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http://www.twentymile.com/Cookbook/sluminfo.htm
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Slumgullion
Our Personal History With Slumgullion
I am often asked about the name. No! I don't know what it means. It was a dish our Dad frequently made for "us kids," my sister and I, and we just loved it. When we asked our father what it was called, he said it was ragout. That was fine for awhile until we had some real ragout. Then we kids wanted to know which was which. Thinking a bit, my dad said that it was really slumgullion (a name we believed at the time he just made up then and there) and we have called it that, ever wondering what it meant, ever since. If you are interested in what I have found about slumgullion over the years, Slumgullion ala Dad has been one of my favorites as well as a favorite of my own son. I hope that will become a favorite of yours as well. And maybe one day we will know the real meaning of Slumgullion.
From Merriam-Webster:
Slumgullion may not sound like the most appetizing name for a dish, but thats part of its charm. The words etymology doesnt do it any favors: "slumgullion" is believed to be derived from "slum," an old word for "slime," and "gullion," an English dialectical term for "mud" or "cesspool." The earliest recorded usage of "slumgullion," in Mark Twains Roughing It (1872), refers not to a stew but a beverage. The sense referring to the stew debuted about two decades later, and while there is no consensus on exactly what kinds of ingredients are found in it, thats the "slumgullion" that lives on today.
From the GRAMMARIST:
Slumgullion and goulash are two words that are sometimes used interchangeably, but in reality have a difference in meaning. We will look at the definitions of the words slumgullion and goulash, where the words come from and some examples of their use in sentences. A slumgullion is a stew, usually made up of whatever is at hand but containing at least component of meat. The word slumgullion is an American word first seen in print in the 1870s in the story Roughin It by Mark Twain. However, in the story, slumgullion referred to a nasty, watery beverage. The first known use of the word slumgullion occurred in 1849, it was used by miners in the California gold rush to describe the muddy slurry left behind after washing gold through a sluice. By the turn of the twentieth century, slumgullion was used to describe a weak, tasteless stew. Today, there are many different recipes called slumgullion as the name does not actually have a culinary background.
Goulash is a Hungarian stew made with meat, vegetables, paprika and various other spices. Goulash may be traced back to the ninth century when shepherds cooked stews in sheep stomachs. There are various recipes for goulash. What they all have in common is paprika. The word goulash is sometimes used figuratively to mean a jumble or a hodgepodge.
Examples But on Saturdays, his grandfather would slide into the kitchen and whip up a dish called slumgullion. (Democrat & Chronicle) But where I was concerned, it was Gagas Hungarian goulashcubed chuck simmered for the length of an autumn afternoon along with carrots and sliced potatoes, blanketed in a rich tomato-and-paprika gravy the color of Crayola Burnt Umberor nothing. (The Wall Street Journal) Explanations of the timing of the rut, the quirky and contradictory behavior deer exhibit, and the possible role of lunar phases and weather in triggering the rut have been debated for decades and created a goulash of myth, science, legend and folklore surrounding the rut. (The Toledo Blade)
From World Wide Words:
The word sounds vaguely unpleasant, a good example of form matching meaning, since Americans have for more than for 150 years used it for a variety of things that are unpleasant to various degrees. Dictionaries often say this was its first appearance in print: Then he poured for us a beverage which he called Slum gullion, and it is hard to think he was not inspired when he named it. It really pretended to be tea, but there was too much dish-rag, and sand, and old bacon-rind in it to deceive the intelligent traveler. Roughing It, by Mark Twain, 1872. A slang dictionary two years later defined slumgullion as any cheap, nasty, washy beverage. Another, roughly contemporary, memory is this: The meals are all alike a potato, a slice of something like bacon, some gray stuff called bread, and a cup of muddy, semi-liquid coffee like that which the California miners call slickers or slumgullion. Travels in Alaska, by John Muir, 1915, describing a trip he made in 1879. Today it means a cheap stew made by throwing anything handy into a pot with water and boiling it, an improvised dish which has had many other names, such as Mulligan stew and Irish stew. Other senses in dictionaries include fish offal or the waste from processing whale carcasses (in Moby-Dick, which was published in 1851, Herman Melville called it slobgollion). We now know the word is a good deal older than the Mark Twain book. Many early examples refer to yet another old sense listed in the dictionaries, for the muddy waste left after washing gold ore in a mining sluice. Were those who were instrumental in wilfully creating this unconstitutional debt the only holders of the scrip and were compelled to shovel tailings and clean reservoirs half full of slumgullion until it was paid, or the assurance given that it would be, I for one would keep them doing penance for their sin. Placerville Mountain Democrat (California), 3 Jan. 1857. Tailings are ore residues. From this and other appearances, including the diaries of forty-niners, it seems certain that the word originated in this sense in the California gold fields, probably around 1850. It may well be the same word as Melvilles (the similarity in form is persuasive), suggesting that miners borrowed it from an older unrecorded word that also provided Melville with his version. Many of the early miners were sailors, after all, including the crews of whaling vessels, who jumped ship in San Francisco harbour when news of the strike arrived. The word would have been a good one for the muddy mess left by their improvised extraction techniques. They later applied slumgullion figuratively and disparagingly to foodstuffs that were muddy or semi-liquid. American dictionaries guess that it may be a combination of slum, an old English term meaning slime (nothing to do with a squalid urban area, the word for which is an old bit of slang of unknown origin) plus gullion, English dialect for mud or a cesspool. This is still known in Scots and is probably from the Irish goilín for a pit or pool.
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https://dictionary.langeek.co/en/word/121527%3Fentry%3Dmulligan%2520stew
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Sorry, the page you were looking for does not exist.If the page is broken, Let us know.Contact Us
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https://heritagecookbook.com/recipes/mulligan-stew-2
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Create a Cookbook
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https://heritagecookbook.com/static/favicon.ico
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It's easier than ever to tell beatiful food stories.
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https://www.bragmedallion.com/blog/hobo-culture-muligan-stew/
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The Hobo culture and Mulligan stew!
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2017-06-27T20:10:37+00:00
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Foodie Lit: A genre of novel and memoirs filled with food stories and recipes Each month, I’ll share the magic of a good foodie lit read and one of its recipes. Cooking and recipes in books take us into the mind of the character or narrator and brings us into the book’s kitchen to see, smell and share the lives within. Or I’ll […]
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indieBRAG
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https://www.bragmedallion.com/blog/hobo-culture-muligan-stew/
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Foodie Lit: A genre of novel and memoirs filled with food stories and recipes
Each month, I’ll share the magic of a good foodie lit read and one of its recipes. Cooking and recipes in books take us into the mind of the character or narrator and brings us into the book’s kitchen to see, smell and share the lives within.
Or I’ll take a good read and, with the author, find a recipe to pair with it! Either way, here’s to cooking and reading together!
Susan- the indieBRAG Food Blogger!
Line by Line by Barbara Hacha
Line by Line by Barbara Hacha is a unique coming of age story. Maddy Skobel comes of age during the Depression, with her family hard hit by the country’s downward economic plunge. Fleeing a drunken father, an abused mother and a rape, Maddy becomes a hobo, hopping trains, sharing Mulligan stew by a fire and surviving by her wits and the kindness of others.
Author Barbara Hacha told me, “Maddy felt that there had to be a better way to live than what she had experienced as a child of an alcoholic and an ineffectual mother and that’s what motivated her to strike out on her own. She had also connected with hobos in a jungle near her family diner, which gave her hope and a little insight to another life. The genesis of this story came about when I found out that a quarter-million teenagers rode the rails during the Great Depression, and many of them were women. I kept thinking about what it would have been like to ride the rails in the 1930s as a 17-year-old female, so I decided to create a character and find out!”
Hunger and food uncertainty are a part of hobos’ daily lives. Nonetheless, there is certain resilience among the hobos despite the hunger, the danger and the reasons that drove them to become wanderers. For the most part, food and shelter are shared, help and advice are given, resources are used and reused, and hard work is not avoided. In the epilogue, years after Maddy stops hopping trains, she proudly surveying her filled pantry, “I’ve been so hungry I could hardly stand up. Never again.”
Those of us who have family who lived through the Depression know of their frugality, understanding of impermanence and of the need never to take security for granted. In my childhood basement, my dad who had grown up impoverished during this time saved boxes of used nails, old shoes that could be saved for a time of need and shelves lined with cans of food—just in case.
I asked Barbara what struck her most about the Depression. “What struck me most was the lack of options. There were no backups. In other words, the banks failed and people lost their life savings—no bailouts. Schools closed because of lack of funding. There was no additional government support to keep them open. There were no jobs. There was no unemployment insurance. People truly were desperate. I think about what it must have been like for parents to be unable to provide the very basics for their children: housing, food, clothing. It had to be heartbreaking.”
Today’s hobos are a diverse bunch, noted Barbara. “The biggest thing I learned from the hobos was that you can’t paint them with the same brush! The unifier is their love and knowledge of trains and their sense of community, but their backgrounds and occupations vary incredibly—from people who are Fulbright scholars with PhDs, to teachers, to laborers who took any job available. They also are a very patriotic group of people. This surprised me because they don’t think much of society as the rest of us know it. Many of the present-day hobos are veterans—mostly from Vietnam (war). They love their country but have had a hard time reconnecting, so they stay on the fringes of our society.”
On the road as a hobo, meals are made from whatever is found or shared. Maddy talks about how delicious certain meals are, her hunger increasing her gratitude and satisfaction for what she eats. Family, too, shifts its definition. Maddy’s family provided neither safety nor support; the hobos and people she encounters in her travels provide her security and community, as she expanded her concept of family. This historical novel deserves a place in the high school classroom as a picture of this era with a teenager leaving home, riding the trains as a hob and searching for a stable family and life.
Barbara noted, “Food becomes extremely important when you don’t have any! It’s not only essential for survival, but the form a meal takes can represent different parts of a culture. Mulligan stew involves cooperation and sharing—and it was both expected and a matter of pride to contribute.”
Mulligan Stew
“Henry taught me how you make mulligan stew that day. I watched as he got it started in at all battered tin can. He balanced the can on rocks that had been carefully positioned the campfire. He cut up the onions, Reedy brought him a small piece of sausage, and Henry let start to cook in the bottom of the tin….Henry dumped in the soup and added water… Professor added several potatoes…and a couple of tomatoes.” Line by Line p. 51
1 pound stewing beef, cubed
2 tablespoons flour
2-3 tablespoons olive oil
2 onions, chopped
1 garlic clove, minced
2 medium carrots, chopped
1 pound small potatoes or larger ones chopped
2 sprigs thyme or 1/2 teaspoon dried
1 cup red wine or 1 bottle of beer
14.5 ounces diced tomatoes canned
1 teaspoon white or brown sugar or 1/2 teaspoon sugar substitute
1 teaspoon salt, or to taste
1 teaspoon pepper, or to taste
Take cubed beef and marinate in balsamic vinegar for 2 hours or longer. This is helpful for slighter tougher cuts of beef.
In heavy pan over medium heat, heat olive oil. Drain and reserve liquid. Add cubed beef and sprinkle flour over the beef. Stir to combine. Cook about 3-4 minutes, or until beef cubes are browned. Remove and set aside.
Add onions, garlic, carrots, potatoes and thyme sautéing gently for about 10 minutes. Add more oil if necessary.
Add back beef cubes and reserved liquid to vegetables, along with canned tomatoes, wine or beer, sugar, salt and pepper. Bring to a boil and then lower heat to a simmer.
Cover and cook for 1 1/2 to 2 hours or until beef is tender. Correct seasoning.
Notes:
As this is an improvised stew, feel free to add vegetables on hand—turnips, parsnips, mushrooms, peas and so on. While fresh is always better, use canned or frozen when needed. Use about 3 pounds of vegetables.
If you do not use or have wine or beer, marinate the beef in 2 -3 tablespoons balsamic vinegar. Drain before sautéing and do not add back into mixture.
After Step 4, you may also cook the stew in a 325 oven for 2 hours or until beef is tender.
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Mulligan Stew (Hobo Stew)
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2023-03-15T10:00:00+00:00
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Our Mulligan Stew recipe combines tender beef and veggies in a delicious tomato broth. Versatile "Hobo Stew" is easy to make.
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en
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A Spicy Perspective
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https://www.aspicyperspective.com/mulligan-stew-hobo-stew/
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Mulligan Stew – This classic dutch oven recipe combines tender beef and your choice of veggies in a delicious tomato broth. “Hobo Stew” is easy to make on the stovetop in one pot!
Why We Love This Stew Recipe
Although we have another rendition of Beef Stew already on the blog (my mom’s amazing recipe) this super simple Mulligan Stew is also a favorite. It’s more rustic and casual, a dutch oven beef stew recipe that is easy to make on the stovetop. But while there is nothing fancy here, it’s a one-bowl meal that is perfectly hearty, flavorful, and incredibly satisfying.
Also known as Irish Stew and Hobo Stew, the idea behind this recipe is a “community dish” where everyone chips in to throw something into the pot. So although we’re using frozen peas and corn, you can certainly add other frozen vegetables like green beans, okra, broccoli, or even hominy.
Ingredients You Need
Olive oil – or other high-heat oil like avocado or canola oil
Beef stew meat – typically pre-cut chunks of chuck roast
Fresh vegetables – mushrooms, onion, celery, carrots, potatoes
Garlic – minced
Italian seasoning – store-bought or use our fantastic homemade Italian Seasoning recipe
Beef broth – or beef bullion, or try homemade Beef Consommé for the deepest, meaty flavor
Tomato paste – for a rich and tangy stew broth
Frozen corn and frozen peas – no need to thaw!
Salt and black pepper – a bit of both to finish the dish
How To Make Mulligan Beef Stew
Set a 6 to 8-quart saucepot over medium heat. Add the oil to the pot. Liberally salt and pepper the beef cubes on all sides, then place them in the pot. Use a wooden spoon to stir and cook the beef chunks until they are browned on all sides, approximately 5 minutes.
Next, add in the mushrooms, onions, celery, carrots, garlic, and Italian seasoning.
Stir and soften the vegetables for another 3-5 minutes.
Pour in the beef broth and tomato paste. Cover the pot and turn the heat to medium-low. Simmer (low-boil) for one hour, stirring occasionally.
Get the Complete (Printable) Dutch Oven Mulligan Beef Stew Recipe Below. Enjoy!
Peel and chop the potatoes into 1-inch cubes. (If doing this ahead of time, place them in water, so they don’t brown. Then drain right before using.) Add the potatoes and corn to the stew.
Stir, then cover and simmer for another 20 minutes until the potatoes are cooked through and the beef chunks are very tender. Stir in the peas.
Then taste and salt and pepper as needed.
How To Make Hobo Stew In Crockpot
Start the beef stew by first cooking the meat, garlic, onions, mushrooms, celery, and carrots in a dutch oven on the stovetop per the original recipe below. Then transfer everything to the slow cooker, and add the remaining ingredients.
Cover, and cook on low for 8-10 hours or high for 4-6 hours.
How To Make Mulligan Stew In Instant Pot
The recipe needs to be cut in half to properly cook in an electric pressure cooker. Use the sliding scale in the recipe card below to reduce the servings from 8 to 4.
Use the saute function to cook the beef. Remove it from the pot. Then saute the garlic, mushrooms, onions, celery, and carrots with the Italian seasoning. Add the meat back to the pot along with the beef broth, tomato pasta, and potatoes.
Close to seal, and pressure cook on high for 20 minutes. Then do a quick release and remove the lid. Turn on the saute function again, and add the frozen peas and corn. Cook the Irish Stew for about 5 more minutes.
Recipe Variations
Customize this recipe with whatever frozen veggies you have on hand! Try frozen okra, green beans, or lima beans. For even more convenience, leave out the fresh carrots and use a frozen veggie blend with carrots, green beans, peas, and corn.
Feel free to experiment with herbs and spices as well. Although Italian seasoning has several well-selected herbs to offer a full flavor, consider adding in bay leaves, oregano, basil, dill weed, marjoram, or thyme.
Serving Suggestions
Irish Beef Stew is a full meal in a bowl, with plenty of filling meat and vegetables. But for a super hearty dinner, it’s always a fantastic idea to have crusty bread on the table. Everyone loves our warm and fluffy homemade yeast rolls and breadsticks! It would also go great with biscuits.
Or, you can serve this Irish mulligan stew recipe with a side of fluffy mashed potatoes to soak up that lovely broth!
Frequently Asked Questions
Is Mulligan beef stew gluten-free?
Yes, this is a gluten-free stew recipe! There are no thickening agents like all-purpose flour or cornstarch, so it has a slightly thinner broth than a classic pot roast stew.
How long do leftovers last?
Leftovers are ah-mazing! The flavors of the beef, tomatoes, and veggies get more deliciously intense as everything sits together. Let the stew cool completely, then transfer it to an airtight container. Keep in the fridge for up to 4-5 days.
Can you freeze beef stew?
Yes, hobo stew is very easy to freeze for up to 3 months. Cool the dish first before transferring it to a freezer-safe container. For extra protection, I recommend wrapping the container in a layer of aluminum foil before freezing.
Looking for More Comforting Stew Recipes? Be Sure to Also Try:
Healthy Crockpot Chicken Stew
Beef and Lentil Stew
Pressure Cooker Corned Beef Cabbage Stew
Carne Guisada Recipe (Con Papas)
Tuscan-Style Beef Cassoulet
Share This Recipe With Friends!
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https://www.afarmgirlsdabbles.com/mulligan-stew/
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A Farmgirl's Dabbles
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[
"Brenda Score",
"Brenda | A Farmgirl's Dabbles"
] |
2023-11-13T16:56:52+00:00
|
Hearty, flavorful Mulligan Stew is packed with tender cubes of beef and loaded with vegetables for a satisfying one-bowl meal.
|
en
|
A Farmgirl's Dabbles
|
https://www.afarmgirlsdabbles.com/mulligan-stew/
| ||||||
1480
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 18
|
https://www.synonym.com/synonyms/mulligan-stew
|
en
|
Another word for MULLIGAN STEW > Synonyms & Antonyms
|
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[
""
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[] | null |
Similar words for Mulligan Stew. Definition: noun. ['ˈmʌlɪgən'] Irish version of burgoo.
|
en
|
//www.synonym.com/public/images/icons/favicon.ico
|
Synonym.com
|
https://www.synonym.com/synonyms/mulligan-stew
|
3. stew
verb. ['ˈstuː'] be in a huff; be silent or sullen.
|
||||
1480
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 2
|
https://spicedblog.com/mulligan-stew/
|
en
|
Beef and potato soup - perfect comfort food for a cold day!
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[
"David",
"www.facebook.com"
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2021-01-01T13:18:07+00:00
|
Also known as a community stew, a Mulligan Stew is a tasty way to bring folks together. This beef and potato stew is excellent comfort food on a cold day!
|
en
|
https://spicedblog.com/mulligan-stew/
|
Also known as a community stew, a Mulligan Stew is a tasty way to bring folks together. This beef and potato stew is ideal comfort food on a chilly winter day!
If ever there was a time for a mulligan, it’s now. 2020 was a bit of a hot mess, wouldn’t you agree? The Great Quarantine was nice in some ways in that I got to spend a lot of time with Laura, Robbie and our two new puppies. But trying to work while also edutaining (that’d be educating + entertaining) a 4-year-old is enough to drive anyone mad. Let’s take a mulligan on 2020 and start the new year with a clean slate!
The term mulligan is often used in golf when a player gets to take an extra free shot following a particularly bad shot. You basically get to replay the shot. That’s how I feel about 2020. Let’s just put the ball back on the tee and try that year again. (On a related note, did you know that the opposite of a mulligan is a ‘gilligan?’ That’s when an opponent can request that you make a particularly good shot again. Maybe 2021 can be a gilligan year!)
Mulligan Stew
Despite the use of the term above, Mulligan Stew is actually not related to golf. Like many recipes, the naming origins of Mulligan Stew are a bit murky. However, it is generally accepted that this stew originates from Ireland where ‘mulligan’ is a stand-in term referring to an Irishman. Mulligan Stew is essentially a classic Irish stew, but with the use of beef instead of mutton.
This stew is a popular ‘community stew’ where each member of the community contributes part of the recipe. Someone builds a fire for cooking. Someone else finds the meat. Another person rustles up whatever veggies they can find. The finished stew is essentially a catch-all recipe using whatever ingredients are available. A Mulligan Stew is also called a ‘hobo stew’ as it was a popular meal in hobo camps in the early 1900’s. The stew was often cooked in a large can over an open fire.
Other regional variations of the Mulligan Stew are quite popular, too. In Kentucky, the term ‘burgoo’ refers to a communal stew, although burgoo is often spicier than Mulligan Stew. In fact, a study by the Works Progress Administration noted that the concept of burgoo began when a Confederate army cook put “potatoes, tomatoes, onions, some cabbage, twenty-nine blackbirds, three crows, a goose, several hens, and a young pig” in a powder kettle and let the whole thing simmer. Talk about a stew made from whatever you could find!
Mulligan Stew has certainly evolved over the years. After all, I don’t think hobos would have had ready access to beef and frozen veggies. And this version is cooked on a stovetop and in the oven rather than over an open fire. I’m sure it could still be cooked over an open fire, but I don’t have a lot of experience in that type of cooking. That, and it’s really flippin’ cold outside right now – I think I’ll stay inside. Nevertheless, the point remains that this stew is a great catch-all recipe that uses whatever ingredients you happen to have on hand. (Thus the use of both fresh and frozen veggies in this recipe.)
As we head into the new year, I hope this year is much better than the last! Cheers, and I hope you enjoy a good hot bowl of this Mulligan Stew sometime soon!
Did you make this Mulligan Stew at home? Leave a comment, or snap a photo and tag me on Instagram (@Spicedblog). I’d love to see your version!
Looking for other tasty soup and stew recipes? Check out these other favorites, too:
Cheeseburger Soup
Ribollita (Tuscan White Bean Stew)
|
||||||
1480
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 54
|
https://community.qvc.com/t5/Recipes/Mulligan-Beef-Stew-From-Woman-s-Day/td-p/7882274
|
en
|
Mulligan Beef Stew - From Woman's Day
|
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2023-03-06T18:22:36.077000+00:00
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I'm not sure what a "traditional" Mulligan Beef Stew would include ... but I thought this recipe had some interesting ingredients. It sure
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https://community.qvc.com/t5/Recipes/Mulligan-Beef-Stew-From-Woman-s-Day/td-p/7882274
|
I'm not sure what a "traditional" Mulligan Beef Stew would include ... but I thought this recipe had some interesting ingredients. It sure looks appealing.
For myself, if I was making this, I would tweak the recipe a bit, excluding some of the ingredients (like fish sauce) and I would add potatoes for sure. I would keep in the poblano chilies, as that's what makes this stew different from what I've made before.
Mulligan Beef Stew - From Woman's Day
INGREDIENTS
4 tbsp. olive oil, plus more for the pan
3 lb. beef stew meat (such as chuck), trimmed and cut into 2" pieces
kosher salt
2 onions, chopped
4 medium carrots (about 12 oz.), sliced 1/4" thick
2 poblano chiles, chopped
2 large cloves garlic, chopped
1 1" piece ginger, peeled and finely chopped
1 bay leaf (optional)
1/2 tsp. ground cumin
1/2 tsp. ground coriander
2 c. dry red wine
1 1/2 tsp. adobo sauce (from a can of chipotles in adobo)
1 28-oz. can crushed tomatoes
2 c. low-sodium chicken broth
1/2 c. coffee
1 tbsp. Worcestershire sauce
1 tsp. fish sauce
1 tbsp. low-sodium soy sauce
1 tsp. honey
Chopped parsley and rolls or bread, for serving
DIRECTIONS
STEP 1: Heat 2 tablespoons oil in a skillet over medium-high heat. Pat the beef dry with paper towels, season with 1/2 teaspoon salt, then cook in batches until browned all over, adding more oil to the pan if necessary.
STEP 2: Wipe out the pan and heat remaining 2 tablespoon oil over medium heat. Add the onions and 1/4 teaspoon salt and cook, stirring occasionally, until the onions begin to brown, about 8 minutes. Add the carrots, poblanos, garlic, ginger, bay leaf, cumin, and coriander and cook, stirring once or twice, until very fragrant, about 2 minutes.
STEP 3: Transfer the vegetable mixture to a 6-quart slow cooker. Add 1 cup wine to the empty pan and scrape all the browned bits off the bottom; transfer to the slow cooker.
STEP 4: Add the adobo sauce and remaining wine to the slow cooker. Stir in the tomatoes, chicken broth, coffee, Worcestershire sauce, and fish sauce. Nestle the beef in the sauce and cook on high until the liquids are steaming and the dish is fragrant, about 45 minutes.
STEP 5: Stir in the soy sauce and honey and cook on low until the beef is tender, 5 to 6 hours. Discard the bay leaf and season with additional salt if necessary. Spoon into bowls, sprinkle with parsley, and serve with rolls, if desired.
"What we practice daily is what we build a life on. Practice peace, love & kindness."
@On It wrote:
@kate2357 This recipe is interesting. I would definitely leave out the fish sauce and a couple of other ingredients that would trigger my acid reflux. I plan on attempting this as soon as my renovation is complete.
According to the Hallmark movie "A Crown for Christmas," Mulligan Stew is everything in the kitchen plus peas. I will combine both ideas. Thank you for posting.
@On It
Are you doing a kitchen renovation? Those can be so painful to go through as they seem to take forever to be completed. But when completed, so much fun to cook in the new kitchen.
I like peas too. But I always just add frozen peas to the bowl I'm eating in, then pour/ladle the soup or stew over the peas. I do not like mushy peas and cannot eat split pea soup.
"What we practice daily is what we build a life on. Practice peace, love & kindness."
@drizzellla wrote:
Is Mulligan Stew, the stew that Charlie Ruggles wife cooked in the movie "It Happened on Fifth Avenue"?
I found a tremendous bread at the local farmers market. And wanted to make a stew to go along with it.
Looks like alot of meat and spices. But am willing to give it a try.
@drizzellla
I don't know the movie you're referring to. I do agree this had a lot of spices and some of them I don't have on hand. As for the meat, yes, I thought 3 lbs seemed like a lot of meat, but this recipe seems to be mainly about the meat ... whereas the stew I'm used to making has a bunch of veggies included.
For stews and soup, I tend to tweak the recipes. In this case, for just my hubby and I, the amount of meat I would use would be between 1-2 lbs the first time I made it.
"What we practice daily is what we build a life on. Practice peace, love & kindness."
I make my grandma's recipe for this dish. I have been known to throw in a ham bone if I have one saved in the freezer:
4 lb chuck roast, cut into 1" chunks
3 tbsp vegetable oil
4 carrots. cut into 1"chunks
1 onion, chopped
1/2 tsp allspice
15-oz can diced tomatoes
5 1/2 cups water
1/2 cup barley
1/2 tsp dried thyme
1 1/2 lb yellow potatoes, cut into 1" chunks
1/2 lb green beans, cut into 1" lengths
1 1/2 cups cabbage, cut into 1" chunks
Sprinkle beef with salt and pepper. Brown in 2 tbsp oil in big pot (I use my Dutch oven). Set aside in bowl.
Cook carrots, onion, and allspice in 1 tbsp oil until onion is soft. Stir in tomatoes and cook until almost all juice has cooked off. Stir in water, ham bone, barley, thyme, browned beef, and 1 tsp salt. Bring to simmer and cover. Cook in 300 degree oven for 1 hour and 45 minutes
.
Take out of oven, stir in potatoes and green beans. Cover and return to oven for 45 more minutes. Take out of oven and throw away ham bone.
Stir in cabbage, cover, and return to oven until vegetables are softened, about 15 minutes.
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https://spicedblog.com/mulligan-stew/
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Beef and potato soup - perfect comfort food for a cold day!
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2021-01-01T13:18:07+00:00
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Also known as a community stew, a Mulligan Stew is a tasty way to bring folks together. This beef and potato stew is excellent comfort food on a cold day!
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https://spicedblog.com/mulligan-stew/
|
Also known as a community stew, a Mulligan Stew is a tasty way to bring folks together. This beef and potato stew is ideal comfort food on a chilly winter day!
If ever there was a time for a mulligan, it’s now. 2020 was a bit of a hot mess, wouldn’t you agree? The Great Quarantine was nice in some ways in that I got to spend a lot of time with Laura, Robbie and our two new puppies. But trying to work while also edutaining (that’d be educating + entertaining) a 4-year-old is enough to drive anyone mad. Let’s take a mulligan on 2020 and start the new year with a clean slate!
The term mulligan is often used in golf when a player gets to take an extra free shot following a particularly bad shot. You basically get to replay the shot. That’s how I feel about 2020. Let’s just put the ball back on the tee and try that year again. (On a related note, did you know that the opposite of a mulligan is a ‘gilligan?’ That’s when an opponent can request that you make a particularly good shot again. Maybe 2021 can be a gilligan year!)
Mulligan Stew
Despite the use of the term above, Mulligan Stew is actually not related to golf. Like many recipes, the naming origins of Mulligan Stew are a bit murky. However, it is generally accepted that this stew originates from Ireland where ‘mulligan’ is a stand-in term referring to an Irishman. Mulligan Stew is essentially a classic Irish stew, but with the use of beef instead of mutton.
This stew is a popular ‘community stew’ where each member of the community contributes part of the recipe. Someone builds a fire for cooking. Someone else finds the meat. Another person rustles up whatever veggies they can find. The finished stew is essentially a catch-all recipe using whatever ingredients are available. A Mulligan Stew is also called a ‘hobo stew’ as it was a popular meal in hobo camps in the early 1900’s. The stew was often cooked in a large can over an open fire.
Other regional variations of the Mulligan Stew are quite popular, too. In Kentucky, the term ‘burgoo’ refers to a communal stew, although burgoo is often spicier than Mulligan Stew. In fact, a study by the Works Progress Administration noted that the concept of burgoo began when a Confederate army cook put “potatoes, tomatoes, onions, some cabbage, twenty-nine blackbirds, three crows, a goose, several hens, and a young pig” in a powder kettle and let the whole thing simmer. Talk about a stew made from whatever you could find!
Mulligan Stew has certainly evolved over the years. After all, I don’t think hobos would have had ready access to beef and frozen veggies. And this version is cooked on a stovetop and in the oven rather than over an open fire. I’m sure it could still be cooked over an open fire, but I don’t have a lot of experience in that type of cooking. That, and it’s really flippin’ cold outside right now – I think I’ll stay inside. Nevertheless, the point remains that this stew is a great catch-all recipe that uses whatever ingredients you happen to have on hand. (Thus the use of both fresh and frozen veggies in this recipe.)
As we head into the new year, I hope this year is much better than the last! Cheers, and I hope you enjoy a good hot bowl of this Mulligan Stew sometime soon!
Did you make this Mulligan Stew at home? Leave a comment, or snap a photo and tag me on Instagram (@Spicedblog). I’d love to see your version!
Looking for other tasty soup and stew recipes? Check out these other favorites, too:
Cheeseburger Soup
Ribollita (Tuscan White Bean Stew)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mulligan_stew
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Mulligan stew
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American stew
For other uses, see Mulligan Stew (disambiguation).
Mulligan stewTypeStewPlace of originUnited StatesMain ingredients
Mulligan stew, also known as hobo stew, is a type of stew said to have been prepared by American hobos in camps in the early 1900s.[1]
Another variation of mulligan stew is "community stew", a stew put together by several homeless people by combining whatever food they have or can collect. Community stews are often made at "hobo jungles", or at events designed to help homeless people.[citation needed]
Description
[edit]
Mulligan stew is broadly defined as a stew made of odds and ends or any available ingredients.[2][3] A description of mulligan stew appeared in a 1900 newspaper:
Another traveler present described the operation of making a "mulligan." Five or six hobos join in this. One builds a fire and rustles a can. Another has to procure meat; another potatoes; one fellow pledges himself to obtain bread, and still another has to furnish onions, salt and pepper. If a chicken can be stolen, so much the better. The whole outfit is placed in the can and boiled until it is done. If one of the men is successful in procuring "Java," an oyster can is used for a coffee tank, and this is also put on the fire to boil. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that California hobos always put a "snipe" in their coffee, to give it that delicate amber color and to add to the aroma. "Snipe" is hobo for the butt end of a cigar that smokers throw down in the streets. All hobos have large quantities of snipes in their pockets, for both chewing and smoking purposes. A "beggar stew" is a "mulligan," without any meat.[4]
Ingredients
[edit]
"Mulligan" is a stand-in term for any Irishman, and Mulligan stew is simply an Irish stew that includes meat, potatoes, vegetables, and whatever else can be begged, scavenged, found or stolen.[5] A local Appalachian variant is a burgoo, which may comprise such available ingredients as possum or squirrel. Only a pot and a fire are required. The hobo who put it together was known as the "mulligan mixer."
During the Great Depression, homeless men (hobos) would sleep in a "hobo jungle" (a campsite used by the homeless near a railway). Traditionally, the jungle would have a large campfire and a pot into which each person would put in a portion of their food, to create a shared dish that was, hopefully, more tasteful and varied than his original portion. Usually, they would afterward enjoy themselves with story-telling and, sometimes, the drinking of alcohol.[citation needed]
In popular culture
[edit]
Literature
[edit]
John Varley's The Golden Globe has an extended description of the mulligan as a perpetual stew.
In James Jones's novel From Here to Eternity (1951) the main protagonist, Robert Prewitt, reminisces the times on the bum, "sitting around the small fire with a belly full of a good mulligan that you had been assigned the bumming of the carrots for, or maybe the onions, or the spuds".
Amor Towles' novel Rules of Civility "The crowd was a mulligan stew of their friends and acquaintances."
Music
[edit]
The verse to Rodgers and Hart's showtune "The Lady Is a Tramp" (from the 1937 Babes in Arms) begins: "I've wined and dined on Mulligan Stew, and never wished for turkey."
The song "Old Pigweed" on Mark Knopfler's album The Ragpicker's Dream describes a mulligan stew being prepared, but ruined, by addition of old pigweed.
See also
[edit]
Food portal
Booyah (stew), a social stew popular in parts of Minnesota and Wisconsin
Brunswick stew
Burgoo, often prepared communally
List of stews
Mulligatawny soup
Stone soup, also known as button soup, wood soup, nail soup, and axe soup, often prepared communally
References
[edit]
Further reading
[edit]
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https://pokemonquest.fandom.com/wiki/Mulligan_Stew
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en
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Mulligan Stew
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https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711
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https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Contributors to Pokémon Quest Wiki"
] |
2024-07-29T22:27:06+00:00
|
Mulligan Stew (à la Cube) is a kind of recipe in Pokémon Quest. It is the most common recipe in the game, being created with any combination that doesn't make an existing recipe, and attracts various kinds of Pokémon.
|
en
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/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico
|
Pokémon Quest Wiki
|
https://pokemonquest.fandom.com/wiki/Mulligan_Stew
|
à la Cube
Attracted Pokémon
Various Pokémon
On other sites
Serebii
IGN Wiki
Mulligan Stew (à la Cube) is a kind of recipe in Pokémon Quest. It is the most common recipe in the game, being created with any combination that doesn't make an existing recipe, and attracts various kinds of Pokémon.
Ingredients[]
Basic anything you like[]
Good[]
Very Good[]
Special 5 rainbow matter[]
Pokémon Attracted[]
Mulligan StewPokémon
Pokémon Quality % Chance
Trivia[]
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1480
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3
| 19
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https://thegolferinc.com/the-mulligan/
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en
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The Mulligan
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"The Golfer"
] |
2016-10-26T22:52:31+00:00
|
by George Fuller Is the most familiar name in golf Hogan, Nicklaus, Palmer or Tiger? May I suggest Mulligan, a name invoked by most golfers during most games. But who has any clue as to the identity of this mysterious patron saint of forgiveness? I decided to look into the matter. The glossary of Peter […]
|
en
|
The Golfer
|
https://thegolferinc.com/the-mulligan/
|
by George Fuller
Is the most familiar name in golf Hogan, Nicklaus, Palmer or Tiger? May I suggest Mulligan, a name invoked by most golfers during most games. But who has any clue as to the identity of this mysterious patron saint of forgiveness? I decided to look into the matter.
The glossary of Peter Dobereiner’s Golf Rules Explained seemed a logical place to start searching for answers. Dobereiner says, “ Mulligan—The practice, quite unofficial, of allowing a player a free second drive when his first tee shot is unsatisfactory.” Period, close quote. Is there nothing more?
So I consulted The Historical Dictionary of Golfing Terms From 1500 to Present by Peter Davies. This book tells us that the origin of Mulligan is “obscure.” It quotes a 1960 Rex Lardner passage: “I don’t even know if there was a Mulligan. But he gave his name to a wonderful gesture—letting you play a bad first drive over and no penalty.”
Webster’s New World Dictionary lists only Mulligan stew, an Irish beef concoction that doesn’t seem to have much to do with golf.
An article submitted by a golfer from upstate New York claims that our patron saint was in fact a Robert Mulligan of Montreal. Our correspondent writes, “It seems that Mr. Mulligan had the task of driving his foursome to St. Lambert Country Club in the 1920s, and since Mulligan had to wrestle the steering wheel over rough road, his fellow players allowed him an extra drive on the first tee.” A fair trade for gas money.
Yet another venerable source says the Mulligan was actually Dave Mulligan, an expatriate Canadian who moved to the United States with the Biltmore Hotel chain and became a member of Winged Foot Golf Club, which helped his social status but apparently not his drives from the first tee. He was a decent player, but he could never get off No. 1. So the sporting members of Winged Foot gave the fellow a free second ball.
I contacted our friends at Winged Foot to see if this path to the saint was strewn with flowers. It was. Happily, Winged Foot claims Mulligan as its own. According to their book Winged Foot Story, “An early member of Winged Foot was one David B. Mulligan, a gentleman in the hotel business who came to us from Canada in 1937, when he joined Winged Foot and became president of New York’s famous Biltmore Hotel. He is described as a friendly soul and raconteur who loved to tell his life’s experiences while sitting in the upper locker room lounge:
“When he came to Winged Foot, legend has it that he would join a favorite foursome, not always the same, but usually made up of cronies in that pre-war era who loved life and golf and their young club.
“Mulligan played a fair game, but he was, as they say, a slow starter. His drive off the first tee oft went astray. Turning plaintively to his friends he would plead, or perhaps only look, saying “Another?” Being generous souls they would nod, permissively, if not enthusiastically. David is remembered by our senior members today for his warmth, and the pleasure he had while sitting in the lounge with his Scotch and soda, proudly claiming credit for golf’s most generous gesture, the Mulligan.”
Though Royal & Ancient may have no official comment, the request for a mulligan on the first tee of St. Andrews is likely to fall upon unsympathetic ears. In fact, even Winged Foot adds a disclaimer at the bottom of its story:
“We should say that the Mulligan has never been accepted by serious golfers as legitimate. Some who tolerate it passively insist that if the second shot is taken, it must be played. A larger number may take their choice of the two—sometimes called a Finnegan—but at Winged Foot as at many fine golf courses, and among the Scots, it is frowned on if not discouraged altogether.”
So there you have it—the mystery has been solved. While, alas, my research work may not merit a Nobel Prize, may I propose that golfers at least raise a toast (Scotch and soda, preferably) to the immortal David Mulligan.
If you happen to spill the first one all over your shirt, don’t worry. Dave would be most happy if you should just try it again.
|
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| 16
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https://www.synonym.com/synonyms/mulligan-stew
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en
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Another word for MULLIGAN STEW > Synonyms & Antonyms
|
[
"https://img-aws.ehowcdn.com/877x500/cpi.studiod.com/synonyms/mulligan_synonyms.png 877w"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Similar words for Mulligan Stew. Definition: noun. ['ˈmʌlɪgən'] Irish version of burgoo.
|
en
|
//www.synonym.com/public/images/icons/favicon.ico
|
Synonym.com
|
https://www.synonym.com/synonyms/mulligan-stew
|
3. stew
verb. ['ˈstuː'] be in a huff; be silent or sullen.
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https://eatmovemake.com/mulligan-stew/
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en
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Mulligan Stew Recipe
|
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[
"Liz",
"www.facebook.com"
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2021-01-14T20:13:59+00:00
|
This hearty mulligan stew recipe is loaded with tender beef chunks and a variety of colorful veggies. A deliciously satisfying family dinner.
|
en
|
Eat Move Make
|
https://eatmovemake.com/mulligan-stew/
|
As an Amazon associate, I earn from qualifying purchases. This post may contain affiliate links, which means we may receive a commission if you click a link and purchase something we have recommended. Please see our disclosure policy for details. Thank you for being so supportive!
This hearty mulligan stew recipe is loaded with tender beef chunks and a rainbow of veggies and makes a deliciously satisfying dinner. It’s an ideal way to use up those odds and ends in the crisper drawer too.
I usually make this on the stovetop in a few hours, but you can make it in a slow cooker as well.
Why is it called mulligan stew?
The name suggests an Irish origin, and a mulligan stew is typically made of an assortment of whatever ingredients are on hand, including meat, potatoes, and vegetables.
It’s sometimes called “hobo stew,” a term derived from the railroad hobo camp meals of the early 1900s.
What is mulligan stew made of?
Traditionally, it’s made from whatever you have available, so if there’s a veggie on this list you don’t have, toss in what you do have!
I kinda like the idea it may taste a wee bit different every time you make it.
2 tablespoons oil
2 pounds beef stew meat (more or less, to preference)
1 1/2 tablespoons balsamic vinegar
1 yellow onion, chopped
2 cloves garlic, minced
1/4 cup all-purpose flour
1/2 teaspoon dried oregano
1/2 teaspoon dried basil
1/2 teaspoon dried rosemary
1/2 teaspoon dried thyme
1/2 teaspoon dried marjoram
1/2 teaspoon salt
1/2 teaspoon pepper
1/2 teaspoon cayenne pepper (more or less, to taste)
32 ounces beef broth
15 oz can diced tomatoes
1 lb yellow potatoes, scrubbed and cut into equal bite-sized pieces
3 carrots, peeled and sliced
3 celery stalks, sliced
1 cup of frozen green beans
1 cup frozen lima beans
1 cup frozen peas
1 cup of frozen corn
1 cup fresh parsley
Additions and substitutions
Add some Worcestershire sauce for a splash of umami.
If you don’t have beef stock on hand, use chicken stock or vegetable stock.
How to make this recipe for mulligan stew
In a large bowl, whisk together flour, oregano, basil, rosemary, thyme, marjoram, salt, black pepper, and cayenne pepper. Toss stew meat in the flour until thoroughly coated.
Heat oil in a large stockpot and brown the stew beef in batches so there’s plenty of room for each piece. Brown meat well on all sides, then remove and set aside.
Add the onions and balsamic vinegar to the pot and cook for several minutes until the onions are tender. Scrape the bottom of the pot to loosen all those yummy beef bits. Add garlic and cook for another 30 seconds.
Add the beef broth and tomatoes to the pot. Then add the stew beef back to the pot along with the vegetables.
Bring to a boil, reduce heat to low; cover and cook for about 2 1/2 hours or until beef is fork-tender.
Add peas and let simmer, covered for another 30-45 minutes.
Ladle big scoops of stew into serving bowls.
Sprinkle each serving with fresh chopped parsley and season with salt and pepper to taste.
Is it necessary to brown the meat before stewing?
Browning the meat gives the beef a nice sear and adds depth to the stew’s flavor.
Is it necessary to flour the meat before browning?
Dredging the stew beef with flour before cooking adds body and thickness to the stew.
What’s a good cut of meat for beef stew?
The best cut is probably a nicely marbled beef chuck which you can cut into chunks yourself. I usually go the timesaving method of buying pre-cut beef stew meat. The key to tender beef is low and slow.
How to make slow cooker mulligan stew
Flour and brown beef in a skillet as directed in the mulligan stew stovetop recipe. Place beef in the slow cooker. Cook the onions and garlic in the skillet, then add to the slow cooker.
Add remaining ingredients, stir together and cook on low heat for 7-8 hours. I don’t recommend cooking it on high because you really need the time to tenderize the beef properly. Low and slow is the key.
Love stew? Try my Cajun beef stew and crockpot beef stew recipes as well.
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|||||
1480
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 74
|
https://www.kitchenfrau.com/tomato-mulligan-its-a-soup-its-a-stew-its-a-side-dish/
|
en
|
Old-Fashioned Tomato Mulligan
|
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[
"Margaret"
] |
2013-10-17T15:10:25+00:00
|
Tomato Mulligan, an old prairie recipe, is an unusual but absolutely delicious soup or stew. Made from tomatoes, bread, & cream - so simple, creamy, & tasty.
|
en
|
Kitchen Frau
|
https://www.kitchenfrau.com/tomato-mulligan-its-a-soup-its-a-stew-its-a-side-dish/
|
Tomato Mulligan is an old-fashioned prairie dish, quite unlike anything you've probably had before. Made from a few simple ingredients - tomatoes, bread, and cream - it's so much more delicious than it sounds. Hearty, creamy, and filling - it's a delicious thick kind of soup. (Skip to recipe)
Thanksgiving is always such a rich and full time of year. I have much to be thankful for. As I think of all the things, great and small, that have blessed my life this year I feel heavy and humble. I lost one of my best friends to cancer, but am thankful to have had her in my life for 35 years. This fall we had our first child get married (gulp), but we are blessed with a great new son-in-law to our family. I have taken risks in my life that I didn't have the courage to do before; entered the Recipe to Riches contest and made it almost to the finals, started writing for our local newspaper, am finishing off some big writing projects started 5 years ago. Losing someone makes you realize you have to grab life and live it.
Our family, despite a few bumps, is healthy and thriving.
Those are all good and wonderful things. And so are the few valiant roses still blooming in the garden in our cool fall weather. And the sweet smell of the banana loaf baking in the oven as I write this. And the memory of a cozy lunch I had with a friend last week. Life is full of good things, and I am so thankful for them.
This Thanksgiving reminded me of that. We spent it with Raymond's parents on their farm in northern Alberta and were busy with family activities every minute - we are so lucky.
Andreas, Albert (our German exchange son), Raymond, and I got to go quadding with Raymond's brother and family - what a wonderful time spent deep in the uninhabited forests of northwestern Alberta. We raced along moss-covered and leaf-littered paths, through swampy bogs, and alongside peaceful hidden lakes.
Stopping the quads to listen to the stillness gave us light-filled moments amidst the exhilaration of bouncing and flying through the glowing fall-decorated forest.
I took peaceful walks down the farm's half-mile long driveway, with the wind blowing across the fields as my companion.
We shared a bountiful Thanksgiving feast with a house happily crammed full of family, from ages 2 to 93. We laughed and cooked together, told stories, and played cards around the old farm table.
I hope you also had a Thanksgiving that filled up your soul.
The table at the Thanksgiving feast was laden with a smorgasbord of perfectly roasted turkey and ham, scrumptious salads, vegetables, pickles, gravy, and even more luscious desserts.
Yet, the one dish that stands out in my mind from this Thanksgiving weekend is the humble Tomato Mulligan my mother-in-law, Mabel, made us for lunch one day. This curious dish is a recipe she remembers her mama making, so it's been around awhile, since Mabel is 88 years old. It's made from a few simple ingredients that, when combined, are so much greater than the sum of their parts.
Mabel made the mulligan with fresh tomatoes she still had from her garden, but she says in the past she always made it with canned tomatoes - because in northern Alberta 50+ years ago, there were no tomatoes grown in gardens. Tomatoes were too delicate for northern climates. Nowadays, with pre-started tomato plants, and greenhouses and coddling, tomatoes can be grown up north, but they often have to be ripened inside, after the frosts hit. However, canned tomatoes were a delicacy that was available years ago.
No one knows where the name came from. It's just always been called Tomato Mulligan. When the family had lots of cows to milk, Mabel made it with fresh cream, but now she often makes it with canned evaporated milk, and it's hard to tell the difference.
Tomato Mulligan, started as a thrifty way to use up a bit of stale bread, but when you eat it, that's not what you think about. You just think how absolutely delicious it is. Creamy, tomato-ey, and so simple yet rich.
Born of necessity in long ago times, this delicious dish got lost in the more sexy recipes of modern times. But it's worth reviving. If you make it with two slices of bread, it's like a thick soup - some distant Canadian prairie cousin of the Italian ribollita. If you add a bit more bread, it becomes a thicker stew-like side dish, kind of a tomato goulash. It would be great next to meatloaf or sausages. It's even quite wonderful reheated and eaten for breakfast with a poached or fried egg on top.
The baking soda may seem like a curious ingredient in the Tomato Mulligan, but its role is very important. (Think back to childhood science experiments, making the vinegar and baking soda volcanoes.) The soda neutralizes the acid in the tomatoes, so that when you add the cream, it doesn't curdle. It just makes a luscious creamy tomato sauce. Nifty, really. Those pioneer cooks were way ahead of us.
I could eat this by the bowlful, and the teenagers, though skeptically eyeing the dish at first, changed their expressions to delight and shoveled second helpings onto their plates, exclaiming with surprise that 'this stuff is really good!"
I urge you to try this - it is so much tastier than it looks. Really.
It's my new comfort food, and I'm very thankful for the simplicity of a bowl of fresh tomatoes, bread and cream.
* * * * *
Kitchen Frau Notes: You can make this with fresh tomatoes, peeled first, or a large can of whole or diced tomatoes. Mabel used leftover homemade white dinner buns, but I've tried it also with gluten-free bread and it worked well, too. It's best with white bread because it breaks down easily, but I tried one batch with whole grain bread, and though it had a bit more texture, was still very tasty.
Old-Fashioned Tomato Mulligan
1 large can (798 ml/28 oz) whole peeled tomatoes, or 2 lbs fresh, ripe tomatoes
½ teaspoon baking soda
½ cup (120ml) heavy cream or canned evaporated milk
2 slices bread (gluten free if necessary)
salt and pepper
If you are using fresh tomatoes, heat a saucepan of water to boiling, and drop the tomatoes in. Let them boil for a minute or so, until the skins start splitting. If there are a few tomatoes whose skins are stubborn, give them a poke with the tip of a sharp knife and if the skin splits, the tomato is ready. Remove them from the water with a slotted spoon, cut out the cores with the tip of a sharp paring knife, and slip them from their skins. Dice them into large pieces and place them in a saucepan. You should have about 3 cups tomatoes.
If using canned whole tomatoes, empty the contents of the can into a saucepan and - here's the fun part - get in there with your hands and squish the tomatoes to break them up. (You can also be more elegant and cut them up with a knife, but where's the fun in that?)
Stir the baking soda into the tomatoes and watch the bubbling action start. They will foam up slightly - that's the soda neutralizing the tomato acid. Stir well to get the soda fully incorporated. Add the cream and the 2 slices of bread, either diced or torn into small pieces.
Place the tomatoes over medium-high heat on the stove and bring to a boil, stirring often. If using fresh tomatoes, let them cook for two or 3 minutes to soften them. If using canned tomatoes, they just need to come to a boil. Give them a good stir to help the bread soften and break down. Season to taste. Canned tomatoes need about ½ teaspoon salt, fresh ones need about 1 teaspoon. A good grinding of fresh black pepper finishes off this dish.
So simple, nothing else is needed. Serve in bowls as a soup or stew, with a chunk of cheese to it, or a salad.
If you want to serve the Tomato Mulligan as a side dish, stir in another slice or so of bread, until it is thick enough to sit on the plate, like a kind of soft puree.
Makes about 4 cups Mulligan, enough to serve 2 to 3 as a light lunch or 4 to 6 as a side dish.
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|
|||||
1480
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 1
|
https://www.orthocuban.com/2009/02/mulligan-stew-rather-than-melting-pot/
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en
|
Mulligan Stew rather than Melting Pot
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] | null |
[
"Fr. Ernesto",
"The Scylding says"
] |
2009-02-15T01:05:23-06:00
|
en
|
https://www.orthocuban.com/wp-content/themes/genesis/images/favicon.ico
|
https://www.orthocuban.com/2009/02/mulligan-stew-rather-than-melting-pot/
|
What is Mulligan Stew? Well, there are a couple of definitions, but the one that I learned growing up was:
Said to have originated in hobo camps during the early 1900s, mulligan stew is a sort of catch-all dish of whatever is available. It usually contains meat, potatoes and vegetables in just about any combination. The name indicates that its origins might come from IRISH STEW, but it’s also often compared to Kentucky BURGOO. The cook at a hobo camp responsible for putting this tasty concoction together was called a “mulligan-mixer.”
 Yesterday I officiated at a Mulligan Stew wedding. What do I mean? Well, the groom was of Lebanese descent, but close enough to the original immigrants to still keep many of the cultural customs. The bride looked like your typical just-graduated-from-the-university tall blue-eyed American. Her father is not Orthodox, but her mother is. So, she grew up in Greek Orthodox churches, was a member of the Greek ethnic dance group (as well as taking ballet). He speaks no Arabic. She speaks no Greek. The wedding was wonderful. There were five priests present–oh, did I forget to mention that the groom is the son of a priest? One priest was pure Greek descent; two priests were of pure Lebanese descent; one priest was a convert typical American; and I, the Cuban convert. We had great fun, and the bride and groom ended up married.
The reception was an incredible mix of cultures. There was music from the 60’s, classical love songs, you get the idea. And, then, in the middle of the reception, they started playing Lebanese dance music. And out rushed the Greek, and Lebanese, and American university age women. And they started dancing the old traditional circle dance. If they did not know it, they watched someone who did. Eventually some of the university men joined them. And, finally, some of their elders joined in. Great hilarity ensued. And then, I realized that I was watching a cultural version of American Mulligan Stew.
