program and its impact on employee motivation.
By putting the power to recognize in everyone’s hands, you can create a sustainable, authentic source of employee recognition.
Celebrate major achievements — but don’t forget the small wins
You might find that it’s easier to recognize employees in some departments or roles than in others. This might be because their work is closely related to a major company initiative or KPI, or because what they produce is more visible than the work done in other departments.
It’s great to celebrate these big wins! Just don’t forget about celebrating those smaller or less obvious successes, too.
Recognizing employees whose work doesn’t naturally call attention to itself can help reinforce their sense of purpose at work, a key driver of employee retention.
Hilcorp Energy Company recently recognized the importance of celebrating small successes. The oil and gas producer already had a “Big Wins” program that regularly celebrated successes in both the office and the field. But while this program created a lot of employee recognition opportunities, Hilcorp leadership realized that it was overlooking critical successes that weren’t necessarily as large or flashy as the Big Wins. So the company changed the program to “Hilcorp Win” and began celebrating a mix of large and small victories.
Wegmans Food Markets recognizes stores and employees for their contributions to the company winning awards, generating customer compliments, and living the company’s values, but they also make a point to highlight achievements that might otherwise fly under the radar. Wegmans recognizes stores for having the highest recycling rate, the fewest workplace safety claims, and the best food safety assessments.
When designing or updating your employee recognition program, consider what critical but easy-to-overlook areas of your organization you can make a note to celebrate.
How to create a meaningful employee recognition culture: 5 keys to meaningful employee recognition programs
Many Great Place To Work® clients, even those with strong company cultures, face challenges when it comes to team and individual employee recognition.
While there is no universal program for every organization, all managers can use these five key elements of meaningful employee recognition.
1. Be specific, be relevant
Recognition is more meaningful when tied to a specific accomplishment or business objective. When recognizing employees, explaining what the recognition is for help employees relate the recognition to their behavior. This encourages continued strong performance.
Authentic appreciation is also tailored to the individual. Which of the five languages of appreciation in the workplace you choose to express should depend on what people prefer.
2. Be timely
Recognition that arrives months after the fact isn’t nearly as meaningful as recognition received promptly.
The longer it takes for managers to recognize employees, the less likely employees will see the affirmations as authentic. Make employee recognition a priority and have formal recognition systems in place so you can strike while the iron is hot.
3. Recognition comes in many shapes and sizes
There is a great deal of research that indicates people are motivated by more than just cold hard cash. It is also important to note that everyone has their own preference or style when it comes to giving and receiving appreciation.
Get a clearer picture of the primary language of appreciation (in a work setting) of every individual. Then, recognize them accordingly.
Beyond a bonus or a raise, consider customized gifts, taking them out for dinner or other acts that show employees their reward is personalized to them.
4. Little things go a long way
While it's crucial to recognize major accomplishments, don’t overlook the power of the everyday thank-you to motivate employees.
Writing handwritten notes, or using the intranet to promote the good behaviors of individuals, can help instill a regular culture of employee recognition. These thank-yous and shout-outs don’t have to come from managers alone; some employees may find recognition more motivating when it comes from their peers rather than from leadership.
5. Connect to the bigger picture
Recognition helps employees see that their company values them and their contributions to the success of their team and the company overall.
This is particularly key when organizations grow or change. It helps employees build a sense of security in their value to the company, motivating them to continue great work.
Regularly share news about how the company is striving to reach the mission, and explain how individual employee goals relate to that vision.
Organizations on the Fortune 100 Best Companies to Work For® list excel in employee recognition.
Here are some examples of how these winning organizations recognize and reward their employees in meaningful ways:
Examples of employee recognition
1. Make it easy for managers to celebrate employees
Global hotel chain Hilton provides managers an annual Recognition Calendar that features 365 no- and low-cost, easy-to-implement ideas for thanking employees.
The calendar includes reminders and tips for enterprise-wide, brand and department recognition programs; appreciation best practices; important dates like International Housekeeping Week; and recognition quotes to share with employees.
It also allows users to add employee service anniversaries and local events. Users can download a print-friendly PDF or import an Outlook-friendly file into their personal calendars.
2. Make recognition a red-alert event
When clients of professional services firm Crowe respond to a satisfaction survey with the names of individuals who have gone above and beyond during projects, the survey generates a "Recognize Alert."
Crowe takes Recognize Alerts one step further with its Pay It Forward program. Individuals who were recognized can "pay it forward" to other colleagues who played important roles in serving clients but weren't mentioned in the survey response.
Crowe shares the names of both Recognize Alert and Pay It Forward recipients in Crowe Newswire On Demand so others can learn from their examples and the individuals feel appreciated.
3. Meaningful gestures of gratitude
Health care system Texas Health Resources recognizes employees' milestone years of service at five-year increments.
At every milestone, honorees receive a beautiful customized celebratory yearbook. Each yearbook opens with a personalized congratulatory message of appreciation from the CEO. Inside, the honoree finds messages of thanks and appreciation from their manager and coworkers, as well as photos of the employee at work with their team, having fun and contributing to the mission.
Recognition is absolutely essential in a great workplace, and it doesn't need to be complicated or expensive.
Ask your employees what type of recognition is most meaningful to them. You may be surprised to find how much simple, genuine expressions of thankfulness inspire them to do their best.
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