What do I mean? Well, the predominant model for incoming immigrants used the be the melting pot. The idea was that different ingredients kept melting together, as they came in, into one homogonized culture. But, really, that was not an accurate description. A much better description of the American experience is Mulligan Stew. In Mulligan Stew, one can see everything dumped together into one pot, but still mostly identifiable. There are lumps of meat, lumps of potato, lumps of this, that, and the other. One cannot always identify what the lump is, but if Mulligan Stew is made correctly, it tastes wonderful.
And, so it has often been with the USA. No, we are not perfect. There are a couple of particular cultures that have never been fully allowed to become truly American. But, by and large, the difference between the USA and many parts of the world is our ability to encompass different cultures and “bring them into the stew” without having them totally discard their identity. It is a wonderful thing when the process works correctly. This type of process can also be seen in Canada, New Zealand, and several other countries. We are not unique in that. But, I am certainly thankful for what I saw yesterday at the wedding. It was America at her best, and it was good to see it.
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definition and meaning
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mulligan stew: A stew made of bits of various meats and vegetables.
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Wordnik.com
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https://www.wordnik.com/words/mulligan%20stew
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Log in or sign up to get involved in the conversation. It's quick and easy.
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https://www.cantonrep.com/story/news/2011/11/10/frank-mulligan-what-s-in/46833332007/
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Frank Mulligan: What’s in a name?
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"Frank Mulligan, Canton Repository"
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2011-11-10T00:00:00
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I feel a certain affinity with the Fourth Earl of Sandwich, more so than with the third, and definitely more than the fifth. That’s because the sandwich is named in the Fourth Earl of Sandwich’s hono…
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en
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The Repository
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https://www.cantonrep.com/story/news/2011/11/10/frank-mulligan-what-s-in/46833332007/
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I feel a certain affinity with the Fourth Earl of Sandwich, more so than with the third, and definitely more than the fifth.
That’s because the sandwich is named in the Fourth Earl of Sandwich’s honor. Thursday, Nov. 3, was the Earl’s 293rd birthday. (It would have been, anyway. He actually died in 1792 at the age of 73.)
To mark this occasion and to celebrate the sandwich, which has contributed so much to our daily lives, Nov. 3 is celebrated far and wide as the National Day of the Sandwich.
Why the affinity with Earl IV? That’s because I, too, have a name associated with a foodstuff, and I spent much of my childhood with a feigned smile shellacked onto my mug when some adult cutup would remark to me upon introduction, “Mulligan, eh? Mulligan stew?”
That’s the witty-repartee equivalent of, “Hot enough for ya?” on a day when the mercury’s registering 98 degrees. But I digress.
Legend has it that the Earl was such an avid card player that he would have his servants bring his meat between slices of bread so he could continue uninterrupted. History has remained mum on how he dealt with other of nature’s requirements.
We’re a rare group, those of us who have a food named in our honor. And many of the stories behind their origins are as inspirational as the story behind the sandwich. Some, maybe even more so.
Beef Wellington, for instance. On the eve of the Battle of Waterloo, while his aides quailed with the import of the following day’s outcome, the Duke of Wellington was heard to coolly remark, “You know what would go great on a steak? Paté. Somebody bring me my apron!”
Then there was General Gao, the legendary 14th-century warrior credited by many with expelling the Mongols from China. When he was a very old man, pilgrims would journey many miles to partake of his wisdom. According to scholars, one young man trekked over the course of many days to inquire, “What would go really well with fried rice? I grow tired of lobster sauce.” General Gao then imparted the recipe for General Gao’s chicken that exists to this day, adding, “But don’t tell General Tso!”
But perhaps even more memorable than the successes are the failures.
It was in early 19th-century Hoboken, N.J., that John Vanvieldersliding was credited with the first combination of bacon, lettuce, tomato and mayonnaise in a sandwich. He would travel from town to town by mule-driven cart to market his invention as “Vanvielderslidings.”
Due to the lack of widespread literacy among the lower classes, the name had to be simplified before the sandwich could catch on. Thus, the BLT was born. Historians say Vanvieldersliding died a bitter and disillusioned man.
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https://www.culinaryhill.com/green-bay-booyah/
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Booyah Stew
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2023-09-17T23:42:54+00:00
|
Hearty comfort food at its midwestern best, Booyah Stew is a chicken and beef stew that deserves a spot on your potluck or tailgate menu.
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en
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Culinary Hill
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https://www.culinaryhill.com/green-bay-booyah/
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This post may contain affiliate links. For more information, please see our affiliate policy.
Hearty comfort food at its Midwestern best, this Booyah Stew is a chicken and beef stew is a fan-favorite that deserves the starring role as part of your potluck or tailgate menu.
In the upper Midwest, especially in prime Packer territory of Northeast Wisconsin, it’s common to find a giant kettles of piping hot, velvety booyah simmering over an open fire on chilly fall days. “Green Bay Booyah” or Booyah Soup is a staple at community at booyah fundraisers, as part of tailgate menus, and beyond.
But now that I’ve perfected a homemade stew recipe inspired by that beloved booyah, you can live anywhere in the world and still savor this comfort food dinner idea.
While the exact origin story of Booyah Stew is hazy, the dish seems to have roots in Belgium. Its name, though, likely comes from the French word bouillon, for “broth;” the way it’s pronounced is very similar to “booyah.”
As far as the Wisconsin connection goes, back in 1906, a Green Bay teacher, Andrew Rentmeester, wanted to raise money for his school and came up with the idea of serving the Belgian dish, bouillon, at the event. He gathered up beef and chickens from the neighbors for the hearty stew. The news reporter who was covering the event scribbled down “booyah” instead of bouillon, and since then, the state (and beyond) has been graced with one of the heartiest stews possible.
Sometimes booyah is spelled booya, bouja, boulyaw, or bouyou, but no matter what, it’s a protein-rich, vegetable-packed stew made with chicken, beef, or pork and carrots, peas, cabbage, tomatoes, potatoes, and more. It’s one of a handful of regional recipes that are made with what’s on hand, like Mulligan stew, gumbo, or burgoo.
Admittedly, this Booyah recipe is a labor of love. But the chicken and short rib beef broth (sounds wild; tastes wildly delicious!) makes this comfort food recipe unlike any other chicken stew or beef stew you’ve spooned.
So grab your biggest pot and get to work! No live fire required. My twist on classic Booyah Stew recipe is made right on the stove, and I pared it down to feed a family (with enough for leftovers) instead of a whole town.
Recipe ingredients
At a Glance: Here is a quick snapshot of what ingredients are in this recipe.
Please see the recipe card below for specific quantities.
Ingredient notes
Bone-in short ribs and chicken thighs: The bones lend a thick, luscious consistency to the homemade broth. After cooking the beef, be sure to remove any extraneous cartilage before shredding; leaving that in can make some bites too chewy to consume.
Chicken broth: You’ll need 8 cups of chicken broth, which is about 4 small cans or 2 large cartons of store-bought. You have my full permission to snag some at the supermarket, since you’ll be stoking the flavor with more umami from chicken thighs and short ribs as part of the process for this Booyah Stew. But if you’re really feeling ambitious, feel free to start with Homemade Chicken Broth.
Rutabaga: Not a fan of this root vegetable? Leave it out and add an extra potato. Or, add any other vegetables you want like celery stalks, green beans, and corn.
Lemon wedges: These are optional, but highly recommended; squeeze on just prior to serving for a welcome burst of acidity and brightness. If you have any fresh herbs like parsley or cilantro floating around, feel free to toss those on as a garnish as well.
Step-by-step instructions
To make the broth:
Pat beef and chicken dry with paper towels and season on both sides with salt and pepper. In a large Dutch oven or large stockpot (at least 5 ½ quarts), heat olive oil until just smoking. Add beef and cook, flipping occasionally, until browned on all sides, about 10 minutes total. Remove from pot and set aside.
Add the chicken to the pot and cook, flipping occasionally, until browned on both sides, about 10 minutes total. Remove from pot set aside. When the chicken is cool enough to handle, remove and discard skin. Do not drain fat from pot.
In the same pot, reheat rendered fat over medium heat until shimmering. Add onions and celery, and cook until softened, about 3 to 5 minutes.
Stir in broth and bay leaves, scraping up any browned bits on the bottom of the pot. Add back short ribs and chicken, and bring to boil. Reduce heat to low, cover, and simmer until chicken is 175 degrees on an instant-read thermometer, about 25 to 30 minutes.
Remove chicken from pot. When chicken is cool enough to handle, remove and discard bones. Shred chicken into bite-sized pieces. Cover and refrigerate chicken.
Continue cooking the stew until the beef is tender, about 75 to 90 minutes longer. Remove beef from pot. When beef is cool enough to handle, remove and discard fat, bones, and any inedible connective tissue.
Strain broth through a fine-mesh strainer, discarding solids.
Allow liquid to settle, about 5 minutes, then skim off fat and return liquid to pot (expect 1-2 cups of fat).
To make the stew:
To the pot with the broth, add the shredded beef, cabbage, diced tomatoes and juice, rutabaga, potato, and carrots. Reduce heat to medium and simmer until all vegetables are tender, 30 to 35 minutes.
Add chicken and peas and cook until heated through, stirring occasionally. Season to taste with salt and pepper. Serve with fresh lemon wedges if desired.
Recipe tips and variations
Yield: This recipe will make about 5 quarts (20 cups!) of stew, enough for 10 generous 2-cup servings.
Storage: Store leftovers covered in the refrigerator for up to 4 days.
Make ahead: The broth can be (and in a perfect world, would be) made a day or two in advance. It’s much easier to scrape excess fat off the top of the broth when it’s chilled.
Freezer: Booyah is ideal for freezing because it’s labor-intensive AND makes a giant batch. Make it once and enjoy it again later! Cool and package into freezer-safe containers. Label, date, and freeze for up to 3 months. Thaw overnight in the refrigerator before reheating.
Variations: Some cooks substitute pound for pound beef stew meat instead of short ribs. They are certainly easier to work with, but the final stew will lack some of the richness of classic Booyah. You could also add fresh herbs like rosemary and thyme; I wanted to, but I used a restrained hand to honor the real deal. Nobody is fiddling with sprigs of rosemary in the pre-dawn hours of a Lambeau Field parking lot! But they would definitely be welcome additions.
Tailgating menu: Booyah is the maybe the best possible Tailgating food ever created, but for more inspiration, see my full menu of Tailgating recipes including Hot Dog Chili for Chili Dogs, Beer Brats, Baked Beans, Puppy Chow, Cowboy Caviar, Jello Shots, and more.
Frequently Asked Questions
You suggest skimming the fat in Step 8. How do I skim the fat from broth, exactly?
To remove the fat from the broth, you can spoon it off the top of the broth or use a fat separator. Or, if you have the time, refrigerator the strained broth for 8 hours or overnight (store the beef, chicken, and vegetables covered in the refrigerator). The next day, the fat will have risen to the top and hardened and can be easily removed. Proceed with the stew, adding the shredded beef and vegetables to the broth while reheating it.
Should I wash my raw chicken thighs?
The CDC (and I!) recommend that you never wash chicken, as this can splatter raw chicken juices onto your sink and any nearby surfaces. There’s no need to wash poultry before cooking, but do pat it dry for a solid sear.
What is the best way to shred the chicken and beef?
No special equipment is necessary. Simply place the cooked protein in a clean cutting board, then use two forks (backs facing each other) to pull the meat in separate directions until you have bite-sized pieces. Discard any pieces of gristle, connective tissue, cartilage, or fat.
More Midwestern favorites
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Booyah Stew
By Meggan Hill
Hearty comfort food at its midwestern best, this Booyah Stew is a chicken and beef stew that deserves the starring role as part of your potluck or tailgate menu.
Prep Time 30 minutes mins
Cook Time 3 hours hrs
Total Time 3 hours hrs 30 minutes mins
Servings 10 servings (2 cups each)
Course Main Course
Cuisine American, Belgian, Wisconsin
Calories 457
4.97 from 29 votes
Ingredients
For the broth:
▢ 2 1/2 pounds bone-in short ribs trimmed (see note 1)
▢ 2 1/2 pounds bone-in chicken thighs trimmed
▢ Salt and freshly ground black pepper
▢ 1 tablespoon olive oil
▢ 2 onions coarsely chopped
▢ 2 celery ribs coarsely chopped
▢ 8 cups chicken broth (see note 2)
▢ 2 bay leaves
For the stew:
▢ 4 cups cabbage shredded (from 1 small head)
▢ 28 ounces diced tomatoes undrained
▢ 8 ounces rutabaga peeled and cut into 1/2-inch pieces (1-2 small, see note 3)
▢ 1 pound russet potatoes peeled and cut into 1/2-inch pieces (1 large)
▢ 3 large carrots peeled and sliced 1/4-inch thick
▢ 1 cup frozen peas
▢ lemon juice for serving, optional (see note 4)
Instructions
To make the broth:
Pat beef and chicken dry with paper towels and season on both sides with salt and pepper.
In a large Dutch oven or large stockpot (at least 5 ½ quarts), heat olive oil until just smoking. Add beef and cook, flipping occasionally, until browned on all sides, about 10 minutes total. Remove from pot and set aside.
Add the chicken to the pot and cook, flipping occasionally, until browned on both sides, about 10 minutes total. Remove from pot set aside. When the chicken is cool enough to handle, remove and discard skin. Do not drain fat from pot.
In the same pot, reheat rendered fat over medium-high heat until shimmering. Add onions and celery, and cook until softened, about 3 to 5 minutes.
Stir in broth and bay leaves, scraping up any browned bits on the bottom of the pot. Add back short ribs and chicken, and bring to boil. Reduce heat to low, cover, and simmer until chicken is 175 degrees on an instant-read thermometer, about 25 to 30 minutes.
Remove chicken from pot. When chicken is cool enough to handle, remove and discard bones. Shred chicken into bite-sized pieces. Cover and refrigerate chicken.
Continue cooking the stew until the beef is tender, about 75 to 90 minutes longer. Remove beef from pot. When beef is cool enough to handle, remove and discard fat, bones, and any inedible connective tissue.
Strain broth through a fine-mesh strainer, discarding solids. Allow liquid to settle, about 5 minutes, then skim off fat and return liquid to pot (expect 1-2 cups of fat; see note 3).
To make the stew:
To the pot with the broth, add the shredded beef, cabbage, diced tomatoes and juice, rutabaga, potato, and carrots. Reduce heat to medium and simmer until all vegetables are tender, 30 to 35 minutes.
Add chicken and peas and cook until heated through, stirring occasionally. Season to taste with salt and pepper (I like ate least 1 teaspoon salt and 1 teaspoon pepper, and sometimes I add more). Serve with fresh lemon wedges if desired.
Recipe Video
Notes
Bone-in short ribs and chicken thighs: The bones lend a thick, luscious consistency to the homemade broth. After cooking the beef, be sure to remove any extraneous cartilage before shredding; leaving that in can make some bites too chewy to consume.
Chicken broth: You’ll need 8 cups of chicken broth, which is about 4 small cans or 2 large cartons of store-bought. If you’re really feeling ambitious, feel free to start with Homemade Chicken Broth.
Rutabaga: Not a fan of this root vegetable? Leave it out and add an extra potato.
Lemon wedges: These are optional, but highly recommended; squeeze on just prior to serving for a welcome burst of acidity and brightness.
Yield: This recipe will make about 5 quarts (20 cups!) of stew, enough for 10 generous 2-cup servings.
Storage: Store leftovers covered in the refrigerator for up to 4 days.
Make ahead: The broth can be made a day or two in advance. It’s much easier to scrape excess fat off the top of the broth when it’s chilled.
Freezer: Cool and package into freezer-safe containers. Label, date, and freeze for up to 3 months. Thaw overnight in the refrigerator before reheating.
Nutrition
Serving: 2cupsCalories: 457kcalCarbohydrates: 19gProtein: 35gFat: 26gSaturated Fat: 8gTrans Fat: 1gCholesterol: 143mgSodium: 847mgPotassium: 1098mgFiber: 4gSugar: 5gVitamin A: 3313IUVitamin C: 41mgCalcium: 71mgIron: 4mg
Did you make this recipe?Tag @culinaryhill on Instagram so we can admire your masterpiece! #culinaryhill
Meggan Hill is a classically-trained chef and professional writer. Her meticulously-tested recipes and detailed tutorials bring confidence and success to home cooks everywhere. Meggan has been featured on NPR, HuffPost, FoxNews, LA Times, and more.
Meggan Hill
https://www.culinaryhill.com/about/
Meggan Hill
https://www.culinaryhill.com/about/
Meggan Hill
https://www.culinaryhill.com/about/
Meggan Hill
https://www.culinaryhill.com/about/
4.97 from 29 votes ( )
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https://www.tasteofhome.com/recipes/mulligan-stew/
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Mulligan Stew
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[
"Kathy Adams"
] |
2018-01-01T00:00:00
|
This mulligan stew recipe is loaded with vegetables and beef for a hearty meal that cooks in one pot. It's an excellent dish to make when you have veggies that need to be used up, and it's infinitely customizable, so feel free to add your own spin.
|
en
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Taste of Home
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https://www.tasteofhome.com/recipes/mulligan-stew/
|
Some days just call for a nice, hearty meal. This one-pot mulligan stew recipe packs loads of vegetables and beef into a dish that’s so delish, you’ll want to make it again and again. Even better, it’s one of those recipes that’s designed for customization, so it’s perfect for using up all the fresh and frozen veggies you come across while cleaning out your fridge and freezer.
Ingredients for Mulligan Stew
All-purpose flour: The flour serves as a coating that browns on the beef, and it also helps thicken the gravy in the stew.
Beef stew meat: Stew meat is often a tougher cut of meat, such as round, sirloin, brisket or chuck. The best stew meats have fat or marbling for added flavor.
Canned beef broth: The broth serves as the base liquid in the stew. It also adds major umami.
Bay leaves: Bay leaves add subtle layers of flavor and aroma; they’re a little piney and a little spicy. The leaves also contain enzymes that help break down the beef’s proteins. (Just remember to remove them before serving!)
Spices: The garlic salt, oregano, basil and dill in this dish flavor the stew for added deliciousness.
Carrots: Carrots add color and nutrients such as vitamins A and C, as well as potassium and a little calcium and iron.
Potatoes: Potatoes make mulligan stew (or any stew) heartier, like a full meat-and-potatoes dish in just about every bite.
Celery: Celery adds color and texture to the stew.
Onion: The onion adds a little flavor to the gravy and the stew as a whole.
Frozen corn, green beans, lima beans and peas: These frozen veggies are a convenient way to pack more nutrition into the stew, no additional prep needed.
Cornstarch: Cornstarch thickens the stew’s liquid, making it better able to stick to the meat and veggies in every spoonful.
Fresh parsley: Parsley adds a pop of color as a light garnish for the finished stew.
Directions
Step 1: Cook the meat
In a bowl, combine the flour and pepper, then toss that mix with the beef cubes. In a Dutch oven, brown the beef in oil. Add the broth, water, bay leaves, garlic salt, oregano, basil and dill, and bring the liquid to a boil. Reduce the heat, then cover the pan and simmer until the meat is tender, about two hours.
Step 2: Add the vegetables
Add the carrots, potatoes, celery and onion, then cover and simmer for an additional 40 minutes. Add the corn, beans and peas, then cover and simmer 15 minutes longer or until the vegetables are tender.
Step 3: Thicken with cornstarch
In a small bowl, combine the cornstarch and cold water, and mix until smooth. Add the cornstarch mixture to the stew. Bring the stew to a boil, then let it boil for two minutes, while stirring. Before serving, remove the bay leaves and sprinkle the parsley on top.
Mulligan Stew Variations
Top it with homemade dumplings: Follow the dumpling portion of this shamrock stew recipe, and spoon the dumpling mixture atop the mulligan stew in the last 12 minutes of cooking time. Place the lid back on the Dutch oven and leave it there for 12 to 14 minutes; during this time, the dumplings will cook. Voilà, extra hearty goodness!
Add stout beer: A stout Irish beer adds flavor and color to the broth for a unique stew. Replace 1/2 cup or so of the beef broth with the same amount of beer.
Throw in some mushrooms: Sliced mushrooms taste incredibly good with beef and in the savory mulligan stew gravy.
Try it with tomato paste: A tablespoon or two of tomato paste adds depth to the flavors in this hearty stew.
How to Store Mulligan Stew
When the stew cools, store it, tightly covered, in the refrigerator, where it will last for three to four days. Transferring it to smaller food-storage containers may make space-saving in the fridge a bit more manageable.
Can you freeze mulligan stew?
While the stew does freeze well, the potatoes become a bit starchy and grainy over time. If you know you’re planning to freeze some even when you concoct this dish, cook the stew without potatoes and freeze the no-potato version (or simply cook the dish as usual and just remove the potatoes before freezing). Mulligan stew keeps for about three months when stored in airtight containers in the freezer.
How do you reheat mulligan stew?
For the best results, reheat mulligan stew in a saucepan on the stove; microwaves don’t always heat stew ingredients evenly. Thaw frozen stew in the refrigerator the night before you plan to reheat it, then reheat the stew in a saucepan.
Mulligan Stew Tips
Why is it called mulligan stew?
Mulligan stew, a staple of the Great Depression era, is a version of an Irish beef stew in which whatever vegetables are handy or common are thrown into the pot. Mulligan, a common Irish surname, made its way into the stew’s name to mean a catch-all, use-what-you-have stew dish virtually anyone can make. During the same era, the meal was sometimes called hobo stew, as it was served in migratory camps.
What can I serve with mulligan stew?
Mulligan stew is delicious with homemade Irish brown bread—serve it with butter, or whip up some quick biscuits that have just two ingredients! If you prefer something to go with stew and bread, a simple side salad rounds things out, providing crunch in the form of some lettuce and whatever raw vegetable add-ins you choose.
How can I reduce the sodium?
Beef broth (and many packaged broths or soups) can contain large amounts of sodium. Choose a low-sodium beef broth instead, and replace the garlic salt in this recipe with garlic powder.
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http://www.theoldfoodie.com/2015/02/mulligan-stew-and-canned-willie.html
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The Old Foodie: Mulligan Stew and Canned Willie.
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http://www.theoldfoodie.com/favicon.ico
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I bet a few of my Australian and English readers blanched at my title today. But there is (or was) such a thing as ‘canned Willie,’ I ass...
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http://www.theoldfoodie.com/2015/02/mulligan-stew-and-canned-willie.html
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https://esnpc.blogspot.com/2016/06/irish-stew-irish-militias-and-chowder.html
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Early Sports and Pop Culture History Blog: Irish Stew, Irish Militias and Chowder Parties
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Peter Jensen Brown",
"View my complete profile"
] | null |
"The Mulligan Guard Lies But - Surrenders" (Puck, 1884 - a precursor of "Mulligan Stew"?) Mulligan Stew is “a stew made from ...
|
en
|
https://esnpc.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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https://esnpc.blogspot.com/2016/06/irish-stew-irish-militias-and-chowder.html
|
"The Mulligan Guard Lies But - Surrenders" (Puck, 1884 - a precursor of "Mulligan Stew"?) The History of the Mulligan Guard, New York, Collin & Small, 1874, page 28. Morning Herald (New York), July 24, 1840, page 3. Brooklyn Daily Eagle (Brooklyn, New York), August 8, 1842, page 2. The Evening Statesman (Walla Walla, Washington), February 7, 1907, page 5.
|
|||||
1480
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dbpedia
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0
| 6
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https://www.smalltownwoman.com/mulligan-stew/
|
en
|
Mulligan Stew
|
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"Beth Pierce"
] |
2019-10-11T19:07:21+00:00
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Mulligan stew is an easy stew made with tender stew meat, potatoes, corn, carrots, peas, green beans and a perfect blend of Italian spices.
|
en
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https://www.smalltownwoman.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/favicon.ico
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Small Town Woman
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https://www.smalltownwoman.com/mulligan-stew/
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THIS POST MAY CONTAIN AFFILIATE LINKS. PLEASE SEE MY FULL DISCLOSURE POLICY FOR DETAILS. AS AN AMAZON ASSOCIATE I EARN FROM QUALIFYING PURCHASES.
Mulligan stew is a family-friendly, easy stew made with tender stew meat, potatoes, corn, carrots, peas, green beans, and a perfect blend of Italian spices. This delectable stew is easily made in a Dutch oven but can be adapted for a slow cooker. With the use of frozen vegetables and precut stew meat prep work on this recipe is a breeze. I love to serve it with Best Cornbread Recipe or Cheddar Biscuits.
Fall is here and it is time for comfort food recipes like stew, chili and soup. This Mulligan Stew is perfect for the season bringing warm tender beef together with wholesome vegetables in a savory beef gravy.
How do you make Mulligan Stew?
First add the flour, onion powder, garlic powder and freshly ground black pepper to a large zipper seal bag and shake to combine. Now add the beef stew meat and shake to coat. Heat a little vegetable oil in a Dutch oven over medium heat. Using a pair of tongs remove the beef one piece at a time and add to the pan reserving any flour mixture left in the bag. Brown the beef on all sides removing to a plate when complete.
Now add a little more vegetable oil to the Dutch oven over medium heat. Add the chopped onion and cook until slightly translucent and lightly browned on the edges. Sprinkle in remaining flour and cook for about two minutes stirring constantly. Add the oregano, basil and marjoram and cook for about one half minute stirring continuously. Now stir in the beef broth and cook for a couple of minutes to smooth and thicken the gravy. Add the browned beef back to the pan, cover and place in the oven for about one hour.
Then add the potatoes, corn, carrots, peas and green beans. Now place the pot back in the oven and cook for around 30 minutes or until stew and vegetables are tender.
Recipe notes and helpful tips
Buy good quality beef stew that has been cut from Chuck Roast, Chuck Shoulder, Top Chuck, Bottom Round Roast or Rump Roast.
If you do not have a Dutch oven prepare all the steps up to placing in the oven in a large skillet. Then transfer to a large deep casserole dish for baking.
Not every potato is equal. For stews and soups red potatoes or gold potatoes are best. They hold their shape and do not break down as easily. Do not use russet potatoes as they will break down and quickly disappear in the gravy.
Other varieties of mixed vegetables will work with this recipe including lima beans, baby peas, brussels sprouts and sweet potatoes.
Other stew and soup recipes you will love!
Beef Bourguignon Recipe
Taco Stew
The Best Chicken and Dumplings
Brunswick Stew
Easy Hamburger Stew
Chicken Stew
On the hunt for more delicious recipes? Follow Small Town Woman on Facebook, Pinterest, and Instagram.
Mulligan Stew
An easy beef stew made with potatoes, corn, carrots, beans and peas in a savory gravy lightly seasoned with Italian spices.
4.90 from 19 votes
Print Pin
Course: main meal beef
Cuisine: American
Prep Time: 10 minutes minutes
Cook Time: 1 hour hour 40 minutes minutes
Total Time: 1 hour hour 50 minutes minutes
Servings: 4 servings
Calories: 433kcal
Author: Beth Pierce
Ingredients
⅓ cup all purpose flour
½ teaspoon onion powder
½ teaspoon garlic powder
¼ teaspoon fresh ground pepper
1 lb beef stew meat
2 tablespoons vegetable oil
1 medium onion chopped
2 cups low sodium beef broth
½ teaspoon dried oregano
¼ teaspoon dried basil
¼ teaspoon dried marjoram
2 medium gold potatoes cubed
1 bag 19 ounce frozen mixed vegetables (corn, carrots, peas and green beans)
Instructions
Preheat oven to 350 degrees.
Add flour, onion powder, garlic powder and freshly ground black pepper to a large zipper seal bag and shake to combine. Add beef stew meat and shake to coat. Heat 1 tablespoon vegetable oil in a Dutch oven over medium heat. Using tongs remove the beef and add to the pan. Reserve any flour mixture left in the bag. Brown beef on all sides; removing to plate when complete.
Add 1 tablespoon vegetable oil to the Dutch oven over medium heat. Add chopped onion and cook 3-4 minutes. Sprinkle in remaining flour (1 1/2 tablespoons) and cook for 2 minutes; stirring constantly. Add oregano, basil and marjoram; cook for 30 seconds stirring continuously. Stir in beef broth; cook for 2 minutes stirring several times. Add the browned beef back to the pan. Cover and place in the oven for 1 hour.
Add potatoes, corn, carrots, peas and green beans to the pot. Place back in the oven and cook for an additional 30 minutes or until stew and vegetables are tender.
Notes
You should end up with about 1 1/2 tablespoons of flour after coating the stew meat. If not adjust by only taking 1 1/2 tablespoons or adding more flour.
Buy good quality beef stew that has been cut from Chuck Roast, Chuck Shoulder, Top Chuck, Bottom Round Roast or Rump Roast.
If you do not have a Dutch oven prepare all the steps up to placing in the oven in a large skillet. Then transfer to a large deep casserole dish for baking.
Not every potato is equal. For stews and soups red potatoes or gold potatoes are best. They hold their shape and do not break down as easily. Do not use russet potatoes as they will break down and quickly disappear in the gravy.
Other varieties of mixed vegetables will work with this recipe including lima beans, baby peas, brussels sprouts and sweet potatoes.
Nutrition
Calories: 433kcal | Carbohydrates: 44g | Protein: 34g | Fat: 13g | Saturated Fat: 3g | Polyunsaturated Fat: 4g | Monounsaturated Fat: 4g | Trans Fat: 0.04g | Cholesterol: 70mg | Sodium: 432mg | Potassium: 1166mg | Fiber: 4g | Sugar: 2g | Vitamin A: 9IU | Vitamin C: 23mg | Calcium: 54mg | Iron: 4mg
Did You Make This Recipe?Mention @smalltownwomanfoodnut or tag #smalltownwomanfoodnut!
On the hunt for more delicious recipes? Follow Small Town Woman on Facebook, Pinterest, and Instagram.
https://www.smalltownwoman.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Beth-1.pdf
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dbpedia
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https://interviews.televisionacademy.com/shows/mulligan-stew
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Mulligan Stew
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2017-10-23T00:07:13-07:00
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https://interviews.televisionacademy.com/sites/default/files/emmy.ico
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Television Academy Interviews
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https://interviews.televisionacademy.com/shows/mulligan-stew
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Website content © Television Academy.
EMMY, EMMYS, and the Emmy Statuette are registered trademarks and/or copyrights Of ATAS and NATAS.
TELEVISION ACADEMY and ACADEMY OF TELEVISION ARTS & SCIENCES are registered trademarks of ATAS.
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dbpedia
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3
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https://www.billyparisi.com/irish-beef-stew-with-guinness-beer/
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en
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Irish Beef Stew Recipe
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2024-03-11T14:09:15+00:00
|
This delicious homemade Irish beef stew recipe is jam-packed with root vegetables, beef stew meat, and herbs simmered in a stout beer broth.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico?v=2022
|
Chef Billy Parisi
|
https://www.billyparisi.com/irish-beef-stew-with-guinness-beer/
|
This delicious homemade Irish beef stew recipe is jam-packed with root vegetables, beef stew meat, and herbs simmered in a stout beer broth. The flavors in this rich dish are incredible.
‘Tis the season full of fish frys, corned beef, and other hearty spring favorites. In Chicago, it’s still always cold in March, so soup is still on the menu. This Beef Stew is essential for celebrating St. Patrick’s Day, but it’s also delicious all year round.
Irish Beef Stew
Irish beef stew is a classic dish of beef and vegetables that are cooked until tender in a flavorful broth. Both tomato paste and Dark Beer are traditionally used to give body, color, richness and flavor to the stew. There can also be adaptations to the recipe with the inclusion of different root vegetables.
This stew was said to be created in the 1600s by Irish shepherds and farmers who had few ingredients but needed to make a hearty meal. It was later expanded upon during hard times in the depression as Mulligan Stew, which has more vegetables in it.
Ingredients and Substitutions
Oil — Any neutral-flavored oil will work, like avocado oil. You can also use tallow, lard, ghee, or clarified butter.
Onions – I used a yellow onion, but a white or sweet onion can also be used. In addition, you will need some whole garlic cloves. You can also add in 1 to 2 thinly sliced leeks as well if you’d like.
Vegetables — My recipe used carrots and parsnips. However, you can also add turnips, rutabaga, celeriac root, or any other root vegetables that you see fit. If you add more of these, you may need more stock to the recipe.
Beef — This recipe will work with beef stew meat, such as top or bottom round, flank, sirloin, chuck, ribeye, or rump roast.
Tomato Paste – You need some tomato paste for color, body, and flavor.
Beer — The best beer is a dark one, such as a stout or porter. I used Guinness, of course. If you do not drink alcohol, then simply skip this ingredient and procedure.
Stock — Beef stock is best for the most flavor. However, you could use vegetable stock, chicken stock, brodo, or water if that is all that is available.
Potatoes – Yukon potatoes would be the more classical potatoes to use. Substitute with Russets or red potatoes if that’s all you have.
Herbs – I used a combination of fresh thyme and parsley. Fresh rosemary would also be an option in this beef stew.
How to Make Irish Beef Stew
Caramelize the onions until brown over low heat in a large pot with oil, about 20 minutes.
Next, add in the carrots, turnips, and garlic and sweat over low heat for 5-10 minutes.
Remove the vegetables and add the pot back to the burner over medium-high heat with more oil.
Add in the meat and brown on all sides, about 4-6 minutes.
Pince with the tomato paste over low heat to help thicken.
Add in the Guinness and cook for 1 to 2 minutes or until thick and slightly reduced.
Pour the stock and simmer over low heat for 45 minutes to tenderize and braise the beef.
Add in the sweated vegetables, potatoes, herbs, salt, and pepper and cook for a further 15 minutes or until the potatoes are tender and serve.
Make-Ahead and Storage
Make-Ahead: For freshness it’s best to serve this soup once it is finished cooking. However, it can be made up to 2 days ahead.
How to Store: Cover and keep in the refrigerator for up to 5 days. It will freeze well covered in the freeze for up to 2 months. Be sure to thaw in the fridge for 1 day before reheating.
How to Reheat: Add the desired amount of Irish beef stew to a small pot and cook over low heat until hot.
More Soup Recipes
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dbpedia
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2
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https://12tomatoes.com/cs-mulligan-stew-comfort/
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en
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Classic Mulligan Stew
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2016-02-12T00:00:00
|
This hearty stew will warm you up from the inside-out!
|
en
|
12 Tomatoes
|
https://12tomatoes.com/cs-mulligan-stew-comfort/
|
This hearty stew will warm you up from the inside-out!
When the temperature outside begins to drop, we start reaching for hearty recipes that warm our families from the inside out—and this mulligan stew is our go-to. Mulligan stew is traditionally known as a way to use up leftover meats and vegetables in the fridge, but we like to serve this stew with crunchy peppers and cubed beef brisket. Trust us; it’s a hit every time it hits the dinner table.
You can prepare this in fewer than two hours on the stove top, or you can use a slow cooker on low to let it cook all day. Be sure to make enough of this filling, hearty stew for leftovers the next day!
Mulligan Stew
Yield(s): Serves 6
1hr 30min
4.8
Rated 4.8 out of 5
Rated by 9 reviewers
When you share or print a 12 Tomatoes recipe,
you're making mealtime meaningful.
100% of the Share to Care sponsor fees fund meals for families in need. Learn More
Ingredients
2 tablespoons all-purpose flour
1 pound beef brisket, cut into 1-inch cubes with the fat trimmed
1 tablespoon cooking oil
1/2 cup onion, chopped
1 red bell pepper, chopped
1 yellow bell pepper, chopped
1 green bell pepper, chopped
1 1/2 cloves garlic, minced
1 can beef broth
1 can tomato paste
1 cup stout beer
3 potatoes, cubed
3 carrots, cubed
1 tablespoon fresh parsley
Preparation
In a large Dutch oven, heat oil over medium-high heat.
Roll the beef cubes in flour and brown them in the oil. Once browned, remove the meat from the pot.
Sauté onion and bell peppers in the remaining oil in the pot until the onions are translucent.
Add minced garlic, beef broth, tomato paste, beer, potatoes and carrots to the pot. Mix in browned beef and green beans, and bring the stew to a boil.
Reduce heat and let stew simmer for at least 1 hour, or until the vegetables are tender.
Garnish each bowl with parsley, if desired. Serve stew with French bread, cornbread or garlic toast.
Recipe adapted from Taste of Home
Your review
Your overall rating
SKM: below-content placeholderWhizzco for 12T
When you share or print a 12 Tomatoes recipe, you are making mealtime meaningful.
100% of the sponsorship fees from our Share to Care program helps fund meals for families in need! Learn more about the 12 Tomatoes Cares program at: 12Tomatoes.com/donations
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1480
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3
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https://www.smalltownwoman.com/mulligan-stew/
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en
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Mulligan Stew
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Mulligan stew is an easy stew made with tender stew meat, potatoes, corn, carrots, peas, green beans and a perfect blend of Italian spices.
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Small Town Woman
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THIS POST MAY CONTAIN AFFILIATE LINKS. PLEASE SEE MY FULL DISCLOSURE POLICY FOR DETAILS. AS AN AMAZON ASSOCIATE I EARN FROM QUALIFYING PURCHASES.
Mulligan stew is a family-friendly, easy stew made with tender stew meat, potatoes, corn, carrots, peas, green beans, and a perfect blend of Italian spices. This delectable stew is easily made in a Dutch oven but can be adapted for a slow cooker. With the use of frozen vegetables and precut stew meat prep work on this recipe is a breeze. I love to serve it with Best Cornbread Recipe or Cheddar Biscuits.
Fall is here and it is time for comfort food recipes like stew, chili and soup. This Mulligan Stew is perfect for the season bringing warm tender beef together with wholesome vegetables in a savory beef gravy.
How do you make Mulligan Stew?
First add the flour, onion powder, garlic powder and freshly ground black pepper to a large zipper seal bag and shake to combine. Now add the beef stew meat and shake to coat. Heat a little vegetable oil in a Dutch oven over medium heat. Using a pair of tongs remove the beef one piece at a time and add to the pan reserving any flour mixture left in the bag. Brown the beef on all sides removing to a plate when complete.
Now add a little more vegetable oil to the Dutch oven over medium heat. Add the chopped onion and cook until slightly translucent and lightly browned on the edges. Sprinkle in remaining flour and cook for about two minutes stirring constantly. Add the oregano, basil and marjoram and cook for about one half minute stirring continuously. Now stir in the beef broth and cook for a couple of minutes to smooth and thicken the gravy. Add the browned beef back to the pan, cover and place in the oven for about one hour.
Then add the potatoes, corn, carrots, peas and green beans. Now place the pot back in the oven and cook for around 30 minutes or until stew and vegetables are tender.
Recipe notes and helpful tips
Buy good quality beef stew that has been cut from Chuck Roast, Chuck Shoulder, Top Chuck, Bottom Round Roast or Rump Roast.
If you do not have a Dutch oven prepare all the steps up to placing in the oven in a large skillet. Then transfer to a large deep casserole dish for baking.
Not every potato is equal. For stews and soups red potatoes or gold potatoes are best. They hold their shape and do not break down as easily. Do not use russet potatoes as they will break down and quickly disappear in the gravy.
Other varieties of mixed vegetables will work with this recipe including lima beans, baby peas, brussels sprouts and sweet potatoes.
Other stew and soup recipes you will love!
Beef Bourguignon Recipe
Taco Stew
The Best Chicken and Dumplings
Brunswick Stew
Easy Hamburger Stew
Chicken Stew
On the hunt for more delicious recipes? Follow Small Town Woman on Facebook, Pinterest, and Instagram.
Mulligan Stew
An easy beef stew made with potatoes, corn, carrots, beans and peas in a savory gravy lightly seasoned with Italian spices.
4.90 from 19 votes
Print Pin
Course: main meal beef
Cuisine: American
Prep Time: 10 minutes minutes
Cook Time: 1 hour hour 40 minutes minutes
Total Time: 1 hour hour 50 minutes minutes
Servings: 4 servings
Calories: 433kcal
Author: Beth Pierce
Ingredients
⅓ cup all purpose flour
½ teaspoon onion powder
½ teaspoon garlic powder
¼ teaspoon fresh ground pepper
1 lb beef stew meat
2 tablespoons vegetable oil
1 medium onion chopped
2 cups low sodium beef broth
½ teaspoon dried oregano
¼ teaspoon dried basil
¼ teaspoon dried marjoram
2 medium gold potatoes cubed
1 bag 19 ounce frozen mixed vegetables (corn, carrots, peas and green beans)
Instructions
Preheat oven to 350 degrees.
Add flour, onion powder, garlic powder and freshly ground black pepper to a large zipper seal bag and shake to combine. Add beef stew meat and shake to coat. Heat 1 tablespoon vegetable oil in a Dutch oven over medium heat. Using tongs remove the beef and add to the pan. Reserve any flour mixture left in the bag. Brown beef on all sides; removing to plate when complete.
Add 1 tablespoon vegetable oil to the Dutch oven over medium heat. Add chopped onion and cook 3-4 minutes. Sprinkle in remaining flour (1 1/2 tablespoons) and cook for 2 minutes; stirring constantly. Add oregano, basil and marjoram; cook for 30 seconds stirring continuously. Stir in beef broth; cook for 2 minutes stirring several times. Add the browned beef back to the pan. Cover and place in the oven for 1 hour.
Add potatoes, corn, carrots, peas and green beans to the pot. Place back in the oven and cook for an additional 30 minutes or until stew and vegetables are tender.
Notes
You should end up with about 1 1/2 tablespoons of flour after coating the stew meat. If not adjust by only taking 1 1/2 tablespoons or adding more flour.
Buy good quality beef stew that has been cut from Chuck Roast, Chuck Shoulder, Top Chuck, Bottom Round Roast or Rump Roast.
If you do not have a Dutch oven prepare all the steps up to placing in the oven in a large skillet. Then transfer to a large deep casserole dish for baking.
Not every potato is equal. For stews and soups red potatoes or gold potatoes are best. They hold their shape and do not break down as easily. Do not use russet potatoes as they will break down and quickly disappear in the gravy.
Other varieties of mixed vegetables will work with this recipe including lima beans, baby peas, brussels sprouts and sweet potatoes.
Nutrition
Calories: 433kcal | Carbohydrates: 44g | Protein: 34g | Fat: 13g | Saturated Fat: 3g | Polyunsaturated Fat: 4g | Monounsaturated Fat: 4g | Trans Fat: 0.04g | Cholesterol: 70mg | Sodium: 432mg | Potassium: 1166mg | Fiber: 4g | Sugar: 2g | Vitamin A: 9IU | Vitamin C: 23mg | Calcium: 54mg | Iron: 4mg
Did You Make This Recipe?Mention @smalltownwomanfoodnut or tag #smalltownwomanfoodnut!
On the hunt for more delicious recipes? Follow Small Town Woman on Facebook, Pinterest, and Instagram.
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This old family recipe for Mulligan's Beef Stew comes from my Mother-In-Law. It's made with simple ingredients and can be made on the stove top or in...
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This old family recipe for Mulligan's Beef Stew comes from my Mother-In-Law. It's made with simple ingredients and can be made on the stove top or in...
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Bunin, Ivan (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)Julian W. Connolly University of VirginiaBiographiesReferencesPapersBunin: Autobiographical Statement Source for information on Bunin, Ivan (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953): Nobel Prize Laureates in Literature, Part 1 dictionary.
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)
Julian W. Connolly
University of Virginia
Biographies
References
Papers
Bunin: Autobiographical Statement
1933 Nobel Prize in Literature Presentation Speech
Bunin: Banquet Speech
This entry was expanded by Connolly from his Bunin entry in DLB 317: Twentieth-Century Russian Émigré Writers.
BOOKS: Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg .(Orel: Orlovskii vestnik, 1891);
“Na krai sveta” i drugie rasskaty (St. Petersburg: O. N. Popova, 1897);
Pod otkrytym nebom: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie, 1898);
Stikhi i rasskazy (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie i Pedagogicheskii listok, 1900);
Listopad: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Skorpion, 1901);
Novye stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: O. O. Gerbek, 1902);
Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (St. Petersburg: Znanie, 1902-1909);
Stikhotvoreniia i rasskazy: 1907-1909 (St. Petersburg: Obshchestvennaia pol’za, 1910);
Derevnia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1910); translated by Isabel F. Hapgood as The Village (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker, 1923);
Pereval: Rasskazy 1892-1902 (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Rasskazy i stikhotvoreniia 1907-1910 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Sukhodol: Povesti i rasskazy 1911-1912 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Ioann Rydalets: Rasskazy i stikhi 1912-1913 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1913);
Zolotoe dno: Rasskazy 1903-1907 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1913);
Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 6 volumes (Petrograd: A. F. Marks, 1915);
Chasha zhizni: Rasskazy 1913-1914 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1915);
Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko: Proizvedeniia 1915-1916 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1916);
Khram solntsa (Petrograd: Zhizn’ i znanie, 1917);
Krik (Berlin: Slovo, 1921);
Nachal’naia liubov’ (Prague: Slavianskoe izdatel’stvo, 1921);
Roza Ierikhona (Berlin: Slovo, 1924);
Mitina liubov’ (Paris: Russkaia zemlia, 1925; Leningrad: Knizhnye novinki, 1925); translated from the French by Madelaine Boyd as Mitya’s Love (New York: Holt, 1926);
Poslednee svidanie (Paris: N. P. Karbasnikov, 1926);
Delo korneta Elagina (Khar’kov: Kosmos, 1927);
Solnechnyi udar (Paris: Rodnik, 1927);
Khudaia trava (Moscow & Leningrad: Zemlia i fabrika, 1928);
Izbrannye stikhi (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1929);
Grammatika liubvi: Izbrannye rasskazy (Belgrade: Russkaia biblioteka, 1929);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1930); translated by Gleb Struve and Hamish Miles as The Well of Days (London: Hogarth Press, 1933; New York: Knopf, 1934);
Bozh’e drevo (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Ten’ptitsy (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Sobranie sochinenii, 11 volumes (Berlin: Petropolis, 1934-1936);
Okaiannye dni (London, Ontario: Zaria, 1936); translated by Thomas Gaiton Marullo as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1998; London: Phoenix, 2000);
Osvobozhdenie Tohtogo (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1937); translated by Marullo and Vladimir T. Khmelkov as The Liberation of Tolstoy (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 2001);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: II. Lika: Roman (Brussels: Petropolis, 1939);
Temnye allei (New York: Novaia zemlia, 1943; enlarged edition, Paris: La Press française et étrangère, 1946); translated by Richard Hare as Dark Avenues and Other Stories (London: Lehmann, 1949; Westport, Conn.: Hyperion, 1977);
Vospominaniia (Paris: Vozrozhdenie, 1950); translated by Vera Traill and Robin Chancellor as Memories and Portraits (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1951; London: Lehmann, 1951);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (New York: Chekhov, 1952); translated by Struve, Miles, Heidi Hillis, Susan McKean, and Sven A. Wolf as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, edited by Andrew Baruch (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 1994);
Vesnoi, v Iudee: Roza Ierikhona (New York: Chekhov, 1953);
Petlistye ushi i drugie rasskazy (New York: Chekhov, 1954);
O Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (New York: Chekhov, 1955);
Stikhotvoreniia (Leningrad: Sovetskii pisatel’, 1956);
Ivan Bunin: Sbornik materialov, 2 volumes, Literaturnoe nasledstvo, volume 84 (Moscow: Nauka, 1973);
Publitsistika 1918-1953, edited by Oleg N. Mikhailov (Moscow: Nasledie, 1998).
Collections: Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (Moscow: Pravda, 1956);
Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh, 9 volumes, edited by A. S. Miasnikov, B. S. Riurikov, and A. T. Tvar dovsky (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1965-1967);
Sochineniia v trekh tomakh, 3 volumes (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1982);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by IU. V. Bondarev, Oleg N. Mikhailov, and V. P. Rynkevich (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1987-1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v chetyrekh tomakh, 4 volumes, edited by N. M. Liubimov (Moscow: Pravda, 1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v vos’mi tomakh, 8 volumes, edited by A. K. Baboreko (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1993-2000);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes (Moscow: Santaks, 1994);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by A. Farizova, I. Marev, G. Shitoeva, and V. Antonova (Moscow: Terra, 1997).
Editions in English: Lazarus, translated by Avrahm Yarmolinsky (Boston: Stratford, 1918)—comprises “Eleazar,” by Leonid Andreyev, and “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” by Bunin;
Reminiscences of Anton Chekhov, by Bunin, Maksim Gor’ky, and Aleksandr Kuprin, translated by S.S. Koteliansky and Leonard Woolf (New York: Huebsch, 1921);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Woolf, Koteliansky, and D. H. Lawrence (London: Hogarth Press, 1922; New York: Seltzer, 1923);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Bernard Guilbert Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923);
The Dreams of Chang, and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker); republished as Fifteen Tales (London: Seeker, 1924; Great Neck, N.Y: Core Collection Books, 1978);
Grammar of Love, translated by John Cournos (New York: Smith & Haas, 1934; London: Woolf, 1935);
The Elaghin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1935);
Shadowed Paths, translated by Ol’ga Shartse, edited by Philippa Hentges (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1944; Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2001);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Shartse, introduction by Thompson Bradley (New York: Washington Square Press, 1963);
Velga, translated by Guy Daniels (New York: S. G. Phillips, 1970);
Stories and Poems, translated by Shartse and Irina Zheleznova (Moscow: Progress, 1979);
In a Far Distant Land: Selected Stories, translated by Robert Bowie (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Hermitage, 1983);
Long Ago: Fourteen Stories, translated by David Richards and Sophie Lund (London: Angel, 1984); enlarged as The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories (London: Penguin / New York: Viking Penguin, 1987);
Light Breathing and Other Stories, translated by Shartse (Moscow: Raduga, 1988);
Wolves and Other Love Stories, translated by Mark C. Scott (San Bernardino, Cal.: Capra Press, 1989);
Sunstroke: Selected Stories, translated by Graham Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2002);
The Elagin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2005).
TRANSLATION: Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Pesn’ o Gaiavate (Moscow: Knizhnoe dielo, 1899).
The first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, Ivan Bunin was the last of a prominent line of writers who belonged to the aristocracy—a line that includes Ivan Turgenev and Leo Tolstoy. Bunin lived well into the twentieth century, and he chronicled in haunting detail the slow decline and ultimate disappearance of a way of life taken for granted by the gentry writers of the nineteenth century. Throughout his long career he was moved by an acute awareness of the evanescence of human life, and his work records the full range of human emotion from ecstatic joy at the fulfillment of desire to inconsolable grief at the losses that frequently ensue.
Ivan Alekseevich Bunin was born on 10 (New Style, 22) October 1870 in Voronezh, a provincial capital three hundred miles southeast of Moscow. In later years he pointed out with pride that he could trace his lineage to a Lithuanian knight who had entered the service of Grand Prince of Moscow Vasilii II in the fifteenth century. His ancestors had served a series of Russian rulers, and in the nineteenth century two of his relatives achieved significant literary fame: Anna Bunina was the first professional woman writer in Russia, while Vasilii Zhukovsky, the illegitimate son of Afanasii Bunin and a captive Turkish woman, became a noted poet and translator and served as tutor to the future tsar Alexander II.
Despite the achievements of these forebears, Bunin’s immediate family faced straitened circumstances at the time of his birth. Landowners throughout Russia were finding it increasingly difficult to maintain their prosperity; the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and the rise of industry in the countryside in the second half of the nineteenth century contributed to the decline of the gentry estate. Bunin’s father, Aleksei Nikolaevich Bunin, who had served as a volunteer in the Crimean War, preferred socializing with friends to managing his property, and while Bunin was still a child, his father was forced to sell off ancestral holdings until he was left with two small estates, Butyrki and Ozerki, in the province of Orel. According to Bunin’s memoirs, Vospominaniia (1950; translated as Memories and Portraits, 1951), the personality of his mother, Liudmila Aleksandrovna, neé Chubarova, was quite different from that of his father: she was deeply religious and inclined toward woeful premonitions and sadness. She was devoted to her children, but only four of the nine to whom she gave birth survived infancy. Bunin’s second wife ascribed his wide mood swings to the contrasting dispositions of his parents.
A few years after Bunin’s birth, his family found the cost of living in Voronezh beyond their means and moved to the Butyrki estate. Bunin recalled in an autobiographical note in 1915, “Here, in the deepest stillness of the fields, amidst crops that came right up to our doorstep in the summer, and amid snowdrifts in winter, passed my entire childhood, full of sad and original poetry.” Bunin’s immersion in nature left a lasting trace on his creative imagination: nuanced descriptions of natural phenomena became a hallmark of his mature writing. His brothers, Iulii and Evgenii, were much older than he, and his two sisters were infants during his early childhood. As a result, Bunin’s playmates were the peasant children in the neighborhood, and his familiarity with peasant life also had a significant impact on his writing.
Bunin’s early education was in the hands of an eccentric, impoverished nobleman, Nikolai Romashkov, who taught him to read from Russian translations of texts such as Homer’s Odyssey and fed his imagination with vivid stories about chivalry. Romashkov wrote satirical poetry about topical issues; Bunin tried his hand at verse, as well, but noted in his memoirs that he did not write about contemporary concerns but about “some kind of spirits in a mountain valley on a moonlit night.”
The death of his infant sister Aleksandra shocked Bunin and plunged him into months of tormented contemplation about what might lie beyond the grave. Wonderment about death and its implications for the living remained an element of his personality throughout his life.
In autumn 1881 Bunin enrolled in a gymnasium in Elets. He was not interested in disciplined education, and his academic success, especially in mathematics, steadily deteriorated. During the Christmas holidays of 1885 he told his parents that he did not wish to return to school, and they acceded to his desire. By this time they had sold the Butyrki estate to pay off their debts and had moved to the Ozerki estate, which had belonged to Bunin’s mother’s family. His brother Iulii, a political activist, had been arrested in 1884 and sentenced to house arrest for three years. With little else to do, Iulii took over his brother’s education. Recognizing that Bunin had little affinity for mathematics, Iulii concentrated on history, political science, and literature. Under his brother’s guidance Bunin read the works of such major Russian writers as Turgenev, Aleksandr Pushkin, Mikhail Lermontov, Fedor Tiutchev, Afanasii Fet, and Vsevolod Garshin. He also read the plays and sonnets of William Shakespeare and the poetry of the English Romantics in translation and tried to learn English so that he could read them in the original.
Stimulated by his reading, Bunin wrote a large quantity of poetry and a few prose sketches between 1886 and 1889. For the most part this early work reveals his reliance on the models of Pushkin, Lermontov, and Fet, but his notebooks also include translations of work by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe; Friedrich Schiller; George Gordon, Lord Byron; and Alphonse de Lamartine. A prominent literary figure of the day was Semen Nadson, a poet who expressed his longing to be of use to society and lamented his powerlessness to do so. Nadson’s anguished idealism resonated powerfully among young Russians of Bunin’s generation. When Nadson died of tuberculosis at twenty-five in January 1887, Bunin wrote a commemorative poem, “Nad mogiloi S. la. Nadsona” (At the Grave of S. la. Nadson). It was published in the journal Rodina (Homeland) on 22 February 1887, and Bunin’s literary career was launched. Within a short time he published other poems in Rodina and in Knizhki nedeli (Books of the Week) and his first short stories, “Nefedka” and “Dva strannika” (Two Wanderers), in Rodina.
In August 1888 Iulii moved to Kharkov, and Bunin found himself increasingly bored with life in the country. On 20 January 1889 he was invited to join the staff of Orlovsky vestnik (Orel Messenger), a newspaper that covered social issues, literature, and trade. Before taking up the position he spent two months visiting Iulii in Kharkov, meeting his brother’s radical friends and engaging in lengthy arguments about politics and ideology. After a trip to the Crimea, he began work at Orlovsky vestnik in autumn 1889. He used his position to publish his poems, stories, and literary articles in the paper. He fell in love with a coworker, Varvara Pashchenko, although she appears to have been ambivalent in her feelings for him. Bunin felt constrained by his lack of financial means, and Pashchenko’s parents were opposed to her marrying an impecunious writer. The couple was forced to conceal their relationship, which placed additional stress on it; arguments and separations were followed by periods of renewed intimacy. Bunin incorporated many of the elements of his relationship with Pashchenko into his novel Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (1952; translated as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, 1994).
In 1891 Bunin’s Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg. (Poems: 1887-1891) was published as a supplement to the Orlovsky vestnik. The following year he and Pashchenko moved to Poltava, where Bunin went to work with Iulii in the local zemstvo (provincial administrative organization) as a librarian. Later he became a statistician, which required him to travel throughout the region collecting data and observing the changing conditions of rural life. He distilled his observations into his fiction, and his work began appearing with more frequency in literary journals.
During this period Bunin became acquainted with followers of Tolstoy’s philosophy of simplification, and for a time he was seized with enthusiasm for Tolstoyanism. He went to Moscow to meet Tolstoy in January 1894; although Tolstoy cautioned him against becoming a blind adherent of the simple life, the meeting made a powerful impression on him. Later that year Bunin began distributing literature put out by the Tolstoyan publishing house Posrednik (Mediator) and was arrested for selling books without a license. He was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment but was saved from going to jail by the general amnesty ordered when Nicholas II succeeded Alexander III as tsar in October. Bunin’s infatuation with the simple life soon passed, and he conveyed his reservations about the Tolstoyan ideal in the story “Na dache” (1897, At the Dacha). Tolstoy himself, however, remained one of Bunin’s lifelong heroes, and decades later Bunin set down his views on Tolstoy and the meaning of Tolstoy’s work in the treatise Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo (1937; translated as The Liberation of Tolstoy, 2001).
On 4 November 1894 Pashchenko wrote Bunin a note stating that she was leaving him. Her parents refused to give him any information as to her whereabouts. His despair was such that his parents feared that he would commit suicide. He was further devastated when he found out that Pashchenko had married their friend Arsenii Bibikov. Aware of his state of mind, Iulii urged him to travel to St. Petersburg and Moscow and immerse himself in the literary life in those cities. Following his brother’s counsel, Bunin became acquainted with a broad spectrum of literary and intellectual figures ranging from members of the older generation, such as Dmitrii Grigorovich, to one of the rising stars of the nascent symbolist movement, Konstantin Bal’mont. He continued to feel isolated and unsettled, however. He was particularly troubled by a sense that he had received an inferior education and had not been properly prepared for a career.
Returning to the countryside for the spring and summer of 1895, Bunin worked on improving his English: he had begun translating Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Song of Hiawatha (1855). The translation was published in Orlovsky vestnik in 1896 and, with revisions, achieved great popularity and went through many editions. For the next several years periods of creative work in the countryside alternated with travel to the major cities or to the south and, ultimately, beyond Russia’s borders. Bunin became acquainted with a growing circle of writers, including Anton Chekhov, Aleksandr Kuprin, Valerii Briusov, and Nikolai Teleshov.
Bunin’s first major success came with the publication of his first collection of short stories, ”Na krai sveta“i drugie rasskazy (”To the Edge of the World“and Other Tales), in 1897. Several of the stories display a populist orientation and expose the hardships faced by the common folk as their traditional mode of life is threatened by famine and relocation. These general themes are informed by Bunin’s personal concern with issues such as growing old, the loss of cherished joys, and the mystery of death. Characteristic is the concluding section of the title story: having described the grief that attends the departure of a group of peasants from their native village in quest of a better life in a new territory, Bunin shifts focus from the sorrows of individuals to a broader reflection on the evanescence of human life. Referring to ancient burial mounds on the steppe, he asks: “But of what concern to them, these age-old, silent mounds, are the sorrows or joys of some kind of beings who will exist for a moment and then cede their place to others just like them, others who will again worry and rejoice and disappear just as completely without a trace from the face of the earth?” Repeatedly in these stories Bunin moves outward from the travails of his characters to the natural world, dissolving the tension of insoluble human dilemmas in nature’s ceaseless flow.
Critics reacted positively to the collection. Commenting on”Na krai sveta“in the St. Petersburg paper Novosti (News) on 26 October 1895, Aleksandr Skabichevsky declared, “This is not genre painting, nor description of everyday life, nor ethnography... but poetry itself!” Skabichevsky’s perception of a poetic quality to Bunin’s prose was accurate: not only was Bunin’s early prose lyrical and rhythmic, but he was also continuing to develop as a poet. In 1898 his verse collection Pod otkrytym nebom (Under the Open Sky) was published in Moscow, and it too met with critical acclaim.
In 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa to work for the newspaper Iuzhnoe obozrenie (Southern Review). He quickly became infatuated with Anna Tsakni, the daughter of the publisher of the paper, and they were married on 28 September. He soon regretted the hasty marriage. In a letter to his brother Iulii dated 14 December 1899 he described his wife as”foolish and immature as a puppy.“In March 1900 Bunin left her and went to Moscow. Anna gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in August. Bunin returned to Odessa only to visit his son, who died in January 1905 of complications following scarlet fever and measles.
In 1901 Bunin published the poetry collection Listopad (Falling Leaves) and dedicated it to the writer Maksim Gor’ky (pseudonym of Aleksei Peshkov). Gor’ky had written Bunin to praise Pod otkrytym nebom, and the two had met in Yalta in 1899 and begun a friendship that lasted for nearly two decades. The long title poem is characteristic of Bunin’s early verse. Personifying autumn as a “quiet widow” sorrowfully departing for the south as winter approaches, the poem highlights the beauty of nature’s timeless changes. The collection garnered praise from notable figures across the literary spectrum. In early February 1901 Gor’ky wrote Briusov that he considered Bunin the foremost poet of the day, and a young poet from the symbolist camp, Aleksandr Blok, said that Bunin had won the right to one of the chief positions in contemporary Russian poetry. The collection, together with the translation of The Song of Hiawatha, earned Bunin his first major literary honor: the Imperial Academy of Sciences awarded him the coveted Pushkin Prize in October 1903.
While Listopad had been published by the symbolist house Skorpion, Bunin’s artistic temperament had little in common with the excesses sometimes found in decadent literature; and when negotiations for Skorpion to publish additional volumes of his work collapsed, Bunin turned to the firm with which Gor’ky was closely identified: Znanie (Knowledge) published five volumes of his collected works from 1902 to 1909. The writers associated with Znanie were known as “realists” or “neorealists,” but Bunin was never comfortable with labels, and his work defies ready categorization. The prose sketches he began writing at the turn of the twentieth century, for example, are nearly devoid of plot. Highly lyrical, they feature dense passages of description in which subtle gradations of color, smell, and sound are delicately woven together into a rich tapestry of sensation. Aptly characterized by Thomas Winner as “mood paintings,” the sketches either convey a solitary narrator’s reflections on the mysteries of human existence, as in “Sosny” (1901, Pines) and “Tuman” (1901, Mist), or paint an evocative picture of the slow decline of traditional forms of life in the countryside, as in “Epitafiia” (1901, Epitaph). Perhaps the best known of these sketches is “Antonovskie iabloki” (1900, Antonov Apples; translated as “Apple Fragrance,” 1944), in which the rich and expansive estate life of past generations is contrasted with the more meager existence that survives on impoverished estates at the end of the nineteenth century. The writer’s nostalgia for the vanishing beauty of the past is conveyed through a series of remembered scenes that anticipate Marcel Proust in their appreciation for the evocative power of sensual detail. But as exquisite as these mood paintings are, they represented a dead end for Bunin: having evoked the atmosphere of inevitable decline in the Russian countryside, he seemed to have gone as far as he could in this genre. Without a new perspective or a significant story to tell, he ran the risk of repeating himself.
In April 1903 Bunin departed for Constantinople (today Istanbul, Turkey). He had just read the entire Qur’an, and he wished to see the city that had played an important role in the history of Islam as well as in early Russian history. It was the first of many trips to Constantinople, Greece, and the Middle East, and he recorded his impressions in a series of travel sketches from 1907 to 1911. A reading of these sketches together with the poetry he wrote during the period reveals several underlying concerns. First, Bunin sought to identify the essence of a religion or culture by studying the environment in which it developed. Islam, he wrote in “Ten’ ptitsy” (1908, The Shadow of a Bird), was born “in the wilderness,” whereas the myths of ancient Greece were born from “sun, sea, and stone.” Surveying the ruins of Egypt, Syria, Greece, and Palestine, Bunin became aware that every civilization seemed to undergo a cycle of birth, expansion, and annihilation. His appreciation of the inevitability of a civilization’s decay took on topical significance when he returned to Russia and witnessed continuing dislocation and change at home. Strikes, demonstrations, and violent repression in 1905 convinced him that Russia was on an irreversible downward spiral.
Bunin’s firsthand observations of the remains of earlier civilizations also deepened his preoccupation with death and loss. Annihilation was not merely a personal event; it affected civilizations, cultures, and religions alike. Nonetheless, Bunin always looked for signs of survival and renewal. Observing in “More bogov” (1908, The Sea of Gods) that “Vremia” (Time) has swallowed up the manifestations of solar worship practiced in ancient eras, Bunin exclaims: “But the Sun still exists!” Furthermore, by achieving an emotional or spiritual contact with relics of ancient life, the writer felt that his own life span had been expanded. As he put it in the poem “Mogila v skale” (1910, Cliff Tomb), the sight of a footprint left by a mourner in a grave five thousand years ago resurrected that moment of parting, and “The life given me by destiny was multiplied by five thousand years.” Such moments of transcendence were immensely consoling to Bunin.
Bunin met his future wife, Vera Muromtseva, in November 1906. In 1909 he was awarded a second Pushkin Prize and elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy. When he returned to fiction at the end of the decade he began chronicling the worrisome changes in the countryside with a depth and intensity that are not present in his earlier work. The first significant piece that reflected this new perspective was the novella Derevnia (1910; translated as The Village, 1923). The title suggests the breadth of Bunin’s conception. Derevnia means both “village” and “countryside”; Bunin intended his depiction of one rural village to represent rural Russia at large. A character in the novella underscores this symbolism for the reader when he caustically declares about Russia: “it is all a village.”
The two main characters in Derevnia are the brothers Tikhon and Kuzma Krasov. Bunin provides a capsule summary of the Krasov family background in the opening paragraphs: the brothers’ great-grandfather was a serf who was killed by his master’s dogs for stealing the affections of the master’s lover. Their grandfather won his freedom and became a famous thief. Their father opened a shop in their native village, Durnovka (the name is derived from a word that means “bad” or “nasty”), but “went bankrupt, took up drinking... and died.” Clearly, the Krasovs’ emancipation from serfdom did not lead to prosperity and fulfillment. Nor does the present generation fare much better. Early in life Tikhon Krasov decided to devote himself to business, and after years of toil, he was able to buy the Durnovka estate from the family that had formerly been his family’s masters. Yet, material gain has left him spiritually and emotionally impoverished. He has no heir; he is estranged from his wife; and he scarcely has any memories of the past to savor in his old age. At the end of the first part of the tale Tikhon is relieving himself outside his house as a train, a symbol of progress that has no meaning for him, roars by in the night. Kuzma initially seems to have a more ambitious agenda. Self-educated, he longs to make his mark on the world, leaves the village, and publishes a book of poetry. Yet, he too finds no significant outlet for his energies, and he returns to an empty life of idleness in Durnovka. Bunin now widens his focus to depict the lives of some of the Durnovka peasants; in particular, he follows the fate of a young woman who had been raped by Tikhon and is being readied for marriage to a crude, poorly educated man. Kuzma is horrified by the match but can do nothing to prevent it, and the marriage ceremony has more of the aura of a pagan orgy than a Christian ritual. Bunin concludes his narrative with a glimpse of one of the revelers wailing “with a wolf’s voice” into the blizzard raging around her.
Bunin’s readers reacted strongly to this somber image of Russia’s destiny. His portrait of village life was a far cry from the idealized peasantry in Tolstoy’s works, and some critics accused Bunin of being a bitter or fearful aristocrat slandering the people. Others, such as Gor’ky, welcomed the work as an unflinching diagnosis of the ills afflicting the countryside. Bunin thought that neither camp really understood his work and ascribed the uninformed nature of the criticism to the intelligentsia’s ignorance of the true state of rural life.
Having exposed the moral bankruptcy of the lower classes, Bunin turned to the stratum of society that had long been viewed as the bastion of enlightenment and culture—the gentry. In a 1911 interview included in volume nine of his Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh (1965-1967, Collected Works in Nine Volumes) Bunin pointed out that the landowners depicted in the works of Turgenev and Tolstoy were not typical representatives of the gentry but were “rare oases of culture.” In his view, the life of the ordinary small landowner was much closer to that of the peasant than most people appreciated: “In no other country is the life of the gentry and peasantry so closely and intimately tied as among us. The soul of both, I think, is identically Russian.”
A major work written at this time, the novella “Sukhodol” (1912; translated as “Dry Valley,” 1935), illustrates Bunin’s conviction. In this tale Bunin shows how the lives of a landowning family and their servants are intimately interwoven. The narrative structure of the tale supports this interweaving: the primary narrator is the last male descendent of the Khrushchev family, who presents the reader with the stories told by a servant, Natalia, who worked for the family. The saga of the Khrushchev clan, however, is not conveyed in a straightforward linear way: over the course of years Natalia retells her tales; with each telling new details emerge, until finally the reader has a full view of the extraordinary events that she witnessed. This lyrical structure underscores Bunin’s belief in the importance of memory as a means of preserving the past, as well as in the power of a skillful narrative to make past events live again in the minds of an audience.
Natalia relates that the patriarch of the family was murdered by his illegitimate son, Gervaska; her mistress Tonia was driven mad by a failed love affair; and she herself was raped by a coarse peasant, Iushka. The events themselves, disturbing as they are, are not as striking as the fatalistic attitude that Natalia and the rest of the Dry Valley inhabitants adopt toward the misfortunes that befell them: deeply superstitious, they feel surrounded by uncanny primordial forces that they are unable to resist—indeed, they seem almost to thirst for chaos and destruction. The final stage of destruction will be the inevitable disappearance of the memories of Dry Valley. This sense of ultimate loss, in the opinion of Renato Poggioli, “gives Dry Valley a sense of tragic pathos which no work of Bunin... attained before or after.”
In the early 1910s Bunin wrote a series of stories in which he strove to illuminate, as he put it in the 1911 interview, “the soul of the Russian man... the traits of the Slav’s psyche.” These works lay bare the dark, destructive forces lurking beneath the surface of everyday rural life. In “Nochnoi razgovor” (1912; translated as “A Night Conversation,” 1923) he depicts the bitter disillusionment that overwhelms an idealistic young member of the gentry who spends an evening with some peasants and is horrified by the relish with which they swap tales of violence and slaughter. In “Ignat” (1912; translated as “A Simple Peasant,” 1934) he describes the crude impulses that drive a peasant to a series of horrifying acts, including bestiality and murder. Yet, it is not just the peasants who come in for this kind of exposure. “Poslednii den’” (1913, The Last Day) portrays the senseless behavior of a landowner who has sold his estate to strangers and decides to give the new owners a grim welcome: he orders that his six dogs be hanged and their bodies left dangling from the tree.
In his quest to illuminate the “Slav’s psyche” Bunin turned to folktale, epic, and religious literature as source material for his fiction and poetry of the early 1910s. The story “Zakhar Vorob’ev” (1912) indicates the fate of Russia’s legendary warriors, the bogatyr’, in the modern era. Possessing enormous strength and desiring to impress those around him, the title character ends up drinking himself to death—a solitary victim of an insensitive world. Traditional spirituality too seems to have degenerated in the modern world, as Bunin shows in “la vse molchu” (1913; translated as “I Say Nothing,” 1923). A young member of the gentry, Shasha Romanov, behaves in bizarre, self-destructive ways. Although his conduct evinces some traces of the ancient “holy fool” tradition, in which eccentric behavior and self-abnegation served to reproach those who had forgotten Christ’s humility, his real motivations are a vile combination of masochism and exhibitionism. With characters such as these Bunin paints a stark picture of Russia’s decline.
A journey to Ceylon (today Sri Lanka) in 1911, coupled with study of Buddhist philosophy, provided Bunin with a new perspective on the human condition. In Buddhism he found a persuasive explanation of the contradiction between life’s capacity for providing moments of ecstatic happiness and the inevitable annihilation of that joy by loss and death. According to Buddhist doctrine, suffering results from desire; the only way to end suffering is to renounce desire—not only for love, passion, or material gain but for life itself. Over the next several years Bunin wrote stories that reflect these concepts. Some of these works, such as “Brat’ia” (1914; translated as “Brethren,” 1923) and “Sny Changa” (1916; translated as “The Dreams of Chang,” 1923), make overt reference to Buddhist thought.
“Brat’ia” is particularly rich in Buddhist aphorisms. The story juxtaposes the arduous life of a young ricksha puller in Colombo with the pleasure-sated existence of an Englishman who rides in his vehicle. The native is following the model of his father, who worked hard to provide for his family until he died from exhaustion. According to Buddhist teachings, the father must suffer reincarnation because of his immersion in earthly cares. The young man is fated to repeat his father’s errors, for he began pulling the ricksha to earn money when he became infatuated with a woman. In doing so he became enmeshed in the chain of desire: his desire for love “is the desire for sons, just as the desire for sons is a desire for property, and a desire for property is a desire for well-being.” Suffering is the inevitable result. They marry, but the bride disappears, and months later the youth discovers that she has become the chattel of rich Europeans in Colombo. He commits suicide but will return again and again “in a thousand incarnations.” The Englishman departs on a ship; at sea he ruminates on the differences between the natives of Ceylon and the more “sophisticated” Europeans who have colonized the world. As he sees it, Europeans have lost their humility in the cosmos: “We elevate our Personality higher than the heavens; we wish to concentrate the entire world within it, no matter what we have said about universal brotherhood and equality.”
With this story Bunin sets forth his understanding of a profound contradiction that underlies much of human life: the contradiction between the desire for self-gratification or self-aggrandizement and an awareness of the ultimate insignificance of any individual in the vast flow of cosmic processes. He goes on, in work after work, to depict characters who display their bondage to the ego either in love or in the accumulation of wealth and power. For the most part these works do not include overt references to Buddhism, and many of the protagonists are unaware that their desire will lead to unhappiness.
Perhaps the most compelling stories in which the drama of desire and suffering is enacted in Bunin’s work of the early and mid 1910s are those that deal with the seductive power of love and passion. “Pri doroge” (1913; translated as “On the Great Road,”1934) and “Legkoe dykhanie” (1916; translated as “Gentle Breathing,” 1922) focus, respectively, on a peasant girl and one of noble birth. “Legkoe dykhanie,” which is just a few pages in length, offers a compressed view of a young woman’s brief intoxication with the attractions of passion. It opens with a description of her portrait on her grave, then moves back in time to show what led to her early demise. Olia Meshcherskaia possessed an extraordinary zest for life; summoned to her high-school headmistress’s office and reprimanded for forgetting that she is not yet a woman, Olia shocks the teacher by asserting that she is a woman because she has been seduced by an older man—the headmistress’s brother. In the next sentence Bunin informs the reader that the following month Olia was shot and killed at a railway station by a Cossack officer “of plebeian appearance, who had absolutely nothing in common with the circle to which Olia Meshcherskaia belonged.” Olia had had a sexual encounter with the officer and then told him that she had merely been toying with him; to prove it she had shown him the diary entry in which she described her seduction by her first lover, who was fifty-six. The officer then shot her in a jealous rage. Olia’s early entrance into the realm of desire resulted in her untimely death, but her life did not flare up and burn out without a trace. In the final scene one of Olia’s former teachers, who has become enchanted with the story of her tragic love, visits Olia’s grave; her dreams will keep Olia’s memory alive. In this story Bunin shows both the ecstatic and devastating effects of passion on the human soul. The conclusion suggests that the memory of such passion may endure long after the physical sensation has faded.
By this point in his career Bunin was regarded as one of the most distinguished writers of his generation; he was particularly hailed as an heir to the classical traditions of Russian literature. Russian art and literature were experiencing the throes of modernist experimentation in the 1910s, and Bunin took an active part in the debate over the proper models for writers and artists to follow. In a speech delivered during an anniversary celebration for the newspaper Russkie vedomosti (Russian Gazette) in October 1913 he declared that contemporary literature had departed from the standards set by Pushkin, Turgenev, and Tolstoy and was mired in vulgarity and falsehood. He perceived this development as emblematic of a general decline in the moral and spiritual values of society. The outbreak of World War I in August of the following year reinforced his dark view of societal trends. On 28 September 1914 he declared in the newspaper Russkoe slovo (Russian Word) that the violent acts carried out by the Germans served as a grim reminder that “the ancient beast is alive and strong in man.” The dangerous assertion of the ego that Bunin evoked in “Brat’ia” seemed to him to have gained sway throughout Europe.
The fiction Bunin wrote at this time reflected his dismay over the current state of affairs. Especially disturbing is “Petlistye ushi” (1916; translated as “Noosiform Ears,” 1983). The protagonist, Sokolovich, delivers a cynical tirade in a St. Petersburg tavern in which he argues that the lust for violence is more pronounced in modern times than in the age of Cain and Abel. He then goes out, picks up a prostitute, murders her in a hotel room, and coolly leaves the body to be discovered by the hotel staff. Bunin inserts several allusions to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Prestuplenie i nakazanie (1867; translated as Crime and Punishment, 1886), and the contrast that emerges between the two works is telling. The sensitive, self-doubting murderer of Dostoevsky’s novel has been replaced by a cold-blooded, remorseless killer; and whereas a prostitute plays a redemptive role in Dostoevsky’s murderer’s life, in Bunin’s tale the prostitute is not the killer’s savior but his victim. Bunin seems to be saying that Dostoevsky’s idealistic view of humanity’s potential for redemption can be seen to be childishly naive at a time when the “ancient beast in man” has been unleashed.
Less horrifying, but perhaps even more effective in its indictment of modern egotism, is “Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko” (1916; translated as “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” 1921), one of Bunin’s best-known stories. An American businessman sets off with his family on a grand tour of Europe to reward himself for his years of relentless accumulation of wealth; the journey ends abruptly when he dies of a heart attack on the island of Capri. His riches are of no use to him now: his family is treated disrespectfully by the staff of the hotel in which he died, and since no coffin is available, his corpse is carted off in a crate that is normally used to transport bottled water. The ship that carries the gentleman’s body back across the sea is the same one that had brought him to Europe with such great expectations. While the rich passengers stuff themselves at lavish dinners and dance the nights away in glittery ballrooms, many decks below them lies a makeshift coffin with its lifeless contents—a striking emblem of the ultimate fate of this vain and thoughtless world.
In February (New Style, March) 1917 a revolution resulted in the collapse of the Romanov dynasty. Bunin and Muromtseva spent the summer of 1917 with his relatives, the Pusheshnikovs, in the village of Glotovo, where they constantly worried that the peasants might come and burn the house down. They were in Moscow when the October (New Style, November) revolution brought the Bolsheviks to power. In May 1918 they went via Kiev to Odessa, where they stayed for nearly two years. In Moscow and Odessa, Bunin kept a journal that he published in 1936 as Okaiannye dni (translated as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution, 1998). The journal records scenes he witnessed, rumors and conversations he overheard, excerpts from newspapers and speeches, and his own impressions of events and conveys the sense of chaos and turmoil that Russia experienced during the revolutions and civil war. Bunin again castigates the debasement of cultural values that he finds in literature and the press. Labeling some contemporary writing “indecent trash,“he says:”But almost all of Russia, almost all of Russian life, almost the entire Russian world is becoming this ‘trash.’”
In January 1920 Bunin and Muromtseva were on one of the last boats to leave Odessa for Constantinople before the Red Army seized the city. From Constantinople they traveled through the Balkans to France. In 1922 Bunin finalized his divorce from his first wife and married Muromtseva. For most of the year the Bunins lived in a villa in the south of France, near Grasse, but they often spent the winter in Paris. They had many guests at the villa, including a young writer, Galina Kuznetsova, who lived with them for several years and engaged in a serious love affair with Bunin.
After a few years of writing sketches, Bunin began producing longer works of high quality in which he often returned to a favorite subject: the lure of passion, with its capacity to bring both ecstasy and pain. At one end of the spectrum in terms of length, Mitina liubov’ (1925; translated as Mitya’s Love, 1926) is a portrait of a young man’s shattering discovery of the disparity between his idealized image of romantic love and the irresistible call of base sexual desire. At the other end, the brief “Solnechnyi udar” (1926; translated as “Sunstroke,” 1934) is a masterpiece of concision and expressive vitality. Recalling Chekhov’s “Dama s sobachkoi” (1899, Lady with a Lapdog) in showing how a casual affair can have lasting effects, “Solnechnyi udar” features a protagonist who light-heartedly spends the night with a woman he met on a riverboat; after she leaves he discovers that he desperately loves her but does not know her name. Bunin’s descriptions of physical sensation and atmosphere provide a moving accompaniment to the emotional vicissitudes of the main character.
Another work written at this time sets the subject of desire in a more philosophical framework. In “Delo korneta Elagina” (1925; translated as “The Elaghin Affair,” 1935) Aleksandr Elagin, a young military officer, is on trial for shooting Mariia Sosnovskaia, with whom he had been having an affair. Elagin testifies that Sosnovskaia wanted him to kill her, as well as himself, and her motivation becomes the focus of the story. She had many lovers and indulged in theatrical displays of emotion but seemed perpetually dissatisfied with her life. Some notes she made and her interest in the pessimistic writings of the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer indicate that she was seeking an escape from everyday life. Sosnovskaia’s struggle reflects the dichotomy Bunin had identified in the mid 1910s between the impulse to assert one’s ego by pursuing one’s desires and a recognition of the futility of such striving.
In the same year in which Bunin created the enigmatic figure of Mariia Sosnovskaia he summarized his understanding of the fundamental bifurcation in human impulse in a philosophical sketch originally titled “Tsikady” (1925; translated as “Cicadas,” 1935) and retitled “Noch”’ (1925; translated as “Night,” 1983). The narrator declares that he is one of a select group of artists and poets who have the capacity to feel not only their own time and place but also past times and other lands; such people have a heightened receptivity to life and are eager to enjoy all of its diverse richness, but their sensitivity makes them realize that all life ends in death and that immersion in its pleasures ultimately proves vain. The narrator identifies Solomon, Buddha, and Tolstoy as prime representatives of this group. He proclaims: “All the Solomons and Buddhas at first embrace the world with avidity; then, with great passion they curse its temptations”; they feel a dual torment, “the torment of withdrawal from the Chain, separation from it ... and the torment of an intensified, terrible fascination with it.” (Bunin expanded on this concept in relation to Tolstoy in Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo.) The narrator speaks for Bunin when he declares that while he too realizes the vanity of earthly striving, he feels that the time to turn his back on life has not yet come; the call of the world’s beauty is stronger than all his philosophizing.
Another comment by the narrator hints at one of the driving forces behind Bunin’s art. He says that the crown of every human life is the memory of that life, and he reveals his dream of leaving in the world “myself, my feelings, visions, and desires until the end of time.” The vehicle by which this goal may be attained is art, and it appears that Bunin regarded his fiction and poetry as the path to whatever earthly immortality he might hope to attain. This impulse to fashion a permanent record of his feelings and visions perhaps fueled the major project he undertook in the late 1920s, a fictional autobiography comprising Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (1930; translated as The Well of Days, 1933) and Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’.
In Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva Bunin depicts the evolution of an artistic soul. Drawing on events from his life, he traces the development of Aleksei Arsen’ev from impressionable child to young writer brimming over with the desire to observe and record the pageant of life. Throughout the novel he offers a dual perspective on events: the immediate sensations experienced by the hero at the time of their occurrence and the retrospective evaluation of those sensations by the mature Arsen’ev. The novel includes several of Bunin’s most cherished themes: the youth’s abiding sense of curiosity and wonder about the world, consciousness of the mystery of death, and eagerness to embrace the joys of this world, fleeting though they be. Death and passion are consistently juxtaposed, and one senses the writer’s aspiration to transcend the constraints of individual mortality through union with another person, communion with nature, and ultimately through the creation of art. Although one of the last events in the novel is the death of Arsen’ev’s first serious love, Lika (modeled both on Pashchenko and on Tsakni), the narrative ends with an evocation of Lika’s reappearance in a dream. As long as the mind of the creative artist is capable of inspiration, survival after death remains possible.
The high quality of Bunin’s literary output spurred efforts to promote him for the Nobel Prize in Literature during the 1920s, either on his own, or as part of a joint candidacy with other writers. These efforts began in earnest in 1922, when the Russian émigré literary community rallied around the idea that the Nobel Prize should go to a Russian emigre writer. Bunin’s fellow emigre writer Mark Aldanov lobbied other literary luminaries such as Romain Rolland to support Bunin’s candidacy. Rolland appeared willing to support Bunin, but he indicated that he believed that a joint candidacy of Bunin and Gor’ky would have a higher chance of success. Aldanov himself thought that a trio of candidates—Bunin, Dmitrii Merezhkovsky, and Kuprin—would make a better combination. Despite these early efforts and hopes, however, the Nobel Prize went to William Butler Yeats in 1923.
Over the course of the next decade, Aldanov and others made a renewed effort to promote Bunin’s candidacy for the Nobel Prize. In 1930 Aldanov tried to enlist the support of Thomas Mann, but although the latter expressed admiration for Bunin’s work, he held to the position that he would be bound to support a German candidate if one were put forth in competition with Bunin. Aldanov had high hopes for Bunin’s success in 1932, but the prize went to John Galsworthy that year. Finally, on 9 November 1933, Bunin’s cherished dream was realized: he became the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature.
Bunin was of course overjoyed, but his way of life did not change significantly as a consequence of the award. After making a triumphal visit to the capitals of the Russian emigration—Berlin and Paris—he returned to his home in Grasse. For a brief period, foreign publishers showed an interest in his work, and new collections of his prose fiction in English appeared in the mid 1930s. This period of literary and financial success proved fleeting, however. After receiving the prize, Bunin was besieged with letters pleading for financial assistance, and he responded with as much generosity as he could. A series of financial missteps further eroded his savings, and thus, by the late 1930s, the relative comfort he had experienced earlier in the decade had dissipated.
With the outbreak of World War II, Bunin’s fortunes took a serious turn. Stranded in their home near Grasse, the Bunins faced shortages of food and fuel, and Bunin was unable to write. By 1944 the tide of war had begun to turn, and Bunin went back to work on a project he had begun in the late 1930s: Temnye allei (translated as Dark Avenues and Other Stories, 1949), a collection of stories that first appeared in 1943 and in an enlarged version in 1946. Almost all of the stories deal with love and passion and follow a simple pattern: unexpectedly arriving in a person’s life, passion flares up; reaches an ecstatic, incandescent peak; and then is snuffed out by a change of heart, violence, or death. The protagonists range from inexperienced adolescents to middle-aged couples finding love for the last time. Although some in the emigre community chided Bunin for the frankness of his depictions of sensuality, the works testify to his undying belief that moments of ecstatic union with another person can afford one a peak experience in an otherwise difficult or undistinguished life.
Although Bunin continued to write—revising old material, preparing new short prose pieces, and working on a book about his friendship with Chekhov that was published posthumously as 0 Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (1955, About Chekhov: An Unfinished Manuscript)—his health was failing, and he was in woeful financial straits. He died in his Paris apartment on 8 November 1953.
In an early note for Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva, Ivan Bunin wrote: “Life, perhaps, is given only for competition with death; man even struggles with it from the grave: it takes his name from him, but he writes it on a cross, on a stone; it seeks to cover with darkness all that he has experienced, while he strives to animate that experience in the word.” Densely lyrical in structure and imbued with a striking intensity of feeling, the carefully crafted works that Bunin produced during his sixty years of literary creativity provide ample testimony to his own aspiration to resist the annihilating effects of time and death.
Biographies
Vera Muromtseva-Bunina, Zhizn’ Bunina 1870-1906: Besedy s pamiat’iu (Paris, 1958);
Aleksandr Baboreko, I. A. Bunin: Materialy dlia biografii (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1967);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Ivan Bunin: Russian Requiem, 1885-1920. A Portrait from. Letters, Diaries, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1993);
Marullo, Ivan Bunin: From the Other Shore, 1920-1933: A Portrait from Letters, Diars, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1995);
Mikhail Roshchin, Ivan Bunin (Moscow: Molodaia gvar diia, 2000).
References
Vladislav Afanas’ev, I. A. Bunin: Ocherk tvorchestva (Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1996);
D. K. Burlaka, ed., I. A. Bunin: Pro et contra (St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo Russkogo Khristianskogo gumanitar-nogo instituta, 2001);
Julian W Connolly, The Works of Ivan Bunin (Boston: Twayne, 1982);
Militsa Grin, ed., Ustami Buninykh, 3 volumes (Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1977-1982);
Serge Kryzytski, “The Works of Ivan Bunin (The Hague: Mouton, 1971);
Iurii Mal’tsev, Ivan Bunin: 1870-1953 (Moscow & Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1994);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, If you See the Buddha: Studies in the Fiction of Ivan Bunin (Evanston, HI.: Northwestern University Press, 1998);
O. N. Mikhailov, I. A. Bunin: Zhizn’i tvorchestvo (Tula: Priok-skoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1987);
Valerii Nefedov, Chudesnyi prizrak: Bunin-khudozhnik (Minsk: Polymia, 1990);
Renato Poggioli, “The Art of Ivan Bunin,” Harvard Slavic Studies,l (1953): 249-277;
Thomas Winner,”Some Remarks about the Style of Bunin’s Early Prose,” in American Contributions to the Sixth International Congress of Slavists, volume 2: Literary Contributions, edited by W E. Harkins (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), pp. 369-381;
James Woodward, Ivan Bunin: A Study of His Fiction (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980);
Alexander F. Zweers, The Narratology of the Autobiography: An Analysis of the Literary Devices Employed in Ivan Bunin’s”The Life of Arsen’ev” (New York: Peter Lang, 1997).
Papers
Collections of Ivan Bunin’s papers are in the Rossiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv literatury i iskusstva, Moscow; the Gosudarstvennyi muzei I. S. Turgeneva, Orel; the Institut mirovoi literatury, Moscow; the Rossiskaia gosudarstvennaia biblioteka, Moscow; and the Russian Archive of the Leeds University Library.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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1
| 58
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https://proedit.com/word-people-nobel-prize-for-literature-recipients/
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en
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Nobel Prize for Literature Recipients
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2014-10-09T15:52:33+00:00
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There are Word People, and then there are Word Giants! Each year, one writer receives the Nobel Prize for Literature. Take a minute to review this list of all the past recipients of writing’s most prestigious award. Did your favorite author make the grade? 2019 Nobel Prize in Literature Peter Handke “for an influential work that ... Read more
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en
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https://proedit.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/ProEdit-Logo-Mark_White-Circle.ico
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ProEdit
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https://proedit.com/word-people-nobel-prize-for-literature-recipients/
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There are Word People, and then there are Word Giants! Each year, one writer receives the Nobel Prize for Literature. Take a minute to review this list of all the past recipients of writing’s most prestigious award. Did your favorite author make the grade?
Source: NobelPrize.org
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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3
| 16
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https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/nobel-prizes-and-russia/
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en
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Nobel Prizes and Russia — Valdai Club
|
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The annual Nobel Prize award ceremony attracts the wider attention of world public opinion to science and literature for a week. Every time the chances are discussed, and bets are even placed with bookmakers. Then everything calms down — until the next year. For Russia, both within officialdom and outside it, this is sometimes accompanied by nervous anticipation of who will be elected this time and how it will affect the domestic political agenda, writes Valdai Club Programme Director Oleg Barabanov.
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Valdai Club
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https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/nobel-prizes-and-russia/
|
The annual Nobel Prize award ceremony attracts the wider attention of world public opinion to science and literature for a week. Every time the chances are discussed, and bets are even placed with bookmakers. Then everything calms down — until the next year. For Russia, both within officialdom and outside it, this is sometimes accompanied by nervous anticipation of who will be elected this time and how it will affect the domestic political agenda, writes Valdai Club Programme Director Oleg Barabanov.
The conclusion of Nobel week gave the world new laureates of the prestigious international prize. This time, they included Soviet-born chemistry prize winner Alexey Ekimov. Unlike in the two previous years, there have been no high-profile award winners who could influence the political agenda in Russia. Against this rather calm background, it is not without interest to recall previous Russian laureates and, in general, the ups and downs of the perception of the Nobel Prize in the USSR and Russia.
During the pre-Soviet, imperial period of the development of Russian science, Ivan Pavlov won the Nobel Prize in physiology and medicine in 1904 for his work on the physiology of digestion, which expanded and changed the understanding of vital aspects of this issue. In 1908, Ilya Mechnikov won the prize in physiology and medicine for his work on immunity. The Nobel Prize in literature in 1905 was awarded to the Pole Henryk Sienkiewicz, then a citizen of the Russian Empire, for his epic novels. At the same time, according to the declassified archives of the Nobel Committee, candidates who ultimately didn’t win the prize during the pre-revolutionary period included Leo Tolstoy, Dmitry Merezhkovsky, lawyers Fyodor Martens and Ivan Bliokh, historian Maxim Kovalevsky, minister Sergei Witte, and even Emperor Nicholas II himself.
During the period between the world wars, Ivan Bunin received the Nobel Prize in literature as a Russian emigré in 1933, for the rigorous skill with which he developed the traditions of classical Russian prose. Among the Russian emigrants who did not receive the prize in literature, Maxim Gorky (who lived in exile during the early Soviet period), Konstantin Balmont, Ivan Shmelev, Mark Aldanov, Nikolai Berdyaev, Boris Zaitsev, again Dmitry Merezhkovsky and even General Pyotr Krasnov were nominated. In 1929, 1933 and 1935 Nicholas Roerich was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. In 1971, Simon Kuznets became another emigrant to receive the Nobel Prize in Economics for his empirically based interpretation of economic growth; in 1973 the prize in economics was awarded to Wassily Leontief for the development of the input-output method and for its application to economic problems; and in 1977, Ilya Prigogine won the prize in chemistry for his work on the thermodynamics of irreversible processes, especially for the theory of dissipative structures.
The history of awarding Nobel Prizes to Soviet citizens is very controversial. On the one hand, the awards for scientific endeavours were perceived positively in the Soviet Union from an official point of view, as proof of the world class level of Soviet science and its achievements. The first Soviet scientist to receive the Nobel Prize in chemistry was Nikolai Semenov in 1956, director of the Institute of Chemical Physics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, for research in the field of the mechanism of chemical reactions. In 1958, the Nobel Prize in physics was shared by Igor Tamm, Ilya Frank and Pavel Cherenkov for the discovery and interpretation of Cherenkov radiation. In 1962, Lev Landau received the prize in physics for his innovative theories of condensed matter, especially liquid helium. In 1964, the same prize was shared by Nikolai Basov and Alexander Prokhorov for their fundamental work in the field of quantum electronics, which led to the creation of oscillators and amplifiers based on the laser-maser principle. In 1975, Leonid Kantorovich became one of the laureates of the prize in economics for his contribution to the theory of optimal resource allocation. In 1978, among the laureates of the physics prize was Pyotr Kapitsa for his fundamental inventions and discoveries in the field of low temperature physics.
In this regard, it is significant that the bulk of scientific prizes for Soviet citizens occurred in the late 1950s, during the first half of the 1960s, or were associated with work performed during the period when the prize was awarded later in time. To a certain extent, this reflects the real chronology of the international successes of Soviet science, which, as it turns out, happened precisely in the second half of the 1950s and in the early 1960s, as it was at the peak of its achievements. In part, this rise was a kind of side effect of the implementation of the Soviet nuclear programme (several of the Nobel laureates were directly involved in it). At the time, in addition to nuclear physics, priority government attention was paid to related branches of science. As the tasks of nuclear policy were fulfilled, it turned out that other branches of physics and chemistry went into a “quiet” “stand-by” mode and no longer delivered such high creative breakthroughs worthy of a Nobel Prize. The notorious “stagnation” in the Soviet state and society during the Brezhnev era was thus accompanied by stagnation in science, despite all the opposition of the academic environment and the fact that government support and funding did not weaken at all during this period.
As a result, Soviet scientists were subsequently unable to create anything similar to the “Khrushchev takeoff,” at least from the point of view of the Nobel committee. However, sometimes here in the domestic literature on the history of science, one can find complaints that scientific Nobel prizes also, they say, became the object of politicisation during the late stage of the Cold War. That is why the achievements of Soviet scientists (who were actually great) did not receive Nobel recognition. Time will judge whether this is true or not. But in any case, you will hardly find the names of Soviet scientists whose creative heyday occurred in the 1970s or 1980s on the various lists of those who did not receive the Nobel Prize, but were quite worthy of it.
After a fairly long break, Nobel Prizes in scientific fields again began to be awarded to Russian citizens and emigrants from the USSR in the early 2000s. Some of them were awarded to older scientists for their achievements during the Soviet period, which originated in the same “takeoff” of Soviet physics in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In 2000, Zhores Alferov became one of the Nobel Prize laureates in physics for the development of the semiconductor heterostructures used in high-frequency circuits and optoelectronics. In 2003, the prize in physics was received by Vitaly Ginzburg and Alexei Abrikosov, who had already left for the USA by that time, for their pioneering contribution to the theory of superconductors and superfluid liquids. It is noteworthy here that Abrikosov, against the backdrop of the awarding of the prize, persistently emphasized that he was not a Russian, but an American physicist. Apparently, the issues of changing identity and denying both post-Soviet realities and his own Soviet school were of key importance for him.
A truly new stage in the awarding of Nobel prizes in scientific fields began only in the early 2010s. It was associated with modern discoveries, and not with recognition of the merits of the past from the Soviet era. There are very few Russian names here, to put it mildly. Characteristically, they are all associated with emigrants from Russia who have achieved their scientific results abroad. These are the winners of the 2010 Nobel Prize in Physics, Andre Geim and Konstantin Novoselov, for their innovative experiments on the study of the two-dimensional material graphene, as well as one of the laureates of the 2023 Chemistry Prize, Alexey Ekimov, for the discovery and synthesis of quantum dots. In fairness, it should be noted that the current award to Ekimov is an assessment of his achievements both during the Soviet period and after his subsequent departure to the USA. To a certain extent, this award can also be classified as one which was granted for historical achievements in the past.
In any case, the names of the new generation of scientists working in the Russian Federation itself are not among the Nobel laureates. Each reader can decide for himself whether politicisation is to blame for this, or the reasons must be sought in the internal problems of our state and society, both in the bureaucratisation of science and in academic clannishness, which does not allow many promising young scientists to develop.
This is the situation with scientific prizes. A completely different situation has developed with the perception of the Nobel Peace and Literature Prizes in the USSR and Russia. Here, the issues of subjectivity and politicisation were raised especially often. However, here, too, a very clear boundary can be traced. When these prizes were awarded to people who, at the time of their presentation, were in favour with the system or even at the pinnacle of power (Sholokhov, Gorbachev), there were no problems with these Nobel prizes. When the prize was awarded to someone else, then the question of politicisation was raised. Sometimes this was accompanied by a loud and scandalous domestic campaign (Pasternak) or was essentially surrounded by a veil of official silence within the country (Solzhenitsyn, Sakharov, Memorial ), or accompanied by sarcasm in the style of “Thank you for not choosing Navalny **” (Muratov ). Thus, the “friend or foe” marker has worked very clearly here.
The archives of the Nobel Committee, declassified over time, contain many interesting details about the Soviet nominees. Thus, Joseph Stalin and Maxim Litvinov, among others, were nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1945, and in 1946 and 1947 Alexandra Kollontai, in 1948 again Joseph Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov. But none of them managed to get it. As a result, in 1949 the USSR decided to create its own international award: the Stalin Prize “For Strengthening Peace Between Nations,” which in 1956 was renamed the Lenin Prize. This prize was partly positioned as a Soviet alternative to the Nobel Peace Prize. Every year, several people from among the fighters for peace and against imperialism in the Soviet sense became its laureates.
As for the Nobel Peace Prize, among Soviet citizens it was received by Andrei Sakharov in 1975, for his fearless support of the fundamental principles of peace between people and his courageous struggle against the abuse of power and any form of suppression of human dignity. In 1990 it was awarded to Mikhail Gorbachev, in recognition of his leading role in the peace process, which played an important part of the life of the international community.
Looking through the list of Nobel Peace Prize laureates, it can be noted that it was its presentation to Andrei Sakharov in 1975 that became the first example of a dissident from a non-Western country winning. This award became a kind of precedent for further awards to oppositionists and human rights activists from non-Western countries in the future. In recent post-Soviet history, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Dmitry Muratov in 2021 and Memorial in 2022. It should be noted here that the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to laureates from the same country for two years in a row, an extreme rarity in recent decades.
As for the literature prize, among Soviet citizens in the 1930s, Maxim Gorky continued to be nominated for it after his return from emigration to the USSR, but without success. Boris Pasternak was first nominated for the Nobel Prize in 1946, followed by nominations in 1947-50 and 1957. Mikhail Sholokhov, in turn, was first nominated in 1948, and then in 1949-50, 1955-56, 1958 and 1961-64. In 1949 and 1950, Leonid Leonov was nominated. In 1963 — Evgeny Yevtushenko, in 1965-66 — Anna Akhmatova, in 1965-68 — Konstantin Paustovsky, in 1968 Konstantin Fedin, as well as Ukrainian writers Pavlo Tychyna (1967), Ivan Drach (1967 and 1969), Lina Kostenko (1967) and Nikolai Bazhan (1971), and in 1968-70 Friedebert Tuglas from Estonia. As a result, Boris Pasternak received the Nobel Prize in 1958 — for significant achievements in modern lyric poetry, as well as for continuing the traditions of the great Russian epic novel. Pasternak refused the prize under pressure. In 1965, the prize was awarded to Mikhail Sholokhov for the artistic strength and integrity of his epic about the Don Cossacks at a turning point for Russia. Alexander Solzhenitsyn was first nominated for the Nobel Prize in 1969 and received it the following year — in 1970 — for the moral strength with which he followed the immutable traditions of Russian literature. In 1987, Joseph Brodsky became a Nobel laureate for his comprehensive creativity, imbued with clarity of thought and passion of poetry.
In general, the annual Nobel Prize award ceremony attracts the wider attention of world public opinion to science and literature for a week. Every time the chances are discussed, and bets are even placed with bookmakers. Then everything calms down — until the next year. For Russia, both within officialdom and outside it, this is sometimes accompanied by nervous anticipation of who will be elected this time and how it will affect the domestic political agenda. Due to the aforementioned reasons, there is little hope to expect awards to scientists working in the Russian Federation itself, and for the Peace Prize, the “Russian quota” has been met for the time being, unless some kind of “black swan” happens again. This only leaves the Literature Prize. We’ll keep an eye on it next year.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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1
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1987/brodsky/article/
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en
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Joseph Brodsky: A Virgilian Hero, Doomed Never to Return Home
|
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1987 was awarded to Joseph Brodsky "for an all-embracing authorship, imbued with clarity of thought and poetic intensity"
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en
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1987/brodsky/article/
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Joseph Brodsky
Article
Joseph Brodsky: A Virgilian Hero, Doomed Never to Return Home
by Bengt Jangfeldt*
“All my poems are more or less about the same thing – about Time. About what time does to Man.” – Joseph Brodsky
Rebel Poet
It is impossible to speak about Russian literature without taking into account the society in which it was written. This is especially true for the 20th century, when five Russian writers were awarded the Nobel Prize. When the émigré writer Ivan Bunin got it in 1933, the Swedish Academy was reproached for not having awarded the prize to the pro-Soviet Maxim Gorki; Boris Pasternak‘s prize, in 1958, was fiercely attacked by the Soviet authorities as a political, anti-Soviet act; Mikhail Sholokhov‘s, seven years later, was criticized for being, in its turn, a conciliatory gesture toward the Soviet regime; and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn‘s award (1970) was conceived in the same vein as the prize to Pasternak.
When Joseph Brodsky was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1987, times were changing. The Soviet Union was opening up, but the authorities were still not able to cope with the fact that a Russian writer had got the prize, and it was announced with great delay.
Iosif Brodskiy was born in Leningrad in 1940 and died in New York in 1996 as Joseph Brodsky. Between the two spellings of his name lies one of the more dramatic human and poetic destinies in 20th century Russia – a country rich in drama.
Iosif Brodskiy grew up in the Soviet Union, first during the Stalinist era, then under the milder political climate of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. He started to write poetry at the end of the 1950s, but like everybody else who refused to accept the Soviet aesthetic norms he encountered great difficulties and could only publish a few poems.
Brodskiy revolutionised Russian poetry by introducing themes that were taboo in the Soviet Union, first of all metaphysical and Biblical ones. And he did it in a verse that was both innovative and exceptionally varied. Influenced by his Russian 18th century precursors (first of all Derzhavin), as well as by Polish poets (Galczynski, Norwid) and the English Metaphysicals (Donne, Herbert, Marvell), Brodskiy enriched Russian literature with a new ironic sensibility. The conspicuous use of literary reminiscences and allusions could perhaps be seen as a result of his growing up in almost total cultural isolation, where every alternative voice was eagerly absorbed.
In the Soviet Union such things did not go unpunished. The young poet was regarded as a rebel and a parasite: he was arrested and, after a parody of a trial, in 1964 exiled to northern Russia to think better of it. This he did, but not in the way the authorities had wished. During his exile he developed his poetic technique and ripened as a poet. And thanks to protests from Soviet and Western intellectuals, he was set free in 1965, before the end of his term. He returned to his hometown, Leningrad, where he stayed until he was sent into foreign exile in 1972 – this time without trial and for good. He settled in the USA, where he became Joseph Brodsky, an American citizen, and where he lived until his death twenty-four years later.
In the USA, Brodsky continued to write poetry in Russian, and also translated many of his poems into English. If he never reached the same poetic peaks in English as in Russian, he developed instead into a brilliant essayist in English. As a writer Brodsky thus had two identities, and it was in his capacity as one of the greatest Russian poets of the 20th century and a major essayist in the English language that he was acclaimed by the Swedish Academy in 1987 for his “all-embracing authorship, imbued with clarity of thought and poetic intensity”.
Time Is Greater than Space
His first collection of essays, Less Than One, was published in 1986. Some of the best essays were devoted to his great predecessors in Russian poetry – Osip Mandelstam, Anna Akhmatova, and Marina Tsvetayeva. In an essay on Tsvetayeva, Brodsky formulates his view of the poet as a “combination of an instrument and a human being in one person, with the former gradually taking over the latter”.
The poet, transformed gradually into an instrument for his poetic gift, has no choice – and the recognition of this exclusiveness determines his path. By constantly listening to his own voice, constantly developing his language, constantly taking the next stylistic step, he becomes more and more isolated.
Brodsky’s words about Tsvetayeva are a self-characterisation. Brodsky the poet is led farther and farther away from the literary mainstream by language itself. And Brodsky the man, grown up in a society with whose values he cannot reconcile himself and which refuses to accept him, is, like Tsvetayeva and Mandelstam, forced into a growing social alienation. The exile to northern Russia and his expatriation eight years later are but outer confirmations of an inner process that in other countries would have taken less dramatic turns.
In the poem “Lullaby of Cape Cod” (1975), Brodsky describes his “move” to the USA as a “change of Empire”. However shattering this experience may be, it changes nothing in essence. Empires have always existed and resemble one another, if not in detail (one empire can, of course, be more repugnant than the other), then at least in structure – and as regards man’s place in this structure. Although Brodsky was heavily marked by his Soviet experience, he had no illusions about other political systems being able to provide a perfect alternative. The big enemy is not space but time.
It is Brodsky’s approach to time that determines his worldview. “What interests me and always has interested me most is time and its effect on man, how it changes him, grinds him… On the other hand, this is just a metaphor for what time does to space and the world.” Time reigns supreme – all that is not time is subjected to the power of time, “the ruler”, “the owner”. Time is the enemy of man and everything man has created and holds dear: “Ruins are the triumph of oxygen and time.”
Time clings to man, who grows older, dies and turns into “dust” – “time’s flesh”, as Brodsky calls it. Key words in his poetry are “splinter”, “shard”, “fragment”. One of his books of poetry is called A Part of Speech. Man – in particular, a poet – is a part of a language that is older than he and will live on after time has settled the account with language’s servant.
Man is attacked both by the past and the future. What we experience as unpleasant and negative in life is, as a matter of fact, a cry from the future, which is trying to break ground in the present. The only thing that prevents the future and the past from merging is the short period constituted by the present, symbolised by man and his body in “Ecloque IV: Winter” (1977):
… What sets them apart is only
a warm body. Mule-like, stubborn creature,
it stands firmly between them, rather
like a border guard: stiffened, sternly
preventing the wandering of the future
into the past. …
On the personal level, Brodsky views life as a “one way street”. A return to what has passed – an earlier life, a woman – is impossible. In “December in Florence” (1976), about Dante and his hometown, about the poet and exile, Florence is double-exposed with another city – Leningrad. There are, writes Brodsky,
… cities one won’t see again. The sun
throws its gold at their frozen windows. But all the same
there is no entry, no proper sum.
There are always six bridges spanning the sluggish river.
There are places where lips touched lips for the first time ever,
or pen pressed paper with real fervor.
There are arcades, colonnades, iron idols that blur your lens.
There the streetcar’s multitudes, jostling, dense,
speak in the tongue of a man who’s departed thence.
In spite of all Communism, “Leningrad”, that is, St. Petersburg, remains “the most beautiful city in the world”. The return is not impossible primarily because of an unpalatable political system – which a superficial reading might suggest – but by deeper, psychological factors: “A man moves only in one direction. And only from. From a place, from a thought that has entered his mind, from himself… that is, constantly away from what has been experienced…”
The individual’s journey in time and space is matched by a similar development toward non-existence on the historic plane. Not so much because of the threat of atomic bombs or other acts of war but because societies and civilisations are subject to the same “time war” as the individual. To Brodsky, the big threat comes from the demographic changes leading to the peril of Western, that is, individual-based, civilisation. A recurring theme is the diminishing role of the Christian world – to Brodsky, as to Osip Mandelstam, “Christianity” is first and foremost a question of civilisation – in favour of the “anti-individualistic pathos of an overpopulated world”. Thus the individual’s future merges with the world’s: the death of the individual with that of individualism.
Language Is Greater than Time
Against all-devouring Time, which leads to the absence of both the individual and the world, Brodsky mobilises the word. Few modern poets have stressed with such intensity the word’s ability to withstand the passing of time. This conviction recurs frequently in Brodsky’s poems, often in the last lines:
I don’t know anymore what earth will nurse my carcass.
Scratch on, my pen: let’s mark the white the way it marks us.
(“The Fifth Anniversary”, 1977)
That’s the birth of an eclogue. Instead of the shepherd’s signal,
A lamp’s flaring up. Cyrillic, while running witless
on the pad as though to escape the captor,
knows more of the future than the famous sibyl:
of how to darken against the whiteness,
as long as the whiteness lasts. And after.
(“Eclogue IV: Winter”)
Brodsky’s belief in the power of the word must be seen against his view of time and space. Literature is superior to society – and to the writer himself. The idea that it is not the language but the poet who is the instrument is, as we have seen, at the core of Brodsky’s poetics. Language is older than society and, naturally, older than the poet, and it is language that keeps nations together when “the centre cannot hold” (with Yeats‘s words).
Men die, writers do not. A poet who formulated the same thought with similar pregnancy was W.H. Auden in his “In Memory of W.B. Yeats” (1939). It was the third and last part of this triptych that made such an indelible impression on Brodsky (he describes it in the essay “Less Than One”) when he first read the poem during his exile in northern Russia:
Time that is intolerant
Of the brave and innocent,
And indifferent in a week
To a beautiful physique,
Worships language and forgives
Everyone by whom it lives …
Language, in other words, is superior not only to society and the poet but to time itself. Time “worships language” and is thus “lesser” than it. There is a strain of a romantic fatalism in this assertion, but in Russia, a country where people, in Pushkin’s words, are always “mute”, the writer has always occupied a unique position. This emphasis on the dominance of language is thus not an expression of aestheticism; in a society where language is nationalised, where language is political even when it does not speak of politics, the word possesses an enormous explosive force.
Poetry Is Greater than Prose
In Brodsky’s aesthetical hierarchy, poetry occupies the first place. “The concept of equality is extrinsic to the nature of art, and the thinking of any man of letters is hierarchical. Within this hierarchy, poetry occupies a higher position than prose…” This does not mean that poetry is “better” than prose but is a logical conclusion of Brodsky’s view of the hierarchy Language-Time-Space. Time is greater than space, but language is greater than time. To write is essentially to try to “regain” or “hold back” time, and for this purpose the poet has at his disposal means that the prose-writer lacks: meter and caesuras, syntactic pauses, stressed and unstressed syllables. An important means of restructuring and holding back time is rhyme, which refers back but also creates expectation, that is, future. “Song is, after all, restructured time”, says Brodsky (in his essay on Osip Mandelstam), or simply, speaking of Auden, “a repository of time”. And if language lives by the poet, does then not “time” live by the poet, in his poems?
In order best to move with time, the poem should try to imitate time’s monotone, try to make it resemble the sound produced by a pendulum. Brodsky’s own voice is described as almost inaudible:
I am speaking to you, and it’s not my fault
if you don’t hear. The sum of days, by slugging
on, blisters eyeballs; the same goes for vocal cords.
My voice may be muffled but, I should hope, not nagging.
All the better to hear the crowing of a cockerel, the tick-tocks
in the heart of a record, its needle’s patter;
all the better for you not to notice when my talk stops,
as Little Red Riding Hood didn’t mutter to her gray partner.
(“Afterword”, 1986)
The poet’s voice, “more muffled than the bird’s, but more sonorous than the pike’s”, as it is characterised in the poem “Comments from a Fern” (1989), is so subdued that it almost erases the difference between sound and silence, and so close to time’s rhythm one can get – a rhythm that the poet can approximate with the help of meter. When Brodsky stresses the importance of classical forms, he is not just being conservative; he does it with a belief in their double function as a structuring element and upholder of civilisation; the assertion of the absolute value of these stylistic means are thus not primarily a question of form but an important part of what could be called Brodsky’s philosophy of culture.
Linear Thinking
Joseph Brodsky wrote poetry for the better part of his life, and the history of his publications is a reflection of the political system he grew up in. His first books were selections from his poetry published by friends and admirers in the West and were forbidden reading in his home country. In the Soviet Union, his first book was published only after the Nobel Prize. A full-scale publication of his works, including Russian translations of his essays, was made possible only after the fall of the Communist dictatorship in 1991.
One consequence of Brodsky’s idea that a person moves only in one direction – from – was that he never went back to his homeland. His thinking – and acting – was linear. From the age of thirty-two he was a “nomad” – a Virgilian hero, doomed never to return home.
When asked why he did not want to go back, Brodsky answered that he didn’t want to visit his home country as a tourist. Or that he didn’t want to go on an invitation from official institutions. His final argument was: “The best part of me is already there: my poetry.”
* Bengt Jangfeldt has been specializing in Russian literature for 30 years. His doctoral thesis (1976) treated the relationship between the Soviet State and the literary avant-garde during the years of the revolution, 1917-1921. This work was later supplemented by a series of archival editions.
Professor Jangfeldt has collected and published the correspondence between Vladimir Mayakovsky and Lili Brik (in Russian in 1982 and 1991, in English in 1986: “Love is the Heart of Everything”) as well as the literary legacy of the great Russian linguist, Roman Jakobson (Russian edition 1992, English edition 1997: “My Futurist Years”). During the last ten years he has been focusing on the historical ties between Sweden and the St. Petersburg region. This work has resulted in several books, including Svenska vägar till S:t Petersburg which in 1998 was awarded the August Prize (the Swedish equivalent of the Booker Prize). His last books include an authorised biography of the Swedish author and doctor Axel Munthe (En osalig ande, 2003).
Bengt Jangfeldt has translated many of Joseph Brodsky’s works into Swedish, the poetry from Russian and the prose from English. In 1988, he was awarded the Letterstedt Prize for Translation by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences for rendering into Swedish Brodsky’s book of essays, “Less Than One”.
First published 12 December 2003
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The Secret History of Vladimir Nabokov
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Bibliography (and more)
Below is a full bibliography for The Secret History of Vladimir Nabokov. Before the bibliography is a space set aside for clarifications or corrections on the printed text, and a separate section listing Nabokov sites I've found useful or interesting. If you have a site you'd like to see included on this list, please email it to me, noting any especially interesting aspects.
Digital Nabokoviana
The Nabokov Musuem (in St. Petersburg)
Nabokov family tree
Nabokov homes and haunts
Zembla
NABOKV-L, the Vladimir Nabokov Listserv
Nabokov Online Journal
Keys to The Gift
Ada, annotated
Clarifications/omissions/errata
2/18/13 – noted by the author - page 99 - “soon to be called Glory”: “soon” should read “eventually.”
2/18/13 – noted by the author - page 100 - “pretends to be Swiss”: it may be worth clarifying that Martin is one-quarter Swiss, but his identity is fully Russian.
2/18/13 – noted by the author – page 162 – “filled out their declarations of intent”: Before disembarking, the Nabokovs did on their immigration paperwork declare their intent to stay in the U.S. permanently, but they did not sign the forms titled “Declaration of Intention” until later that same year.
2/26/13 – Acknowledgments: A (regrettably missed) thank you to D. Barton Johnson, who read and commented on a write-up of my early Pale Fire research in 2009.
5/20/13 – noted by the author – page 390, note 77– "an Oscar-winning director": William Dieterle did direct Oscar-winning films and was himself nominated for an Academy Award in 1937 for his direction of The Life of Emile Zola, but he never won the Oscar for Best Director.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The works of Vladimir Nabokov
(note that this list includes only works referenced in The Secret History of Vladimir Nabokov)
Agasfer
Ada or Ardor: a Family Chronicle
The Annotated Lolita
Bend Sinister
Conclusive Evidence
The Defense
Despair
Eugene Onegin
The Gift
Invitation to a Beheading
King, Queen, Knave
Lectures on Literature
Lectures on Russian Literature
Look at the Harlequins!
Mary
Nikolai Gogol
Pale Fire
Pnin
The Real Life of Sebastian Knight
Speak, Memory
Strong Opinions
Selected Poems, edited by Thomas Karshan
The Stories of Vladimir Nabokov
The Man from the U.S.S.R. & Other Plays
Key works and sources
Vladimir Nabokov: The American Years, by Brian Boyd (1991)
Vladimir Nabokov: The Russian Years, by Brian Boyd (1990)
Vladimir Nabokov: His Life in Art, by Andrew Field (1967)
Vladimir Nabokov: His Life in Part, by Andrew Field (1978)
Véra (Mrs. Vladimir Nabokov), by Stacy Schiff (2000)
Berg Collection of English and American Literature, New York Public Library
Bundesarchiv-Filmarchiv, Berlin
Dear Bunny, Dear Volodya: The Nabokov-Wilson Letters, 1940-1971, ed. Simon Karlinsky (2001)
Library of Congress
Neuengamme Concentration Camp Memorial
The New York Review of Books
The New York Times
The Twelve Who Are To Die: The Trial of the Socialists-Revolutionists, by the Delegation of the Party of the Socialists-Revolutionists (Berlin, 1922)
US Holocaust Memorial Museum
Vladimir Nabokov Museum
Vladimir Nabokov, Selected Letters 1940-1977, eds. Dmitri Nabokov/Matthew Bruccoli (1991)
Wellesley College Archives
Declassified documents and public records
US Federal Bureau of Investigation
Vladimir Nabokov – see Sonia Slonim FBI file below (relevant pages already posted here)
Véra Nabokov – see Sonia Slonim file below (relevant pages already posted here)
Sonia Slonim – File #121-HQ-10141, including a loyalty review by the FBI and Department of the Army Intelligence and Security Command documents. Some information already written up/posted here.
Nicholas Nabokov – File #123-1231. File starts from April 1943 and continues through July 1948, then picks for several final pages covering April to June 1967. Includes background check information from Nicholas’ intelligence work during the war, as well as a more in-depth Cold War investigation.
Edmund Wilson – File #105-177115 This portion of Wilson’s FBI file deals with just an investigation of whether or not Wilson attended a 1968 Cultural Congress in Havana, Cuba. Those wishing to see additional info on Wilson should also request File #s 100-381720 and 100-381720-5.
US Citizenship and Immigration Services
Vladimir Nabokov – C-File 6556567. See Nabokov’s full immigration file in the Records section of this website.
Véra Nabokov – C-File 6556566 and Visa File 3027265. See both Véra Nabokov’s files in the Records section of this website.
Nicholas Nabokov – C-File 4640765. See Nicholas Nabokov’s full immigration file in the Records section of this website.
Sophia (Sonia) Slonim – C-File C6695603 and Visa File 3069615. Information on Sonia Slonim’s immigration, name change request, and eventual US citizenship. Some of this information already written up/posted here.
Carl Junghans - A File A-7595300. Over 300 pages, this file details Junghans’ relations with USDOJ-INS on questions of deportation, alien registration, internment and visa status from 1941 to 1950. (Another FOIA is still in process for the 1950s and 1960s information on Junghans). Some information already written up/posted here.
US National Archives and Records Administration
Carl Junghans – Record Group 60, Department of Justice, Entry UD UP 5 “World War II Alien Enemy Detention and Internment Case Files, 1941-1952″ – Case File # 146-13-2-12-771 – Stack Location 230/25/06/05 – Box 119. All correspondence directly related to the internment and later parole of Carl Junghans, including correspondence with the Alien Enemy Control Unit. Some information already written up/posted here.
US Central Intelligence Agency
Geographic Intelligence Report – Novaya Zemlya – Document CIA/RR-G-18 – January 1958. Declassified 5/12/2000 – CIA Analysts’ Cold War attempt to summarize what was known about Soviet activity on the northern Arctic Islands, from air operations and naval activities to population, prisoners, and economic development.
General Register Office of England
Boris Petkevitch – DVD 166409/Application Number 3691934-1 – Death certificate for Nabokov’s former brother-in-law, who was married to Olga Nabokov in Prague before fleeing to England.
Additional sources and information
Several articles (often wire reports) appeared in substantially the same form in the Times of London, the International Herald Tribune (in its various incarnations), and The New York Times. In order to let spelunkers more easily dive into this material, where The New York Times covered a given story, I have cited its version, which can be accessed electronically without charge at most public libraries in the United States.
I reviewed many of Nabokov's draft manuscripts, journals, and letters in the holdings of the Berg Collection at the New York Public Library and the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, but did not always cite the primary source in my book. In situations where Andrew Field, Brian Boyd, or Stacy Schiff had already covered a matter in the Nabokovs' lives in one of the biographies, I often cited their reference(s) to a given conversation or incident in my endnotes, both to acknowledge their work and to inform readers about other already-published accounts that would not require them to visit or gain access to (in some cases) restricted archives.
“2 Nazi Airmen Slain in Canadian Break,” NYT, April 22, 1941, 3.
“28 Nazi Fliers Tunnel to Liberty in Canada,” NYT, April 20, 1941, 1.
“30 Children Join Picnic of Nations,” NYT, July 20, 1959, 12.
“66 Are Executed by Soviet, Accused of Terrorist Plots,” NYT, Dec. 6, 1934, 1.
Abarinov, Vladimir, The Murderers of Katyn, Hippocrene Books: New York, 1993.
Abraham, Richard, Alexander Kerensky, Columbia University Press: New York, 1990.
Action on Dissident Protested in Soviet,” NYT, March 13, 1968, 6.
Adams, J. Donald, “Speaking of Books,” NYT, October 26, 1958, BR2.
Adler, Mike, Dreaded Island: A History of Novaya Zemlya, Gulag Research Press: Frederick, MD, 2011.
“Alien Arrests Net Women in Britain,” NYT, May 28, 1940, 7.
Amis, Martin, “Martin Amis on Lolita,” http://www.randomhouse.com/features/nabokov/amis.html.
“Anti-Jewish Move Is Harming Laval,” NYT, September 6, 1942, 14.
“Anti-Milukov Plot Under Munich Inquiry,” NYT, March 31, 1922, 3.
“Anti-Nazi Feeling Grows in Bavaria,” NYT, Nov. 11, 1933, 8.
Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution, ABC-CLIO, 2005, 363.
Applebaum, Anne, Gulag: A History, New York: Doubleday, 2003.
“Arctic Called Soviet Test Site,” NYT, March 9, 1958, 41.
“An Arctic Resort for the Russians,” NYT, April, 22, 1934, XX12.
Argento, Dominick, Catalogue raisonné as memoir, University of Minnesota Press, 2004.
Armagnac, Armand, “New Cities in the Arctic,” Popular Science, May 1937, 25-6 (text and map).
“Arrests in Britain,” James B. Reston, NYT, May 12, 1940, 1.
“Atomic Physicist Scraps Defense of Reds at Cultural Talk as Result of Korea Attack,” NYT, June 28, 1950, 9.
Auger, Martin, Prisoners of the Home Front, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005.
Bacher, Lutz, Max Ophüls in the Hollywood Studios, Rutgers University Press, 1996.
Baker, Nicholson, Human Smoke, Simon & Schuster, 2008.
Barabtarlo, Gennady, “Nabokov in the Wilson Archive,” Cycnos, Volume 10 n°1; posted online June 13, 2008.
Barnes, Christopher and Boris Leonidovich Pasternak, Boris Pasternak: 1928-1960, A Literary Biography, Cambridge University Press, 1989 (2 vols.).
Belletto, Steven, No Accident, Comrade: Chance and Design in Cold War American Narratives, Oxford University Press, 2011.
---, “The Zemblan Who Came in from the Cold,” ELH, vol. 73, no. 3, 755-80.
Belloc, Hillaire, The Jews, Houghton Mifflin, 1922.
Belmonte, Laura, Selling the American Way: U.S. Propaganda and the Cold War, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008.
Berberova, Nina, The Italics Are Mine, Vintage, 1999.
Berkman, Sylvia, “Smothered Voices: Nabokov’s Dozen,” NYT, September 21, 1958, BR5.
Bernstein, Adam, “John H. Noble Survived, Denounced Soviet Captivity,” obituary in The Washington Post, November 17, 2007.
“Blue-Law Reform Sought in Britain,” NYT, Drew Middleton, January 12, 1959, 12.
“Boycott of Jews Reviving in Reich,” NYT, December 29, 1937, 6.
Boyd, Brian, “New Light on Nabokov’s Russian Years” Cycnos, Volume 10, No. 1.
---, Vladimir Nabokov: The American Years, Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1991.
---, Vladimir Nabokov: The Russian Years, Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1990.
---, Nabokov’s Pale Fire: The Magic of Artistic Discovery, Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1999.
Braden, Thomas, “Speaking Out: I’m Glad the CIA Is ‘Immoral’,” The Saturday Evening Post, May 20, 1967, 10-14.
“Brief Overview of the World War II Enemy Alien Control Program,” USNA: http://www.archives.gov/research/immigration/enemy-aliens-overview.html.
Brigham, Daniel, “Inquiries Confirm Nazi Death Camps,” NYT, July 3, 1944, 3.
“British Seize ‘Lolita,’” NYT, May 5, 1959, 36.
“British Tory Fights Reds’ Forced Labor,” NYT, February 8, 1931, 15.
Brovkin, Vladimir, “Workers Unrest and the Bolsheviks’ Response in 1919,” Slavic Review, vol. 49, No. 3 (Autumn 1990).
Brownmiller, Susan, Femininity, Ballantine Books, 1985.
Buca, Edward, Vorkuta (Constable, 1976), 325-6.
Buchanan, George, My Mission to Russia, Little, Brown & Co,, 1923.
Bunin, Ivan. The Liberation of Tolstoy: a tale of two writers, Northwestern University Press, 2001.
Burks, Edward, “Buckley Assails Vietnam Protest,” NYT, October 22, 1965, 1.
Burridge, William, “How Amnesty Is Fulfilling Pope’s Holy Year Appeal,” Catholic Herald, March 7, 1975.
Campbell, James, “The spice of life,” The Guardian, June 25, 2004.
Caselli, Graziella, with Jacques Vallin and Guillaume J. Wunsch, Demography: Analysis and Synthesis, vol. 1, Academic Press; Waltham, Mass., 2006, 426.
CBS Evening News, “Solzhenitsyn Arrested,” Tuesday, February 14, 1974.
CBS News, “Oswald Midnight Press Conference,” recorded November 22/23, 1963.
“Chinese for Jews: Benefits for Kishineff Sufferers in Doyers Street Theater,” NYT, May 12, 1903, 3.
Clark, Delbert, “Soviet Deserters Said To Be Hiding to Avoid Forced Return To Russia,” NYT, March 26, 1947, 12.
“Cold Pogrom in Vienna,” NYT, July 9, 1938, 12.
Conquest, Robert, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, Oxford University Press, 2007.
“Constantinople’s Russians,” NYT,April 23, 1922, 105.
“Coughlin In Error, Kerensky Asserts,” NYT, November 29, 1938, 20.
Couturier, Maurice, Nabokov ou la tentation française, Gallimard, 2011.
Cull, Nicholas John, Selling War: the British Propaganda Campaign against American “Neutrality” in World War II, Oxford University Press: London, 1996.
Currivan, Gene, “Nazi Death Factory Shocks Germans on a Forced Tour,” April 16, 1944, 1.
“Czarist Officers Shot at Milukov,” NYT, March 30, 1922, 3.
Dabney, Lewis, Edmund Wilson: A Life in Literature, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005.
Day, Duane. “Of myths and missiles: the Truth about John F. Kennedy and the Missile Gap,” The Space Review, January 3, 2006.
De Bogory, Nathalie, “The New Russian Exile and the Old,” NYT, April 24, 1921, BRM4.
“The Death of V.D. Nabokov,” Rul, March 30, 1922, LC.
DeGroot, Gerard, The Bomb: A Life, Harvard University Press, 2005.
de la Durantaye, Leland, “The Pattern of Cruelty and the Cruelty of Pattern in Vladimir Nabokov,” The Cambridge Quarterly, October 2006, 301-326.
Denny, Harold, “Soviet ‘Cleansing’ Sweeps through All Strata of Life,” NYT, September 13, 1937, 1.
Der Ewige Jude, Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Franz Eher Nachfolger GmbH, 1937.
Diamond, Hanna, Fleeing Hitler: France 1940, Oxford University Press, 2007.
Diment, Galya, Pniniad, University of Washington Press, 1997.
“Discrimination by Hotels Seen,” NYT, March 17, 1953, 28.
Dolbier, Maurice, “Nabokov’s Plums,” interview with Vladimir Nabokov, New York Herald Tribune, June 17, 1962, B2.
Dolinin, Alexander, “The Caning of Modernist Profaners: Parody in Despair,” originally in Cycnos, vol. 12, no. 2, 1995, 43-54, expanded and posted online at http://www.libraries.psu.edu/nabokov/doli1.htm.
---, “What Happened to Sally Horner?” The Times Literary Supplement, September 9, 2005, 27-8.
Don Levine, Isaac, ed., Plain Talk: An Anthology, Arlington House: New Rochelle, 1976.
---, “Soviet ‘Purge’ Condemned,” NYT letter to the editor, December 12, 1934, 22.
Dragunoiu, Dana, Vladimir Nabokov and the Poetics of Liberalism, Northwestern University Press, 2011, 25.
Duranty, Walter, “Soviet Chiefs Stage Anti-Treason Show,” NYT, June 22, 1922, 3.
---, “Soviet Hopes High as Industry Gains,” NYT, July 3, 1933, 3.
---, “Soviet Releases 12,484 in Record Amnesty,” NYT, August 5, 1933, 1.
“Dying Refugees Crawl into Brest-Litovsk” NYT, August 9, 1921, 3.
“Electronic Prying Grows: CIA Is Spying from 100 Miles Up,” NYT, April 27, 1966, 1.
“Emma Goldman Denounces Rule of Soviets,” NYT, April 5, 1925, XX4.
Emery, Steuart, “Soviet Sends Exiles to Jail by Airplane,” NYT, March 21, 1926, XX24.
“Ex-Prince Declares He Can Beat Roulette,” NYT, July 23, 1926, 13.
“Exiled Russians To Leave This Week,” NYT, August 28, 1922, 10.
“Farcical Trial of Countess Panin,” NYT, December 26, 1917, 2.
Field, Andrew, Vladimir Nabokov: His Life in Art, Little, Brown and Company: Boston, 1967.
---, Vladimir Nabokov: His Life in Part, Penguin: Middlesex, 1978.
---, “Prime Exhibits,” NYT, September 18, 1966, 419.
Figes, Orlando, The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin’s Russia, Macmillan, 2008.
Fishman, Lala and Steve Weingartener, Lala’s Story: a memoir of the Holocaust, Northwestern University Press, 1998.
“Foreign News: Stalin, Navachine and Blum,” TIME magazine, February 8, 1937.
Fosburg, Lacey, “Art and Literary people urged to look inward,” NYT, May 22, 1969, 52.
“Freedom of Encounter Magazine,” NYT letters to the editor, May 10, 1966, 44.
“French Jews Sent to a Nazi Oblivion,” NYT, April 1, 1943, 2.
“French Liner Champlain Here,” NYT, May 27, 1940, 25.
Friedlander, Saul, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews 1939-1944, HarperCollins, 2008.
Gaiton-Marullo, Thomas. Ivan Bunin: the twilight of émigré Russia, Ivan R. Dee, 2002.
Geifman, Anna, ed., Russia Under the Last Tsar, Blackwell, 1999.
---, Thou Shalt Kill, Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1995.
“German Flier Escapes in Canada,” NYT, January 9, 1943, 4.
“German Fugitives Tell of Atrocities at Hands of Nazis,” NYT, March 20, 1933, 1.
Gilbert, Martin, Churchill and the Jews, MacMillan, 2008.
---, The Routledge Atlas of Russian History, Fourth Edition, Routledge, 2007.
Gold, Herbert, “The Art of Fiction, No. 40, Vladimir Nabokov,” interview from The Paris Review, Summer-Fall 1967.
“Gold in Arctic,” from the Tyrone (Pa.) Daily Herald, February 4, 1933.
Goldman, Eric, The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson, Dell, 1974.
Gordon, David, “America First: the Anti-War Movement, Charles Lindbergh, and the Second World War, 1940-1941,” presented at a joint meeting of the Historical Society and The New York Military Affairs Symposium on September 26, 2003.
Gregory, Paul and Valerii Lazarev, The Economics of Forced Labor, Hoover Press, 2003.
“Group Denies C.I.A. Influence,” NYT letters to the editor, May 16, 1966, 46.
Grose, Peter, “Moscow Unrelenting in Blackout on Solzhenitsyn,” NYT, December 12, 1968, 4.
Grossman, Lev, “The Gay Nabokov,” Salon, May 17, 2001.
Gruson, Sidney. “U.S. and Russians Pull Back Tanks from Berlin Line,” NYT, October 29, 1961, 1.
Gwertzman, Bernard, “Solzhenitsyn Shuns Nobel Trip,” NYT, November 28, 1970, 1.
Haas, Mark, The Ideological Origins of Great Power Politics, Cornell University Press, 2007.
Harding, Luke, “Signs of dispute on Moscow’s Solzhenitsyn Street,” The Guardian, December 12, 2008.
“H.G. Wells Lost in the Russian Shadow,” NYT, December 5, 1920, 102.
Hill, Gladwin, “Flow of Displaced Tangled in Europe,” NYT, May 30, 1945, 12.
“Hitler Is Pleased to Get Rid of Foes,” NYT, March 27, 1938, 25.
History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course (Moscow, 1948), 324-329.
“Hives of Russian Refugees,” NYT, Jan 8, 1922, 84.
Hochschild, Adam, The Unquiet Ghost: Russians Remember Stalin, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2003.
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Ivan Bunin – Banquet speech
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing"
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/speech/
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Ivan Bunin
Banquet speech
Ivan Bunin’s speech at the Nobel Banquet at Grand Hôtel, Stockholm, December 10, 1933
(Translation)
On November ninth, very far from here in a poor country house in an old Provencal town, I received the telephone call that informed me of the choice of the Swedish Academy. I would not be honest if I told you, as one does in such cases, that it was the profoundest emotional moment of my life. A great philosopher has said that even the most vehement feelings of joy hardly count in comparison with those which provoke sorrow. I do not wish to strike a note of sadness at this dinner, which I shall forever remember, but let me say nonetheless that in the course of the past fifteen years my sorrows have far exceeded my joys. And not all of those sorrows have been personal – far from it. But I can certainly say that in my entire literary life no other event has given me so much legitimate satisfaction as that little technical miracle, the telephone call from Stockholm to Grasse. The prize established by your great countryman, Alfred Nobel, is still the highest reward that can crown the work of a writer. Ambitious like most men and all writers, I was extremely proud to receive that reward at the hands of the most competent and impartial of juries, and be assured, gentlemen of the Academy, I was also extremely grateful. But I should have proved a paltry egotist if on that ninth of November I had thought only of myself. Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centres of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.
Finally, a few words to end this short speech: my admiration for your royal family, your country, your people, your literature, does not date from this day alone. Love of letters and learning has been a tradition with the royal house of Sweden as with your entire noble nation. Founded by an illustrious soldier, the Swedish dynasty is one of the most glorious in the world. May His Majesty the King, the chivalrous King of a chivalrous people, permit a stranger, a free writer honoured by the Swedish Academy, to express to him these sentiments of profound respect and deep emotion.
The speech of the laureate was preceded by the following remarks by Professor Wilhelm Nordenson of the Caroline Institute: «Not only the efforts to explore the subtleties of atoms and chromosomes have been rewarded today; also brilliant efforts to describe the subtleties of the human soul have been crowned with the golden laurel of the Nobel Prize. You have, Mr. Bunin, thoroughly explored the soul of vanished Russia, and in doing so, you have most meritoriously continued the glorious traditions of the great Russian literature. You have given us the most valuable picture of Russian society as it once was, and well do we understand the feelings with which you must have seen the destruction of the society with which you were so intimately connected. May our feelings of sympathy be of some comfort to you in the melancholy of exile.»
From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967, Editor Horst Frenz, Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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0
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https://www.silive.com/entertainment/arts/2012/07/post_35.html
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en
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Beat the summertime blues with arts and culture
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2012-07-05T16:28:13+00:00
|
Summer in the city: The all-inclusive Lincoln Center Festival returns July 5-Aug. 5
|
en
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/pf/resources/images/silive/favicon.ico?d=1348
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silive
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https://www.silive.com/entertainment/arts/2012/07/post_35.html
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The best reason to spend the next few weeks in the city: The Lincoln Center Festival — a month-long, seven-venue, multidisciplinary antidote to the summertime blues.
Alan Cumming, indelible as the lascivious emcee of “Cabaret,” launches the festival tonight in an acclaimed one-man “Macbeth.”
The series has extra star power this year: Cate Blanchett, Mikhail Baryshnikov, Sinead O’Connor and composer John Adams, plus the Paris Opera Ballet, the world’s oldest national ensemble.
Festival director Nigel Redden says that freedom — artistic license — is the festival’s chief advantage:
“We are not bound by a particular art form, so that this year, for example, we are able to bring to New York one of the world’s greatest ballet companies performing a Baroque opera, an exquisite chamber opera by a major Chinese composer, a modern dance company and puppet troupe from China, and plays about what it means to be Irish by a writer who deserves more recognition in America,” says Redden.
“At the same time, in this, our 17th year, we are happy to welcome back artists who have worked with us in the past, from Atom Egoyan, and Guo Wenjing, to National Theatre of Scotland, and the soprano Elizabeth Futral, who was with us for our first Festival in 1996.”
THEATER
Cumming’s one-man “Macbeth” is a National Theatre of Scotland production being directed by John Tiffany (“Once,” and “Black Watch”) and Andrew Goldberg.
As Cumming explains his enthusiasm for the Scottish play: “I have been obsessed with the play all my life. Speaking to John in New York, earlier this year, I had this idea I wanted to swap the roles of Macbeth and Lady Macbeth, because there are so many things about gender in the play... So we did this reading like that, in New York, and Andrew suggested that I play all the parts, and I agreed.”
Simultaneously, “Druid Murphy, The Plays of Tom Murphy,” a three-play retrospective devoted to one of Ireland’s most influential playwrights, will run tonight through July 12, presented by Galway’s Druid Theatre Company and performed by an ensemble of 17 actors in the Gerald Lynch Theater.
“Hand Stories,” Chinese puppeteer Yeung Fa’s interwoven set of vignettes (employing traditional hand puppets, live and archival video) will play July 18-25 in the Clark Studio Theater.
The piece, developed at the Theatre Vidy-Lausanne in France, has video design by Taiwanese media artist Yilan Yeh and music by Australian composer Colin Offord.
The Sydney Theatre Company’s production of Chekhov’s “Uncle Vanya” arrives (with 10 performances at City Center, July 19-28) with the original cast intact: John Bell, Cate Blanchett, Sandy Gore, Hayley McElhinney, Anthony Phelan, Richard Roxburgh, Andrew Tighe, Jacki Weaver and Hugo Weaving.
For “In Paris,” August 1-5, dancer/choreographer Mikhail Baryshnikov will emote for the first time (on a New York stage) in his mother tongue, Russian.
The play, taken from a short story by Ivan Bunin, the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933, was adapted and directed by Russian director Dmitry Krymov.
The venue is the Gerald Lynch Theater at John Jay College.
DANCE
In the city’s dance-crazed enclaves, feverish excitement is preceding the 11-day stay (July 11-22) of the Paris Opera Ballet, performing at the David A. Koch Theater.
The company is bringing five repertory productions, including the U.S. premiere of choreographer Pina Bausch’s dance opera “Orpheus and Eurydice” to music by C.W. Gluck. The late Ms. Bausch was the founder of the Tnanztheater Wuppertal, a much beloved ensemble.
Also on the POB sked: three one-act ballets by celebrated French choreographers and composers (Serge Lifar’s Suite en blanc, with music by Édouard Lalo; Roland Petit’s L’Arlésienne, with music by Georges Bizet; and Maurice Béjart’s Boléro, with music by Maurice Ravel).
“Giselle,” choreographed by Jean Coralli and Jules Perrot, had its world debut at the Paris Opera Ballet in 1841. Six performances of its current production are planned. Bejing’s TAO Dance Theater, often touted as the top contemporary dance ensemble in China, has just two shows, July 25 and 27, at Alice Tully Hall.
Both full-evening programs have numbers for titles. “2,” is “a duet developed from the rhythms of the spoken word.” “4,” the company’s newest work, “is described as a high-impact and intensely physical piece for four women.”
MUSIC
On July 11, composer John Adams will lead members of the Juilliard Orchestra and London’s Royal Academy Orchestra in “Feste Romane,” (Respighi); Ravel’s Piano Concerto in G major with soloist Imogen Cooper; and his own “City Noir,” a symphony inspired by the Hollywood’s ‘noir’ films of the late forties and early fifties.
The 8 p.m. concert will be performed in Avery Fisher Hall
The festival periodically celebrates musicians (Ornette Coleman in 1997; Philip Glass in 2001 and Elvis Costello in 2004). This year’s awardee is the guitarist, vocalist and songwriter Curtis Mayfield, composer of “Gypsy Woman,” “People Get Ready,” and the score of “Superfly.”
Lincoln Center and the artist's estate (he died in 1999 at 57) are collaborating on “Tribute: Curtis Mayfield,” July 20 at 8 p.m. in Avery Fisher, with an all-star lineup: Sinéad O’Connor, Bilal, Meshell Ndegeocello, William Bell, Ryan Montbleau, Inyang Bassey, The Impressions, Mavis Staples, Aloe Blacc, Kyp Malone and Tunde Adebimpe, Dr. Lonnie Smith and a 14-piece house band led by music director Binky Griptite of the Dap-Kings.
OPERA
“Émilie,” a 75-minute work by Finnish composer Kaija Saariaho and Lebanese librettist Amin Malouf about the French Enlightenment figure Émilie de Chetelet (1706 – 1749) will play July 19, 21 and 22 at the Lynch Theater, starring Soprano Elizabeth Futral in the title role.
As the opera begins. Emile, 42, is pregnant with her fourth child and abandoned by her lover. She knows that she will most likely not survive the birth. In her day Chetelet was a much respected mathematician and woman of letters.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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1
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Bunin
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en
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Ivan Bunin
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2003-01-03T04:44:09+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Bunin
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"Bunin" redirects here. For other people with the surname "Bunin", see Bunin (surname).
In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming customs, the patronymic is Alekseyevich and the family name is Bunin.
Russian author (1870–1953)
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin ( BOO-neen[2] or BOO-nin; Russian: Ива́н Алексе́евич Бу́нин, IPA: [ɪˈvan ɐlʲɪˈksʲejɪvʲɪtɕ ˈbunʲɪn] ⓘ; 22 October [O.S. 10 October] 1870 – 8 November 1953)[1] was the first Russian writer awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1933. He was noted for the strict artistry with which he carried on the classical Russian traditions in the writing of prose and poetry. The texture of his poems and stories, sometimes referred to as "Bunin brocade", is considered to be one of the richest in the language.
Best known for his short novels The Village (1910) and Dry Valley (1912), his autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev (1933, 1939), the book of short stories Dark Avenues (1946) and his 1917–1918 diary (Cursed Days, 1926), Bunin was a revered figure among white emigres, European critics, and many of his fellow writers, who viewed him as a true heir to the tradition of realism in Russian literature established by Tolstoy and Chekhov.
Ivan Bunin was born on his parental estate in Voronezh province, the third and youngest son of Aleksey Nikolayevich Bunin (1827–1906) and Lyudmila Aleksandrovna Bunina (née Chubarova, 1835–1910). He had two younger sisters: Masha (Maria Bunina-Laskarzhevskaya, 1873–1930) and Nadya (that latter died very young) and two elder brothers, Yuly and Yevgeny.[3][4] Having come from a long line of rural gentry,[5] Bunin was especially proud that poets Anna Bunina (1774–1829) and Vasily Zhukovsky (1783–1852) were among his ancestors. He wrote in his 1952 autobiography:
I come from an old and noble house that has given Russia a good many illustrious persons in politics as well as in the arts, among whom two poets of the early nineteenth century stand out in particular: Anna Búnina and Vasíly Zhukovsky, one of the great names in Russian literature, the son of Athanase Bunin and the Turk Salma.[6]
"The Bunins are direct ancestors of Simeon Bunkovsky, a nobleman who came from Poland to the court of the Great Prince Vasily Vasilyevich," he wrote in 1915, quoting the Russian gentry's Armorial Book. Chubarovs, according to Bunin, "knew very little about themselves except that their ancestors were landowners in Kostromskaya, Moskovskaya, Orlovskya and Tambovskaya Guberniyas". "As for me, from early childhood I was such a libertine as to be totally indifferent both to my own 'high blood' and to the loss of whatever might have been connected to it," he added.[7]
Ivan Bunin's early childhood, spent in Butyrky Khutor and later in Ozerky (of Yelets county, Lipetskaya Oblast),[1] was a happy one: the boy was surrounded by intelligent and loving people. Father Alexei Nikolayevich was described by Bunin as a very strong man, both physically and mentally, quick-tempered and addicted to gambling, impulsive and generous, eloquent in a theatrical fashion and totally illogical. "Before the Crimean War he'd never even known the taste of wine, on return he became a heavy drinker, although never a typical alcoholic," he wrote.[7] His mother Lyudmila Alexandrovna's character was much more subtle and tender: this Bunin attributed to the fact that "her father spent years in Warsaw where he acquired certain European tastes which made him quite different from fellow local land-owners."[7] It was Lyudmila Alexandrovna who introduced her son to the world of Russian folklore.[8] Elder brothers Yuly and Yevgeny showed great interest in mathematics and painting respectively, his mother said later, yet, in their mother's words, "Vanya has been different from the moment of birth... none of the others had a soul like his."[9]
Young Bunin's susceptibility and keenness to the nuances of nature were extraordinary. "The quality of my vision was such that I've seen all seven of the stars of Pleiades, heard a marmot's whistle a verst away, and could get drunk from the smells of landysh or an old book," he remembered later.[10] Bunin's experiences of rural life had a profound impact on his writing. "There, amidst the deep silence of vast fields, among cornfields – or, in winter, huge snowdrifts which were stepping up to our very doorsteps – I spent my childhood which was full of melancholic poetry," Bunin later wrote of his Ozerky days.[7]
Ivan Bunin's first home tutor was an ex-student named Romashkov,[11] whom he later described as a "positively bizarre character," a wanderer full of fascinating stories, "always thought-provoking even if not altogether comprehensible."[6] Later it was university-educated Yuly Bunin (deported home for being a Narodnik activist) who taught his younger brother psychology, philosophy and the social sciences as part of his private, domestic education. It was Yuly who encouraged Ivan to read the Russian classics and to write himself.[8] Until 1920 Yuly (who once described Ivan as "undeveloped yet gifted and capable of original independent thought")[3] was the latter's closest friend and mentor. "I had a passion for painting, which, I think, shows in my writings. I wrote both poetry and prose fairly early and my works were also published from an early date," wrote Bunin in his short autobiography.[6]
By the end of the 1870s, the Bunins, plagued by the gambling habits of the head of the family, had lost most of their wealth. In 1881 Ivan was sent to a public school in Yelets, but never completed the course: he was expelled in March 1886 for failing to return to the school after the Christmas holidays due to the family's financial difficulties.[12]
In May 1887 Bunin published his first[1] poem "Village Paupers" (Деревенские нищие) in the Saint Petersburg literary magazine Rodina (Motherland). In 1891 his first short story "Country Sketch (Деревенский эскиз) appeared in the Nikolay Mikhaylovsky-edited journal Russkoye Bogatstvo.[13] In Spring 1889, Bunin followed his brother to Kharkiv, where he became a government clerk, then an assistant editor of a local paper, librarian, and court statistician. In January 1889 he moved to Oryol to work on the local Orlovsky Vestnik newspaper, first as an editorial assistant and later as de facto editor; this enabled him to publish his short stories, poems and reviews in the paper's literary section.[3] There he met Varvara Pashchenko and fell passionately in love with her. In August 1892 the couple moved to Poltava and settled in the home of Yuly Bunin. The latter helped his younger brother to find a job in the local zemstvo administration.[8]
Ivan Bunin's debut book of poetry Poems. 1887–1891 was published in 1891 in Oryol.[14] Some of his articles, essays and short stories, published earlier in local papers, began to feature in the Saint Petersburg periodicals.[14]
Bunin spent the first half of 1894 travelling all over Ukraine. "Those were the times when I fell in love with Malorossiya (Little Russia), its villages and steppes, was eagerly meeting its people and listening to Ukrainian songs, this country's very soul," he later wrote.[9]
In 1895 Bunin visited the Russian capital for the first time. There he was to meet the Narodniks Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Sergey Krivenko, Anton Chekhov (with whom he began a correspondence and became close friends), Alexander Ertel, and the poets Konstantin Balmont and Valery Bryusov.[14]
1899 saw the beginning of Bunin's friendship with Maxim Gorky, to whom he dedicated his Falling Leaves (1901) collection of poetry and whom he later visited at Capri. Bunin became involved with Gorky's Znanie (Knowledge) group. Another influence and inspiration was Leo Tolstoy whom he met in Moscow in January 1894. Admittedly infatuated with the latter's prose, Bunin tried desperately to follow the great man's lifestyle too, visiting sectarian settlements and doing a lot of hard work. He was even sentenced to three months in prison for illegally distributing Tolstoyan literature in the autumn of 1894, but avoided jail due to a general amnesty proclaimed on the occasion of the succession to the throne of Nicholas II.[3][15] Tellingly, it was Tolstoy himself who discouraged Bunin from slipping into what he called "total peasantification."[9] Several years later, while still admiring Tolstoy's prose, Bunin changed his views regarding his philosophy which he now saw as utopian.[16]
In 1895–1896 Bunin divided his time between Moscow and Saint Petersburg. In 1897 his first short story collection To the Edge of the World and Other Stories came out,[8] followed a year later by In the Open Air (Под открытым небом, 1898), his second book of verse.[14] In June 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa. Here he became close to the Southern Russia Painters Comradeship, became friends with Yevgeny Bukovetski and Pyotr Nilus.[9] In the winter of 1899–1900 he began attending the Sreda (Wednesday) literary group in Moscow, striking up a friendship with the Nikolay Teleshov, among others. Here the young writer made himself a reputation as an uncompromising advocate of the realistic traditions of classic Russian literature. "Bunin made everybody uncomfortable. Having got this severe and sharp eye for real art, feeling acutely the power of a word, he was full of hatred towards every kind of artistic excess. In times when (quoting Andrey Bely) "throwing pineapples to the sky" was the order of the day, Bunin's very presence made words stick in people's throats," Boris Zaitsev later remembered. He met Anton Chekov in 1896, and a strong friendship ensued.[3]
The collections Poems and Stories (1900) and Flowers of the Field (1901) were followed by Falling Leaves (Листопад, 1901), Bunin's third book of poetry (including a large poem of the same title first published in the October 1900 issue of Zhizn (Life) magazine). It was welcomed by both critics and colleagues, among them Alexander Ertel, Alexander Blok and Aleksandr Kuprin, who praised its "rare subtlety."[9] Even though the book testifies to his association with the Symbolists, primarily Valery Bryusov,[18] at the time many saw it as an antidote to the pretentiousness of 'decadent' poetry which was then popular in Russia. Falling Leaves was "definitely Pushkin-like", full of "inner poise, sophistication, clarity and wholesomeness," according to critic Korney Chukovsky.[19] Soon after the book's release, Gorky called Bunin (in a letter to Valery Bryusov) "the first poet of our times."[20] It was for Falling Leaves (along with the translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha, 1898) that Bunin was awarded his first Pushkin Prize.[14] Bunin justified a pause of two years in the early 1900s by the need for "inner growth" and spiritual change.[8]
At the turn of the century Bunin made a major switch from poetry to prose which started to change both in form and texture, becoming richer in lexicon, more compact and perfectly poised. Citing Gustave Flaubert, whose work he admired, as an influence, Bunin was "demonstrating that prose could be driven by poetic rhythms, but still remain prose." According to the writer's nephew Pusheshnikov, Bunin once told him: "Apparently I was born a versemaker... like Turgenev, who was a versemaker, first and foremost. Finding the true rhythm of the story was for him the main thing – everything else was supplementary. And for me the crucial thing is to find the proper rhythm. Once it's there, everything else comes in spontaneously, and I know when the story is done."[21][22]
In 1900 the novella Antonov Apples (Антоновские яблоки) was published; later it was included in textbooks and is regarded as Bunin's first real masterpiece, but it was criticised at the time as too nostalgic and elitist, allegedly idealising "the Russian nobleman's past."[12] Other acclaimed novellas of this period, On the Farm, The News from Home, and To the Edge of the World (На край света), showing a penchant for extreme precision of language, delicate description of nature and detailed psychological analysis, made him a popular and well-respected young author.[18]
In 1902 Znanie started publishing the Complete Bunin series;[9] five volumes appeared by the year 1909.[3] Three books, Poems (1903), Poems (1903–1906) and Poems of 1907 (the latter published by Znanie in 1908), formed the basis of a special (non-numbered) volume of the Complete series which in 1910 was published in Saint Petersburg as Volume VI. Poems and Stories (1907–1909) by the Obschestvennaya Polza (Public Benefit) publishing house.[20] Bunin's works featured regularly in Znanie's literary compilations; beginning with Book I, where "Black Earth" appeared along with several poems, all in all he contributed to 16 books of the series.[21]
In the early 1900s Bunin travelled extensively. He was a close friend of Chekhov and his family and continued visiting them regularly until 1904.[9] The October social turmoil of 1905 found Bunin in Yalta, Crimea, from where he moved back to Odessa. Scenes of "class struggle" there did not impress the writer, for he saw them as little more than the Russian common people's craving for anarchy and destruction.[8]
In November 1906 Bunin's passionate affair with Vera Muromtseva began. The girl's family was unimpressed with Bunin's position as a writer, but the couple defied social convention, moving in together and in April 1907 leaving Russia for an extended tour through Egypt and Palestine. The Bird's Shadow (Тень птицы) (1907–1911) collection (published as a separate book in 1931 in Paris) came as a result of this voyage.[14][23] These travelling sketches were to change the critics' assessment of Bunin's work. Before them Bunin was mostly regarded as (using his own words) "a melancholy lyricist, singing hymns to noblemen's estates and idylls of the past." In the late 1900s critics started to pay more notice to the colourfulness and dynamics of his poetry and prose. "In terms of artistic precision he has no equal among Russian poets," Vestnik Evropy wrote at the time.[24] Bunin attributed much importance to his travels, counting himself among that special "type of people who tend to feel strongest for alien times and cultures rather than those of their own" and admitting to being drawn to "all the necropolises of the world." Besides, foreign voyages had, admittedly, an eye-opening effect on the writer, helping him to see Russian reality more objectively. In the early 1910s Bunin produced several famous novellas which came as a direct result of this change in perspective.[25]
In October 1909 Bunin received his second Pushkin Prize for Poems 1903–1906 and translations of (Lord Byron's Cain, and parts of Longfellow's The Golden Legend).[11] He was elected a member of the Russian Academy the same year.[13] In Bunin, The Academy crowns "not a daring innovator, not an adventurous searcher but arguably the last gifted pupil of talented teachers who's kept and preserved... all the most beautiful testaments of their school," wrote critic Aleksander Izmailov, formulating the conventional view of the time.[26] It was much later that Bunin was proclaimed one of the most innovative Russian writers of the century.[27]
In 1910 Bunin published The Village (Деревня), a bleak portrayal of Russian country life, which he depicted as full of stupidity, brutality, and violence. This book caused controversy and made him famous. Its harsh realism (with "characters having sunk so far below the average level of intelligence as to be scarcely human") prompted Maxim Gorky to call Bunin "the best Russian writer of the day."[9]
"I've left behind my "narodnicism" which didn't last very long, my Tolstoyism too and now I'm closer to the social democrats, but I still stay away from political parties," Bunin wrote in the early 1910s. He said he realised now that the working class had become a force powerful enough to "overcome the whole of Western Europe," but warned against the possible negative effect of the Russian workers' lack of organisation, the one thing that made them different from their Western counterparts.[8] He criticised the Russian intelligentsia for being ignorant of the common people's life, and spoke of a tragic schism between "the cultured people and the uncultured masses."[8]
In December 1910 Bunin and Muromtseva made another journey to the Middle East, then visited Ceylon; this four-month trip inspired such stories as "Brothers" (Братья) and "The Tsar of Tsars City" (Город царя царей). On his return to Odessa in April 1911, Bunin wrote "Waters Aplenty" (Воды многие), a travel diary, much lauded after its publication in 1926.[9] In 1912 the novel Dry Valley (Суходол) came out, his second major piece of semi-autobiographical fiction, concerning the dire state of the Russian rural community. Again it left the literary critics divided: social democrats praised its stark honesty, many others were appalled with the author's negativism.
Bunin and Muromtseva spent three winters (1912–1914) with Gorky on the island of Capri, where they met with Fyodor Shalyapin and Leonid Andreev, among others. In Russia the couple divided their time mainly between Moscow and a Bunin family estate at Glotovo village nearby Oryol; it was there that they spent the first couple years of World War I. Dogged by anxieties concerning Russia's future, Bunin was still working hard. In the winter of 1914–1915 he finished a new volume of prose and verse entitled The Chalice of Life (Чаша жизни), published in early 1915[3] to wide acclaim (including high praise from the French poet Rene Ghil).[9] The same year saw the publication of The Gentleman from San Francisco (Господин из Сан-Франциско), arguably the best-known of Bunin's short stories,[9] which was translated into English by D. H. Lawrence. Bunin was a productive translator himself. After Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898), he did translations of Byron, Tennyson, Musset and François Coppée.
During the war years, Bunin completed the preparation of a six-volume edition of his Collected Works, which was published by Adolph Marks in 1915. Throughout this time Bunin kept aloof from contemporary literary debates. "I did not belong to any literary school; I was neither a decadent, nor a symbolist nor a romantic, nor a naturalist. Of literary circles I frequented only a few," he commented later.[6] By the spring of 1916, overcome by pessimism, Bunin all but stopped writing, complaining to his nephew, N.A. Pusheshnikov, of how insignificant he felt as a writer and how depressed he was for being unable to do more than be horrified at the millions of deaths being caused by the War.[3]
In May 1917 the Bunins moved to Glotovo and stayed there until autumn. In October the couple returned to Moscow to stay with Vera's parents. Life in the city was dangerous (residents had to guard their own homes, maintaining nightly vigils) but Bunin still visited publishers and took part in the meetings of the Sreda and The Art circles. While dismissive of Ivan Goremykin (the 1914–1916 Russian Government Premier), he criticised opposition figures like Pavel Milyukov as "false defenders of the Russian people". In April 1917 he severed all ties with the pro-revolutionary Gorky, causing a rift which would never be healed.[3] On 21 May 1918, Bunin and Muromtseva obtained the official permission to leave Moscow for Kiev, then continued their journey through to Odessa. By 1919 Bunin was working for the Volunteer Army as the editor of the cultural section of the anti-Bolshevik newspaper Iuzhnoe Slovo. On 26 January 1920, the couple boarded the last French ship in Odessa and soon were in Constantinople.
On 28 March 1920, after short stints in Sofia and Belgrade, Bunin and Muromtseva arrived in Paris,[9] from then on dividing their time between apartments at 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in the 16th arrondissement of Paris and rented villas in or near Grasse in the Alpes Maritimes. Much as he hated Bolshevism, Bunin never endorsed the idea of foreign intervention in Russia. "It's for a common Russian countryman to sort out his problems for himself, not for foreign masters to come and maintain their new order in our home. I'd rather die in exile than return home with the help of Poland or England. As my father taught me: 'Love your own tub even if it's broken up'",[28] he once said, allegedly, to Merezhkovsky who still cherished hopes for Pilsudsky's military success against the Bolshevik regime.[29]
Slowly and painfully, overcoming physical and mental stress, Bunin returned to his usual mode of writing. Scream, his first book published in France, was compiled of short stories written in 1911–1912, years he referred to as the happiest of his life.[30]
In France Bunin published many of his pre-revolutionary works and collections of original novellas, regularly contributing to the Russian emigre press.[3] According to Vera Muromtseva, her husband often complained of his inability to get used to life in the new world. He said he belonged to "the old world, that of Goncharov and Tolstoy, of Moscow and Saint Petersburg, where his muse had been lost, never to be found again." Yet his new prose was marked with obvious artistic progress: Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, 1924), Sunstroke (Солнечный удаp, 1925), Cornet Yelagin's Case (Дело коpнета Елагина, 1925) and especially The Life of Arseniev (Жизнь Аpсеньева, written in 1927–1929, published in 1930–1933)[30] were praised by critics as bringing Russian literature to new heights.[9] Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev an apex of the whole of Russian prose and "one of the most striking phenomena in the world of literature."[24]
In 1924, he published the "Manifesto of the Russian Emigration", in which he i.a. declared:
There was Russia, inhabited by a mighty family, which had been created by the blessed work of countless generations. ... What was then done to them? They paid for the deposal of the ruler with the destruction of literally the whole home and with unheard of fratricide. ... A bastard, a moral idiot from the birth, Lenin presented to the World at the height of his activities something monstrous, staggering, he discorded the largest country of the Earth and killed millions of people, and in the broad day-light it is being disputed: was he a benefactor of the mankind or not?
In 1925–1926 Cursed Days (Окаянные дни), Bunin's diary of the years 1918–1920 started to appear in the Paris-based Vozrozhdenye newspaper (its final version was published by Petropolis in 1936).[31] According to Bunin scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Cursed Days, one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war, linked "Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth" and, "in its painful exposing of political and social utopias... heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct," Marullo wrote.[32]
In the 1920s and 1930s Bunin was regarded as the moral and artistic spokesman for a generation of expatriates who awaited the collapse of Bolshevism, a revered senior figure among living Russian writers, true to the tradition of Tolstoy and Chekhov.[33] He became the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, which was awarded to him in 1933 "for following through and developing with chastity and artfulness the traditions of Russian classic prose." Per Halstroem, in his celebratory speech, noted the laureate's poetic gift. Bunin for his part praised the Swedish Academy for honouring a writer in exile.[34] In his speech, addressing the Academy, he said:
Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centers of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.[18][35]
In France, Bunin found himself, for the first time, at the center of public attention.[24] On 10 November 1933, the Paris newspapers came out with huge headlines: "Bunin — the Nobel Prize laureate" giving the whole of the Russian community in France cause for celebration.[30] "You see, up until then we, émigrés, felt like we were at the bottom there. Then all of a sudden our writer received an internationally acclaimed prize! And not for some political scribblings, but for real prose! After having been asked to write a first page column for the Paris Revival newspaper, I stepped out in the middle of the night onto the Place d'Italie and toured the local bistros on my way home, drinking in each and every one of them to the health of Ivan Bunin!" fellow Russian writer Boris Zaitsev wrote.[9] Back in the USSR the reaction was negative: Bunin's triumph was explained there as "an imperialist intrigue."[36]
Dealing with the Prize, Bunin donated 100,000 francs to a literary charity fund, but the process of money distribution caused controversy among his fellow Russian émigré writers. It was during this time that Bunin's relationship deteriorated with Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Merezhkovsky (a fellow Nobel Prize nominee who once suggested that they divide the Prize between the two, should one of them get it, and had been refused).[37] Although reluctant to become involved in politics, Bunin was now feted as both a writer and the embodiment of non-Bolshevik Russian values and traditions. His travels throughout Europe featured prominently on the front pages of the Russian emigre press for the remainder of the decade.[3]
In 1933 he allowed calligrapher Guido Colucci to create a unique manuscript of "Un crime", a French translation of one of his novellas, illustrated with three original gouaches by Nicolas Poliakoff.
In 1934–1936, The Complete Bunin in 11 volumes was published in Berlin by Petropolis.[16] Bunin cited this edition as the most credible one and warned his future publishers against using any other versions of his work rather than those featured in the Petropolis collection. 1936 was marred by an incident in Lindau on the Swiss-German border when Bunin, having completed his European voyage, was stopped and unceremoniously searched. The writer (who caught cold and fell ill after the night spent under arrest) responded by writing a letter to the Paris-based Latest News newspaper. The incident caused disbelief and outrage in France.[9] In 1937 Bunin finished his book The Liberation of Tolstoy (Освобождение Толстого), held in the highest regard by Leo Tolstoy scholars.[30]
In 1938 Bunin began working on what would later become a celebrated cycle of nostalgic stories with a strong erotic undercurrent and a Proustian ring. The first eleven stories of it came out as Dark Avenues (or Dark Alleys, Тёмные аллеи) in New York (1943); the cycle appeared in a full version in 1946 in France. These stories assumed a more abstract and metaphysical tone which has been identified with his need to find refuge from the "nightmarish reality" of Nazi occupation.[38] Bunin's prose became more introspective, which was attributed to "the fact that a Russian is surrounded by enormous, broad and lasting things: the steppes, the sky. In the West everything is cramped and enclosed, and this automatically produces a turning towards the self, inwards."[39]
As World War II broke out, Bunin's friends in New York, anxious to help the Nobel Prize laureate get out of France, issued officially-endorsed invitations for him to travel to the US, and in 1941 they received their Nansen passports enabling them to make the trip. But the couple chose to remain in Grasse.[3] They spent the war years at Villa Jeanette, high in the mountains. Two young writers became long-term residents in the Bunin household at the time: Leonid Zurov (1902–1971) (ru), who had arrived on a visit from Latvia at Bunin's invitation earlier, in late 1929, and remained with them for the rest of their lives, and Nikolai Roshchin (1896–1956), who returned to the Soviet Union after the war.[3]
Members of this small commune (occasionally joined by Galina Kuznetsova and Margarita Stepun) were bent on survival: they grew vegetables and greens, helping one another out at a time when, according to Zurov, "Grasse's population had eaten all of their cats and dogs".[40] A journalist who visited the Villa in 1942 described Bunin as a "skinny and emaciated man, looking like an ancient patrician".[41] For Bunin, though, this isolation was a blessing and he refused to re-locate to Paris where conditions might have been better. "It takes 30 minutes of climbing to reach our villa, but there's not another view in the whole world like the one that's facing us," he wrote. "Freezing cold, though, is damning and making it impossible for me to write," he complained in one of his letters.[40] Vera Muromtseva-Bunina remembered: "There were five or six of us... and we were all writing continuously. This was the only way for us to bear the unbearable, to overcome hunger, cold and fear."[42]
Ivan Bunin was a staunch anti-Nazi, referring to Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as "rabid monkeys".[3][43][44][45] He risked his life, sheltering fugitives (including Jews such as the pianist A. Liebermann and his wife)[46] in his house in Grasse after Vichy was occupied by the Germans. According to Zurov, Bunin invited some of the Soviet war prisoners ("straight from Gatchina", who worked in occupied Grasse) to his home in the mountains, when the heavily guarded German forces' headquarters were only 300 metres (980 ft) away from his home.
The atmosphere in the neighbourhood, though, was not that deadly, judging by the Bunin's diary entry for 1 August 1944: "Nearby there were two guards, there were also one German, and one Russian prisoner, Kolesnikov, a student. The three of us talked a bit. Saying our farewells, a German guard shook my hand firmly".[47]
Under the occupation Bunin never ceased writing but, according to Zurov, "published not a single word. He was receiving offers to contribute to newspapers in unoccupied Switzerland, but declined them. Somebody visited him once, a guest who proved to be an agent, and proposed some literary work, but again Ivan Alekseyevich refused."[48] On 24 September 1944, Bunin wrote to Nikolai Roshchin: "Thank God, the Germans fled Grasse without a fight, on August 23. In the early morning of the 24th the Americans came. What was going on in the town, and in our souls, that's beyond description."[49] "For all this hunger, I'm glad we spent the War years in the South, sharing the life and difficulties of the people, I'm glad that we've managed even to help some", Vera Muromtseva-Bunina later wrote.[50]
In May 1945 the Bunins returned to 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in Paris. Aside from several spells at the Russian House (a clinic in Juan-les-Pins) where he was convalescing, Bunin stayed in the French capital for the rest of his life.[3] On 15 June, Russkye Novosty newspaper published its correspondent's account of his meeting with an elderly writer who looked "as sprightly and lively as if he had never had to come through those five years of voluntary exile." According to Bunin's friend N. Roshchin, "the liberation of France was a cause of great celebration and exultation for Bunin".[51]
Once, in the audience at a Soviet Russian Theatre show in Paris, Bunin found himself sitting next to a young Red Army colonel. As the latter rose and bowed, saying: "Do I have the honour of sitting next to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin?" the writer sprang to his feet: "I have the even higher honour of sitting next to an officer of the great Red Army!" he passionately retorted.[52] On 19 June 1945, Bunin held a literary show in Paris where he read some of the Dark Avenue stories. In the autumn of 1945, on the wave of the great patriotic boom, Bunin's 75th birthday was widely celebrated in the Parisian Russian community. Bunin started to communicate closely with the Soviet connoisseurs, journalist Yuri Zhukov and literary agent Boris Mikhailov, the latter receiving from the writer several new stories for proposed publishing in the USSR. Rumours started circulating that the Soviet version of The Complete Bunin was already in the works.
In the late 1940s Bunin, having become interested in the new Soviet literature, in particular the works of Aleksandr Tvardovsky and Konstantin Paustovsky, entertained plans of returning to the Soviet Union, as Aleksandr Kuprin had done in the 1930s. In 1946, speaking to his Communist counterparts in Paris, Bunin praised the Supreme Soviet's decision to return Soviet citizenship to Russian exiles in France, still stopping short of saying "yes" to the continuous urging from the Soviet side for him to return.[51] "It is hard for an old man to go back to places where he's pranced goat-like in better times. Friends and relatives are all buried... That for me would be a graveyard trip," he reportedly said to Zhukov, promising though, to "think more of it."[53] Financial difficulties and the French reading public's relative indifference to the publication of Dark Avenues figured high among his motives. "Would you mind asking the Union of Writers to send me at least some of the money for books that've been published and re-issued in Moscow in the 1920s and 1930s? I am weak, I am short of breath, I need to go to the South but am too skinny to even dream of it," Bunin wrote to Nikolay Teleshov in a 19 November 1946, letter.[51]
Negotiations for the writer's return came to an end after the publication of his Memoirs (Воспоминания, 1950), full of scathing criticism of Soviet cultural life. Apparently aware of his own negativism, Bunin wrote: "I was born too late. If I had been born earlier, my literary memoirs would have been different. I wouldn't have been a witness to 1905, the First World War, then 1917 and what followed: Lenin, Stalin, Hitler... How can I not be jealous of our forefather Noah. He lived through only one flood in his lifetime".[9] Reportedly, the infamous Zhdanov decree was one of the reasons for Bunin's change of mind.[36] On 15 September 1947, Bunin wrote to Mark Aldanov: "I have a letter here from Teleshov, written on 7 September; 'what a pity (he writes) that you've missed all of this: how your book was set up, how everybody was waiting for you here, in the place where you could have been... rich, feasted, and held in such high honour!' Having read this I spent an hour hair-tearing. Then I suddenly became calm. It just came to me all of a sudden all those other things Zhdanov and Fadeev might have given me instead of feasts, riches and laurels..."[9]
After 1948, his health deteriorating, Bunin concentrated upon writing memoirs and a book on Anton Chekhov. He was aided by his wife, who, along with Zurov, completed the work after Bunin's death and saw to its publication in New York in 1955.[16] In English translation it was entitled About Chekhov: The Unfinished Symphony.[18] Bunin also revised a number of stories for publication in new collections, spent considerable time looking through his papers and annotated his collected works for a definitive edition.[3] In 1951 Bunin was elected the first ever hononary International PEN member, representing the community of writers in exile. According to A. J. Heywood, one major event of Bunin's last years was his quarrel in 1948 with Maria Tsetlina and Boris Zaitsev, following the decision by the Union of Russian Writers and Journalists in France to expel holders of Soviet passports from its membership. Bunin responded by resigning from the Union. The writer's last years were marred by bitterness, disillusionment and ill-health; he was suffering from asthma, bronchitis and chronic pneumonia.[3][46]
On 2 May 1953, Bunin left in his diary a note that proved to be his last one. "Still, this is so dumbfoundingly extraordinary. In a very short while there will be no more of me – and of all the things worldly, of all the affairs and destinies, from then on I will be unaware! And what I'm left to do here is dumbly try to consciously impose upon myself fear and amazement," he wrote.
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin died in a Paris attic flat in the early hours of 8 November 1953. Heart failure, cardiac asthma and pulmonary sclerosis were cited as the causes of death.[46] A lavish burial service took place at the Russian Church on Rue Daru. All the major newspapers, both Russian and French, published large obituaries. For quite a while the coffin was held in a vault. On 30 January 1954, Bunin was buried in the Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois Russian Cemetery.[30]
In the 1950s, Bunin became the first of the Russian writers in exile to be published officially in the USSR. In 1965, The Complete Bunin came out in Moscow in nine volumes. Some of his more controversial books, notably Cursed Days, remained banned in the Soviet Union until the late 1980s.[36]
Ivan Bunin made history as the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature. The immediate basis for the award was the autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev, but Bunin's legacy is much wider in scope. He is regarded as a master of the short story, described by scholar Oleg Mikhaylov as an "archaist innovator" who, while remaining true to the literary tradition of the 19th century, made huge leaps in terms of artistic expression and purity of style.[54] "[Bunin's] style heralds an historical precedent... technical precision as an instrument of bringing out beauty is sharpened to the extreme. There's hardly another poet who on dozens of pages would fail to produce a single epithet, analogy or metaphor... the ability to perform such a simplification of poetic language without doing any harm to it is the sign of a true artist. When it comes to artistic precision Bunin has no rivals among Russian poets," wrote Vestnik Evropy.[9]
Bunin's early stories were of uneven quality. They were united in their "earthiness", lack of plot and signs of a curious longing for "life's farthest horizons"; young Bunin started his career by trying to approach the ancient dilemmas of the human being, and his first characters were typically old men. His early prose works had one common leitmotif: that of nature's beauty and wisdom bitterly contrasting with humanity's ugly shallowness.[55] As he progressed, Bunin started to receive encouraging reviews: Anton Chekhov warmly greeted his first stories, even if he found too much "density" in them. But it was Gorky who gave Bunin's prose its highest praise. Till the end of his life Gorky (long after the relationship between former friends had soured) rated Bunin among Russian literature's greatest writers and recommended his prose for younger generations of writers as an example of true and unwithering classicism.[56]
As a poet, Bunin started out as a follower of Ivan Nikitin and Aleksey Koltsov, then gravitated towards the Yakov Polonsky and Afanasy Fet school, the latter's impressionism becoming a marked influence. The theme of Bunin's early works seemed to be the demise of the traditional Russian nobleman of the past – something which as an artist he simultaneously gravitated toward and felt averted from. In the 1900s this gave way to a more introspective, philosophical style, akin to Fyodor Tyutchev and his "poetic cosmology". All the while Bunin remained hostile to modernism (and the darker side of it, "decadence"); Mikhaylov saw him as the torch-bearer of Aleksander Pushkin's tradition of "praising the naked simplicity's charms."[54]
The symbolist's flights of imagination and grotesque passions foreign to him, Bunin made nature his field of artistic research and here carved his art to perfection. "Few people are capable of loving nature as Bunin does. And it's this love that makes his scope wide, his vision deep, his colour and aural impressions so rich," wrote Aleksander Blok, a poet from a literary camp Bunin treated as hostile.[54] It was for his books of poetry (the most notable of which is Falling Leaves, 1901) and his poetic translations that Bunin became a three time Pushkin Prize laureate. His verse was praised by Aleksander Kuprin while Blok regarded Bunin as among the first in the hierarchy of Russian poets. One great admirer of Bunin's verse was Vladimir Nabokov, who (even if making scornful remarks about Bunin's prose) compared him to Blok.[9] Some see Bunin as a direct follower of Gogol, who was the first in Russian literature to discover the art of fusing poetry and prose together.[55]
The wholesomeness of Bunin's character allowed him to avoid crises to become virtually the only author of the first decades of the 20th century to develop gradually and logically. "Bunin is the only one who remains true to himself", Gorky wrote in a letter to Chirikov in 1907.[55] Yet, an outsider to all the contemporary trends and literary movements, Bunin was never truly famous in Russia. Becoming an Academician in 1909 alienated him even more from the critics, the majority of whom saw the Academy's decision to expel Gorky several years earlier as a disgrace. The closest Bunin came to fame was in 1911–1912 when The Village and Dry Valley came out.[56] The former, according to the author, "sketched with sharp cruelty the most striking lines of the Russian soul, its light and dark sides, and its often tragic foundations"; it caused passionate, and occasionally very hostile reactions. "Nobody has ever drawn the [Russian] village in such a deep historical context before," Maxim Gorky wrote.[9] After this uncompromising book it became impossible to continue to paint the Russian peasantry life in the idealised, narodnik-style way, Bunin single-handedly closed this long chapter in Russian literature. He maintained the truly classic traditions of realism in Russian literature at the very time when they were in the gravest danger, under attack by modernists and decadents. Yet he was far from "traditional" in many ways, introducing to Russian literature a completely new set of characters and a quite novel, laconic way of saying things.[9] Dry Valley was regarded as another huge step forward for Bunin. While The Village dealt metaphorically with Russia as a whole in a historical context, here, according to the author, the "Russian soul [was brought into the focus] in the attempt to highlight the Slavic psyche's most prominent features."[9] "It's one of the greatest books of Russian horror, and there's an element of liturgy in it... Like a young priest with his faith destroyed, Bunin buried the whole of his class," wrote Gorky.[57]
Bunin's travel sketches were lauded as innovative, notably Bird's Shadow (1907–1911). "He's enchanted with the East, with the 'light-bearing' lands he now describes in such beautiful fashion... For [depicting] the East, both Biblical and modern, Bunin chooses the appropriate style, solemn and incandescent, full of imagery, bathing in waves of sultry sunlight and adorned with arabesques and precious stones, so that, when he tells of these grey-haired ancient times, disappearing in the distant haze of religion and myth, the impression he achieves is that of watching a great chariot of human history moving before our eyes," wrote Yuri Aykhenvald.[9] Critics noted Bunin's uncanny knack of immersing himself into alien cultures, both old and new, best demonstrated in his Eastern cycle of short stories as well as his superb translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898).[54]
Bunin was greatly interested in international myths and folklore, as well as the Russian folkloric tradition. But, (according to Georgy Adamovich) "he was absolutely intolerant towards those of his colleagues who employed stylizations, the "style Russe" manufacturers. His cruel – and rightly so – review of Sergey Gorodetsky's poetry was one example. Even Blok's Kulikovo Field (for me, an outstanding piece) irritated him as too lavishly adorned... "That's Vasnetsov," he commented, meaning 'masquerade and opera'. But he treated things that he felt were not masqueradery differently. Of the Slovo o Polku Igoreve... he said something to the effect that all the poets of the whole world lumped together couldn't have created such wonder, in fact something close to Pushkin's words. Yet translations of the legend... outraged him, particularly that of Balmont. He despised Shmelyov for his pseudo-Russian pretenses, though admitting his literary gift. Bunin had an extraordinarily sharp ear for falseness: he instantly recognized this jarring note and was infuriated. That was why he loved Tolstoy so much. Once, I remember, he spoke of Tolstoy as the one 'who's never said a single word that would be an exaggeration'."[9]
Bunin has often been spoken of as a "cold" writer. Some of his conceptual poems of the 1910s refuted this stereotype, tackling philosophical issues like the mission of an artist ("Insensory", 1916) where he showed fiery passion. According to Oleg Mikhaylov, "Bunin wanted to maintain distance between himself and his reader, being frightened by any closeness... But his pride never excluded passions, just served as a panzer — it was like a flaming torch in an icy shell."[54] On a more personal level, Vera Muromtseva confirmed: "Sure, he wanted to come across as [cold and aloof] and he succeeded by being a first-class actor... people who didn't know him well enough couldn't begin to imagine what depths of soft tenderness his soul was capable of reaching," she wrote in her memoirs.[9]
The best of Bunin's prose ("The Gentleman from San Francisco", "Loopy Ears" and notably, "Brothers", based on Ceylon's religious myth) had a strong philosophical streak to it. In terms of ethics Bunin was under the strong influence of Socrates (as related by Xenophon and Plato), he argued that it was the Greek classic who first expounded many things that were later found in Hindu and Jewish sacred books. Bunin was particularly impressed with Socrates's ideas on the intrinsic value of human individuality, it being a "kind of focus for higher forces" (quoted from Bunin's short story "Back to Rome"). As a purveyor of Socratic ideals, Bunin followed Leo Tolstoy; the latter's observation about beauty being "the crown of virtue" was Bunin's idea too. Critics found deep philosophical motives, and deep undercurrents in Mitya's Love and The Life of Arseniev, two pieces in which "Bunin came closest to a deep metaphysical understanding of the human being's tragic essence." Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev "one of the most outstanding phenomena of world literature."[9]
In his view on Russia and its history Bunin for a while had much in common with A. K. Tolstoy (of whom he spoke with great respect); both tended to idealise the pre-Tatar Rus. Years later he greatly modified his view of Russian history, forming a more negative outlook. "There are two streaks in our people: one dominated by Rus, another by Chudh and Merya. Both have in them a frightening instability, sway... As Russian people say of themselves: we are like wood — both club and icon may come of it, depending on who is working on this wood," Bunin wrote years later.[54]
In emigration Bunin continued his experiments with extremely concise, ultra-ionized prose, taking Chekhov and Tolstoy's ideas on expressive economy to the last extreme. The result of this was God's Tree, a collection of stories so short, some of them were half a page long. Professor Pyotr Bitsilly thought God's Tree to be "the most perfect of Bunin's works and the most exemplary. Nowhere else can such eloquent laconism can be found, such definitive and exquisite writing, such freedom of expression and really magnificent demonstration of [mind] over matter. No other book of his has in it such a wealth of material for understanding of Bunin's basic method – a method in which, in fact, there was nothing but basics. This simple but precious quality – honesty bordering on hatred of any pretense – is what makes Bunin so closely related to... Pushkin, Tolstoy and Chekhov," Bitsilli wrote.[9]
Influential, even if controversial, was his Cursed Days 1918–1920 diary, of which scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo wrote:
The work is important for several reasons. Cursed Days is one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war. It recreates events with graphic and gripping immediacy. Unlike the works of early Soviets and emigres and their self-censoring backdrop of memory, myth, and political expediency, Bunin's truth reads almost like an aberration. Cursed Days also links Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth. Reminiscent of the fiction of Dostoevsky, it features an 'underground man' who does not wish to be an 'organ stop' or to affirm 'crystal palaces'. Bunin's diary foreshadowed such 'libelous' memoirs as Yevgenia Ginzburg's Journey into the Whirlwind (1967) and Within the Whirlwind, and Nadezhda Mandelstam's Hope Against Hope (1970) and Hope Abandoned (1974), the accounts of two courageous women caught up in the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. Cursed Days also preceded the "rebellious" anti-Soviet tradition that began with Evgeny Zamyatin and Yury Olesha, moved on to Mikhail Bulgakov, and reached a climax with Boris Pasternak and Alexander Solzhenitsyn. One can argue that, in its painful exposing of political and social utopias, Cursed Days heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct."[32]
Despite his works being virtually banned in the Soviet Union up until the mid-1950s, Bunin exerted a strong influence over several generations of Soviet writers. Among those who owed a lot to Bunin, critics mentioned Mikhail Sholokhov, Konstantin Fedin, Konstantin Paustovsky, Ivan Sokolov-Mikitov, and later Yuri Kazakov, Vasily Belov and Viktor Likhonosov.[56]
Ivan Bunin's books have been translated into many languages, and the world's leading writers praised his gift. Romain Rolland called Bunin an "artistic genius"; he was spoken and written of in much the same vein by writers like Henri de Régnier, Thomas Mann, Rainer Maria Rilke, Jerome K. Jerome, and Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz. In 1950, on the eve of his 80th birthday, François Mauriac expressed in a letter his delight and admiration, but also his deep sympathy to Bunin's personal qualities and the dignified way he'd got through all the tremendous difficulties life had thrown at him. In a letter published by Figaro, André Gide greeted Bunin "on behalf of all France", calling him "the great artist" and adding: "I don't know of any other writer... who's so to the point in expressing human feelings, simple and yet always so fresh and new". European critics often compared Bunin to both Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky, crediting him with having renovated the Russian realist tradition both in essence and in form.[9]
On 22 October 2020 Google celebrated his 150th birthday with a Google Doodle.[58]
Bunin's first love was Varvara Pashchenko, his classmate in Yelets [not plausible as Ivan was at a male gymnasium and Varvara at an all female gymnasium], daughter of a doctor and an actress,[13] whom he fell for in 1889 and then went on to work with in Oryol in 1892. Their relationship was difficult in many ways: the girl's father detested the union because of Bunin's impecunious circumstances, Varvara herself was not sure if she wanted to marry and Bunin too was uncertain whether marriage was really appropriate for him.[8] The couple moved to Poltava and settled in Yuly Bunin's home, but by 1892 their relations deteriorated, Pashchenko complaining in a letter to Yuly Bunin that serious quarrels were frequent, and begging for assistance in bringing their union to an end. The affair eventually ended in 1894 with her marrying actor and writer A. N. Bibikov, Ivan Bunin's close friend.[16] Bunin felt betrayed, and for a time his family feared the possibility of him committing suicide.[3] According to some sources it was Varvara Pashchenko who many years later would appear under the name of Lika in The Life of Arseniev (chapter V of the book, entitled Lika, was also published as a short story).[9] Scholar Tatyana Alexandrova, though, questioned this identification (suggesting Mirra Lokhvitskaya might have been the major prototype), while Vera Muromtseva thought of Lika as a 'collective' character aggregating the writer's reminiscences of several women he knew in his youth.
In the summer of 1898 while staying with writer A. M. Fedorov, Bunin became acquainted with N. P. Tsakni, a Greek social-democrat activist, the publisher and editor of the Odessa newspaper Yuzhnoe Obozrenie (Southern Review). Invited to contribute to the paper, Bunin became virtually a daily visitor to the Tsakni family dacha and fell in love with the latter's 18-year-old daughter, Anna (1879–1963). On 23 September 1898, the two married, but by 1899 signs of alienation between them were obvious.[16] At the time of their acrimonious separation in March 1900 Anna was pregnant. She gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in Odessa on 30 August of the same year. The boy, of whom his father saw very little, died on 16 January 1905, from a combination of scarlet fever, measles and heart complications.
Ivan Bunin's second wife was Vera Muromtseva (1881–1961), niece of the high-ranking politician Sergey Muromtsev. The two had initially been introduced to each other by writer Ekaterina Lopatina some years earlier, but it was their encounter at the house of the writer Boris Zaitsev in November 1906[59] which led to an intense relationship which resulted in the couple becoming inseparable until Bunin's death. Bunin and Muromtseva married officially only in 1922, after he managed at last to divorce Tsakni legally. Decades later Vera Muromtseva-Bunina became famous in her own right with her book Life of Bunin.
In 1927, while in Grasse, Bunin fell for the Russian poet Galina Kuznetsova, on vacation there with her husband. The latter, outraged by the well-publicized affair, stormed off, while Bunin not only managed to somehow convince Vera Muromtseva that his love for Galina was purely platonic, but also invite the latter to stay in the house as a secretary and 'a family member'. The situation was complicated by the fact that Leonid Zurov, who stayed with the Bunins as a guest for many years, was secretly in love with Vera (of which her husband was aware); this made it more of a "love quadrilateral" than a mere triangle.[60] Bunin and Kuznetsova's affair ended dramatically in 1942 when the latter, now deeply in love with another frequent guest, opera singer Margo Stepun, sister[3][61] of Fyodor Stepun,[62] left Bunin, who felt disgraced and insulted.[30] The writer's tempestuous private life in emigration became the subject of the internationally acclaimed Russian movie, His Wife's Diary (or The Diary of His Wife) (2000).[63] which caused controversy and was described by some as masterful and thought-provoking,[64] but by others as vulgar, inaccurate and in bad taste.[46][65] Vera Muromtseva-Bunina later accepted both Kuznetsova and Margarita Stepun as friends: "nashi" ("ours"), as she called them, lived with the Bunins for long periods during the Second World War. According to A.J. Heywood of Leeds University, in Germany and then New York, after the war, Kuznetsova and Stepun negotiated with publishers on Bunin's behalf and maintained a regular correspondence with Ivan and Vera up until their respective deaths.[3]
The Life of Arseniev (Жизнь Арсеньева, 1927–1933, 1939)
The Village (Деревня, 1910)
Dry Valley (Суходол, 1912)
Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, 1924)
To the Edge of the World and Other Stories (На край света и другие рассказы, 1897)
Antonovka Apples (Антоновские яблоки, 1900)
Flowers of the Field (Цветы полевые, 1901)
Bird's Shadow (Тень птицы, 1907–1911; Paris, 1931)
Ioann the Mourner (Иоанн Рыдалец, 1913)
Chalice of Life (Чаша жизни, Petersburg, 1915; Paris, 1922)
The Gentleman from San Francisco (Господин из Сан-Франциско, 1916)
Chang's Dreams (Сны Чанга, 1916, 1918)
Temple of the Sun (Храм Солнца, 1917)
Primal Love (Начальная любовь, Prague, 1921)
Scream (Крик, Paris, 1921)
Rose of Jerico (Роза Иерихона, Berlin, 1924)
Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, Paris, 1924; New York, 1953)
Sunstroke (Солнечный удар, Paris, 1927)
Sacred Tree (Божье древо, Paris, 1931)
Dark Avenues (Тёмные аллеи, New York, 1943; Paris, 1946)
Judea in Spring (Весной в Иудее, New York, 1953)
Loopy Ears and Other Stories (Петлистые уши и другие рассказы, 1954, New York, posthumous)
Poems (1887–1891) (1891, originally as a literary supplement to Orlovsky vestnik newspaper)
Under the Open Skies (Под открытым небом, 1898)
Falling Leaves (Листопад, Moscow, 1901)
Poems (1903) (Стихотворения, 1903)
Poems (1903–1906) (Стихотворения, 1906)
Poems of 1907 (Saint Petersburg, 1908)
Selected Poems (Paris, 1929)
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The Song of Hiawatha (1898)
Waters Aplenty (Воды многие, 1910, 1926)
Cursed Days (Окаянные дни, 1925–1926)[66]
Memoirs. Under the hammer and sickle. (Воспоминания. Под серпом и молотом. 1950)[67]
List of poems by Ivan Bunin
List of short stories by Ivan Bunin
Collected Stories of Ivan Bunin, Ivan Bunin. Trans. Graham Hettlinger. Ivan R Dee 2007 ISBN 978-1566637589
Night of Denial: Stories and Novellas, Ivan Bunin. Trans. Robert Bowie. Northwestern 2006 ISBN 0-8101-1403-8
The Life of Arseniev, Ivan Bunin. edited by Andrew Baruch Wachtel. Northwestern 1994 ISBN 0-8101-1172-1
Dark Avenues, Ivan Bunin. Translated by Hugh Aplin. Oneworld Classics 2008 ISBN 978-1-84749-047-6
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. Ivan Bunin: Russian Requiem, 1885–1920: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Fiction (1993, Vol.1)
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. From the Other Shore, 1920–1933: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Fiction. (1995, Vol.2)
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. Ivan Bunin: The Twilight of Emigre Russia, 1934–1953: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Memoirs. (2002, Vol.3)
Alexander F. Zweers. The Narratology of the Autobiography: An analysis of the literary devices employed in Ivan Bunin's The life of Arsenév. Peter Lang Publishing 1997 ISBN 0-8204-3357-8
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Russian Nobel Prize winners
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Since 1904, Nobel Prizes were awarded to twenty-four Russians: two in Physiology or Medicine, twelve in Physics, one in Chemistry, two in Economic Sciences, five in Literature, and two Peace Prizes
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FACTBOX. Nobel Prize winners in Physiology or Medicine, in Physics, in Chemistry, in Literature, and the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences will be announced starting from October 2, 2017. The Nobel Peace Prize winner will be announced in Oslo, Norway, on October 6.
Since 1904, Nobel Prizes were awarded to twenty-four Russians: two in Physiology or Medicine, twelve in Physics, one in Chemistry, two in Economic Sciences, five in Literature, and two Peace Prizes.
Read also
2014 Nobel Prize winners
Nobel Prizes in Chemistry
Nikolay Semyonov was the first Soviet Nobel Laureate. In 1956, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry, along with Cyril Nirman Hinshelwood of the United Kingdom, for his work on the mechanism of chemical reactions. The two chemists, independently from each other, elaborated a chain reaction theory in the later 1920s.
Academician Nikolay Semyonov, one of the founders of chemical physics and the author of the theory of thermal disruptive discharge of dielectric, was among the founders of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology (1951). His work on the theory of chain reactions was awarded the USSR’s Stalin Prize in 1941. His other Soviet awards include the Orders of Lenin and of the Red Banner of Labor, and the Lenin Prize. He was a member of foreign academies, including the New York Academy of Sciences. In 1963-1971, Semyonov was Vice President of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
Nobel Prizes in Physiology or Medicine
Russian physiologist, Professor Ivan Pavlov won the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1904 for his work on the physiology of digestion to become Russia’s first Nobel Laureate. Academician Pavlov, the founder of the Society of Russian Physiologists and the Institute of Physiology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, developed the theory of higher nervous activity.
Elie Metchnikoff, the father of innate immunity, the founder of gerontoloy (the comprehensive study of aging and the problems of the aged) and discoverer of the significance of phagocytosis in development, homeostasis and disease, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1908, together with Paul Ehrlich of Germany, for his work on immunity.
Nobel Prizes in Physics
A team of Russian physicists - Pavel Cherenkov, Ilya Frank and Igor Tamm - were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1958 for the discovery of Cherenkov radiation, or electromagnetic radiation emitted when a charged particle (such as an electron) passes through a dielectric medium at a speed greater than the phase velocity of light in that medium.
In 1962, the Nobel Prize in Physics was awarded to Lev Landau for "for his pioneering theories for condensed matter, especially liquid helium." As he was in hospital after a car crash, the prize was awarded to him in Moscow by the Swedish ambassador to the USSR.
Soviet physicists Nicolay Basov and Aleksandr Prokhorov were jointly awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1964 "for fundamental work in the field of quantum electronics, which has led to the construction of oscillators and amplifiers based on the maser-laser principle". US physicist Charles Hard Townes arrived at similar results independently from the Soviet researchers, so the 1964 Nobel Prize was divided between the three, with Townes being awarded one half.
One half of the Nobel Prize in Physics 1978 was awarded to Pyotr Kapitsa "for his basic inventions and discoveries in the area of low-temperature physics" (he had been working on since the 1930s).
In 2000, Russian physicist Zhores Alferov shared one half of the Nobel Prize with Herbert Kroemer of Germany "for developing semiconductor heterostructures used in high-speed-and opto-electronics."
The Nobel Prize in Physics 2003 was awarded jointly to Alexei Abrikosov (who was granted US citizenship in 1999), Vitaly Ginzburg and British and American physicist Anthony J. Leggett "for pioneering contributions to the theory of superconductors and superfluids".
Andre Geim and Konstantin Novoselov were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2010 "for groundbreaking experiments regarding the two-dimensional material graphene." Andre Geim left the Soviet Union in 1990 and later was granted the Dutch citizenship. Konstantin Novoselov left for the Netherlands in 1999 and later received the British citizenship.
Nobel Prizes in Literature
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing."
In 1958, the Nobel Prize in Literature was awarded to Boris Pasternak "for his important achievement both in contemporary lyrical poetry and in the field of the great Russian epic tradition." Initially, he accepted the Nobel Prize but later was forced by the Soviet authorities, which pressed him for his novel Doctor Zhivago he had published abroad, to decline the prize. Nevertheless, his descendants received a medal and a diploma in his name in Stockholm in 1989.
Soviet/Russian writer Mikhail Sholokhov was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1965 for his famous novel And Quiet Flows the Don with the wording "for the artistic power and integrity with which, in his epic of the Don, he has given expression to a historic phase in the life of the Russian people." Sholokhov was one of nine authors to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature for a concrete work.
In 1970, the Nobel Prize in Literature was awarded to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn "for the ethical force with which he has pursued the indispensable traditions of Russian literature." By that time, he was in an open conflict with the Soviet authorities. Being afraid to be banned to reenter the country after the awarding ceremony, Slozhenitsyn refused to go to Stockholm to receive his prize. Eventually, he received it in 1974 after being stripped of the Soviet citizenship and expelled from the country for publishing his The Gulag Archipelago abroad.
Poet Joseph Brodsky, who emigrated to the United States in 1972, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1987 "for an all-embracing authorship, imbued with clarity of thought and poetic intensity."
Nobel Peace Prizes
Soviet Academician Andrei Sakharov was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1975 for his advocacy of civil liberties and civil reforms in the former Soviet Union. The Norwegian Nobel Committee called him "a spokesman for the conscience of mankind."
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Ivan Bunin – Biographical
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing"
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/biographical/
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Ivan Bunin
Biographical
I come from an old and noble house that has given to Russia a good many illustrious persons in politics as well as in the arts, among whom two poets of the early nineteenth century stand out in particular: Anna Búnina and Vasíly Zhukóvsky, one of the great names in Russian literature, the son of Athanase Bunin and the Turk Salma.
All my ancestors had close ties with the soil and the people: they were country gentlemen. My parents were no exception. They owned estates in Central Russia, in those fertile steppes in which the ancient Muscovite czars had settled colonists from all over the country for their protection against Tartar invasions from the South. That is why in that region there developed the richest of all Russian dialects, and almost all of our great writers from Turgenev to Leo Tolstoy have come from there.
I was born in Vorónezh in 1870; my childhood and youth were spent almost entirely in the country on my father’s estates. During my adolescence the death of my little sister caused a violent religious crisis, but it left no permanent scars on my soul. I had a passion for painting, which, I think, shows in my writings. I wrote both poetry and prose fairly early and my works were also published from an early date.
Ever since I began to publish, my books have been both in prose and poetry, original writings as well as translations (from the English). If one divides my work by genre, one would find volumes of original poetry, two volumes of translations, and ten volumes of prose.
My works were soon recognized by the critics. They were subsequently honoured on several occasions, receiving in particular the Pushkin Prize, the highest prize awarded by the Russian Academy of Sciences. In 1909 that Academy elected me one of its twelve honorary members, a position that corresponds to the immortals of the French Academy. Among their number was Leo Tolstoy.
Nonetheless, there were several reasons why I was not widely known for a considerable time. I kept aloof from politics and in my writings did not touch upon questions concerning it. I did not belong to any literary school; I was neither decadent, nor symbolist, romantic, or naturalist. Moreover, I frequented few literary circles. I lived chiefly in the country; I travelled much in Russia as well as abroad; I visited Italy, Sicily, Turkey, the Balkans, Greece, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, and the tropics. According o the words of Saadi I tried to «look at the world and leave upon it the imprint of my soul». I was interested in problems of philosophy, religion, morals, and history.
In 1910 I published my novel Derévnya [The Village]. It was the first of a series of works to give picture of the Russian without make-up: his character and his soul, his original complexity, his foundations at once luminous and obscure, but almost always essentially tragic. These «ruthless» works caused passionate discussions among our Russian critics and intellectuals who, owing to numerous circumstances peculiar to Russian society and – in these latter days – to sheer ignorance or political advantage, have constantly idealized the people. In short, these works made me notorious; this success has been confirmed by more recent works.
I left Moscow because of the Bolshevik regime in May, 1918; until February, 1920, when I finally emigrated abroad, I lived in the south of Russia. Since then I have lived in France, dividing my time between Paris and the maritime Alps.
Biographical note on Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin
In addition to Derévnya, Bunin (1870-1953) wrote such novels as Sukhodól (1911-12) and Mítina lyubóv (1924-25) [Mitya’s Love], the short story Gospodín iz San Francisco (19I6) [The Gentleman from San Francisco], end the autobiographical novel in two volumes, Zhizn Arsénieva (Part I, Istóki dnéy [1930], translated as The Well of Days; Part II, Lika [1939]). He is the author of several volumes of short stories mixed with poetry, and, in 1950, he published the autobiography Vospominániya [Memories and Portraits]. Bunin died in France in 1953. There are two editions of his collected works – one in twelve volumes (Berlin,1934-36) and the other in six volumes (Moscow, 1956) – as well as collections of his stories (Moscow, 1961) end of his poetry (Leningrad, 1961).
From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967, Editor Horst Frenz, Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969
This autobiography/biography was written at the time of the award and first published in the book series Les Prix Nobel. It was later edited and republished in Nobel Lectures. To cite this document, always state the source as shown above.
Ivan Bunin died on 8 November 1953.
The Nobel Foundation's copyright has expired.
|
|||||
wrong_mix_property_award_00138
|
FactBench
|
0
| 34
|
https://www.newsday.com/entertainment/mikhail-baryshnikov-to-star-in-in-paris-k58990
|
en
|
Mikhail Baryshnikov to star in 'In Paris'
|
https://cdn.newsday.com/ace/c:OThlMTZjNWQtZWYxMC00:NDA3YWY5/landscape/1280
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https://cdn.newsday.com/ace/c:OThlMTZjNWQtZWYxMC00:NDA3YWY5/landscape/1280
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[] |
[
"Theater",
"theater column newsday live",
"Entertainment",
"Performing arts"
] | null |
[
"LINDA WINER"
] |
2012-07-26T15:52:00.995000+00:00
|
en
|
/img/newsday/favicon.ico
|
Newsday
|
https://www.newsday.com/entertainment/mikhail-baryshnikov-to-star-in-in-paris-k58990
|
It was 38 years ago, give or take just a couple of days, when Mikhail Baryshnikov -- newest Soviet defector and instant global superstar -- made his American debut in "Giselle" at the Metropolitan Opera House. I remember staring at his face during the hysterical curtain calls. It was dead white, his eyes like charred holes in a mask that plastered morose nobility on the looks of a boy from an Andy Hardy movie.
What could he have been thinking, this compact 26-year-old whiz kid, who, weeks earlier had bolted the protected but stifling Leningrad Kirov Ballet to find headlines calling him the greatest Russian dancer to leave his country since Nijinsky in 1911? Mostly, in that instant, he just looked scared.
Whatever he was thinking then is less the point than what he has accomplished since. Where Peter Martins went from dancing to running the New York City Ballet and Rudolf Nureyev danced the same classics in his own sad shadow for far too long, Baryshnikov -- whom friends, fans and hopeful hangers-on call Misha -- has had a career trajectory as unpredictable and self-challenging as his legendary triple turns used to be.
As he told me in an interview before his first TV special in 1980, "Once you walk along a wire between two Eiffel towers, you have to find another wire. That's the only way life makes sense to me."
The high-wire image still works. For example, at the Lincoln Center Festival Wednesday through Aug. 5, he will star in "In Paris," a play -- not a dance -- about two Russian immigrants in Paris in the 1930s. Based on a 1940 May-December romantic short story by Ivan Bunin, the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize in literature, the production is staged by Dmitry Krymov, a painter and set designer who runs an experimental theater in Moscow.
Last month in Miami, Baryshnikov opened an exhibit of photographs he took of dancers -- everyone from his late buddy Merce Cunningham to bachata dancers in the Dominican Republic. And in February at the Hartford Stage in Connecticut, he will star in the world premiere of another drama, "Man in a Case," this one based on a Chekhov short story.
Meanwhile, on an increasingly hip stretch of West 37th Street in Hell's Kitchen thrives a different side of the restless artist altogether: Misha as impresario. Since 2005, he has been the hands-on artistic director of the Baryshnikov Arts Center, a sleek three-theater building that presents provocative work of all kinds, offers a home to such worthies as the Wooster Group and the St. Luke's Orchestra, and has a multidisciplinary residency program that supports up to 30 emerging and established artists a year.
Baryshnikov, who doesn't satisfy easily, recently said: "I'm very proud of this project. We do good work. I think New York needs a place like this."
He still dances occasionally, but wisely gave up ballet for modern and experimental dance in 1990. "People who saw me in the '70s and '80s in white tights dancing classical repertoire, they don't exist anymore," he told the Los Angeles Times before the opening of "In Paris" there last spring. "I'm in my 60s, which means they have to be my age or older. I have a new audience when I perform. They've never seen me in classical repertoire. In this sense, I'm not worried."
As soon as his feet hit our soil, he went zipping through Western culture with an insatiable kid-in-a-candy-store delight. His technique -- exquisite without a hint of look-at-me windup -- changed the rules for male dancers forever. He stretched the boundaries of classical technique into the radically different but all-American styles of Twyla Tharp and Cunningham. In 1978, he left the star pinnacle, $5,000-a-performance showcase at American Ballet Theatre to get $800 a week studying at George Balanchine's no-star New York City Ballet. From 1980 to 1990, he ran Ballet Theatre for $1 a year. He choreographed the classics.
He starred in movies, usually playing characters more or less like himself, and got an Oscar nomination for "The Turning Point" (1977). He talked to TV alien Alf. He made "Baryshnikov on Broadway" and "Baryshnikov in Hollywood" TV specials. For a big swath of America, he will always be the self-obsessed Russian artist who got dumped by Carrie for Big in the final season of "Sex and the City."
Through the years, his puppy quality has turned more elegant -- sharper -- and his eyes are a clear but warier Russian-melancholy blue. Significantly, he has saved his most intellectual, least American-pop side for the theater -- for the most part, modern physical theater with minimal speech.
In 1989, he made his (underrated) Broadway debut in Kafka's "Metamorphosis," as the poor salesman who wakes up one morning as a bug. Imagine the entomological wonderments. For the 2004 Lincoln Center Festival, he played a sailor whose woman is wooed away by a man with a car in an odd, overly precious piece, "Forbidden Christmas, or The Doctor and the Patient," by a celebrated Russian puppeteer. And in 2007, he exposed a private lifetime of thoughtful darkness in a quartet of short Beckett plays.
The headline on "In Paris" is that Baryshnikov, for the first time, will speak here in Russian (with English supertitles). The Latvian-born adventurer, who learned English from American commercials and old James Cagney movies on late-night Russian TV, will play a former general of the White Army who fled the Bolsheviks.
Krymov, in an email sent this week from his vacation in Italy, says his performance "is about loneliness. Of course, it is about love, too and about emigration, but first of all about loneliness . . . this person has already died, but doesn't know it yet, and he is making the last, feverish attempts to live and love."
No longer is Baryshnikov the cuddly rogue whose love life was a daily gossip item. He has lived for years with Lisa Rinehart, a former ABT dancer, with whom he has three children, ages 18 to 23. He is also close to the daughter he had in 1988 with Jessica Lange.
During "Metamorphosis" tryouts at Duke University, the students made up the word "Mishamorphosis." That's still good enough to steal.
|
|||
wrong_mix_property_award_00138
|
FactBench
|
2
| 95
|
https://library.cumberland.edu/awardwinningbooks/nobel
|
en
|
Vise Library at Cumberland University
|
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Features titles of award winners such as the Newbery, Caldecott, and Coretta Scott King awards. Also includes the call number if the Vise Library owns a particular item.
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Karl Adolph Gjellerup - The Vise Library does not own any works by this author
Henrik Pontoppidan - The Vise Library does not own any works by this author
2021 Winner
Abdulrazak Gurnah - The library does not own any of the books published by this author.
2022 Winner
Annie Ernaux - The library does not own any of the books published by this author.
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Бунин Иван Алексеевич
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How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre-market
How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre-marketSikandar Ali
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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http://www.stosvet.net/12/ramadanski/
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Draginja Ramadanski. Cardinal Points literary journal
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The translators maxim what you look for, that is what you find has a thousand meanings, so I am going to share with you a random episode that belongs to the phenomena translators keep secret rather than boast of.
The editor of a literary periodical, which cherishes the love story column, called me recently and asked for a Russian translation, but the story should be no longer than one page.
Thinking it over, I reached for the (old, Soviet) edition of the Nobel Prize winner Ivan Bunin, sure to find what I needed there. The discrete but quite intensive erotics of his stories deserves the steady reputation of classics in the genre.
While reading, I neglected my deadlines and understood more clearly than ever before that Bunins stories are really rather uniform: he (more seldom, she) after some accidental impulse, reconstructs the details of first love.
This is especially true of the book Dark Alleys, written in Paris, 1937-1944, a real encyclopedia of first love dramas. The book contained a short novella, Wolves, which suited me by its length. I started translating like a participant in a blind date. It did not take long just to type the translation while reading the original. Less than half an hour.
However, the result was disappointing. I had a helpless collection of details in front of me, some kind of a troubled pastorale, full of white, red and black chromatic spots, without a distinctly formed eros of speech. The basic narrative suspense was reduced to two youngsters riding in a cart at night and the girls fear of wolves, which actually appeared in the end, in the middle of a sudden forest fire. The girl took the reins and successfully maneuvered through the ambush of fire and beasts, but she was hurt and permanently scarred.
Is it possible that a Nobel Prize winner (the story was written in 1940) could write such confusion on the page? Then the telephone rang again. This time the editor of a childrens magazine asked for a shorter Russian story. Without thinking I sent him this short-tailed translation (which, by the way, soon appeared with a pretty illustration). It seems that we all behaved according to the prejudice that the world of children is simplified and confused. If a good adult book is not good for a child (Justejn Gorder), a bad one may serve the purpose...
And then I returned to the original. I took out, from my innermost pocket, completely different, interactive glasses. And suddenly, as if through a microscope, Bunins prose starts to swarm with different forms of expression and highly allusive symbolism.
It is considered that in translating prose the sound picture is not necessarily in the foreground, but in reality this is not so. Bunins prose resounded in its hollow rhythms, which skillfuly conveyed the supressed. As in real poetry, the prosodic components diluted the concentration of details in a scant space...
Arriving at the centre of a unique fragrant event, captured in a polyphonic whirlpool, I catch the runners of hinted meanings, I communicate with the untranslatable residue that is available only in an inspired, admiring reading, and not at all in fulfillment of a daily routine. Receiving an artistic message (in translation as well as the original) is never the same with different persons; moreover, at a different time, the same person can react in a different way. My mood influences the message substantially!
Having finally read it in an adult way, I calmly sent the translation, without any change, to the obscure adult column as well. I hope the readers enjoyed its erotic charge. It is not always compulsory to know whom we translate for, but that assumed echo is essential, even if it is a posteriori. A translator, namely, does not only receive but also sends a message, so that he or she can also expect complex reactions, restricted by the authors competence.
A propos of some return signals about that double translation with a severe erotic display, I cite a keen comment from the poet Radivoj Sajtinac, who sent me word: Thank you for Bunin. You laced it up well. He read the first, juvenile version, burdened with the translators guilty conscience. Sajtinacs comment, which presents a skilled reader as well as a writer, and above all an unselfish man in personal communication, led me to share this episode with you. It seems that you cannot hide anything from a true reader
Reading is a fact that frees the text from the matter of words and leads it to the current life (good old H. R. Jaus). It is especially so when we consider a rematerialized translators reading, which can result in the change of a texts intention (launching hard Bunin in a childrens magazine).
This episode (which does no credit to the translators honour) indicates that the attitude towards a receiver is not just a survey of his wishes, but a thoughtless gesture, not always in the readers interest. The translator is the one who is caught as an unfit receiver. The translator is the one who stepped across the threshold of the translators action, keeping the original form but menacing the readers benefit. I blushed with shame before the desecrated innocence of the children. The makeup examination of readdressing the text was a relief. After a certain delay, I felt myself capable of opening the poetry of Bunins prose.
A threatening atmosphere of uncertainty, running out of control. Is not the very title Wolves and the episode with a sheep full of ominous predictions? Matches like the simulation of a controlled fire, flirting instead of passion, and all that as a symbol of destructive fire of sensual power, hanging over from all sides. It can be seen that these are Red Riding Hood and the Wolf from Her inexperience joined with the utmost boldness as well as from His teriomorphic portrait (the lean, bony face of a high school boy). The landscape configuration supports the roles of the partners being taken on. The leitmotiv of wolves confirms Bunins supposition that the world is clearly divided into those who are plunder and the others, who are greedily disposed. While the former are under the sign of the natural and innocent, the latter are dangerous in their insincerety (like hot red currant syrup). The wolf is the one who becomes a heraldic custodian of a/the primeval emotional scenario. Through that ghostly messenger a dialogue was established with the mythological text, lasting from time immemorial. The burnt roof, compared to the book covers, directs us to the big codex, in which everybody wins according to merit...
Mythologizing a bit, Bunin brings us to the closeness of archetype psychology. The mechanisms of the unconscious equalize with the principles of a mythological understanding of reality, not without a recognizable folkloric ritualism.
Love, however, is a matter that does not stay, either in strong female or in weak male hands. That is why every story of Bunins is a story of death of love, literal and metaphoric. He simply offers his characters no chance to fight for their relaxation and comfort, to combine love and everyday life. All our lives we are followed by sensual, physiological, scarred remembrances of love as a supreme judge of human relationships. Mentioning the moments of pouring out such a remembrance, with the flower of melancholic epiphany, Bunin unintrusively favours euphemism for the loss of chastity. The story Wolves is dedicated to the creation of such a transformed, bright, nostalgic remembrance of a thing that happens only once in life. And that is why the author can say that for those she loved many times in her life, there was nothing more dear than that scar, which resembled a permanent mild smiling.
In order to make this translators footnote more complete, I will share with you the extension of my dance with wolves: there was a poem in my mailbox just written by Irina Mashinski, entitled Wolf...
It seemed to me methodically worthwhile to compare the same metaphor in the two texts, which shape the sequences of one and the same mythopoetic happening. Having the impression of finding an addition to Bunins lyrical prose, I also translated a poem, this time immediately but without haste, as often happens with the translation (and writing?) of poetry, when the sound picture is the one that directs a bundle of possible, often distant, associating meanings.
There is one more version of the same story, about eternal love-hate. Let us imagine a lonely hero who wanders through an inhospitable landscape, in a barking sponday of steps-moves of Russian orthoepy (sag sah), with the neurotic reflex of a chased beast. If she makes brilliant moves why is there always a checkmate menace, as if the heroine is wondering. The winding running looks like a steady pursuit and escape, but the checkmate is delayed very far, as the wolf is simply uncatchable*...
That metaphor is now being used for a beloved man; the emotional omen is completely opposite in relation to Bunins Wolves! Aggression and inertness, the greedy one and the prey change places, this time in the background of the mytheme of Adam and Eve.
We are on the very border of self-identification, reaching the initial wholeness, which preceded the creation of Eve with her original sin. It is not by chance that this remythologization of the wolf was realized in the infantile, naive visual style of Henri Rousseau, with a contour aura of night and moonshine. The whole woodcut contains ice as well as transparency and glow and the sharpness of dark waters, similar to obsidian layers. The crack of a ribbed spring lies under the inner charge of complex, essentially antagonistic, agonized feelings. Mashinskis poem unwillingly celebrates the moral codex (hard is the law, too many letters) of nomadic, unsettled rootless manliness. In the return of the heroine to such a native scar (pure twin, the axis-bristles of my life) there is an innovative, neither Darwinian nor Biblical, evolution-creation.
Presumably it is the impulse of return to her own self, to ones own Animus. For: is there in reality so fine an Adamic, manly loneliness that is marked as feminine? If we speak about the wolf, then is it about us (or the Animus), and if it is about the fox, then it is about the Other, or Anima? In the syntax of this poem the scattered grain of released first person singular pronouns, insubordinated by normative grammar, testifies about that.
The game of a beater and a chased one is finished, it is time to return to the primogeniture of ones own soul, to something terribly lonely, terrible and lonely.
This is a poem about the most personal and therefore the most general theme, as is always the case in true literature. A most precious amalgam with which the talented are immediately successful. Nevertheless, the author was surprised by my reading. Her wolf had his baptismal masculine name, the poem was created as a talented expression of feminine resentment. Exchanging our readings, we came to a certain competition. We each held irreconcilably to our opinions, followed by obligatory compliments. Your poem is marvelous. Your translation is fine.
Does the translator, consequently, have the right to be unfaithful to the original intention, to develop the other potential of the text, to place the accents differently, to be partial to his own implanted meaning? The sender (author) surely has his communicative intention, but the secondary sender (translator) can have one as well. Replacement of the original language by the target language is sometimes the replacement of original intentions by target intentions. We are speaking of the moment when the translators interpretation passes to semi-intentional, giving the meaning independently from the intentions of the primary sender, and for which meaning there is a foundation in the very text. May the translator arbitrarily liberate the original from its basic instincts, annulling the fundamental (un)certainty of the original? Or does the original unerringly find its way to the addressee, in spite of these coauthors efforts?
At moments of sincere auto-mistifying exaltation, the translator wants to believe that everything is not lost, that there is something to be found in the translation. While the readers orientation is first of all one of obtaining and procuring, does the translator, having taken, immediately return his or her debt to literature, sometimes with a rich interest rate? Let us agree on the following: the materialization of the reading following straight after the authors is full of countless, not only dangerous but also salutary maybes...
* The authors kind epistolary autocomments are in italics
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https://www.britannica.com/sitemap/b/208
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Alphabetical Browse
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Explore the fact-checked online encyclopedia from Encyclopaedia Britannica with hundreds of thousands of objective articles, biographies, videos, and images from experts.
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/sitemap/b/208
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Bulnesia sarmientii (tree)
Gran Chaco: European colonization and economic activity: …oil from the wood of Bulnesia sarmientii, a tree found in the more arid portions of the Chaco.
bulopwe (Luba paramount chief title)
Luba: …by a paramount chief (bulopwe or balopwe), although smaller independent chiefdoms already existed. The Luba empire was fragmented by Belgian colonization between 1880 and 1960, and the breakdown of the empire resulted in the development either of smaller chiefdoms or of small autonomous local lineage groups.
Bülow, Adam Heinrich Dietrich, Freiherr von (Prussian soldier)
Adam Heinrich Dietrich, baron von Bülow was a Prussian soldier and military theorist who attempted to popularize the fighting style of the French armies of the early Revolutionary era and who exercised some influence on the French general and renowned military critic Antoine-Henri de Jomini. Bülow
Bülow, Bernhard, Fürst von (chancellor of Germany)
Bernhard, prince von Bülow was a German imperial chancellor and Prussian prime minister from October 17, 1900, to July 14, 1909; in cooperation with Emperor William II (Kaiser Wilhelm II), he pursued a policy of German aggrandizement in the years preceding World War I. The son of an imperial
Bülow, Cosima von (German art director)
Cosima Wagner was the wife of the composer Richard Wagner and director of the Bayreuth Festivals from his death in 1883 to 1908. Cosima was the illegitimate daughter of the composer-pianist Franz Liszt and the countess Marie d’Agoult, who also bore Liszt two other children. Liszt later
Bülow, Hans Guido, Freiherr von (German conductor)
Hans von Bülow was a German pianist and conductor whose accurate, sensitive, and profoundly musical interpretations, especially of Richard Wagner, established him as the prototype of the virtuoso conductors who later flourished. He was also an astute and witty musical journalist. As a child, Bülow
Bülow, Hans von (German conductor)
Hans von Bülow was a German pianist and conductor whose accurate, sensitive, and profoundly musical interpretations, especially of Richard Wagner, established him as the prototype of the virtuoso conductors who later flourished. He was also an astute and witty musical journalist. As a child, Bülow
Bülow, Karl von (Prussian officer)
Battle of Mons: Karl von Bülow’s Second Army. In these circumstances not only was the planned Allied offensive out of the question, but also the British line was now untenable. On August 24 the British began to fall back in conformity with their allies, from the Belgian frontier…
Buloz, François (French editor)
Revue des Deux Mondes: François Buloz was its editor from 1831 to 1877 and established a tradition of excellence that attracted contributions from such literary eminences as Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve, Honoré de Balzac, Victor Hugo, Hippolyte Taine, and Ernest Renan. One of its contributors was Ferdinand Brunetière, who became…
Bulozi (kingdom, South Africa)
Southern Africa: Expropriation of African land: …BSAC sent an administrator to Bulozi. Contrary to Lewanika’s expectations, this spelled the end of Lozi independence. Despite Lewanika’s “protected” status, over the next decade the powers of the king and the aristocracy were whittled away. British insistence on the abolition of serfdom and slavery in 1906 undermined the cultivation…
bulrush (plant)
bulrush, Any of the annual or perennial grasslike plants constituting the genus Scirpus, especially S. lacustris, in the sedge family, that bear solitary or much-clustered spikelets. Bulrushes grow in wet locations, including ponds, marshes, and lakes. Their stems are often used to weave strong
Bulsar (India)
Valsad, city, southeastern Gujarat state, west-central India. It lies along the Gulf of Khambhat (Cambay), south of the city of Surat. Valsad is known for its hand-loomed cloth, dyes, bricks, and pottery, and it has a castor-oil-extraction industry. Fruit is grown in the vicinity. One of many minor
Bulsara, Farrokh (British singer and songwriter)
Freddie Mercury was a British rock singer and songwriter whose flamboyant showmanship and powerfully agile vocals, most famously for the band Queen, made him one of rock’s most dynamic front men. Bulsara was born to Parsi parents who had emigrated from India to Zanzibar, where his father worked as
Bultmann, Rudolf (German theologian)
Rudolf Bultmann was a leading 20th-century New Testament scholar known for his program to “demythologize” the New Testament—i.e., to interpret, according to the concepts of existentialist philosophy, the essential message of the New Testament that was expressed in mythical terms. Bultmann, the son
Bultmann, Rudolf Karl (German theologian)
Rudolf Bultmann was a leading 20th-century New Testament scholar known for his program to “demythologize” the New Testament—i.e., to interpret, according to the concepts of existentialist philosophy, the essential message of the New Testament that was expressed in mythical terms. Bultmann, the son
Bulu (people)
Bulu, one of a number of related peoples inhabiting the hilly, forested, south-central area of Cameroon as well as mainland Equatorial Guinea and northern Gabon. These peoples are collectively called the Fang (q.v.). “Bulu” is a loosely defined term that designates one of the three major
Buluggīn (Berber chief)
North Africa: The Fāṭimids and Zīrids: Al-Muʿizz appointed the Berber chief Buluggīn, son of the Fāṭimids’ chief ally in Algeria, Zīrī ibn Manād, as his viceroy in the Maghrib. In the 70 years during which the Zīrid dynasty (Banū Zīrī) ruled Ifrīqiyyah in the name of the Fāṭimids, they fell progressively under the influence of the…
Bulwark, The (novel by Dreiser)
Theodore Dreiser: Works of the Theodore Dreiser: Dreiser’s next-to-last novel, The Bulwark (1946), is the story of a Quaker father’s unavailing struggle to shield his children from the materialism of modern American life. More intellectually consistent than Dreiser’s earlier novels, this book also boasts some of his most polished prose.
Bulwer, Henry Lytton (British diplomat)
Henry Lytton Bulwer was a diplomat who, as British ambassador to the United States, negotiated the controversial Clayton–Bulwer Treaty (April 19, 1850), which concerned in part the possibility of a canal traversing Central America and was also intended to resolve (but in fact aggravated) various
Bulwer, John (English physician, author, and educator)
John Bulwer was an English physician, author, and early educator of the deaf, best known for his four late-Renaissance texts, which called on his knowledge of deafness, sign language, and the human body: Chirologia; or, The Natural Language of the Hand (1644); Philocopus; or, The Deaf and Dumb
Bulwer, William Henry Lytton Earle, Baron Dalling and Bulwer of Dalling (British diplomat)
Henry Lytton Bulwer was a diplomat who, as British ambassador to the United States, negotiated the controversial Clayton–Bulwer Treaty (April 19, 1850), which concerned in part the possibility of a canal traversing Central America and was also intended to resolve (but in fact aggravated) various
Bulwer-Lytton, Edward George Earle (British author)
Edward George Earle Bulwer-Lytton, 1st Baron Lytton was a British politician, poet, and critic, chiefly remembered, however, as a prolific novelist. His books, though dated, remain immensely readable, and his experiences lend his work an unusual historical interest. Bulwer-Lytton was the youngest
Bulwer-Lytton, Edward Robert (British diplomat and poet)
Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1st earl of Lytton was a British diplomat and viceroy of India (1876–80) who also achieved, during his lifetime, a reputation as a poet. Lytton, son of the 1st Baron Lytton, began his diplomatic career as unpaid attaché to his uncle Sir Henry Bulwer, then minister at
Bulwer-Lytton, Victor Alexander George Robert (British statesman)
Victor Alexander George Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd earl of Lytton was a British governor of Bengal (1922–27) and chairman of the League of Nations mission to Manchuria, which produced the so-called Lytton Report (1932), condemning Japan’s aggression there. (See Lytton Commission.) Bulwer-Lytton was
Bulworth (film by Beatty [1998])
Warren Beatty: …cowrote, directed, and starred in Bulworth, playing a U.S. senator whose disillusionment with the political system is fueled by his immersion in hip-hop culture. Despite the accolades he received, Beatty was also part of two of Hollywood’s most expensive failures, Ishtar (1987) and Town & Country (2001). After a 15-year…
bum (cards)
president: Gaming roles: …card in hand is the bum.
bum roll (clothing)
dress: Europe, 1500–1800: …as a bum roll or barrel, which was tied around the waist under the skirt. Later the French introduced the wheel farthingale, which was drum-shaped with radiating spokes on top. The gown neckline became very décolleté, almost displaying the breasts. From the 1570s to the 1770s a stomacher—a stiff, V-…
Bumastus (trilobite genus)
Bumastus, genus of trilobites (extinct arthropods) found in Europe and North America as fossils in rocks of Ordovician to Silurian age (between 408 and 505 million years old). Bumastus is very distinctive in form; the head and tail regions are smooth and very large and have fused segments. Its
bumble bee (insect)
bumblebee, (genus Bombus), genus of over 250 species of large bees. Bumblebees occur over much of the world but are most common in temperate climates. They are absent from most of Africa and the lowlands of India and have been introduced to Australia and New Zealand to aid in the pollination of
Bumble, Mr. (fictional character)
Mr. Bumble, fictional character in the novel Oliver Twist (1837–39) by Charles Dickens. Mr. Bumble is the cruel, pompous beadle of the poorhouse where the orphaned Oliver is raised. Bumbledom, named after him, characterizes the meddlesome self-importance of the petty bureaucrat. Mr. Bumble marries
bumblebee (insect)
bumblebee, (genus Bombus), genus of over 250 species of large bees. Bumblebees occur over much of the world but are most common in temperate climates. They are absent from most of Africa and the lowlands of India and have been introduced to Australia and New Zealand to aid in the pollination of
Bumblebee (film by Knight [2018])
Justin Theroux: Later career: The Leftovers and White House Plumbers: …appeared in the popular action-adventure Bumblebee, and the following year he had an uncredited role in the megahit Joker, about the comic-book villain.
bumblebee bat (mammal)
bat: Annotated classification: Family Craseonycteridae (hog-nosed, or bumblebee, bat) 1 tiny species of Thailand, Craseonycteris thonglongyai, perhaps the smallest living mammal. Family Myzopodidae (Old World sucker-footed bat) 1 species in 1 genus (Myzopoda) endemic to Madagascar. Small, plain muzzle; large ears with peculiar mushroom-shaped lobe. Thumb and
bumblebee catfish (fish family)
ostariophysan: Annotated classification: Family Pseudopimelodidae (bumblebee catfishes) Wide mouth, small eyes. South America. 5 genera, 26 species. Family Aspredinidae (banjo catfishes) Adipose lacking; broad, flat head; large tubercles on naked body. Aquarium fishes. Size to 30 cm (12 inches). A few enter brackish waters and salt waters. South America. 12…
Bumbry, Grace (American opera singer)
African Americans: Music: …Leontyne Price, La Julia Rhea, Grace Bumbry, Shirley Verrett, Jessye Norman, and Kathleen Battle. Arthur Mitchell, Alvin Ailey, and Bill T. Jones led outstanding dance troupes. Trumpeter Wynton Marsalis emerged as one of the great trumpeters of the late 20th century, winning Grammy Awards for both jazz
Bumgarner, James Scott (American actor)
James Garner was an American actor who was noted for his portrayal of good-natured characters and reluctant heroes. He was perhaps best known for his roles in the television series Maverick and The Rockford Files. After serving in the U.S. Army during the Korean War, Garner pursued an acting
Bumgarner, Madison (American baseball player)
San Francisco Giants: …the stellar pitching of ace Madison Bumgarner: Bumgarner decisively won both of his starts in the series and came out of the bullpen to pitch five scoreless innings and clinch the title in game seven. The Giants returned to the postseason in 2016 (losing in the division series), but a…
Bumi manusia (work by Pramoedya)
Pramoedya Ananta Toer: …of these, Bumi manusia (1980; This Earth of Mankind) and Anak semua bangsa (1980; Child of All Nations), met with great critical and popular acclaim in Indonesia after their publication, but the government subsequently banned them from circulation, and the last two volumes of the tetralogy, Jejak langkah (1985; Footsteps)…
Bumilleriopsis (genus of yellow-green algae)
algae: Annotated classification: …about 600 species; includes Botrydium, Bumilleriopsis, Tribonema, and Vaucheria. Division Cryptophyta Unicellular flagellates. Class Cryptophyceae Chlorophyll a, chlorophyllide c
Bumin (Turkish ruler)
history of Central Asia: Division of the empire: …Kök Türk (Chinese Tujue) empire, Bumin—who bore the title of khagan, or great khan—died shortly after his victory. Soon afterward the empire split into two halves. The eastern part, ruled by Bumin’s son Muhan (ruled 553–572), was centred on Mongolia. The seat of the western part, ruled by Bumin’s brother…
Bumppo, Natty (fictional character)
Natty Bumppo, fictional character, a mythic frontiersman and guide who is the protagonist of James Fenimore Cooper’s five novels of frontier life that are known collectively as The Leatherstocking Tales. The character is known by various names throughout the series, including Leather-Stocking,
bumpytail raggedtooth shark (shark)
sand shark: …smalltooth sand tiger shark (O. ferox) and the bigeye sand tiger shark (O. noronhai)—are largely deepwater species. Smalltooth sand tigers spend more time than bigeye sand tigers in shallow waters near islands and coastlines. The smalltooth sand tiger is the largest of the three sand shark species, commonly measuring…
bumuntu (Luba religion)
Luba: …religion is the notion of bumuntu (authentic or genuine personhood) embodied in the concept of mucima muyampe (good heart) and buleme (dignity, self-respect). Bumuntu stands as the goal of human existence and as the sine qua non condition for genuine governance and genuine religiosity.
bun (food)
hamburger: …two halves of a round bun. mustard, mayonnaise, ketchup, and other condiments, along with garnishes of lettuce, onion, tomato, and sliced pickle, constitute the customary dressing; fried eggs and avocado may be added as well. In the variation known as the
bun ochra (plant)
urena, (Urena lobata), plant of the family Malvaceae; its fibre is one of the bast fibre group. The plant, probably of Old World origin, grows wild in tropical and subtropical areas throughout the world. Urena has long been used for its fibre in Brazil, but it has been slow in achieving importance
bun-kyū sen (coin)
coin: Japan: The ei-raku and bun-kyū sen of the 19th century were the only other regular copper coins. Unlike China, Japan has had a gold and silver coinage since the 16th century. The gold coins are large flat pieces in the shape of rectangles with rounded corners, the largest size…
Buna (Papua New Guinea)
World War II: The Solomons, Papua, Madagascar, the Aleutians, and Burma, July 1942–May 1943: …to Gona and to nearby Buna, where there were some 7,500 Japanese assembled by November 18. The next day U.S. infantry attacked them there. Each side was subsequently reinforced; but the Australians took Gona on December 9 and the Americans Buna village on December 14. Buna government station fell to…
Buna N (synthetic rubber)
nitrile rubber (NBR), an oil-resistant synthetic rubber produced from a copolymer of acrylonitrile and butadiene. Its main applications are in fuel hoses, gaskets, rollers, and other products in which oil resistance is required. In the production of NBR, acrylonitrile (CH2=CHCN) and butadiene
Buna rubber (chemical compound)
styrene-butadiene rubber (SBR), a general-purpose synthetic rubber, produced from a copolymer of styrene and butadiene. Exceeding all other synthetic rubbers in consumption, SBR is used in great quantities in automobile and truck tires, generally as an abrasion-resistant replacement for natural
Buna S (chemical compound)
styrene-butadiene rubber (SBR), a general-purpose synthetic rubber, produced from a copolymer of styrene and butadiene. Exceeding all other synthetic rubbers in consumption, SBR is used in great quantities in automobile and truck tires, generally as an abrasion-resistant replacement for natural
bunad (Norwegian dress)
Norway: Daily life and social customs: The national costume, the bunad, is characterized by double-shuttle woven wool skirts or dresses for women, accompanied by jackets with scarves. Colourful accessories (e.g., purses and shoes) complete the outfit. The bunad for men generally consists of a three-piece suit that also is very colourful and heavily embroidered. Traditionally,…
Bunau-Varilla, Philippe-Jean (French engineer)
Philippe-Jean Bunau-Varilla was a French engineer and a key figure in the decision to construct the Panama Canal. Born out of wedlock, Bunau-Varilla attended two prestigious French engineering schools, the École Polytechnique and the École des Ponts et Chaussées, on scholarship. He was hired by the
Bunbury (Western Australia, Australia)
Bunbury, town and seaport, southwestern Western Australia, south of Perth and Fremantle. It is situated on the southern shore of Koombana Bay around Leschenault Inlet, which is fed by the Collie and Preston rivers. A French ship on a scientific expedition to the area brought the first Europeans in
bunch pink (plant)
sweet William, (Dianthus barbatus), garden plant in the pink family (Caryophyllaceae), grown for its clusters of small bright-coloured flowers. It is usually treated as a biennial, seed sown the first year producing flowering plants the second year. The plant, growing to a height of 60 cm (2 feet),
Bunch, Lonnie G., III (American museum director)
Lonnie G. Bunch III is an American historian and museum curator and administrator, the 14th secretary of the Smithsonian Institution (2019– ) and the first Black person to hold that office. Before heading the Smithsonian, he served as the founding director of the institution’s National Museum of
bunchberry (plant)
bunchberry, (Cornus canadensis), creeping perennial herb of the dogwood family (Cornaceae). The small and inconspicuous yellowish flowers, grouped in heads surrounded by four large and showy white (rarely pink) petallike bracts (modified leaves), give rise to clusters of red fruits. Bunchberry is
Bunche, Ralph (American diplomat)
Ralph Bunche was a U.S. diplomat, a key member of the United Nations for more than two decades, and winner of the 1950 Nobel Prize for Peace for his successful negotiation of an Arab-Israeli truce in Palestine the previous year. Bunche worked his way through the University of California at Los
Bunche, Ralph Johnson (American diplomat)
Ralph Bunche was a U.S. diplomat, a key member of the United Nations for more than two decades, and winner of the 1950 Nobel Prize for Peace for his successful negotiation of an Arab-Israeli truce in Palestine the previous year. Bunche worked his way through the University of California at Los
buncheong pottery (Korean art)
punch’ŏng pottery, decorated celadon glazed ceramic, produced in Korea during the early Chosŏn period (15th and 16th centuries). Punch’ŏng ware evolved from the celadon of the Koryŏ period. Combined with the celadon glaze is the innovative Chosŏn surface decoration, which includes inlaying,
buncher cavity (electronics)
electron tube: Klystrons: …and the cavity resonators (the buncher and the catcher, which serve as reservoirs of electromagnetic oscillations) is the accelerating potential and is commonly referred to as the beam voltage. This voltage accelerates the DC electron beam to a high velocity before injecting it into the grids of the buncher cavity.…
bunching space (electronics)
electron tube: Klystrons: …enter a region called the drift, or bunching, space, in which the electrons that were speeded up overtake the slower-moving ones. This causes the electrons to bunch and results in the density modulation of the beam, with the electron bunches representing an RF current in the beam. The catcher is…
bunchlight (lamp)
Fresnel lens: …lens is convenient for spotlights, floodlights, railroad and traffic signals, and decorative lights in buildings. Cylindrical Fresnel lenses are used in shipboard lanterns to increase visibility.
Bund (political movement)
Bund, Jewish socialist political movement founded in Vilnius in 1897 by a small group of workers and intellectuals from the Jewish Pale of tsarist Russia. The Bund called for the abolition of discrimination against Jews and the reconstitution of Russia along federal lines. At the time of the
Bund der Landwirte (German political organization)
Agrarian League, extraparliamentary organization active under the German empire from 1893. Formed to combat the free-trade policies (initiated in 1892) of Chancellor Leo, Graf (count) von Caprivi, the league worked for farmers’ subsidies, import tariffs, and minimum prices. Caprivi’s successor
Bund Deutscher Mädel (Nazi organization)
Hitler Youth: The League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mädel) trained girls ages 14 to 18 for comradeship, domestic duties, and motherhood. Jungmädel (“Young Girls”) was an organization for girls ages 10 to 14.
Bund, Der (Swiss publication)
Joseph Viktor Widmann: …of the Bern daily newspaper Der Bund from 1880 to 1910, he occupied an authoritative position in Swiss letters and promoted many talented writers. He was himself an accomplished though not a strikingly original writer, and he handled such classic forms as the short epic (“Buddha,” 1869), the idyll (“Mose…
Bundaberg (Queensland, Australia)
Bundaberg, city and port, Queensland, Australia, on the Burnett River. It is located some 220 km (137 miles) north of Brisbane. In the 1850s a pair of settlers, John and Gavin Stewart, obtained forested land near what would become Bundaberg to supply timber to the pastoral industry that had
Bundahishn (Zoroastrian text)
Bundahishn, (Pahlavi: Original Creation), Zoroastrian scripture giving an account of the creation, history, and duration of the world, the origin of man, and the nature of the universe. Written in Pahlavi, it dates from the 9th century ad but is based on ancient material from a lost part of the
Bündchen, Gisele (Brazilian model)
Gisele Bündchen is a Brazilian model who first gained fame in the late 1990s and who later became a “supermodel,” perhaps best known as a face of the American lingerie, clothing, and beauty retailer Victoria’s Secret. Bündchen was raised in the city of Horizontina—a small rural town in southern
Bündchen, Gisele Caroline (Brazilian model)
Gisele Bündchen is a Brazilian model who first gained fame in the late 1990s and who later became a “supermodel,” perhaps best known as a face of the American lingerie, clothing, and beauty retailer Victoria’s Secret. Bündchen was raised in the city of Horizontina—a small rural town in southern
Bundela (Indian clan)
Bundela, Rajput clan that gave its name to Bundelkhand in north-central India. The Bundelas, whose origin is obscure, emerged in the 14th century. They won prominence when they resisted the Afghan emperor, Shēr Shah of Sūr, who was killed while besieging their fortress of Kalinjar in 1545. The
Bundelkhand (historic region, India)
Bundelkhand, historic region of central India, now included in northern Madhya Pradesh state, comprising the hilly Vindhyan region, cut by ravines, and the northeastern plain. Steep, isolated hills rising abruptly from the plains have provided excellent sites for castles and strongholds of
Bundesautobahn (highway, Germany)
Berlin: Transportation: The Bundesautobahn (National Expressway) in Berlin is part of a national superhighway network inaugurated before World War II. The system is linked with the Berliner Ring, a circle of autobahns around the city with Berlin in the centre of access spokes. Even before 1990, both Germanys…
Bundesfeier (Swiss holiday)
Switzerland: Daily life and social customs: August 1 is National Day (German: Bundesfeier; French: Fête Nationale; and Italian: Festa Nazionale), which commemorates the agreement between representatives of the Alpine cantons of Uri, Schwyz, and Nidwalden, who signed an oath of confederation in 1291. The holiday itself, however, dates only from 1891, and it became…
Bundesgerichtshof (German court)
appeal: In Germany the Bundesgerichtshof (Federal Court of Justice) is concerned primarily with a unified interpretation of the law, and there is a separate Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court) to deal with constitutional questions. The court of appeals (Oberlandesgericht) retries cases both on issues of law and fact in civil…
Bundeskriminalamt (German government)
Germany: Security of Germany: …investigates customs violations; and the Federal Criminal Investigation Office (Bundeskriminalamt; BKA), headquartered in Wiesbaden, which provides forensic and research assistance to federal and state agencies investigating crime, as well as coordinating efforts among various state, national, and international police forces. The BfV is noteworthy for tracking the activities of extremist…
Bundesliga (German sports organization)
football: Professionalism: …season in 1903, but the Bundesliga, a comprehensive and fully professional national league, did not evolve until 60 years later. In France, where the game was introduced in the 1870s, a professional league did not begin until 1932, shortly after professionalism had been adopted in the South American countries of…
Bundesmann, Anton (American director)
Anthony Mann was an American film director. A poet of action and retribution in the old American West, Mann has long been recognized as an example of the kind of director auteurists love: one who offers stories with recurring themes, whose protagonists share a common psychology, and whose visual
Bundesmann, Emil (American director)
Anthony Mann was an American film director. A poet of action and retribution in the old American West, Mann has long been recognized as an example of the kind of director auteurists love: one who offers stories with recurring themes, whose protagonists share a common psychology, and whose visual
Bundesnachrichtendienst (German intelligence organization)
BND, foreign intelligence agency of the West German government. Created in April 1956, it absorbed the “Gehlen Organization,” a covert intelligence force which was created by Major General Reinhard Gehlen after World War II and which cooperated with U.S. intelligence agencies. Gehlen had headed the
Bundesrat (Austrian government)
Austria: Early postwar years: The Bundesrat (upper house) was to exercise only a suspensive veto and was to be elected roughly in proportion to the population in each state. This represented a defeat for the federal elements in the states, which had wanted the Bundesrat to exercise an absolute veto…
Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Germany, country of north-central Europe, traversing the continent’s main physical divisions, from the outer ranges of the Alps northward across the varied landscape of the Central German Uplands and then across the North German Plain. One of Europe’s largest countries, Germany encompasses a wide
Bundestag (German government)
Bundestag, one of the two legislative chambers of the Federal Republic of Germany. The Bundestag is the lower house, representing the nation as a whole and elected by universal suffrage under a system of mixed direct and proportional representation. Members serve four-year terms. The Bundestag in
Bundesverfassungsgericht (German court)
Federal Constitutional Court, in Germany, special court for the review of judicial and administrative decisions and legislation to determine whether they are in accord with the Basic Law (constitution) of the country. Although all German courts are empowered to review the constitutionality of
Bundesversammlung (Austrian government)
Austria: Early postwar years: …a bicameral legislative assembly, the Bundesversammlung, was established. The Bundesrat (upper house) was to exercise only a suspensive veto and was to be elected roughly in proportion to the population in each state. This represented a defeat for the federal elements in the states, which had wanted the Bundesrat to…
Bundeswehr (German military)
Germany: Security of Germany: …the Federal Armed Forces (Bundeswehr). The German military forces are divided into an army, navy, and air force. From its inception the Federal Armed Forces was envisioned as a citizens’ defense force, decisively under civilian control through the Bundestag, and its officers and soldiers trained to be mindful of…
Bundi (India)
Bundi, city, southeastern Rajasthan state, northwestern India. It is situated in a gorge surrounded by forested hills on which stand several palaces and forts. Bundi is said to have been named for Bunda, a 13th-century chieftain. The original princely state of Bundi was known as Haraoti. It came
Būndi painting
Būndi painting, important school of the Rājasthanī style of Indian miniature painting that lasted from the 17th to the end of the 19th century in the princely state of Būndi and its neighbouring principality of Kotah (both in the present state of Rājasthān). The earliest examples (c. 1625) show
Bundibugyo ebolavirus (infectious agent)
Ebola: Species of ebolaviruses: Reston ebolavirus, and Bundibugyo ebolavirus, named for their outbreak locations—have been described. The viruses are known commonly as Ebola virus (EBOV), Sudan virus (SUDV), Taï Forest virus (TAFV), Reston virus (RESTV), and Bundibugyo virus (BDBV).
Bundibugyo virus (infectious agent)
Ebola: Species of ebolaviruses: Reston ebolavirus, and Bundibugyo ebolavirus, named for their outbreak locations—have been described. The viruses are known commonly as Ebola virus (EBOV), Sudan virus (SUDV), Taï Forest virus (TAFV), Reston virus (RESTV), and Bundibugyo virus (BDBV).
Bundjalung (people)
Byron Bay: The Bundjalung nation of the Arakwal Australian Aboriginal people had been living along the coast of Byron Bay for more than 20,000 years when the cape was encountered in 1770 by Capt. James Cook, who named it for Commodore (later Admiral) John Byron, grandfather of the…
bundle of His (anatomy)
Wilhelm His: …muscle fibres (known as the bundle of His) running along the muscular partition between the left and right chambers of the heart. He found that these fibres help communicate a single rhythm of contraction to all parts of the heart.
Bundle of Joy (film by Taurog [1956])
Norman Taurog: Martin and Lewis films of Norman Taurog: Bundle of Joy (1956) was still another remake, this time of Ginger Rogers’s 1939 hit Bachelor Mother; Debbie Reynolds and Eddie Fisher, who were married in real life, starred in the comedy-musical. The Fuzzy Pink Nightgown (1957) was a vehicle for Jane Russell, and Onionhead…
bundle sheath (plant)
angiosperm: Leaves: …layer of parenchyma called the bundle sheath. Only the midvein and some large lateral veins have any secondary growth.
bundle theory (philosophy)
bundle theory, Theory advanced by David Hume to the effect that the mind is merely a bundle of perceptions without deeper unity or cohesion, related only by resemblance, succession, and causation. Hume’s well-argued denial of a substantial or unified self precipitated a philosophical crisis from
bundled tube system (architecture)
Fazlur R. Khan: …skyscraper to employ the “bundled tube” structural system, which consists of a group of narrow steel cylinders that are clustered together to form a thicker column. This innovative system minimized the amount of steel needed for high towers, eliminated internal wind braces (since the perimeter columns bear the weight…
Bündnis ’90/Die Grünen (political party, Germany)
Green Party of Germany, German environmentalist political party. It first won representation at the national level in 1983, and from 1998 to 2005 it formed a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party (SPD). In 2021 the Greens posted their best-ever performance in a federal election,
Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (political party, Austria)
Austria: Political process: …form a new party, the Alliance for the Future of Austria (Bündnis Zukunft Österreich; BZÖ), which entered the legislature in 2006. While the FPÖ remained a significant, if controversial, force in national politics in the 21st century, electoral support for the BZÖ declined greatly after Haider’s death in 2008.
Bundsandstein (geology)
geochronology: Completion of the Phanerozoic time scale: …three distinct lithostratigraphic units, the Bunter Sandstone, the Muschelkalk Limestone, and the Keuper Marls and Clays, as constituting the Trias or Triassic System.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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https://glocat.geneseo.edu/discovery/fulldisplay%3Fdocid%3Dcdi_doaj_primary_oai_doaj_org_article_6df370b91e8a42b992c4a8eaea4e16ac%26context%3DPC%26vid%3D01SUNY_GEN:01SUNY_GEN%26lang%3Den%26search_scope%3DMyInst_and_CI%26adaptor%3DPrimo%2520Central%26tab%3DEverything%26query%3Dsub%252Cexact%252CPersonal%2520correspondence%252CAND%26mode%3Dadvanced%26offset%3D0
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https://ma-rbc.org/event/010129-oscar.html
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https://stacker.com/history/nobel-prize-history-year-you-were-born
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en
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Nobel Prize history from the year you were born
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[] |
[] |
[
"Nobel Prize",
"Alfred Nobel",
"Nobel Laureate"
] | null |
[
"Ellen Dewitt"
] |
2022-10-07T11:00:00-04:00
|
Stacker looked at facts and events related to the Nobel Prizes each year from 1931 to 2021, drawing from the Nobel Committee's recollections and announcements, news stories, and historical accounts.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/stacker/favicon.ico
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Stacker
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https://stacker.com/history/nobel-prize-history-year-you-were-born
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1 / 91
ullstein bild Dtl. // Getty Images
1931: First prize awarded posthumously
Erik Axel Karlfeldt was the first Nobel winner to be awarded posthumously. The Swedish poet was alive during the nomination and deliberation process but died six months before the Literature Prize was announced. As of 1974, the rules were changed so that awards can only be given posthumously if the winner dies after the announcement but before the formal award is bestowed.
2 / 91
Historical // Getty Images
1932: Author of 'The Forsyte Saga' wins
John Galsworthy, author of "The Forsyte Saga," was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. The chronicle of English life became a hugely popular miniseries in 1967 on American public television.
3 / 91
Imagno // Getty Images
1933: Nazis accuse prize winner of jewel smuggling
Ivan Bunin, the first Russian writer to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, departed Russia after the 1917 revolution and settled in France as a permanent exile. His books were banned by Soviet authorities due to his anti-Bolshevik writing. To accept his Nobel Prize in Stockholm, Bunin had to travel through Germany, where he was arrested by the Nazis and falsely accused of smuggling jewels. The Nazis forced him to drink a bottle of castor oil before letting him go.
4 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1934: Winners determine cause of anemia
Three Americans shared the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for their research into anemia, when the body's red blood cell count is low. George Whipple found dogs formed new blood cells by eating diets of liver, kidney, meat, and apricots, and George Minot and William Murphy applied those findings to humans with pernicious anemia. They also delved into the cause of pernicious anemia: a shortage of vitamin B12.
5 / 91
ullstein bild Dtl. // Getty Images
1935: Nobel winner held in concentration camp
The 1935 Peace Prize was awarded to Carl von Ossietzky, a journalist and critic of Nazi Germany who was being held in a concentration camp. Hitler would not allow him to accept the prize. He died in 1938 in a prison hospital. Also in 1935, married couple Frédéric Joliot and Irène Joliot-Curie won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry. Joliot-Curie was the daughter of Marie Curie and Pierre Curie, also Nobel Prize winners.
6 / 91
Keystone // Getty Images
1936: Norway's royal family skips ceremony
The Norwegian royal family chose not to attend the Nobel ceremony following the controversial choice of German pacifist Carl von Ossietzky to win the Peace Prize. Critics said the prize decision would provoke Germany. The royal family offered no official explanation for skipping the ceremony, but it was widely believed that Norway wanted to distance itself from the prize selection.
7 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1937: Nobel Prize in Physics highlights advancements from accidents
American physicist Clinton Davisson won the Nobel Prize partly by accident. When he was testing the hypothetical relation between particle velocity and wavelength, he bombarded a nickel block with electrons and measured how they scattered. But when the nickel was baked at high heat after accidental contamination, the structure of its atoms changed, as did the patterns of the electrons, proving the hypothesis.
8 / 91
Universal History Archive // Getty Images
1938: Nazis force winner to turn down prize
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry for 1938 was awarded to Richard Kuhn, a Austrian biochemist who researched vitamins and carotenoids. He was forced by Nazi authorities to turn down the prize, and forfeit the prize money, but he was awarded the medal and diploma following World War II.
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ullstein bild Dtl. // Getty Images
1939: Two winners made to decline Nobels
Germany's Adolf Butenandt won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his research into sex hormones that would be used in the development of oral contraception. Like Richard Kuhn in 1938, he was forced by the Nazis to decline the prize but was able to accept the certificate and medal in 1949. Germany's Gerhard Domagk, whose research led to the development of antibiotics, also had to turn down the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine but got it after the war.
10 / 91
Hulton Deutsch // Getty Images
1940: World War II halts Nobels
No Nobel prizes were awarded in 1940 due to World War II. Norway was occupied by German forces, and Adolf Hitler was angry about the 1936 Peace Prize awarded to Carl von Ossietzky, a journalist who disclosed that Germany had been secretly rearming, a violation of the Treaty of Versailles that ended World War I. Ossietzky was tried and convicted of treason.
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Donaldson Collection // Getty Images
1941: Nobel winners flee Europe
Not only were no Nobel Prizes awarded while the world was locked in war, but a significant brain drain was underway that would see Europe lose many of its brilliant thinkers. By 1941, a dozen Nobel-winning scientists had left for England and the United States, including physicists Niels Bohr, a winner in 1922; Albert Einstein, who won in 1921; and Enrico Fermi, who won in 1938.
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Hulton Deutsch // Getty Images
1942: Idea of United Nations, future winner, takes hold
While no Nobel Prizes were awarded, 1942 was the year that the name United Nations was coined by President Franklin Roosevelt in a declaration by 26 nations to stand together against the Axis powers. Founded three years later, the United Nations—along with its agencies, programs, and staff—has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize a dozen times. The U.N.'s High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has won it twice, and most recently, the U.N.'s World Food Programme won in 2020.
13 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1943: Discovery of vitamin K
Henrik Dam and Edward Doisy shared the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for their work in the discovery of vitamin K, which the human body uses for clotting and healing. Dam determined that Vitamin K is needed for blood to coagulate, and Doisy found ways to produce it artificially, which was useful in stopping bleeding in small children.
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Arthur Tanner // Getty Images
1944: Awarding of Peace Prize resumes
The Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the International Committee of the Red Cross for the work it had done "during the war on behalf of humanity." It was the first Peace Prize bestowed in five years; the prizes were not given out from 1939, the year Germany invaded Poland at the start of World War II, to 1943.
15 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1945: Soviet leader Stalin is nominated
Joseph Stalin was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize this year and again in 1948 for his part in efforts to end World War II. The prize went to the U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull for his role in the creation of the United Nations.
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16 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1946: American peace activists share Prize
Two American activists shared the Nobel Peace Prize. One was Emily Greene Balch, co-founder of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom and a professor at Wellesley College for 22 years until she was fired for her activism. John Raleigh Mott, head of the Young Men's Christian Association, promoted international youth programs, worked with relief programs for prisoners of war, and was an outspoken critic of colonial oppression and race discrimination.
17 / 91
Fox Photos // Getty Images
1947: First woman to win Nobel in Physiology or Medicine
Gerty Cori, the first woman to win the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, was honored with her husband Carl Cori for their work in understanding the metabolism process. When the couple moved to America in 1922 from Austria, Carl Cori was hired as a biochemist at a New York research institute. Gerty Cori could only find work as an assistant pathologist, despite having the same degrees and research experience, because she was a woman. She was finally allowed a position equal with her talent and experience at Washington University in St. Louis in 1938.
18 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1948: Gandhi nominated, never wins
Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi was nominated five times for the Nobel Peace Prize, the final time being in 1948 not long before he was assassinated. That year, the Nobel Committee chose not to bestow any award, declaring there was "no suitable living candidate."
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Kurt Hutton // Getty Images
1949: Inventor of lobotomy is honored
The winner of the Nobel Prize in Medicine, Portugal's Egas Moniz, invented the lobotomy. He discovered how a surgical incision into the brain's prefrontal lobe could alter behavior. Lobotomies were used widely to treat mental illness in the 1940s and 1950s until they were widely recognized as dangerous, and medication for mental illness became more commonly prescribed.
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FRANK JURKOSKI // Getty Images
1950: First Black winner of Peace Prize
Ralph Bunche was principal secretary of the United Nations' Palestine Commission when he was awarded the Peace Prize for his role in mediating the 1949 cease-fires between Israel and Arab states after the partition of Palestine. Bunche, an academic and U.S. State Department advisor, was the first Black person to receive a Nobel Prize.
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21 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1951: Winning research led to yellow fever vaccine
Max Theiler of South Africa was honored for his research on yellow fever, a deadly disease found in subtropical and tropical South America and Africa and spread primarily by mosquitoes. Theiler discovered how to transmit the yellow fever virus to mice, helping produce weaker forms of the virus that could be used as a vaccine for humans.
22 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1952: Winner discovers antibiotic to treat tuberculosis
For his role in the discovery of streptomycin, Selman Waksman was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. Streptomycin was the first antibiotic found to be effective against tuberculosis. Waksman studied how the bacteria that causes tuberculosis interacted with microorganisms in soil and found that a bacterium called Streptomyces griseus blocked its growth.
23 / 91
Keystone // Getty Images
1953: Winston Churchill is honored for his writing
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill won the Nobel Prize in Literature for his works that included an autobiography, several volumes about the First and Second World Wars, and his notable speeches during World War II. From 1946 to 1953, Churchill was nominated in seven years for the Literature Prize and twice for the Nobel Peace Prize.
24 / 91
ullstein bild Dtl. // Getty Images
1954: Nobel Committee cites Ernest Hemingway's 'The Old Man and the Sea'
Although the Nobel Prize in Literature is considered to honor a writer's body of work, the Nobel Academy singled out "The Old Man and the Sea" when it chose American author Ernest Hemingway. It said the novel demonstrated "his mastery of the art of narrative."
25 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1955: Chemistry winner studied love hormone
The winner of the Chemistry Prize, Vincent du Vigneaud, studied biochemical sulphur compounds, including oxytocin, a hormone involved in sexual intimacy and reproduction. Sometimes called the cuddle or love hormone, it is released when people bond, including as couples or parents with children. Vigneaud isolated oxytocin, calculated its chemical composition, and determined how to produce it artificially.
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26 / 91
Hulton Deutsch // Getty Images
1956: Physics winner promises to win again, and does
The king of Sweden good-naturedly reprimanded John Bardeen for leaving most of his family home—his children were in school—when he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. The American physicist told the king he would bring his family "the next time." Sure enough, Bardeen won a second Nobel Prize in 1972, and he took his whole family to the ceremony.
27 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1957: Winner helped avert Middle East threat
Ending conflict in the Middle East was the focus of Canadian historian and diplomat Lester Pearson, who won the Peace Prize for his role in ending violence that erupted in 1956 over control of the Suez Canal. The conflict among the major superpowers could have had severe global consequences. Thanks to Pearson's efforts, a United Nations Emergency Force was dispatched to oversee a cease-fire.
28 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1958: Russian writer made to turn down literature prize
Russia's Boris Pasternak was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, which he at first accepted but later was forced to turn down by Soviet authorities who banned his novel, "Doctor Zhivago." The only novel the poet wrote, "Dr. Zhivago" was deemed to be anti-Soviet and remained forbidden until the late 1980s.
29 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1959: Father—and later, son—win for genetic research
Biochemists Severo Ochoa and Arthur Kornberg's work on DNA and RNA earned them the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. Ochoa discovered how to create RNA, and Kornberg, formerly a student of Ochoa's, found ways of making DNA. Kornberg's son, Roger, a chemical physicist, also conducted genetic research and won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 2006.
30 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1960: Zulu chief wins for anti-apartheid effort
Zulu chief Albert Lutuli, winner of the Peace Prize, was a leading opponent of apartheid in South Africa. The teacher and trade unionist led nonviolent campaigns of civil disobedience, demonstrations, and strikes. He was repeatedly arrested, and his movements and activities were restricted.
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31 / 91
MPI // Getty Images
1961: UN Secretary-General wins posthumously
The awarding of the Peace Prize to Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations, was only the second time a Nobel was given posthumously. The first occasion was the posthumous literature prize awarded to Erik Axel Karlfeldt in 1931. The rules were changed in 1974 so that prizes could not be awarded posthumously unless the winner dies after the announcement but before the award ceremony.
32 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1962: Winner auctions prize for charity
The winner of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, to American James Watson, would later sell it at auction at Christie's in 2014 to raise money for charity. Russian tycoon Alisher Usmanov paid $4.7 million, then said he was returning the award to the scientist. Watson won for discovering the structure of DNA along with Francis Crick.
33 / 91
Denver Post // Getty Images
1963: Nobel's only three-time win
Switzerland's International Committee of the Red Cross won the Nobel Peace Prize for a third time, after winning in 1917 and 1944. It is the Nobel's only three-time winner. It shared its third prize with the League of Red Cross Societies, which became the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
34 / 91
Dominique BERRETTY // Getty Images
1964: Jean-Paul Sartre wins, turns down Literature Prize
France's Jean-Paul Sartre was awarded, and declined, the Nobel Prize in Literature. He explained that he always declined official honors and that as a writer, he felt he should remain distinct from any institution.
35 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1965: UNICEF honored for its growing role
The United Nations Children's Fund, better known as UNICEF, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. UNICEF started out in 1946 providing food, clothes, and medicine to children and mothers but expanded to promote nutrition, school attendance, and health care in developing countries. The Nobel Committee honored UNICEF "for its effort to enhance solidarity between nations and reduce the difference between rich and poor states."
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36 / 91
ullstein bild Dtl. // Getty Images
1966: American becomes oldest winner
Peyton Rous won the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine when he was 87, the oldest winner ever in the category. The American studied the role of viruses in cancer cells and transmission. His work was based on research begun in the early 1910s.
37 / 91
Keystone // Getty Images
1967: Winners look at how the eye functions
Contributions to understanding how the human eye functions earned the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for a scientific trio. Finnish scientist Ragnar Granit researched the types of cones responsible for seeing color; American Keffer Hartline analyzed how the eye processes contrasts; and American George Wald studied the role of light in visual impressions.
38 / 91
Mario Ortiz // Shutterstock
1968: Swedish bank creates Economics Prize
The Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences was established in 1968 by Sveriges Riksbank, the central bank of Sweden. It was created to mark the bank's 300th anniversary. The first recipients would be awarded in 1969.
39 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1969: Older of two winning brothers is honored
The first Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences was shared by Norwegian economist Ragnar Frisch and Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen, who helped develop the study of economics based upon mathematics. Tinbergen created a model of macroeconomics, placing economic variables in mathematical relationships to each other. His younger brother, Nikolaas Tinbergen, was one of three scientists awarded the 1973 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for their studies of animal behavior, particularly how animals communicate and care for their young.
40 / 91
Hulton Deutsch // Getty Images
1970: Winner is son of 1929 winner
Sweden's Ulf von Euler discovered the body's neurotransmitter norepinephrine, which is involved in the fight-or-flight process, and was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. His father, Hans von Euler-Chelpin, won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1929 for his research in the fermentation of sugar and the enzymes involved in the process.
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41 / 91
picture alliance // Getty Images
1971: Nobel honors easing of East-West tensions
Physicist Dennis Gabor won the Nobel Prize in Physics for inventing the holograph, and German Chancellor Willy Brandt won the Peace Prize for helping ease relations between East and West Germany. Under his administration, West Germany signed a nuclear weapons nonproliferation treaty, reached a nonviolence deal with the Soviet Union, and laid the groundwork for making family visits easier in the divided city of Berlin.
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ullstein bild // Getty Images
1972: Post-war German literature is honored
In awarding the Prize in Literature, the Nobel Committee honored German writer Heinrich Böll, saying his "a broad perspective on his time and a sensitive skill in characterization has contributed to a renewal of German literature." After World War II, Böll was part of the "Gruppe 47," a number of influential writers who would meet over the course of three decades as they dealt with the war's destruction and the aftermath of the Holocaust.
43 / 91
Reg Lancaster // Getty Images
1973: Peace Prize sparks controversy over Vietnamese talks
In a controversial decision, the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded jointly to U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho of North Vietnam for the Vietnam cease-fire negotiations. But the North Vietnamese leader refused to accept the prize, on grounds that the war was ongoing and the United States violated terms of the agreement. Kissinger did not travel to Norway to accept the prize and said he wanted to return it but was told he could not do so.
44 / 91
Bettmann // Getty Images
1974: Conservative, free-market economist wins
Free-market economist Friedrich von Hayek, a critic of central planning, shared the Nobel Prize with Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal. Hayek argued for a decentralized market system with open competition and disagreed with the use of government fiscal policy to moderate movements of the economy as promoted by economist John Maynard Keynes.
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1975: Son of 1922 winner is honored
Danish physicist Aage Bohr won the Nobel Prize for his experiments on the structure of atoms. His father, Niels Bohr, won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1922, also for work on atomic structure. The elder Bohr created a theory that explained how moving electrons cause atoms to emit light.
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Keystone // Getty Images
1976: Prize goes to influential US economist
American economist Milton Friedman was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his work on monetary policy. Friedman advocated for free markets and opposed government economic intervention. His views influenced the conservative fiscal policies of U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He was a major proponent of school vouchers—using public tax funds to pay for students to attend private schools—a system that remains hugely controversial to this day.
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1977: Nobels honor advances in human health care
Winners of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, Roger Guillemin and Andrew Schally used pig brains and lamb brains in their research on hormonal roles and structure. They shared the prize with Rosalyn Yalow, a nuclear physicist who developed radioimmunoassay, a method that can measure extremely small amounts of bodily substances. It was used in helping determine the cause of type 2 diabetes.
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Keystone // Getty Images
1978: Camp David accord is honored, without Jimmy Carter
The Camp David Agreement, which laid out a framework for peace in the Middle East, earned the Nobel Peace Prize for Egyptian President Mohamed Anwar al-Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. U.S. President Jimmy Carter was to have been a third recipient, but a technicality prevented him from being nominated within the Committee's deadline. But he won the Peace Prize nevertheless in 2002.
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1979: Mother Teresa's relief work is honored
Mother Teresa of the Missionaries of Charity was given the Nobel Peace Prize for her work assisting the poor in Kolkata, especially its orphans, lepers, and terminally ill. Pope Francis declared the Albanian nun a saint in 2016. She started the Missionaries of Charity with a dozen nuns and it had nearly 5,000 at the time of her death in 1997.
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1980: Chemist collects his second Nobel
Britain's Frederick Sanger won his second Nobel Prize in Chemistry, having won his first in 1958. The first prize honored his research in the composition of insulin molecules, and the second prize recognized his work in mapping human genomes and developing a method used in DNA sampling and identification.
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Fairfax Media Archives // Getty Images
1981: UN refugee group wins a second time, in a changing world
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees won its second Nobel Peace Prize. It was awarded its first Peace Prize in 1954 for its relief to refugees in post-war Europe. The Nobel Committee noted that more recently, refugees were coming from developing countries, especially Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Ethiopia, and that the UNHCR accomplished its humanitarian work despite political obstacles and challenges.
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Bettmann // Getty Images
1982: Anti-nuclear scientist, married to 1974 winner, awarded Peace Prize
Alva Myrdal, along with Mexicican diplomat Alfonso García Robles, won the Nobel Peace Prize for working toward nuclear disarmament. Myrdal was a Swedish scientist, government official, and diplomat, and she was married to Gunnar Myrdal, a Swedish economist who was awarded an Economics Nobel in 1974.
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Keystone // Getty Images
1983: 'Lord of the Flies' author honored with Literature Prize
Best known for "Lord of the Flies," British author William Golding won the Nobel Prize in Literature. The Nobel Committee said his novels, "with the perspicuity of realistic narrative art and the diversity and universality of myth, illuminate the human condition in the world of today."
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AFP // Getty Images
1984: Award to apartheid opponent fuels global sentiment
The Nobel Peace Prize was given to Desmond Tutu for his role in ending apartheid in South Africa. The Nobel Committee said it selected the Anglican bishop for his advocacy of using nonviolence to counter the system of racial separation. The award to Tutu was influential in the global advocacy for the economic sanctions that pressured South Africa to dismantle its brutal system.
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1985: Prize celebrates Soviet-US cooperation
In awarding the Peace Prize to the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, the Nobel Committee singled out its Soviet founder Yevgeny Chazov and American founder Bernard Lown to accept the award because of their cooperative influence. The IPPNW consists of tens of thousands of medical professionals, now in 64 countries, who banded together in hopes of preventing and averting nuclear war.
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AFP // Getty Images
1986: Holocaust survivor, writer honored
Holocaust survivor, activist, and author Elie Wiesel won the Nobel Peace Prize for "his message … of peace, atonement and dignity," the Nobel Committee said. At 16, Wiesel was imprisoned in Buchenwald. His mother, father, and younger sister were killed in the camps.
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IVAN MONTECINOS // Getty Images
1987: Architect of Central American peace plan is hailed
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sánchez is credited for his leadership in encouraging five presidents in Central America to sign a peace agreement ending the region's civil wars. The peace plan signed by Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua called for human rights safeguards, free elections, and an end to interference by other countries.
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LASSE HEDBERG // Getty Images
1988: Winners made valued inroads in drug therapies
The winners of the Prize in Physiology or Medicine brought relief to millions with their drug discoveries. The work of Sir James Black led to the use of receptor-blocking drugs to treat heart disease, hypertension, and peptic ulcers, and collaborators Gertrude Elion and George Hitchings made discoveries that led to drugs for the treatment of leukemia, malaria, gout, and herpes virus infections.
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AFP // Getty Images
1989: China opposes Peace Prize for Dalai Lama
When the 14th Dalai Lama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, he was living in exile for his opposition to the Chinese occupation of Tibet. Chinese authorities said the award was an act of interference in its internal affairs and that it hurt the Chinese people's feelings. The Dalai Lama used the occasion to present a plan for Tibet to be a demilitarized zone, an idea the Chinese government rejected.
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Pascal J Le Segretain // Getty Images
1990: Gorbachev credited with role in ending Cold War
Marking the end of the Cold War, the Nobel Committee presented the Peace Prize to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. It honored Gorbachev for his efforts at economic and political reform known as perestroika and détente with the United States. In a speech delivered by an aide sent to accept the prize, the Soviet leader said it was "a recognition of what we call perestroika and innovative political thinking, which is of vital significance for human destinies all over the world."
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1991: Myanmar leader honored, but later faces calls for prize retraction
Myanmar's human rights activist Aung San Suu Kyi was under house arrest when she was awarded the Peace Prize. In 2015 she was released and elected to national office, but she has come under strong criticism for her country's treatment of its Muslim Rohingya minority and its possible genocide. Calls were made for her Nobel Prize to be revoked, but the head of the Nobel Foundation said it would not be withdrawn for events that took place after it was awarded.
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ROLANDO GONZALEZ // Getty Images
1992: Nobel highlights rights, peace effort in Central America
Marking the 500th anniversary of Christopher Columbus landing in the Americas, Mayan Rigoberta Menchú Tum of Guatemala was hailed for her campaign for human and Indigenous rights. Taking a global approach, she facilitated the use of international intermediaries in negotiations between guerrilla forces and the government, culminating in a 1996 peace agreement that ended a 36-year civil war.
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GERARD JULIEN // Getty Images
1993: South African prisoner, president praised for ending apartheid
South Africa took the spotlight when the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Nelson Mandela and Frederik Willem de Klerk for their roles in ending the apartheid system of racial separation. Mandela was imprisoned 27 years for his political activism, and de Klerk, the president of South Africa, released him in 1990. They went on to work together to end apartheid and design a new constitution that allowed universal voting rights, regardless of race.
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1994: 'A Beautiful Mind' economist is honored
American John Nash was one of three winners of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his work on game theory. Nash's struggle with schizophrenia was portrayed in the 2001 Academy Award-winning film "A Beautiful Mind," starring Russell Crowe as the Princeton-educated mathematician. His work, which became known as the Nash equilibrium, is used in understanding the processes of chance and decision-making.
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Micheline Pelletier // Getty Images
1995: Anti-nuclear physicist honored 50 years after Hiroshima, Nagasaki
Joseph Rotblat, a physicist and longtime opponent of nuclear weapon development, won the Nobel Peace Prize 50 years after atom bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He withdrew in 1943 from the Manhattan Project, which was producing nuclear weapons. He worked with the anti-nuclear Pugwash movement, a series of conferences with which he shared the Peace Prize.
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Micheline Pelletier // Getty Images
1996: Peace Prize accelerates independence for East Timor
Southeast Asia's East Timor was highlighted when the Peace Prize was awarded to Carlos Belo and José Ramos-Horta. Ramos-Horta was a leader of resistance in East Timor to the occupation by Indonesia and helped build international support for self-determination, and Belo, a Roman Catholic bishop, demanded the United Nations and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights take notice. The Peace Prize is considered a major factor in East Timor achieving independence in 2002.
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DAVE CHAN // Getty Images
1997: Prize lauds effort to clear world of land mines
Citing the more than 100 million anti-personnel landmines estimated to be strewn around the world, the Nobel Committee gave the Peace Prize to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines and to its coordinator Jody Williams for their accomplishments in banning and clearing mines. Their work culminated in the United Nations' Mine Ban Convention, adopted in 1997, that prohibited the stockpiling and use of landmines and required countries to clear mines.
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Micheline Pelletier // Getty Images
1998: Prize salutes Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland
Two political leaders—David Trimble and John Hume—in Northern Ireland shared the Peace Prize for helping bring about the Good Friday Agreement that laid out plans for governance of Northern Ireland. Key to the agreement were the Protestant Ulster Unionist Party, led by Trimble, and the Catholic Social Democratic and Labour Party, led by Hume.
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Patrick Robert - Corbis // Getty Images
1999: Médecins Sans Frontieres recognized
The Nobel Committee applauded Médecins Sans Frontières, known as Doctors without Borders in English, for its extensive humanitarian work across several continents. It said the organization maintained a high degree of independence, helped build public opinion in opposition to humanitarian abuses, and helped forge contacts between sides in conflicts.
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JOHN G. MABANGLO // Getty Images
2000: Winning economists look at how we earn and spend
Understanding our relation to money earned the Nobel Prize for two American economists. James Heckman researched factors that affect statistical sampling, and his findings have been used to understand how early life experiences influence earnings potential and economic status. Daniel McFadden studied how people make decisions, developing so-called discrete choice models that can explain and predict behavior and are applied to such real-life uses as public transportation systems and senior housing.
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PONTUS LUNDAHL // Getty Images
2001: Experts in market behavior recognized with Economics Prize
Americans George Akerlof, Michael Spence, and Joseph Stiglitz were awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics for their work on "markets with asymmetric information"—markets in which one side has better information than the other. Akerlof looked at the consequences of such markets in areas like developing world lending and medical insurance, Spence demonstrated how market participants convey information, and Stiglitz showed how asymmetric markets work in areas like unemployment and credit.
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Arne Knudsen // Getty Images
2002: Jimmy Carter honored for work in and after White House years
Jimmy Carter was commended for "decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development." The Committee cited his foreign policy achievements including the Panama Canal treaties, Camp David Middle Eastern accord, and SALT II treaty with the Soviet Union as well as his founding afterward of The Carter Center, which specialized in international conflict mediation and election monitoring.
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2003: Inventors of MRI, a major medical advance, are honored
The creators of magnetic resonance imagining, or MRI, took home the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. Paul Lauterbur of the United States and Britain's Sir Peter Mansfield researched the behavior of atoms and molecules in a magnetic field to develop interior imagery of the human body.
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AFP // Getty Images
2004: Pioneering African woman is first to win Nobel Peace Prize
Wangari Maathai, the first female professor in Kenya, became the first African woman to win the Nobel Peace Prize. Already active in the nation's democratic movement, Maathai launched a grassroots movement that mobilized women to plant trees to fight deforestation. Called the Green Belt Movement, it spread elsewhere in Africa and led to the planting of more than 30 million trees.
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JONAS EKSTROMER // Getty Images
2005: Scientists who found cause of ulcers, to the relief of many, are feted
Winners of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, Australians J. Robin Warren and Barry Marshall discovered the bacterium that causes gastritis and peptic ulcer disease. Their discovery ran counter to the commonly held belief that peptic ulcer disease was caused by lifestyle and stress. The revelation influenced research into the causes of other chronic inflammatory conditions and the links between chronic infection, inflammation, and cancer.
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SVEN NACKSTRAND // Getty Images
2006: Son of Physics winner becomes Chemistry winner
The winner of the Nobel Prize in Chemistry, American Roger Kornberg, researched the structure and role of an enzyme called RNA polymerase in a genetic process essential to building and maintaining molecular and cell structure. His father Arthur Kornberg won the 1959 Prize in Physiology or Medicine for his pioneering work in genetics.
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2007: Author Doris Lessing becomes oldest winner of Literature Prize
Doris Lessing, author of dozens of books including the novel "The Golden Notebook," became the oldest winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature at age 88. She told reporters from her doorstep in London that she was not that surprised because her name had been under consideration for decades. "Either they were going to give it to me sometime before I popped off or not at all," she said.
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OLIVIER MORIN // Getty Images
2008: Economist, newspaper columnist is commended
The New York Times columnist Paul Krugman won the Nobel memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his work in international trade patterns and economic geography. Krugman was instrumental in the development of New Trade Theory, which concerns factors in international market patterns such as economies of scale and the network effect, when goods become more valuable with wider use.
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JEWEL SAMAD // Getty Images
2009: Less than eight months in office, Obama is honored
U.S. President Barack Obama was presented the Peace Prize during his first year in office. The Committee said it recognized Obama for his "extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples." Critics questioned whether Obama, the country's first Black president, had earned such a distinction so early in his term.
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AFP // Getty Images
2010: Prize recognizes jailed Chinese dissident
China's Liu Xiaobo was in prison when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The human rights activist had been jailed following the 1989 massacre at Tiananmen Square, imprisoned again for criticizing Chinese policies toward Taiwan and the Dalai Lama, and sentenced to prison again in 2009 for seeking political reform. He died in 2017.
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STAN HONDA // Getty Images
2011: Prize winner dies before announcement but keeps honor
When the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine was announced, the Foundation learned that one of the winners, Ralph Steinman, had died three days earlier of cancer. Although the rules say the awards are not given posthumously, it was decided that the Canadian immunologist should be a Nobel Laureate because the Nobel Assembly had announced the winners without knowing he was dead.
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Pascal Le Segretain // Getty Images
2012: Winners made major contribution to stem cell research
Sir John Gurdon of England and Shinya Yamanaka of Japan, winners of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, researched the way cells and organisms develop. They discovered how mature specialized cells could be reprogrammed to become immature cells, a major medical breakthrough applicable to stem cell research.
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JONATHAN NACKSTRAND // Getty Images
2013: Economics winners' findings make sense of financial markets
The three American economists who shared the Nobel Prize made discoveries that help predict the long-term prices of stocks and bonds. Eugene Fama's research was used in the development of stock index funds, Robert Shiller discovered certain dynamics about stock prices and dividends, and Lars Hansen looked at theories of risks and returns that are used in asset pricing.
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ODD ANDERSEN // Getty Images
2014: Pakistani girl is youngest Nobel winner
At age 17, Malala Yousafzai was the youngest Nobel Laureate when she was awarded the 2014 Peace Prize. Yousafzai, an outspoken advocate for girls' education and rights, survived an attempted assassination in 2012 by the Taliban in Pakistan. She shared the Peace Prize with Indian activist Kailash Satyarthi, who was honored for his work fighting child labor.
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Kevin Fleming // Getty Images
2015: Physicist puts Nobel up for auction to pay bills
Physicist Leon Lederman sold his 1988 prize at auction to help cover medical expenses. An unidentified buyer paid $765,000. Lederman was one of three scientists honored for discovering the existence of a particle called a muon neutrino.
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HAAKON MOSVOLD LARSEN // Getty Images
2016: Roster of Peace nominees sets record
A record number of nominations—376—were submitted for the Nobel Peace Prize. They included Pope Francis, U.S. President Donald Trump, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and American actress Susan Sarandon. The winner was Juan Manuel Santos, the president of Colombia, for his efforts to end the country's half-century-long civil war. The prize in Literature went to singer-songwriter Bob Dylan.
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Pascal Le Segretain // Getty Images
2017: Medical winner left field years before prize is bestowed
Jeffrey Hall, who shared the 2017 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for his work understanding the human body clock, had left science about a decade before winning his prize. He was outspoken about his frustration with what he saw as an inadequate, wasteful, and unfair research funding process.
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Pascal Le Segretain // Getty Images
2018: Literature Prize delayed over scandal
At 96 years old, Arthur Ashkin became the oldest Nobel Laureate until he was surpassed by a 97-year-old winner the following year. Ashkin invented optical tweezers, sharp laser beams that can grab particles, atoms, molecules, and bacteria. The Nobel Prize in Literature was postponed due to scandal involving sexual misconduct, conflicts of interest, and financial malpractice at the Swedish Academy.
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Pascal Le Segretain // Getty Images
2019: Chemist becomes oldest winner
At 97, John Goodenough became the oldest Nobel Laureate when he won the Prize for Chemistry. His work led to the development of lithium-ion batteries, which had higher voltage than previous batteries, and are used to power mobile telephones and electric cars.
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FREDRIK SANDBERG // Getty Images
2020: Physics winners delve deep into Milky Way's black holes
The three winners of the Prize in Physics—Britain's Roger Penrose, Germany's Reinhard Genzel, and Andrea Ghez of the United States—were honored for research into the existence and formation of black holes in the Milky Way. Penrose proved how the theory of relativity leads to the formation of black holes, while Genzel and Ghez discovered the role of a massive black hole at the center of the galaxy in affecting the orbits of stars.
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STIAN LYSBERG SOLUM/NTB/AFP via Getty Images
2021: Two journalists win Peace Prize
In 2021, the Nobel Peace Price was awarded to Filipino journalist Maria Ressa and Russian journalist Dmitry Andreyevich Muratov both for efforts to protect freedom of the press which is considered "a precondition for democracy and lasting peace."
Ressa, an esteemed investigative journalist, worked as a correspondent for CNN for decades and later co-founded Rappler, a Philippines-based news website. She worked tirelessly to combat disinformation and expose wrongdoings by (now former) Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his regime. Ressa was convicted of "cyber libel" in 2020 and has been charged with other politically motivated infractions as well.
Muratov co-founded Novaya Gazeta, a Russian newspaper that promotes freedom of expression and democracy. Serving as editor-in-chief, Muratov oversaw work that exposed corruption and human rights violations committed by Russian authorities. In 2022, Muratov auctioned off his Nobel medal to raise money for those fleeing the war in Ukraine. It sold for $103.5 million—all of which was given to UNICEF's child refugee fund.
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https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2020/10/08/celebrating-writer-ivan-bunin-a71699
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Celebrating Writer Ivan Bunin
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Ivan Bunin was the first Russian writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature.
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https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2020/10/08/celebrating-writer-ivan-bunin-a71699
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Ivan Bunin was the first Russian writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Born on Oct. 22, 1870 [Oct. 10 O.S.] in a noble family in Voronezh, he studied at the Yelets men's gymnasium in the Lipetsk region but left before finishing. He lived in Yefremov, Oryol, Moscow, St. Petersburg, and many other Russian cities before going abroad on Jan. 26, 1920. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933 and died at age 83 in 1953. His work was only published in the Soviet Union after his death in the late 1950s, and many works were not published until the fall of the U.S.S.R.
Bunin was a poet, prose writer and translator, best known for his short novels “The Village” and “Mitya's Love,” his diary “Cursed Days,” an autobiographical novel “The Life of Arseniev,” and the collection of short stories “Dark Avenues.” He translated “The Song of Hiawatha” by Longfellow into Russian and did translations of works by Byron, Tennyson, Musset and François Coppée. For this work and his book of poems called “Falling Leaves,” he received the Pushkin Prize.
Ivan Bunin is one of my favorite writers. A volume of his works is my reference book and I reread it from time to time... Bunin is a master of the Russian language.
—Valery Lazutin, blogger, Moscow
Celebrations
The city of Yelets in the Lipetsk region, where the writer's student years passed, is the center of the anniversary celebrations.
The festival “Antonov apples” — named after a famous short story by Bunin — is held in late September every autumn in Yelets and holds a variety of events connected with the life and creation of Ivan Bunin. You can see photographs and information about the festival here. Bookmark this site for information about upcoming events, most of which will be held online due to the coronavirus.
The Ivan Bunin Literary Memorial Museum in Yelets is located in the house he lived in while studying. In addition to many personal items that once belonged to Bunin, on exhibit is a letter from the writer to his cousin Konstantin. This is the only letter from Bunin in the museum's collection, and it has never been exhibited before. The museum site (in Russian) has a plethora of material of interest to Bunin readers.
‘The Life of Arseniev’ is my favorite novel set in Yelets. It must be read at least twice. The first time when you're young to see Arseniev's mistakes. Then when you're an adult to understand what Bunin wanted to write about his homeland.
—Igor Pastukhov, teacher of technology, Kazinka village, Lipetsk region
In September, a museum was opened in the house where Bunin was born in Voronezh. It is, at least for now, a rather small museum: two rooms and a display of only a few things that belonged to Bunin: a hunting bag, several letters and books with autographs. But the museum does recreate the atmosphere of those years with furniture and objects from the turn of the 20th century. There are also some paintings by artists with whom Bunin was friends and documentary information about the first half of the 20th century. You can find more information on the site.
Voronezh director Alexander Nikonov has completed a three-part documentary filmed in places associated with the life and work of Bunin. It is based on the trilogy of documentary films “The Wanderer of Russian Literature,” “The Great Exile” and “Return to Russia.” He has just released the third film “Return to Russia” (below).The second one will be posted on Oct. 11, and the first one will be posted on Oct. 18. You can see them here.
More information about Bunin’s life in Russia can be found in a dozen short films here.
In Yefremov, the memorial house-museum of the writer was restored for the anniversary celebrations. Bunin visited this city to meet with his family here. The site is full of photographs and information about Bunin, his family, and his time in Yefremov and includes a plethora of materials for teachers and students.
In Oryol, where Ivan Bunin was a copy editor at the newspaper Orlovsky Vestnik, the Ivan Bunin Oryol Public Library put together an Internet project dedicated writer’s connection with the region and about Oryol during Bunin’s time in the city. It is available on the library’s website.
Interactive events
Lipetsk Regional Library has launched an international poetry challenge. To take part in it, participants record a video reading a part of a prose or poetic work by Bunin or conducting a mini-excursion dedicated to him. Then they post the video on their social media account with three hashtags. The challenge will run until Nov. 8. For more information about the challenge and those key hashtags, see the challenge information site.
The library Instagram account has already begun gathering videos of Bunin lovers and readers of all ages here.
The Ivan Turgenev State Literary Museum is holding weekly quizzes for literature lovers to test their knowledge about the life and work of Ivan Bunin. Every Wednesday a new quiz question and the answer to the previous one appears in the museum’s page in Vkontakte. The quiz will last until Dec. 14.
Bunin is the pearl of Russian literature. My favorite is “The Life of Arseniev.” It’s not just a book, but a thin thread of nerve stretching from the author to his land, to his home and favorite places, to memories of the past, to a woman.
—Alena Kashura, children’s writer, Lipetsk
In St. Petersburg, literary evenings and book exhibitions are planned in the city libraries in October. City Library # 2 is holding a literary quest “Love and death in the works of Bunin.” For more information, see the VKontakte library page here.
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We, the journalists of The Moscow Times, refuse to be silenced. Our commitment to providing accurate and unbiased reporting on Russia remains unshaken. But we need your help to continue our critical mission.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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1
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https://ehkern.com/2015/12/09/svetlana-alexievich-and-the-politics-of-the-swedish-academy/
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en
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Svetlana Alexievich and the Politics of the Swedish Academy.
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2015-12-09T00:00:00
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On December 10, Belarusian author Svetlana Alexievich will receive the 2015 Nobel Prize in Literature at the Nobel Prize Ceremony in Stockholm, Sweden. Here is an article I wrote about how awarding the Prize, the Swedish Academy continues its tradition to support the work of dissidents within the region that used to be…
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/d1ea8f54a640894655f93ed0d78c770ad4fba870bfa49ac102612d30257cfde8?s=32
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The Boomerang
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https://ehkern.com/2015/12/09/svetlana-alexievich-and-the-politics-of-the-swedish-academy/
|
On December 10, Belarusian author Svetlana Alexievich will receive the 2015 Nobel Prize in Literature at the Nobel Prize Ceremony in Stockholm, Sweden. Here is an article I wrote about how awarding the Prize, the Swedish Academy continues its tradition to support the work of dissidents within the region that used to be the Soviet Union.
Svetlana Alexievich and the Politics of the Swedish Academy
According to the last will and testament of Swedish inventor and philanthropist Alfred Nobel, the Nobel Prize in Literature should be awarded an author “who shall have produced in the field of literature the most outstanding work in an ideal direction.” With her collected testimonies creating a history of emotions located at the intersection of fiction and reality, Belarusian author Svetlana Alexievich fulfills this criterion in a way few other authors do.
Named as one of the favorites to receive the 2014 Nobel Prize, this year’s decision places Alexievich in the company of other literature laureates whose work has forced them into exile. Moreover, the Academy’s decision highlights the importance of sanctuaries for writers as well as the commitment of the Swedish intelligentsia in supporting the critics and dissidents of Belarus, Europe’s only dictatorship.
Born in 1948, Svetlana Alexievich grew up in the Soviet Republic of Byelorussia. Already at a young age she noticed the discrepancy between the personal experiences related by the adults who surrounded her and the official version of events put forward by the Soviet government. From the very beginning of her career as a writer, the urge to expose this gap has been her driving force.
To be able to do so, Alexievich has invented a new literary genre where real-life testimonials are written as prose. Her books are based on interviews with people who participated in important historical events, such as World War II, the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster, the Soviet Union’s war in Afghanistan, and the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse.
The interviews are detailed and in-depth; Alexievich estimates that it takes her between five and ten years to finish a book. Literary critic Kristoffer Leandoer writes in the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet how his wife, Elsa, became part of Alexievich’s source material when the couple was living in the Belarusian capital of Minsk in the late 1990s. Alexievich spent an entire weekend interviewing Elsa, going over details while drinking copious amounts of tea.
But telling the story of the everyday human experience as opposed to the narrative of a totalitarian system can be difficult and dangerous. Kajsa Öberg Lindsten, Alexievich’s Swedish translator, writes in the newspaper Göteborgs-Posten that the Soviet authorities banned Alexievich’s first book. Instead, Öberg Lindsten continues, War’s Unwomanly Face became the book that introduced Alexievich as a writer. Finished already in 1983, an edited version of War’s Unwomanly Face was published in 1985, riding on the wave of glasnost and perestroika.
Whereas War’s Unwomanly Face revealed the story of women soldiers at the Soviet frontlines during World War II, Alexievich’s second book, Zinky Boys, took on the subject of the Soviet Union’s decade-long war in Afghanistan. The official death toll is 50,000 soldiers, but, as Alexievich says herself, everyone knows that number to be a fabrication.
Zinky Boys exposes the human suffering during a war that the Soviet government pretended did not exist as it was going on. When the book was first published in the Soviet Union in 1989, it caused an uproar. In 1992, Alexievich was put on trial in Minsk, accused of slander against the heroes featured in her book.
By the time of Alexievich’s trial, the Soviet Union had ceased to exist after Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine declared independence. In the immediate wake of the Soviet collapse, Belarus was transitioning towards a democratic society. But the mentality of the Soviet Union still lingered, and it was only because of international pressure that the charges against Alexievich were dropped.
But Belarus never became a democracy. In the 1994 presidential elections, former kolkhoz chairman Alexander Lukashenko took power and has ruled the country ever since. In a column in Göteborgs-Posten, Alexievich describes Lukashenko as a man attuned to the changing currents of politics. Once he stood side by side with Russian president Boris Yeltsin, speaking about democracy and western values. But as faith in democracy faded in the former Soviet states, Lukashenko changed his tune. Now, his greatest heroes are Soviet leaders Lenin and Stalin.
Under Lukashenko Belarus has become a society with no freedom of speech, freedom of the press, or freedom of assembly. Belarus imprisons and executes critics of the government. Authors, journalists, and human rights activists are persecuted. The secret police is still called the KGB.
After publishing her third book, Voices from Chernobyl, which contains interviews with survivors and evacuees of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster in 1986, the pressure exerted by the Lukashenko regime became too much to bear. As the 1990s came to a close, Alexievich went into exile.
At the time of the disaster, Chernobyl was a power plant located in the Soviet Union. But Chernobyl is in fact located in Ukraine, in close proximity to the northern border of Belarus. The dramatic event of when the nuclear reactor exploded is arguably the largest peacetime disaster in modern Belarusian history. In spite of this, the Lukashenko regime is investing heavily in the region that took most of the radioactive fallout.
According to Johanna Lindbladh, senior lecturer in Russian literature at Lund University, the regime responded harshly to Voices from Chernobyl because by portraying the human suffering caused by the disaster, Alexievich exposes the weaknesses of the state. To a totalitarian regime that is not only a humiliating insult, it is also a challenge to the status quo.
Support for Lindbladh’s conclusion can be found in an article in Politico, written by Joerg Forbrig, director of the Fund for Belarus Democracy at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Forbrig claims that Alexievich has been able to tap into the post-Soviet era mindset of the Homo Sovieticus. It is this mindset that has given rise to the development seen in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine.
The former Soviet Union looks the way it does, Forbrig explains, because of a “social consciousness that remained widely unreformed and that dragged down attempts at building open societies and polities.” This social consciousness fosters an attitude of cynicism, hatred, and suspicion. Its moral compass has stopped functioning and in its stead a longing for power, respect, and stability has developed alongside a genuine fear of change.
Alexievich would go on to spend the next twelve years in exile. Two of those years were spent in Gothenburg, Sweden, which has been a city of refuge for persecuted writers since 1996. Alexievich herself has declared that without cities such as Gothenburg, she would not have been able to continue her work as a writer. Moreover, Alexievich’s stay in Gothenburg served to strengthen the already established ties between the Swedish and the Belarusian intelligentsia. Because of these ties, Alexievich has become a regular contributor to Göteborgs-Posten, whose main office is located in Gothenburg.
In 2012, Alexievich decided to voluntarily return to Belarus. She says she moved back because she needs to hear the voices of the Belarusian people and spend time among them so that she can finish what she considers her life’s work–a book about love in the former Soviet Union.
Alexievich’s reason for returning home underlines a recurring misconception about her work, namely that she is a critic of Russia and Vladimir Putin. It is true that the sharp point of her pen often points in the direction of Belarus’s neighbor and its leader, but Alexievich is a Belarusian author. It was the Belarusian regime that forced her into exile, not the government of Russia. It is the Lukashenko regime that has banned her books from being distributed and prohibited her name from being mentioned in public. It is the Lukashenko regime that considers her a non-existing person.
It is within this post-Soviet Belarusian context that the Swedish Academy’s decision to award Alexievich the Nobel Prize should be viewed. Since the first Nobel Prize ceremony in 1901, the Swedish Academy has given four dissident writers from the now-defunct Soviet Union the Nobel Prize in Literature. The first one was Ivan Bunin in 1933, who at the time lived in exile in Paris. In 1958, the award went to Boris Pasternak. Still living in the Soviet Union, the authorities pressured him into declining the award. In spite of this, the official records of the Nobel Prize still names Pasternak as the recipient of the 1958 award. In 1970, Alexander Solzhenitsyn received the Nobel Prize, but did not accept it in person until he had gone into exile in 1974. The last of the Soviet Union dissident writers to receive the Nobel Prize was Joseph Brodsky in 1987. Forced into exile in 1972, Brodsky lived most of his life in the United States where he passed away in 1996.
By naming Alexievich the 2015 recipient of the Nobel Prize in Literature, the Swedish Academy has used the international prestige of the award to back Lukashenko into a corner, forcing the regime to acknowledge her existence. Following the announcement, Belarusian state media mentioned Alexievich’s name for the first time. On October 9, Alexander Lukashenko issued an official statement, congratulating Alexievich on the award, saying that her “creative art has touched Belarusians and readers in other countries alike.” He claimed to be happy for her success and expressed hope that the award would benefit the Belarusian nation and its people.
Furthermore, the Swedish Academy’s announcement could not have been more opportune. On October 11, presidential elections were held in Belarus. Leading up to the elections, Lukashenko presented them as fair and open. A number of political prisoners were released to show his good intentions. In order to maintain this facade, Lukashenko had no other choice than to congratulate Alexievich on the award.
Moreover, the Swedish Academy’s decision to award Svetlana Alexievich the Nobel Prize comes at a delicate time in the diplomatic relations between Sweden and Belarus. In 2012, the Swedish ambassador to Belarus, Stefan Eriksson, was asked to leave the country and the Swedish embassy was closed. The Swedish government answered in kind and the Belarusian embassy in Stockholm closed its doors. The Swedish foreign minister at the time, Carl Bildt, was quoted by Reuters, saying that the actions taken by the Lukashenko regime “is about Sweden being engaged in democracy and human rights in Belarus.” The Swedish embassy in Minsk reopened in 2013, but it is not until this year that negotiations concerning the Belarusian embassy in Stockholm are underway.
Even though the Swedish Academy has been criticized for pandering to totalitarian regimes–the latest example being Chinese author Mo Yan as recipient of the 2012 award–this year’s decision is a clear statement in favor of democracy and freedom of speech.
Meanwhile in Minsk, Svetlana Alexievich held a press conference after the award had been announced. She told reporters that the eight million Swedish kronor that come with the award would buy her the freedom to complete two more books that she is planning. When asked about the presidential election, she answered that she would not participate in an election where the result is predetermined.
As voting began on October 11, reports of voter fraud immediately began pouring in. By the end of the day, Lukashenko had won a fifth term as president with more than 80% of the votes.
Freedom from dictatorship might seem far off in the future for the people of Belarus. But with every author given the freedom to write–be it at home using the money from a prestigious award or in exile in a city of refuge–the day when the dictatorship will come to an end is still within our grasp.
In the words of my friend, the Australian, I shall return.
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FactBench
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0
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https://anydayguide.com/calendar/08-11-2024
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en
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Holidays Calendar for November 8, 2024
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2024-11-08T00:00:00
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Holiday calendar for November 8, 2024 - public and other holidays in countries across the world, international observances, awareness days, quirky celebrations
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en
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AnydayGuide
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https://anydayguide.com/calendar/08-11-2024
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← Holidays Today
← Holidays by Country
SuMoTuWeThFrSa 127 216 317 412 512 617 719 818 921 1023 1123 1212 136 1420 1523 1612 1721 1815 1918 2017 2122 2216 2318 2416 2512 2610 2712 2818 2917 3020
Holidays Calendar for November 8, 2024
Days of History and Memory in Kyrgyzstan are celebrated on November 7 and 8 every year. They are a public holiday that was inaugurated in 2017 instead of October Revolution Day.
Victory Day is an Azerbaijani public holiday that has been observed annually since 2021. It is celebrated on November 8 to commemorate the decisive battle of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, widely called the “Patriotic War” in Azerbaijan.
Intersex Day of Remembrance, also known as Intersex Solidarity Day, is an international awareness day that aims to draw attention to the issues faced by members of the intersex community. It is observed on November 8, marking the birth anniversary of Herculine Barbin.
World Urbanism Day, also known as World Town Planning Day, is celebrated on November 8. The main goal of the observance is to recognize and promote the role of thorough planning in creating livable communities.
International Day of Radiology is an annual celebration that was introduced in 2012 by the American College of Radiology, the Radiological Society of North America, and the European Society of Radiology. It is held on November 8. The event aims at raising awareness of the benefits of medical imaging that incorporates radiology.
World Day Without Wi-Fi (Día Mundial sin Wifi) is an international awareness day observed on November 8. Its main goal is to raise public awareness about the possible health risks of the wireless connection.
World Radiography Day is an international professional holiday of all radiographers. It is celebrated on November 8, coinciding with International Day of Radiology, to commemorate the anniversary of the discovery of X-rays in 1895.
Statistician's Day is an official professional holiday in the Republic of Kazakhstan celebrated on November 8. It commemorates the establishment of the first statistical agency in Kazakhstan in 1920.
Journalists' Day in the People's Republic of China is celebrated on November 8. The holiday was officially inaugurated by the government of China in 1999, the first celebration was held in 2000.
Day of Baku Metro Employees is celebrated in Azerbaijan on November 8. It was established by President Ilham Aliyev in 2006 to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the opening of Baku Metro.
Pianist Day, sometimes referred to as World Pianist Day, is an unofficial holiday celebrated annually on November 8. Although it isn’t observed worldwide quite yet, more and more countries join the celebration every year.
Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Political Repressions in Kyrgyzstan is celebrated on November 8. This remembrance day was inaugurated in 2008 by the country's parliament to honor those who were executed during Stalin's Great Purge.
National Aboriginal Veterans Day is a Canadian memorial day observed on November 8 every year. It is dedicated to the contributions of indigenous Canadians to military service.
Micronesia is a federated republic that consists of four states – Chuuk, Kosrae, Pohnpei and Yap. In addition to the federal constitution, which is the country’s supreme law, each state has its own constitution that regulates its self-government. The state of Pohnpei celebrates the anniversary of the adoption of the state constitution on November 8.
National Cappuccino Day is celebrated on November 8. Cappuccino is an Italian espresso-based coffee beverage that has become popular in many countries.
National Harvey Wallbanger Day celebrates a once very popular cocktail that is essentially a screwdriver with a twist. It is observed annually on November 8.
Aliyah Day (Yom HaAliyah) is an official holiday in Israel celebrated on 10 Nisan and observed in schools on 7 Cheshvan. It celebrates the immigration of Jews from the diaspora to the Land of Israel.
!
National STEM/STEAM Day is observed on November 8 every year. It was created to encourage children to explore and pursue their interests in the fields of science, technology, engineering, art, and mathematics.
This Day in History
2020 Died: Alex Trebek, Canadian-American television personality and game show host best know for hosting the quiz game show Jeopardy! from 1984 until his death.
2013 Typhoon Haiyan, one of the strongest tropical cyclones ever recorded, struck the Philippines. The storm caused the deaths of at least 6,340 people, over 1,000 missing and $2.86 billion damage.
2011 The potentially hazardous asteroid 2005 YU55 passed about 201,700 mi or 324,600 km (0.85 lunar distance) from Earth. This was the closest approach by an asteroid of its brightness since 1976.
2009 Died: Vitaly Ginzburg, Russian physicist and astrophysicist. In 2003 he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for pioneering contributions to the theory of superconductors and superfluids.
2007 Died: Chad Varah, British priest. In 1953 he founded The Samaritans, the world's first crisis hotline telephone support for those contemplating suicide.
1998 Died: Jean Marais, French actor and director. He was a very famous actor in France and Europe, at the peak of his career he starred in the Fantômas trilogy.
1998 Died: Rumer Godden, English author of more than 60 fiction and nonfiction books. Hew most famous books include An Episode of Sparrows, In This House of Brede, The Doll's House etc.
1994 Died: Michael O'Donoghue, American writer and performer, known for his dark and destructive style of comedy. He was the first head writer of Saturday Night Live and appeared in its first opening sketch.
1987 A Provisional IRA bomb exploded in Enniskillen, Northern Ireland during a ceremony honoring people who had died in wars involving British forces. 12 people were killed and 63 wounded.
1977 Greek archaeologist Manolis Andronikos discovered the tomb of Philip II of Macedon at Vergina, Greece.
1975 Born: Tara Reid, American actress and model best known for her roles as Vicky in the American Pie film series, April Wexler in the Sharknado film series, and Bunny Lebowski in The Big Lebowski.
1970 Died: Napoleon Hill, American self-help author and conman. His book Think and Grow Rich is one of the best-selling self-help books of all time, but many modern historians consider him a fraud.
1968 36 nations signed the Convention on Road Traffic in Vienna, facilitating international road traffic. The Convention increased road safety by standardizing the uniform traffic rules among signatories.
1967 Born: Courtney Thorne-Smith, American actress best known for her starring roles on television: as Alison Parker on Melrose Place, Georgia Thomas on Ally McBeal, and Cheryl Mabel on According to Jim.
1966 Born: Gordon Ramsay, Scottish-born chef and restaurateur. He is known for presenting programs about competitive cookery and food, including Hell's Kitchen, The F Word, and Ramsay's Kitchen Nightmares.
1965 The United Kingdom abolished the death penalty.
1957 The United Kingdom conducted its first successful hydrogen bomb test over Kiritimati in the Pacific Ocean.
1954 Born: Kazuo Ishiguro, Japanese-born British novelist, short-story writer, screenwriter, and musician. He was awarded the 2017 Nobel Prize in Literature. Ishiguro works in different genres, including science fiction and historical fiction.
1953 Died: Ivan Bunin, Russian writer known for his novels The Village and Dry Valley. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature for following through and developing with chastity and artfulness the traditions of Russian classic prose.
1946 Born: Guus Hiddink, Dutch football manager and former player. He is considered to be one of the the most experienced and prominent football managers of his generation.
1939 Adolf Hitler narrowly escaped the assassination attempt of George Elser while celebrating the 16th anniversary of the Beer Hall Putsch.
1935 Born: Alain Delon, French actor and businessman. He rose to prominence at 23 and during his long-lasting career he starred in many successful films, including Purple Moon, Rocco and His Brothers, The Yellow Rolls Royce etc.
1934 Died: Carlos Chagas, Brazilian physician, scientist and bacteriologist. He discovered Chagas disease and provided its full description.
1923 Born: Jack Kilby, American engineer. He is known for his work on the implementation of the first integrated circuit. This work brought him the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2000.
1922 Born: Christiaan Barnard, South American surgeon. He performed the world's first successful human-to-human heart transplant.
1900 Born: Margaret Mitchell, American author and journalist, famous for her novel Gone with the Wind that won her the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction.
1895 Wilhelm Röntgen discovered the X-ray while experimenting with electricity.
1884 Born: Hermann Rorschach, Swiss psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, famous for developing a projective test known as the Rorschach inkblot test.
1866 Born: Herbert Austin, 1st Baron Austin, English businessman and automobile designer. He founded The Austin Motor Company Limited in 1905, which merged with Morris Motors Limited in 1952 to form British Motor Corporation Limited.
1847 Born: Bram Stoker, Irish author. During his lifetime he was known as a personal assistant of actor Henry Irving, but today he is famous for his Gothic novel Dracula.
1674 Died: John Milton, English poet and philosopher, most famous for his epic poem Paradise Lost, written in blank verse.
1656 Born: Edmond Halley, English astronomer and mathematician, famous for his work on computing the orbit of the eponymous Halley's Comet.
1644 The Shunzhi Emperor was enthroned in Beijing after the collapse of the Ming dynasty. He became the first Qing emperor to rule over China. His dynasty ruled China till 1912.
1605 Died: Robert Catesby, English conspirator, the leader of the Gunpowder Plot. Catesby's attempt to assassinate King James I of England and VI of Scotland failed, and he was killed by Richard Walsh, Sheriff of Worcester.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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2
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https://russiapedia.rt.com/prominent-russians/literature/ivan-bunin/index.html
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Ivan Bunin – Russiapedia Literature Prominent Russians
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Poor and uneducated noble Born into a family of impoverished landowners who descended from an ancient and noble family, he spent his childhood in the countryside, which left a great impression on him.
| null |
October 22, 1870 â November 8, 1953
Image from www.museum.ru
Poor and uneducated noble
Born into a family of impoverished landowners who descended from an ancient and noble family, he spent his childhood in the countryside, which left a great impression on him. Bunin would later write that his childhood was a life close to âthe field and peasant huts.â
His early attempts at poetry were made in the first grade, although Bunin was forced at one point to abandon his schooling due to financial difficulties until his elder brother Julius Bunin came to his aid, putting him through high school and most of university.
After the publication of his first poem in 1887 in St. Petersburgâs Rodina newspaper, Bunin moved to Kharkov, where Julius lived, and started to work. In less then a year he became a court statistician, a librarian and even handled a book shop, until settling to work at Orlovsky Vestnik, a local newspaper.
There he met Varvara Pashchenko, whom he soon came to love. Their relationship lasted until 1894 and became an inspiration for âLife of Arsenievâ published in 1930.
Image from all-photo.ru
After his break-up with Pashchenko, Bunin was quick to enter an abrupt marriage with Anna Nikolaevna Zakhni, the daughter of a Greek revolutionary, in 1898. The marriage soon ended after Buninâs only offspring, his and Zakhniâs son, died tragically at the age of five.
Shaping influences
Meanwhile, Bunin began a correspondence with Anton Chekhov and fell heavily under the influence Leo Tolstoy. He even visited some of Tolstoyâs followersâ communes in Ukraine. However when he met Tolstoy himself in 1891, the master played down the role of his followers, urging Bunin not to get too involved in the movement.
In his early years Bunin was also close with Maksim Gorky, but when the latter wrote about Buninâs Antonov Apples, the short story seen by some as Buninâs âbirth certificateâ written in 1900, that they âdo smell good, but they smell not at all democraticallyâ the two grew more and more distant.
Next in the list of authors who influenced Bunin is Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. In 1890 Bunin
Image from www2.eunet.lv
taught himself English and translated Longfellowâs Song of Hiawatha, which was published as a supplement to the Orlovsky Vestnik.
The iconic Ukrainian Taras Shevchenko was also among the authors whose works Bunin translated in his early years.
Major writer and poet
In 1895 Bunin moved to St. Petersburg and subsequently to Moscow where he met many of Russiaâs literary elite. It took Bunin two years to finish his first book of short stories, and six to complete his first collection of poems entitled Listopad (Leaf Fall).
Buninâs first major award â the Pushkinâs prize for Listopad and the Song of Hiawatha â came in 1903. By then Bunin had undergone a major transition from poetry to writing short stories, which was seen by many as a
wrong move, including most notably, Vladimir Nabokov, who held Buninâs poetry in very high esteem, while his prose less so.
Image from www.museum.ru
Settling down in Moscow was obviously going well for Bunin. After publishing a number of successive novels such as The Village and Dry Valley, he was considered a major Russian writer. He met and married Vera Muromsteva in 1906, and travelled with her to the Middle East. An array of successive books and translations of Byron, Tennyson, and Musset brought Bunin his second Pushkin prize which landed him in Russiaâs Academy of Science.
After spending the winters of 1912-1914 with Gorky on the Italian resort island of Capri, Bunin wrote probably his most famous short story The Gentleman from San Francisco. It deals with the dramatic death of a retired U.S. nouveau riche at a pompous Capri hotel, during his travels in Europe.
Anti-Bolshevik émigré
Bunin did not greet the 1917 October Revolution with enthusiasm; he left Moscow for Odessa soon after the Bolshevik state was formed. In 1920, Bunin left the Soviet Union altogether to settle in the French town of Grasse.
He was hailed by the West as the eldest and biggest Russian writer alive and immediately became a chair of the Union of Russian Writers and Journalists. In the mid-1920s he contributed to various French media and published his diary from the early months of the Bolshevik Regime â The Accursed Days.
The love affair
In the late 1920s, while still married, Bunin met the last major passion of his life â the young poetess Galina Kuznetsova. Of course Buninâs romances with other women continued right up to the end of his life (his private life is the subject of the internationally acclaimed Russian movie His Wifeâs Diary), but his affair with Kuznetsova stands taller then the rest.
Image from www.chtivo.ru
They met at a Cote dâAzur cafe and despite an age gap of 30 years, quickly fell in love. Kuznetsova left her husband and spent a lot of time at the estate that the Buninsâ leased, helping Ivan with his lifeâs greatest work â his autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev.
Their affair lasted until 1933, when Kuznetsova fell in love with a female singer.
Homeless Nobel Prize winner
Another remarkable event for Bunin happened in 1933: he became the first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Despite this acclaim Bunin never managed to properly settle down in France, wandering between rented houses in Grasse, Paris and the Cote dâAzur.
Though the official statement claimed Bunin was awarded for his âartistic talent, which helped him to recreate a typical Russian character,â everyone knew the real reason behind his winning the prize was the publishing of The Accursed Days, which voiced his aristocratic aversion to the harsh realties of the Soviet state.
Though one might call awarding Bunin a populist move, it is no less justified
by the scale of his talent, which in due course showed itself in his diaries. The Accursed Days is a most striking account of how things were done in the early Bolshevik years that contains painfully realistic portraits of some important figures of the time.
The quote below is a vivid example.
«â¦And after that I was at another festivity devoted once more to Finland â a banquette in the honor of Finns, following the opening of the exhibition. [â¦] All the same attended â the whole âcrème of
Image from www.rusarchives.ru
Russian intelligentsiaâ, meaning famous painters, artists, writers, socialites, newly appointed minister and a foreign elite member: the French ambassador. But the one to overcome everybody else was the poet Mayakovsky . I was sitting with Gorky and Finnish painter Gallen.
Mayakovsky began by approaching us without any invitation, putting a chair between us and starting to eat from our plates and drink from our goblets. Gallen stared at him the way he would probably stare at a horse, if someone wouldâve brought it into the hall. Gorky laughed. I moved away. Mayakovsky took a notice.
â You hate me a lot, donât you? â he asked me lively. Without any constraint I responded, that I donât: that would do him too much honour. He almost opened his trough-shaped mouth, to ask something else, but at that moment the Minister of Foreign Affairs rose to tell an official toast, and Mayakovsky ran for him to the middle of the table.
There he stood on a chair and barked something obscene out, startling the Minister. In a second, recovering, he started again: âGentlemen!â But Mayakovsky screamed even lauder then before. After another vain attempt the Minister lifted his hands in dismay and sat down. [â¦]
Yet another festivity was on in Petersburg at the time â Leninâs arrival. âWelcome!â â Gorky hailed him in his newspaper. And he came â as another claimant of the heirloom, with his claims very serious and clear. But he was greeted with the honor guard and music at the train station. Lenin was also let to live in one of the cityâs best houses, not a least bit owned by him of courseâ¦Â»
Nostalgic WWII survivor
Bunin was a strong opponent of the Nazis, which was hardly just the consequences of an
Image from www.lechaim.ru
inconvenient detention on his way to accept the Nobel Prize in Stockholm by the Nazi authorities, who made him drink a bottle of castor oil to prove false the ridiculous jewel smuggling allegations against him.
During the occupation of France, Bunin sheltered a Jewish writer in his house in Grasse and wrote his celebrated cycle of nostalgic stories The Dark Alleys, published in 1946.
Towards the end of his life Bunin seldom wrote poetry and started to treat the Soviet Union with some warmth. He even made plans of returning, which were cut short by his death.
Bunin died of a heart attack in 1953, the same year as Joseph Stalin , and just a year later his works began to be published in Soviet Union.
He is buried in the Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois Russian Cemetery.
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/364848222502
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en
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The Village by Ivan Bunin (English) Paperback Book 9781847492838
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The Village, Ivan Bunin's first full-length novel, is a bleak and uncompromising portrayal of rural life in south-west Russia. The Village by Ivan Bunin, Hugh Aplin, Gayla Aplin. Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (1870-1953) was the first Russian writer to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.
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eBay
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/364848222502
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US $32.24US $32.24GermanyEconomy International Shipping
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https://knowledgezone.co.in/search%3FsearchText%3DRodrigo%2520Ivan%2520G%25C3%25B3mez
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Your Gateway to Knowledge
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Knowledge Zone
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https://knowledgezon.co.in/
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/lists/all-nobel-prizes/1939-1930/
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All Nobel Prizes
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All Nobel Prizes
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en
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/lists/all-nobel-prizes
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Between 1901 and 2023, the Nobel Prizes and the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel were awarded 621 times to 1000 people and organisations. With some receiving the Nobel Prize more than once, this makes a total of 965 individuals and 27 organisations. Below, you can view the full list of Nobel Prizes and Nobel Prize laureates.
Find all prizes in | physics | chemistry | physiology or medicine | literature | peace | economic sciences | all categories
2024
The 2024 Nobel Prizes will be announced 7–14 October.
1939
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1939
“for the invention and development of the cyclotron and for results obtained with it, especially with regard to artificial radioactive elements”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1939
“for his work on sex hormones”
“for his work on polymethylenes and higher terpenes”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1939
“for the discovery of the antibacterial effects of prontosil”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1939
“for his deep understanding of his country's peasantry and the exquisite art with which he has portrayed their way of life and their relationship with Nature”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1939
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. 1/3 of the prize money was allocated to the main fund and 2/3 was allocated to the special fund of this prize section”
1938
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1938
“for his demonstrations of the existence of new radioactive elements produced by neutron irradiation, and for his related discovery of nuclear reactions brought about by slow neutrons”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1938
“for his work on carotenoids and vitamins”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1938
“for the discovery of the role played by the sinus and aortic mechanisms in the regulation of respiration”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1938
“for her rich and truly epic descriptions of peasant life in China and for her biographical masterpieces”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1938
“for having carried on the work of Fridtjof Nansen to the benefit of refugees across Europe”
1937
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1937
“for their experimental discovery of the diffraction of electrons by crystals”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1937
“for his investigations on carbohydrates and vitamin C”
“for his investigations on carotenoids, flavins and vitamins A and B2”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1937
“for his discoveries in connection with the biological combustion processes, with special reference to vitamin C and the catalysis of fumaric acid”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1937
“for the artistic power and truth with which he has depicted human conflict as well as some fundamental aspects of contemporary life in his novel-cycle Les Thibault”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1937
“for his tireless effort in support of the League of Nations, disarmament and peace”
1936
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1936
“for his discovery of cosmic radiation”
“for his discovery of the positron”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1936
“for his contributions to our knowledge of molecular structure through his investigations on dipole moments and on the diffraction of X-rays and electrons in gases”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1936
“for their discoveries relating to chemical transmission of nerve impulses”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1936
“for the power, honesty and deep-felt emotions of his dramatic works, which embody an original concept of tragedy”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1936
“for his role as father of the Argentine Antiwar Pact of 1933, which he also used as a means to mediate peace between Paraguay and Bolivia in 1935”
1935
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1935
“for the discovery of the neutron”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1935
“in recognition of their synthesis of new radioactive elements”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1935
“for his discovery of the organizer effect in embryonic development”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1935
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. 1/3 of the prize money was allocated to the main fund and 2/3 was allocated to the special fund of this prize section”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1935
“for his burning love for freedom of thought and expression and his valuable contribution to the cause of peace”
1934
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1934
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. 1/3 of the prize money was allocated to the main fund and 2/3 was allocated to the special fund of this prize section”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1934
“for his discovery of heavy hydrogen”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1934
“for their discoveries concerning liver therapy in cases of anaemia”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1934
“for his bold and ingenious revival of dramatic and scenic art”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1934
“for his untiring struggle and his courageous efforts as Chairman of the League of Nations Disarmament Conference 1931-34”
1933
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1933
“for the discovery of new productive forms of atomic theory”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1933
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. 1/3 of the prize money was allocated to the main fund and 2/3 was allocated to the special fund of this prize section”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1933
“for his discoveries concerning the role played by the chromosome in heredity”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933
“for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1933
“for having exposed by his pen the illusion of war and presented a convincing plea for international cooperation and peace”
1932
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1932
“for the creation of quantum mechanics, the application of which has, inter alia, led to the discovery of the allotropic forms of hydrogen”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1932
“for his discoveries and investigations in surface chemistry”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1932
“for their discoveries regarding the functions of neurons”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1932
“for his distinguished art of narration which takes its highest form in The Forsyte Saga”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1932
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. The prize money was allocated to the Special Fund of this prize section”
1931
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1931
“No Nobel Prize was awarded this year. The prize money was allocated to the Special Fund of this prize section”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1931
“in recognition of their contributions to the invention and development of chemical high pressure methods”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1931
“for his discovery of the nature and mode of action of the respiratory enzyme”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1931
“The poetry of Erik Axel Karlfeldt”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1931
“for their assiduous effort to revive the ideal of peace and to rekindle the spirit of peace in their own nation and in the whole of mankind”
1930
The Nobel Prize in Physics 1930
“for his work on the scattering of light and for the discovery of the effect named after him”
The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1930
“for his researches into the constitution of haemin and chlorophyll and especially for his synthesis of haemin”
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1930
“for his discovery of human blood groups”
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1930
“for his vigorous and graphic art of description and his ability to create, with wit and humour, new types of characters”
The Nobel Peace Prize 1930
“for promoting Christian unity and helping create 'that new attitude of mind which is necessary if peace between nations is to become reality'”
To cite this section
MLA style: All Nobel Prizes. NobelPrize.org. Nobel Prize Outreach AB 2024. Wed. 24 Jul 2024. <https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/lists/all-nobel-prizes>
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Ivan Bunin: The russian writer who left his heart in Grasse (Grasse)
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2022-10-22T03:36:10
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Poet and novelist Ivan Bunin – the first Russian to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933, spent many years in Grasse.
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Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur Tourism
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https://provence-alpes-cotedazur.com/en/things-to-do/culture-and-heritage/places/ivan-bunin-the-russian-writer-who-left-his-heart-in-grasse-grasse-en-3292114/
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FactBench
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Ivan_Bunin
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New World Encyclopedia
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Ivan_Bunin
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Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (Ива́н Алексе́евич Бу́нин) (October 22, 1870 – November 8, 1953) was the first Russian writer to win the Nobel Prize for Literature. The texture of his poems and stories, sometimes referred to as "Bunin brocade," is one of the richest in the language. His last book of fiction, The Dark Alleys (1943), is arguably the most widely read twentieth century collection of short stories in Russia. Bunin came to literature through journalism and his attention to detail belies a journalistic background. From the gentry class, he was an early opponent of the Bolsheviks. Forced out of Moscow by the revolution, he worked in Odessa and later abroad. As an outspoken critic of the regime, he became popular and was warmly received by the Russian emigre community.
Early life
Bunin was born on his parents' estate in Voronezh province in central Russia. He came from a long line of landed gentry and serf owners, but his grandfather and father had squandered nearly all of the estate.
He was sent to the public school in Yelets in 1881, but had to return home after five years. His brother, who was university educated, encouraged him to read the Russian classics and to write.
At 17, he published his first poem in 1887 in a St. Petersburg literary magazine. His first collection of poems, Listopad (1901), was warmly received by the critics. Although his poems are said to continue the nineteenth century traditions of the Parnassian poets, they are steeped in oriental mysticism and sparkle with striking, carefully chosen epithets. Vladimir Nabokov, who scorned Bunin's prose, was a great admirer of his verse, comparing him with the great symbolist poet, Alexander Blok.
In 1889, he followed his brother to Kharkov, where he became a government clerk, assistant editor of a local paper, librarian, and court statistician. Bunin also began a correspondence with Anton Chekhov, with whom he became close friends. He had a more distant relationship with Maxim Gorky and Leo Tolstoy. He would later write books on both Chekhov and Tolstoy.
In 1891, he published his first short story, "Country Sketch" in a literary journal. As the time went by, he switched from writing poems to short stories. His first acclaimed novellas were "On the Farm," "The News From Home," "To the Edge of the World," "Antonov Apples," and "The Gentleman from San Francisco," his most representative piece, which was translated into English by D. H. Lawrence.
Bunin was a well-known translator himself. The best known of his translations is Longfellow's "The Song of Hiawatha" for which Bunin was awarded the Pushkin Prize in 1903. He also translated works of Byron, Tennyson, and Musset. In 1909, he was elected to the Russian Academy.
Renown
From 1895 on, Bunin divided his time between Moscow and St. Petersburg. He married the daughter of a Greek revolutionary in 1898, but the marriage ended in divorce. Although he remarried in 1907, Bunin's romances with other women continued until his death. His tempestuous private life in emigration is the subject of the internationally acclaimed Russian movie, The Diary of His Wife (2000).
Bunin published his first full-length work, The Village, when he was 40. It was a bleak portrayal of village life, with its stupidity, brutality, and violence. It's harsh realism recalls that of Anton Chekhov. Like Chekhov's "Peasants," Bunin's work is an antidote to the romanticization of the peasants that is found in Russian literature (Tolstoy's peasant-philosopher, Platon Kataev from War and Peace, is a prime example) as well as idealization of the peasant commune in much later nineteenth and early twentieth century Russian social thought. Bunin described the work thusly, "the characters having sunk so far below the average of intelligence as to be scarcely human." The work brought him in touch with Maxim Gorky. Two years later, he published Dry Valley, which was a veiled portrayal of his family.
Before World War I, Bunin traveled in Ceylon, Palestine, Egypt, and Turkey, and these travels left their mark on his writing. He spent the winters from 1912 to 1914 on Capri with Gorky.
Emigration
Bunin left Moscow after the Russian Revolution of 1917, moving to Odessa. He lived there during the Russian Civil War, leaving Odessa on the last French ship in 1919, settling in Grasse, France. There, he published his diary, The Accursed Days, which voiced his aristocratic aversion to the Bolshevik regime. About the Soviet government he wrote: "What a disgusting gallery of convicts!"
Bunin was much lionized in emigration, where he came to be viewed as the last living link to the lineage of Russian writers in the tradition of Tolstoy and Chekhov. Accordingly, he was the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933. On the journey through Germany to accept the prize in Stockholm, he was detained by the Nazis, ostensibly for jewel smuggling, and forced to drink a bottle of castor oil.
In the 1930s, Bunin published two parts of a projected autobiographic trilogy: The Life of Arsenyev and Lika, which were "neither a short novel, nor a novel, nor a long short story, but . . . of a genre yet unknown." Later, he worked on his celebrated cycle of nostalgic stories with a strong erotic undercurrent and a Proustian ring. They were published as the Dark Alleys in 1943.
Bunin was a strong opponent of the Nazis and reportedly sheltered a Jew in his house in Grasse throughout the occupation. To the end of his life, he remained interested in Soviet literature and even entertained plans of returning to Russia, as Alexander Kuprin had done before. Bunin died of a heart attack in a Paris attic flat, his invaluable book of reminiscences on Chekhov still unfinished. Several years later, his works were allowed to be published in the Soviet Union.
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
Bunin, Ivan. Night of Denial: Stories and Novellas. Trans. Robert Bowie. Northwestern 2006 ISBN 0-8101-1403-8
Bunin, Ivan. The Life of Arsenyev. Edited by Andrew Baruch Wachtel. Northwestern 1994 ISBN 0-8101-1172-1
Terras, Victor. A History of Russian Literature. Yale University Press, 1991. ISBN 0-300-04971-4
All links retrieved March 10, 2018.
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Ivan Bunin, (born Oct. 10, 1870, Voronezh, Russia—died Nov. 8, 1953, Paris, France), Russian poet and novelist.
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/summary/Ivan-Bunin
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Ivan Bunin, (born Oct. 10, 1870, Voronezh, Russia—died Nov. 8, 1953, Paris, France), Russian poet and novelist. He worked as a journalist and clerk while writing and translating poetry, but he made his name as a short-story writer, with such masterpieces as the title story of The Gentleman from San Francisco (1916). His other works include the novella Mitya’s Love (1925), the collection Dark Avenues, and Other Stories (1943), fictional autobiography, memoirs, and books on Leo Tolstoy and Anton Chekhov. He was the first Russian awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature (1933) and is among the best stylists in the language.
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/ceremony-speech/
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Nobel Prize in Literature 1933
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing"
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/ceremony-speech/
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Award ceremony speech
Presentation Speech by Per Hallström, Permanent Secretary of the Swedish Academy, on December 10, 1933
Ivan Bunin’s literary career has been clear and uncomplicated. He came from a family of country squires and grew up in the literary tradition of the times in which that social class dominated Russian culture, created a literature occupying a place of honour in contemporary Europe, and led to fatal political movements. «The lords of the scrupulous consciences» is what the following generation ironically called these men who, full of indignation and pity, set themselves up against the humiliation of the serfs. They deserved a better name, for they would soon have to pay with their own prosperity for the upheaval that they were going to cause.
Only the debris of the family possessions remained about the young Bunin; it was in the world of poetry that he could feel a strong rapport with the past generations. He lived in a world of illusions without any energy, rather than of national sentiment and hope for the future. Nonetheless he did not escape the influence of the reform movement; as a student, he was deeply struck by the appeal of Tolstoy’s proclaiming fraternity with the humble and poor. Thus he learned like others to live by the toil of his hands, and for his part he chose the craft of cooper in the home of a co-religionist who greatly loved discussion. (He might well have tried a less difficult craft-the staves come apart easily, and it takes much skill to make a vessel that will hold its content.)
For a guide in more spiritual doctrines he had a man who fought with wavering energy against the temptations of the flesh in a very literal sense, and here vegetarianism entered his doctrine. During a voyage with him to Tolstoy’s home to be presented to the master – Bunin was able to observe his victories and defeats. He was victorious over several refreshment stands in railroad stations but finally the temptation of the meat pâtés was too strong. Having finished chewing, he found ingenious excuses for his particular fall: «I know, however, that it is not the pâté that holds me in its power but I who hold it. I am not its slave; I eat when I want to; when I don’t want to, I don’t eat.» It goes without saying that the young student did not want to stay long in this company.
Tolstoy himself did not attach great importance to Bunin’s religious zeal. «You wish to live a simple and industrious life? That is good, but don’t be priggish about it. One can be an excellent man in all kinds of lives.» And of the profession of poet he said, «Oh well, write if you have a great fancy for it, but remember well that it can never be the goal of your life.» This warning was lost on Bunin; he was already a poet with all his being.
He quickly attracted attention for verses that followed austere classical models; their subject was often descriptions of melancholic beauty of past life in the old manors. At the same time he developed in prose poems his power to render nature with all the fullness and richness of his impressions, having exercised his faculties with an extraordinary subtlety to reproduce them faithfully. Thus he continued the art of the great realists while his contemporaries devoted themselves to the adventures of literary programs: symbolism, neo-naturalism, Adamism, futurism, and other names of such passing phenomena. He remained an isolated man in an extremely agitated era.
When Bunin was forty, his novel Derévnya (1910) [The Village] made him famous and indeed notorious, for the book provoked a violent discussion. He attacked the essential point of the Russian faith in the future, the Slavophiles’ dream of the virtuous and able peasant, through whom the nation must someday cover the world with its shadow. Bunin replied to this thesis with an objective description of the real nature of the peasants’ virtues. The result was one of the most sombre and cruel works even in Russian literature, where such works are by no means rare.
The author gives no historical explanation of the decadence of the muzhikí, except for the brief information that the grandfather of the two principal characters in the novel was deliberately tracked to death by his master’s greyhounds. This deed expresses well, in fact, the imprint borne by the spirit of the suppressed. But Bunin shows them just as they are without hesitating before any horror, and it was easy for him to prove the truthfulness of his severe judgment. Violence of the most cruel kind had recently swept the province in the wake of the first revolution – a foreshadowing of a later one.
For lack of another name, the book is called a novel in the translations but it really bears little resemblance to that genre. It consists of a series of immensely tumultuous episodes from lower life; truth of detail has meant everything to the author. The critic questioned not so much the details but their disinterested selection – the foreigner cannot judge the validity of the criticism. Now the book has had a strong revival because of events since then, and it remains a classic work, the model of a solid, concentrated, and sure art, in the eyes of the Russian émigrés as well as of those in the homeland. The descriptions of villages were continued in many shorter essays, sometimes devoted to the religious element which, in the eyes of the enthusiastic national generation, made the muzhikí the people of promise. In the writer’s pitiless analysis the redemptive piety of the world is reduced to anarchic instincts and to the taste for self-humiliation, essential traits of the Russian spirit according to him. He was indeed far from his youthful Tolstoyian faith. But he had retained one thing from it: his love of the Russian land. He has hardly ever painted his marvellous countryside with such great art as in some of these novellas. It is as if he had done it to preserve himself, to be able to breathe freely once more after all he had seen of the ugly and the false.
In a quite different spirit Sukhodól (1911-12), the short novel of a manor, was written as a counterpart to Derévnya. The book is not a portrayal of the present times, but of the heyday of the landed proprietors, as remembered by an old servant in the house where Bunin grew up. The author is not an optimist in this book, either; these masters have little vital force, they are as unworthy of being responsible for their own destinies and those of their subordinates as the severest accuser could have desired. In effect one finds here in large measure the materials for that defence of the people which Bunin silently passed over in Derévnya.
But nonetheless the picture appears now in a totally different light; it is filled with poetry. This is due in part to the kind of reconciliation that the past possesses, having paid its debt by death; but also to the sweet vision of the servant who gives charm to the confused and changing world in which, however, her youth was ruined. But the chief source of poetry is the author’s imaginative power, his faculty for giving this book, with an intense concentration, the richness of life. Sukhodól is a literary work of very high order.
During the years which remained before the World War, Bunin made long trips through the Mediterranean countries and to the Far East. They provided him with the subjects of a series of exotic novellas, sometimes inspired by the world of Hindu ideas, with its peace in the abnegation of life, but more often by the strongly accentuated contrast between the dreaming Orient and the harsh and avid materialism of the West. When the war came, these studies in the spirit of the modern globe-trotters with the imprint created by the world tragedy were to result in the novella that came to be his most famous work: Gospodín iz San Francisco (1916) [The Gentleman from San Francisco].
As often elsewhere, Bunin here simplifies the subject extremely by restricting himself to developing the principal idea with types rather than complex characters. Here he seems to have a special reason for this method: it is as if the author were afraid to come too close to his figures because they awaken his indignation and his hate. The American multi-millionaire, who after a life of ceaseless thirst for money, sets out as an old man into the world to refresh the dry consciousness of his power, his blindness of soul, and his avidity for senile pleasure, interests the author only in so far as he can show in what a pitiable manner he succumbs, like a bursting bubble. It is as if a judgment of the pitiless world were pronounced against his character. In place of a portrait of this pitifully insignificant man, the novella gives by its singularly resolute art a portrait of destiny, the enemy of this man, without any mysticism but only with strictly objective description of the game of the forces of nature with human vanity. The mystical feeling, however, is awakened in the reader and becomes stronger and greater through the perfect command of language and tone. Gospodín iz San Francisco was immediately accepted as a literary masterpiece; but it was also something else: the portent of an increasing world twilight; the condemnation of the essential guilt in the tragedy; the distortion of human culture which pushed the world to the same fate.
The consequences of the war expelled the author from his country, so dear to him despite everything, and it seemed a duty to remain silent under the severe pressure of what he had suffered. But his lost country lived again doubly dear in his memory, and regret gave him more pity for men. Still, he sometimes, with stronger reason, painted his particular enemy, the muzhík, with a sombre clear-sightedness of all his vices and faults; but sometimes he looked forward. Under all repellent things, he saw something of indestructible humanity, which he represented not with moral stress but as a force of nature, full of the immense possibilities of life. «A tree of God», one of them calls himself, «I see thus that God provides it; where the wind goes, there I follow.» In this manner he has taken leave of them for the present.
From the inexhaustible treasures of his memories of the Russian nature, Bunin was later able to draw anew the joy and the desire to create. He gave colour and brilliance to new Russian destinies, conceived in the same austerity as in the era when he lived among them. In Mítina lyubóv (1924-25) [Mitya’s Love], he analyzed young feelings with all the mastery of a psychology in which sense impressions and states of mind, marvellously rendered, are particularly essential. The book was very successful in his country, although it signalled the return to literary traditions which, with many other things’ had seemed condemned to death. In what has been published of Zhizn Arsénieva (Part I, Istóki dnéy, 1930 [The Well of Days]), partially an autobiography he has reproduced Russian life in a manner broader than ever before. His old superiority as the incomparable painter of the vast and rich beauty of the Russian land remains fully confirmed here.
In the literary history of his country, the place of Ivan Bunin has been clearly defined and his importance recognized for a long time and almost without divergence of opinions. He has followed the great tradition of the brilliant era of the nineteenth century in stressing the line of development which can be continued. He perfected concentration and richness of expression – of a description of real life based on an almost unique precision of observation. With the most rigorous art he has well resisted all temptations to forget things for the charm of words; although by nature a lyric poet, he has never embellished what he has seen but has rendered it with the most exact fidelity. To his simple language he has added a charm which, according to the testimonies of his compatriots, has made of it a precious drink that one can often sense even in the translations. This ability is his eminent and secret talent, and it gives the imprint of the masterpiece to his literary work.
Mr. Bunin – I have tried to present a picture of your work and of that austere art which characterizes it, a picture doubtlessly quite incomplete because of the little time at my disposal for a task so demanding. Please receive now, sir, from the hands of His Majesty the King, those marks of distinction which the Swedish Academy is conferring on you, together with its heartfelt congratulations.
From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967, Editor Horst Frenz, Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969
Copyright © The Nobel Foundation 1933
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Find the perfect nobel prize for literature 1902 stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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en
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Alamy
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/nobel-prize-for-literature-1902.html
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Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 24/07/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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3
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https://leedsunilibrary.wordpress.com/2020/10/22/ivan-bunin-1870-1953-russias-first-nobel-laureate-for-literature-was-born-150-years-ago-today/
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en
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Ivan Bunin (1870–1953), Russia’s first Nobel Laureate for Literature, born 150 years ago today
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2020-10-22T00:00:00
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Richard Davies, Emeritus Archivist, Leeds Russian Archive, writes 22nd October 2020, is the 150th anniversary of the birth of Ivan Bunin, the first Russian writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature (1933). The occasion is being marked in Russia by exhibitions and conferences and also in Paris, where Bunin lived in exile from…
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/8bd61cff60434040eec5456a67c54f2e0930a303e85421756ea181aa7f3ad82a?s=32
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Leeds University Libraries Blog
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https://leedsunilibrary.wordpress.com/2020/10/22/ivan-bunin-1870-1953-russias-first-nobel-laureate-for-literature-was-born-150-years-ago-today/
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Richard Davies, Emeritus Archivist, Leeds Russian Archive, writes 22nd October 2020, is the 150th anniversary of the birth of Ivan Bunin, the first Russian writer to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature (1933). The occasion is being marked in Russia by exhibitions and conferences and also in Paris, where Bunin lived in exile from Soviet Russia from 1920 until his death in 1953. Bunin’s papers and books were donated to the University of Leeds in 1983 by their last private owner and are one of the most important and heavily used collections in the Leeds Russian Archive. The University also owns and administers the Bunin literary estate.
The combined ownership by the University of manuscripts, photographs, books etc and literary rights is unusual and has practical advantages. For instance, many scanned items from the Leeds Russian Archive are currently on display in the main Bunin anniversary exhibition at the House of Russia Abroad in Moscow, and the University has encouraged the publication for the anniversary of 8 volumes of selected prose and poetry by Bunin translated into Armenian, Bulgarian (2), Danish, French (2), German and Portuguese.
The nature of Bunin’s writing makes it particularly difficult to translate him well. In spite of this his reputation as a classic of Russian literature before the Revolution and the public prominence given him by his Nobel Prize meant that his works were translated, in his lifetime and since, into all the main European languages and also others.
The award of the Nobel Prize to Bunin was preceded by a long campaign. His candidature was not unanimously supported in Russian émigré circles and the newspapers they published. The Soviet Union did everything possible to sabotage the award of the prize to an émigré. Gradually, however, positive opinions of Bunin’s worthiness accumulated in the relevant Swedish circles and committees, all the other essential factors came together and Bunin was announced as the laureate for 1933.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union 30 years ago, Bunin and other Russian émigré writers attracted wide public and scholarly attention as alternatives to discredited Soviet ideology and culture. Thanks to the undisputed high quality of his works endorsed by his Nobel Prize, and as a member of the dispossessed Russian landed gentry who became the dean of Russian émigré literature, Bunin soon achieved “iconic” status in post-Soviet Russia.
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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0
| 32
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https://linguafennica.wordpress.com/writing-4/page/27/
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en
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Translation, Proofreading, Writing
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"Rupert Moreton"
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2016-12-29T15:27:58+02:00
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Translation, Proofreading, Writing
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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lingua fennica
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https://linguafennica.wordpress.com/writing-4/
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Mayakovsky’s verse is less free than it first seems. He breaks up his lines, but the meter here is basically trochaic – with many deviations. I’ve tried to emulate this, and echo his use of rhyme.
A few notes may help…
Yesenin died on 28th December 1925 at the Angleterre Hotel in Leningrad. Finding no ink, he had written a last poem in his own blood, and then hanged himself. So runs the official version – there are other theories.
Doronin seems to have been a poet everyone has forgotten.
Sobinov (aka Leonid Lohengrinich) appears to have been Leonid Vitalyevich Sobinov (1872-1934), a celebrated tenor.
You have gone.
…Another world’s your
……home, they say.
Into space…
…You fly now
……t’wards your stars’ collision.
Sober!
…There, there’s no advance, no
beer as pay.
No, Yesenin,
…this is
……not me joking.
Throat that
…swells with grief is
……joy-bereft.
So it’s
…clear – you summoned strength to slit your
wrists and then
…you hanged
……your bone-bag’s angry heft.
“Stop it! Stop it!
…Drop it!
……Have you lost your senses?”
Is
…flood to blanch
……ruddy cheeks
………with deathly chalk?!
You
…contrived to
……bend in such a fashion
as would lead
…most others to baulk.
Why? Oh, why?
…For what?”
……Bewilderment has crumpled.
Critics’ gabble babbles:
…“Taken by the wine,
yes…
…indeed…
……the thing is that
………his bow was rumpled
by excessive,
…bibulous, approach to wine.”
If, in
…place of hooligan’s
……Bohemia,
………class had
ruled the way you thought,
…it might have kept you straight.
Class, however,
…doesn’t
……slake its thirst with kvas, but
drinks its fill and
…doesn’t hesitate.
If they’d
…found a way to pin
……a guard to oversee
you, you’d
…have become adept,
……churning out the stuff they wanted.
In a
…day
……you’d’ve scribbled
………line on line,
stultifying, long
…and breathless,
……like Doronin.
Much the better then
…to combat first
……the drivel by
taking steps to
…end its wretched onslaught’s batter –
better to
…expire from vodka than
irksome clatter!
They’re not telling
…us
……the reason. Plaited
noose ended
…it; pocket knife, perhaps. But
if there’d
…been some ink,
……the Angleterre’s fresh linen
mightn’t
…have been
……horribly thus wetted.
Imitators were delighted: “Bis!” they
…cried.
Crowded round your
…corpse a mob
……that fought to get a sight.
Why encourage
…rate of suicides
……to go on going up?
Better
…to augment
……ink’s manufacture – day and night!
Evermore
…may tongue
……be fenced
………behind their toothy gate.
It is wrong
…and quite unfitting
……how they propagate the lies.
For the people,
…for the tongue-loosed waggers,
now has
…died a
……student-hooligan’s fine clamour.
And they bear
…a funerary scrap of dull
verses
…of the past
……they haven’t bothered to adapt
and
…they’ve hammered into
……mound their silly rhymes
with a stake.
…For surely
……bards like this are great?
Still
…there’s no monument for you there –
where knells
…bronze’s bell,
……where stands the granite’s floss?
But already memory’s fret
…is laced
……with tributes and
dedications
…plastered with memorial’s dross.
“Oh, Yesenin,”
…splutter they in handkerchiefs,
words of yours are
…lisped by Sobinov, who
them belabours
…under lifeless birch tree –
“Not a word,
…O f-friend, no
……n-n-not a whisper.”
Ach,
…let’s bring another m-matter
up with Leonid
…Lohengrinich, aka Sobinov!
I’ll get up,
…for I’m a bloody scrapper:
“Silence! Stop that
…chewing up
……his verse!”
Stick it up to
…them,
……you old flute slapper
in the place
…where sun’s ray doesn’t shine!
Deck them! Floor them all!
…They’re untalented, they’re trash,
puffing up the
…dark
……with sail-like business suits,
let’s see
…Kogan scatter
……now in all directions,
maiming all
…he meets
……with whiskers’ wax-tipped shoots.
Trash
…for now has
……lessened just a little.
It’s a challenge
…keeping up this thing.
Firstly,
…life
……requires renewing spittle –
when that’s finished
…time will come to sing.
It’s an age when
…life is difficult for scribes –
but let me know,
…you,
……behobbled and the sleazy,
where,
…and when,
……and what great path you ever trod
that
…was from outset beaten
……and easy.
At the
…head the word is
……leading human forces.
March!
…Let time be
……riven
………by the cannonball.
May wind
…now carry
……only tangled
hair to
…all the days of old.
For our planet is
…not well equipped for
……entertainment’s mad diversion.
Now we’ll
…have to
……wrest the
………joy from coming days.
In the life we
…have, to die
……is easy.
Making it
…is much more difficult.
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Вы ушли,
…как говорится,
……в мир иной.
Пустота…
…Летите,
……в звезды врезываясь.
Ни тебе аванса,
…ни пивной.
Трезвость.
Нет, Есенин,
…это
……не насмешка.
В горле
…горе комом –
……не смешок.
Вижу –
…взрезанной рукой помешкав,
собственных
…костей
……качаете мешок.
– Прекратите!
…Бросьте!
……Вы в своем уме ли?
Дать,
…чтоб щеки
……заливал
………смертельный мел?!
Вы ж
…такое
……загибать умели,
что другой
…на свете
……не умел.
Почему?
…Зачем?
……Недоуменье смяло.
Критики бормочут:
…– Этому вина
то…
…да се…
……а главное,
………что смычки мало,
в результате
…много пива и вина.-
Дескать,
…заменить бы вам
……богему
………классом,
класс влиял на вас,
…и было б не до драк.
Ну, а класс-то
…жажду
……заливает квасом?
Класс – он тоже
…выпить не дурак.
Дескать,
…к вам приставить бы
……кого из напостов –
стали б
…содержанием
……премного одарённей.
Вы бы
…в день
……писали
………строк по сто,
утомительно
…и длинно,
……как Доронин.
А по-моему,
…осуществись
……такая бредь,
на себя бы
…раньше наложили руки.
Лучше уж
…от водки умереть,
чем от скуки!
Не откроют
…нам
……причин потери
ни петля,
…ни ножик перочинный.
Может,
…окажись
……чернила в “Англетере”,
вены
…резать
……не было б причины.
Подражатели обрадовались:
…бис!
Над собою
…чуть не взвод
……расправу учинил.
Почему же
…увеличивать
……число самоубийств?
Лучше
…увеличь
……изготовление чернил!
Навсегда
…теперь
……язык
………в зубах затворится.
Тяжело
…и неуместно
……разводить мистерии.
У народа,
…у языкотворца,
умер
…звонкий
……забулдыга подмастерье.
И несут
…стихов заупокойный лом,
с прошлых
…с похорон
……не переделавши почти.
В холм
…тупые рифмы
……загонять колом –
разве так
…поэта
……надо бы почтить?
Вам
…и памятник еще не слит,-
где он,
…бронзы звон,
……или гранита грань?-
а к решеткам памяти
…уже
……понанесли
посвящений
…и воспоминаний дрянь.
Ваше имя
…в платочки рассоплено,
ваше слово
…слюнявит Собинов
и выводит
…под березкой дохлой –
“Ни слова,
…о дру-уг мой,
……ни вздо-о-о-о-ха ”
Эх,
…поговорить бы иначе
с этим самым
…с Леонидом Лоэнгринычем!
Встать бы здесь
…гремящим скандалистом:
– Не позволю
…мямлить стих
……и мять!-
Оглушить бы
…их
……трехпалым свистом
в бабушку
…и в бога душу мать!
Чтобы разнеслась
…бездарнейшая погань,
раздувая
…темь
……пиджачных парусов,
чтобы
…врассыпную
……разбежался Коган,
встреченных
…увеча
……пиками усов.
Дрянь
…пока что
……мало поредела.
Дела много –
…только поспевать.
Надо
…жизнь
……сначала переделать,
переделав –
…можно воспевать.
Это время –
…трудновато для пера,
но скажите
…вы,
……калеки и калекши,
где,
…когда,
……какой великий выбирал
путь,
…чтобы протоптанней
……и легше?
Слово –
…полководец
……человечьей силы.
Марш!
…Чтоб время
……сзади
………ядрами рвалось.
К старым дням
…чтоб ветром
…..относило
только
…путаницу волос.
Для веселия
…планета наша
……мало оборудована.
Надо
…вырвать
……радость
………у грядущих дней.
В этой жизни
…помереть
……не трудно.
Сделать жизнь
…значительно трудней.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (1870-1953) was an associate of Gorky, but they fell out because of their disagreement about the Revolution. He left Russia permanently in 1920 and spent the rest of his life in Paris. In 1933 he became the first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Here (sourced from Wikipedia) is part of his acceptance speech:
Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centers of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.
This short poem was written (I think) before the Revolution. The “papers” of the final line are “newspapers” – which couldn’t be forced into the meter.
Wakened by the shadows’ probing
Snowy windows with their arc –
Isaac’s swarthy gold dome’s robing
Glimmers, beautiful and dark.
Doleful, snowy morning settles,
Isaac’s cross wears misty shroud.
At the window pigeons nestle,
Snug against the glass they crowd.
All is joy to me and novel:
Chandelier and coffee’s spice,
Rug on floor of cosy hovel,
Papers’ soggy frosted ice.
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Просыпаюсь в полумраке.
В занесенное окно
Смуглым золотом Исакий
Смотрит дивно и темно.
Утро сумрачное снежно,
Крест ушел в густую мглу.
За окном уютно, нежно
Жмутся голуби к стеклу.
Все мне радостно и ново:
Запах кофе, люстры свет,
Мех ковра, уют алькова
И сырой мороз газет.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Nadezhda wrote this as Osip Mandelstam was being transported to the Gulag. He died before he got there – he probably never read this.
***
Osya, dear one, distant friend! My sweetheart, there are no words for this letter you may never read. I am writing into nothingness. Perhaps you’ll come back and find me gone. Then this will be the final memento.
Osyusha – how childlike was our life together! What a joy it was! Our quarrels, our squabbles, our games and our love. And now I don’t even look at the sky. If I see a cloud, to whom can I show it?
Do you remember how we dragged whatever we’d found for our miserable feasts to wherever it was we’d pitched our tent? Do you remember how good the bread was when the miracle was granted and we ate it together? And last winter in Voronezh – the joyous poverty and the poetry… I remember coming back from the bath house having bought eggs or sausages or something. A cart with a load of hay was passing. It was still cold, and I was freezing in my jacket (and still we must freeze: I know you are cold now). That day I remember now. And I realise that that winter, those days, those trials – they were the best and final happiness that will come to us in this life.
Every thought is of you. Every tear and every smile is for you. I bless every day and hour of our bitter life together, my friend, my companion, my sweet blind guide…
Like blind puppies we nuzzled up to each other, and it was good. And how feverish your poor head was and how we burned up our days in our madness. What a joy it was – and we always knew that this was what happiness was.
Life is long. How long and difficult it is to die apart. For us who are inseparable – is this to be our fate? Are we not puppies, children? Are you not an angel? Did you deserve this? And it all goes on. I know nothing. But I know everything, and every day and every hour of your life are obvious and clear to me in my delirium.
You’ve come to me in a dream every night, and I’ve kept asking you what happened and you haven’t answered.
In the last dream… I was buying some food in the filthy buffet of a filthy hotel. There were some people with me who were complete strangers, and when I’d bought something I realised that I didn’t know where to bring what I’d got, because I didn’t know where you were.
When I woke, I said to Shura: “Osya has died.” I don’t know if you’re alive, but since that day I’ve lost all trace of you. I don’t know where you are. Can you hear me? Do you know how I love you? I could never tell you, and still I can’t. I can only say to you, to you … You are always with me, and I – wild and wicked, who never could quite cry – I weep, and weep, and weep.
Here I am – Nadya. Where are you? Farewell.
Nadya.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Ося, родной, далекий друг! Милый мой, нет слов для этого письма, которое ты, может, никогда не прочтешь. Я пишу его в пространство.
Может, ты вернешься, а меня уже не будет. Тогда это будет последняя память.
Осюша – наша детская с тобой жизнь – какое это было счастье. Наши ссоры, наши перебранки, наши игры и наша любовь. Теперь я даже на небо не смотрю. Кому показать, если увижу тучу?
Ты помнишь, как мы притаскивали в наши бедные бродячие дома-кибитки наши нищенские пиры? Помнишь, как хорош хлеб, когда он достался чудом и его едят вдвоем? И последняя зима в Воронеже. Наша счастливая нищета и стихи. Я помню, мы шли из бани, купив не то яйца, не то сосиски. Ехал воз с сеном. Было еще холодно, и я мерзла в своей куртке (так ли нам предстоит мерзнуть: я знаю, как тебе холодно). И я запомнила этот день: я ясно до боли поняла, что эта зима, эти дни, эти беды – это лучшее и последнее счастье, которое выпало на нашу долю.
Каждая мысль о тебе. Каждая слеза и каждая улыбка – тебе. Я благословляю каждый день и каждый час нашей горькой жизни, мой друг, мой спутник, мой милый слепой поводырь…
Мы как слепые щенята тыкались друг в друга, и нам было хорошо. И твоя бедная горячешная голова и все безумие, с которым мы прожигали наши дни. Какое это было счастье – и как мы всегда знали, что именно это счастье.
Жизнь долга. Как долго и трудно погибать одному – одной. Для нас ли неразлучных – эта участь? Мы ли – щенята, дети, – ты ли – ангел – ее заслужил? И дальше идет все. Я не знаю ничего. Но я знаю все, и каждый день твой и час, как в бреду, – мне очевиден и ясен.
Ты приходил ко мне каждую ночь во сне, и я все спрашивала, что случилось, и ты не отвечал.
Последний сон: я покупаю в грязном буфете грязной гостиницы какую-то еду. Со мной были какие-то совсем чужие люди, и, купив, я поняла, что не знаю, куда нести все это добро, потому что не знаю, где ты.
Проснувшись, сказала Шуре: Ося умер. Не знаю, жив ли ты, но с того дня я потеряла твой след. Не знаю, где ты. Услышишь ли ты меня? Знаешь ли, как люблю? Я не успела тебе сказать, как я тебя люблю. Я не умею сказать и сейчас. Я только говорю: тебе, тебе… Ты всегда со мной, и я – дикая и злая, которая никогда не умела просто заплакать, – я плачу, я плачу, я плачу.
Это я – Надя. Где ты? Прощай.
Надя.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Andrei Bely (1880-1934) was born Boris Nikolaevich Bugaev. He is regarded as one of the major Russian Symbolists, and is especially known for his novel Petersburg.
He fell in love with the actress Lyubov Dmitrievna Mendeleeva, who was the wife of his fellow-Symbolist Alexander Blok. This poem was written in 1908. It is perhaps not entirely fanciful to imagine that it is about this failed affair.
December… Snowdrifts in the yard…
Your words and you I still remember;
How in the snow-night, silver-starred,
So shyly shook your every member.
In pearly lace of old Marseilles
You day-dreamed by the velvet curtain:
Around you suitors eyed their prey
On low-slung sofas, far from certain.
A servant brought in spicy tea…
And there around us tunes were playing…
However, now it seems to me
A sorrow of some sort was weighing.
And now in gentle steps there grew –
Imagination, inspiration –
In reverie as I looked at you
A secret, heartfelt aspiration;
And at that moment we were tied,
As Haydn’s strains around us rumbled…
From hall your husband on us spied,
With sideways glance at whiskers fumbled.
___________
Now in the snow I stand alone…
Above my wretched soul are floating
The useless dreams that then were sown –
A memory now, with sugared coating.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Декабрь… Сугробы на дворе…
Я помню вас и ваши речи;
Я помню в снежном серебре
Стыдливо дрогнувшие плечи.
В марсельских белых кружевах
Вы замечтались у портьеры:
Кругом на низеньких софах
Почтительные кавалеры.
Лакей разносит пряный чай…
Играет кто-то на рояли…
Но бросили вы невзначай
Мне взгляд, исполненный печали.
И мягко вытянулись,- вся
Воображенье, вдохновенье,-
В моих мечтаньях воскреся
Невыразимые томленья;
И чистая меж нами связь
Под звуки гайдновских мелодий
Рождалась… Но ваш муж, косясь,
Свой бакен теребил в проходе…
__________
Один – в потоке снеговом…
Но реет над душою бедной
Воспоминание о том,
Что пролетело так бесследно.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
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Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin ( or Russian van lksejvt bunn 22 OctoberO.S. 10 October1870 8 November 1953) was the first Russian writer to win the Nobel Prize for Literature. He was noted for the strict artistry with which he carried on the classical Rus
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Ivan-Bunin
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Early life
Ivan Bunin was born on his parental estate in Voronezh province in Central Russia, the third and youngest son of Aleksey Nikolayevich Bunin (1827–1906) and Lyudmila Aleksandrovna Bunina (née Chubarova, 1835–1910). He had two younger sisters: Masha (Maria Bunina-Laskarzhevskaya, 1873–1930) and Nadya (the latter died very young) and two elder brothers, Yuly and Yevgeny. Having come from a long line of rural gentry with a distinguished ancestry including Polish roots, as well Tatar, Bunin was especially proud that poets Anna Bunina (1774–1829) and Vasily Zhukovsky (1783–1852) were among his ancestors. He wrote in his 1952 autobiography:
I come from an old and noble house that has given Russia a good many illustrious persons in politics as well as in the arts, among whom two poets of the early nineteenth century stand out in particular: Anna Búnina and Vasíly Zhukovsky, one of the great names in Russian literature, the son of Athanase Bunin and the Turk Salma.
"The Bunins are direct ancestors of Simeon Bunkovsky, a nobleman who came from Poland to the court of the Great Prince Vasily Vasilyevich," he wrote in 1915, quoting the Russian gentry's Armorial Book. Chubarovs, according to Bunin, "knew very little about themselves except that their ancestors were landowners in Kostromskaya, Moskovskaya, Orlovskya and Tambovskaya Guberniyas". "As for me, from early childhood I was such a libertine as to be totally indifferent both to my own 'high blood' and to the loss of whatever might have been connected to it," he added.
Ivan Bunin's early childhood, spent in Butyrky Khutor and later in Ozerky (of Yelets county, Lipetskaya Oblast), was a happy one: the boy was surrounded by intelligent and loving people. Father Alexei Nikolayevich was described by Bunin as a very strong man, both physically and mentally, quick-tempered and addicted to gambling, impulsive and generous, eloquent in a theatrical fashion and totally illogical. "Before the Crimean War he'd never even known the taste of wine, on return he became a heavy drinker, although never a typical alcoholic," he wrote. His mother Lyudmila Alexandrovna's character was much more subtle and tender: this Bunin attributed to the fact that "her father spent years in Warsaw where he acquired certain European tastes which made him quite different from fellow local land-owners." It was Lyudmila Alexandrovna who introduced her son to the world of Russian folklore. Elder brothers Yuly and Yevgeny showed great interest in mathematics and painting respectively, his mother said later, yet, in their mother's words, "Vanya has been different from the moment of birth... none of the others had a soul like his."
Young Bunin's susceptibility and keenness to the nuances of nature were extraordinary. "The quality of my vision was such that I've seen all seven of the stars of Pleiades, heard a marmot's whistle a verst away, and could get drunk from the smells of landysh or an old book," he remembered later. Bunin's experiences of rural life had a profound impact on his writing. "There, amidst the deep silence of vast fields, among cornfields – or, in winter, huge snowdrifts which were stepping up to our very doorsteps – I spent my childhood which was full of melancholic poetry," Bunin later wrote of his Ozerky days.
Ivan Bunin's first home tutor was an ex-student named Romashkov, whom he later described as a "positively bizarre character," a wanderer full of fascinating stories, "always thought-provoking even if not altogether comprehensible." Later it was university-educated Yuly Bunin (deported home for being a Narodnik activist) who taught his younger brother psychology, philosophy and the social sciences as part of his private, domestic education. It was Yuly who encouraged Ivan to read the Russian classics and to write himself. Until 1920 Yuly (who once described Ivan as "undeveloped yet gifted and capable of original independent thought") was the latter's closest friend and mentor. "I had a passion for painting, which, I think, shows in my writings. I wrote both poetry and prose fairly early and my works were also published from an early date," wrote Bunin in his short autobiography.
By the end of the 1870s, the Bunins, plagued by the gambling habits of the head of the family, had lost most of their wealth. In 1881 Ivan was sent to a public school in Yelets, but never completed the course: he was expelled in March 1886 for failing to return to the school after the Christmas holidays due to the family's financial difficulties.
Literary career
In May 1887 Bunin published his first poem "Village Paupers" (Деревенские нищие) in the Saint Petersburg literary magazine Rodina (Motherland). In 1891 his first short story "Country Sketch (Деревенский эскиз) appeared in Nikolay Mikhaylovsky-edited journal Russkoye Bogatstvo. In Spring 1889, Bunin followed his brother to Kharkov, where he became a government clerk, then an assistant editor of a local paper, librarian, and court statistician. In January 1889 he moved to Oryol to work on the local Orlovsky Vestnik newspaper, first as an editorial assistant and later as de facto editor; this enabled him to publish his short stories, poems and reviews in the paper's literary section. There he met Varvara Pashchenko and fell passionately in love with her. In August 1892 the couple moved to Poltava and settled in the home of Yuly Bunin. The latter helped his younger brother to find a job in the local zemstvo administration.
Ivan Bunin's debut book of poetry Poems. 1887–1891 was published in 1891 in Oryol. Some of his articles, essays and short stories, published earlier in local papers, began to feature in the Saint Petersburg periodicals.
Bunin spent the first half of 1894 travelling all over Ukraine. "Those were the times when I fell in love with Malorossiya (Little Russia), its villages and steppes, was eagerly meeting its people and listening to Ukrainian songs, this country's very soul," he later wrote.
In 1895 Bunin visited the Russian capital for the first time. There he was to meet the Narodniks Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Sergey Krivenko, Anton Chekhov (with whom he began a correspondence and became close friends), Alexander Ertel, and the poets Konstantin Balmont and Valery Bryusov. 1899 saw the beginning of Bunin's friendship with Maxim Gorky, to whom he dedicated his Falling Leaves (1901) collection of poetry and whom he later visited at Capri. Bunin became involved with Gorky's Znanie (Knowledge) group. Another influence and inspiration was Leo Tolstoy whom he met in Moscow in January 1894. Admittedly infatuated with the latter's prose, Bunin tried desperately to follow the great man's lifestyle too, visiting sectarian settlements and doing a lot of hard work. He was even sentenced to three months in prison for illegally distributing Tolstoyan literature in the autumn of 1894, but avoided jail due to a general amnesty proclaimed on the occasion of the succession to the throne of Nicholas II. Tellingly, it was Tolstoy himself who discouraged Bunin from slipping into what he called "total peasantification." Several years later, while still admiring Tolstoy's prose, Bunin changed his views regarding his philosophy which he now saw as utopian.
In 1895–1896 Bunin divided his time between Moscow and Saint Petersburg. In 1897 his first short story collection To the Edge of the World and Other Stories came out, followed a year later by In the Open Air (Под открытым небом, 1898), his second book of verse. In June 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa. Here he became close to the Southern Russia Painters Comradeship, became friends with Yevgeny Bukovetski and Pyotr Nilus. In the winter of 1899–1900 he began attending the Sreda (Wednesday) literary group in Moscow, striking up a friendship with the Nikolay Teleshov, among others. Here the young writer made himself quite a reputation as an uncompromising advocate of the realistic traditions of classic Russian literature. "Bunin made everybody uncomfortable. Having got this severe and sharp eye for real art, feeling acutely the power of a word, he was full of hatred towards every kind of artistic excess. In times when (quoting Andrey Bely) "throwing pineapples to the sky" was the order of the day, Bunin's very presence made words stick in people's throats," Boris Zaitsev later remembered. He met Anton Chekov in 1896, and a strong friendship ensued.
1900–1909
The collections Poems and Stories (1900) and Flowers of the Field (1901) were followed by Falling Leaves (Листопад, 1901), Bunin's third book of poetry (including a large poem of the same title first published in the October 1900 issue of Zhizn (Life) magazine). It was welcomed by both critics and colleagues, among them Alexander Ertel, Alexander Blok and Aleksandr Kuprin, who praised its "rare subtlety." Even though the book testifies to his association with the Symbolists, primarily Valery Bryusov, at the time many saw it as an antidote to the pretentiousness of 'decadent' poetry which was then popular in Russia. Falling Leaves was "definitely Pushkin-like", full of "inner poise, sophistication, clarity and wholesomeness," according to critic Korney Chukovsky. Soon after the book's release, Gorky called Bunin (in a letter to Valery Bryusov) "the first poet of our times." It was for Falling Leaves (along with the translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha, 1898) that Bunin was awarded his first Pushkin Prize. Bunin justified a pause of two years in the early 1900s by the need for "inner growth" and spiritual change.
At the turn of the century Bunin made a major switch from poetry to prose which started to change both in form and texture, becoming richer in lexicon, more compact and perfectly poised. Citing Gustave Flaubert, whose work he admired, as an influence, Bunin was "demonstrating that prose could be driven by poetic rhythms, but still remain prose." According to the writer's nephew Pusheshnikov, Bunin once told him: "Apparently I was born a versemaker... like Turgenev, who was a versemaker, first and foremost. Finding the true rhythm of the story was for him the main thing – everything else was supplementary. And for me the crucial thing is to find the proper rhythm. Once it's there, everything else comes in spontaneously, and I know when the story is done."
In 1900 the novella Antonov Apples (Антоновские яблоки) was published; later it was included in textbooks and is regarded as Bunin's first real masterpiece, but it was criticised at the time as too nostalgic and elitist, allegedly idealising "the Russian nobleman's past." Other acclaimed novellas of this period, On the Farm, The News from Home, and To the Edge of the World (На край света), showing a penchant for extreme precision of language, delicate description of nature and detailed psychological analysis, made him a popular and well-respected young author.
In 1902 Znanie started publishing the Complete Bunin series; five volumes appeared by the year 1909. Three books, Poems (1903), Poems (1903–1906) and Poems of 1907 (the latter published by Znanie in 1908), formed the basis of a special (non-numbered) volume of the Complete series which in 1910 was published in Saint Petersburg as Volume VI. Poems and Stories (1907–1909) by the Obschestvennaya Polza (Public Benefit) publishing house. Bunin's works featured regularly in Znanie's literary compilations; beginning with Book I, where "Black Earth" appeared along with several poems, all in all he contributed to 16 books of the series.
In the early 1900s Bunin travelled extensively. He was a close friend of Chekhov and his family and continued visiting them regularly until 1904. The October social turmoil of 1905 found Bunin in Yalta, Crimea, from where he moved back to Odessa. Scenes of "class struggle" there did not impress the writer, for he saw them as little more than the Russian common people's craving for anarchy and destruction.
In November 1906 Bunin's passionate affair with Vera Muromtseva began. The girl's family was unimpressed with Bunin's position as a writer, but the couple defied social convention, moving in together and in April 1907 leaving Russia for an extended tour through Egypt and Palestine. The Bird's Shadow (Тень птицы) (1907–1911) collection (published as a separate book in 1931 in Paris) came as a result of this voyage. These travelling sketches were to change the critics' assessment of Bunin's work. Before them Bunin was mostly regarded as (using his own words) "a melancholy lyricist, singing hymns to noblemen's estates and idylls of the past." In the late 1900s critics started to pay more notice to the colourfulness and dynamics of his poetry and prose. "In terms of artistic precision he has no equal among Russian poets," Vestnik Evropy wrote at the time. Bunin attributed much importance to his travels, counting himself among that special "type of people who tend to feel strongest for alien times and cultures rather than those of their own" and admitting to being drawn to "all the necropolises of the world." Besides, foreign voyages had, admittedly, an eye-opening effect on the writer, helping him to see Russian reality more objectively. In the early 1910s Bunin produced several famous novellas which came as a direct result of this change in perspective.
In October 1909 Bunin received his second Pushkin Prize for Poems 1903–1906 and translations of (Lord Byron's Cain, and parts of Longfellow's The Golden Legend). He was elected a member of the Russian Academy the same year. In Bunin, The Academy crowns "not a daring innovator, not an adventurous searcher but arguably the last gifted pupil of talented teachers who's kept and preserved... all the most beautiful testaments of their school," wrote critic Aleksander Izmailov, formulating the conventional view of the time. It was much later that Bunin was proclaimed one of the most innovative Russian writers of the century.
1910–1920
In 1910 Bunin published The Village (Деревня), a bleak portrayal of Russian country life, which he depicted as full of stupidity, brutality, and violence. This book caused controversy and made him famous. Its harsh realism (with "characters having sunk so far below the average level of intelligence as to be scarcely human") prompted Maxim Gorky to call Bunin "the best Russian writer of the day."
"I've left behind my "narodnicism" which didn't last very long, my Tolstoyism too and now I'm closer to the social democrats, but I still stay away from political parties," Bunin wrote in the early 1910s. He said he realised now that the working class had become a force powerful enough to "overcome the whole of Western Europe," but warned against the possible negative effect of the Russian workers' lack of organisation, the one thing that made them different from their Western counterparts. He criticised the Russian intelligentsia for being ignorant of the common people's life, and spoke of a tragic schism between "the cultured people and the uncultured masses."
In December 1910 Bunin and Muromtseva made another journey to the Middle East, then visited Ceylon; this four-month trip inspired such stories as "Brothers" (Братья) and "The Tsar of Tsars City" (Город царя царей). On his return to Odessa in April 1911, Bunin wrote "Waters Aplenty" (Воды многие), a travel diary, much lauded after its publication in 1926. In 1912 the novel Dry Valley (Суходол) came out, his second major piece of semi-autobiographical fiction, concerning the dire state of the Russian rural community. Again it left the literary critics divided: social democrats praised its stark honesty, many others were appalled with the author's negativism.
Bunin and Muromtseva spent three winters (1912–1914) with Gorky on the island of Capri, where they met with Fyodor Shalyapin and Leonid Andreev, among others. In Russia the couple divided their time mainly between Moscow and a Bunin family estate at Glotovo village nearby Oryol; it was there that they spent the first couple years of World War I. Dogged by anxieties concerning Russia's future, Bunin was still working hard. In the winter of 1914–1915 he finished a new volume of prose and verse entitled The Chalice of Life (Чаша жизни), published in early 1915 to wide acclaim (including high praise from the French poet Rene Ghil). The same year saw the publication of The Gentleman from San Francisco (Господин из Сан-Франциско), arguably the best-known of Bunin's short stories, which was translated into English by D. H. Lawrence. Bunin was a productive translator himself. After Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898) he did translations of Byron, Tennyson, Musset and François Coppée.
During the War years Bunin completed the preparation of a six-volume edition of his Collected Works, which was published by Adolph Marks in 1915. Throughout this time Bunin kept aloof from contemporary literary debates. "I did not belong to any literary school; I was neither a decadent, nor a symbolist nor a romantic, nor a naturalist. Of literary circles I frequented only a few," he commented later. By the spring of 1916, overcome by pessimism, Bunin all but stopped writing, complaining to his nephew, N.A. Pusheshnikov, of how insignificant he felt as a writer and how depressed he was for being unable to do more than be horrified at the millions of deaths being caused by the War.
In May 1917 the Bunins moved to Glotovo and stayed there until autumn. In October the couple returned to Moscow to stay with Vera's parents. Life in the city was dangerous (residents had to guard their own homes, maintaining nightly vigils) but Bunin still visited publishers and took part in the meetings of the Sreda and The Art circles. While dismissive of Ivan Goremykin (the 1914–1916 Russian Government Premier), he criticised opposition figures like Pavel Milyukov as "false defenders of the Russian people". In April 1917 he severed all ties with the pro-revolutionary Gorky, causing a rift which would never be healed. On 21 May 1918, Bunin and Muromtseva obtained the official permission to leave Moscow for Kiev, then continued their journey through to Odessa. By 1919 Bunin was working for the Volunteer Army as the editor of the cultural section of the anti-Bolshevik newspaper Iuzhnoe Slovo. On 26 January 1920, the couple boarded the last French ship in Odessa and soon were in Constantinople.
Emigration
On 28 March 1920, after short stints in Sofia and Belgrade, Bunin and Muromtseva arrived in Paris, from then on dividing their time between apartments at 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in the 16th arrondissement of Paris and rented villas in or near Grasse in the Alpes Maritimes. Much as he hated Bolshevism, Bunin never endorsed the idea of foreign intervention in Russia. "It's for a common Russian countryman to sort out his problems for himself, not for foreign masters to come and maintain their new order in our home. I'd rather die in exile than return home with the help of Poland or England. As my father taught me: 'Love your own tub even if it's broken up'", he once said, allegedly, to Merezhkovsky who still cherished hopes for Pilsudsky's military success against the Bolshevik regime.
Slowly and painfully, overcoming physical and mental stress, Bunin returned to his usual mode of writing. Scream, his first book published in France, was compiled of short stories written in 1911–1912, years he referred to as the happiest of his life.
In France Bunin published many of his pre-revolutionary works and collections of original novellas, regularly contributing to the Russian emigre press. According to Vera Muromtseva, her husband often complained of his inability to get used to life in the new world. He said he belonged to "the old world, that of Goncharov and Tolstoy, of Moscow and Saint Petersburg, where his muse had been lost, never to be found again." Yet his new prose was marked with obvious artistic progress: Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, 1924), Sunstroke (Солнечный удаp, 1925), Cornet Yelagin's Case (Дело коpнета Елагина, 1925) and especially The Life of Arseniev (Жизнь Аpсеньева, written in 1927–1929, published in 1930–1933) were praised by critics as bringing Russian literature to new heights. Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev an apex of the whole of Russian prose and "one of the most striking phenomena in the world of literature."
In 1924, he published the "Manifesto of the Russian Emigration", in which he i.a. declared:
There was Russia, inhabited by a mighty family, which had been created by the blessed work of countless generations. ... What was then done to them? They paid for the deposal of the ruler with the destruction of literally the whole home and with unheard of fratricide. ... A bastard, a moral idiot from the birth, Lenin presented to the World at the height of his activities something monstrous, staggering, he discorded the largest country of the Earth and killed millions of people, and in the broad day-light it is being disputed: was he a benefactor of the mankind or not?
In 1925–1926 Cursed Days (Окаянные дни), Bunin's diary of the years 1918–1920 started to appear in the Paris-based Vozrozhdenye newspaper (its final version was published by Petropolis in 1936). According to Bunin scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Cursed Days, one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war, linked "Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth" and, "in its painful exposing of political and social utopias... heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct," Marullo wrote.
In the 1920s and 1930s Bunin was regarded as the moral and artistic spokesman for a generation of expatriates who awaited the collapse of Bolshevism, a revered senior figure among living Russian writers, true to the tradition of Tolstoy and Chekhov. He became the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, which was awarded to him in 1933 "for following through and developing with chastity and artfulness the traditions of Russian classic prose." Per Halstroem, in his celebratory speech, noted the laureate's poetic gift. Bunin for his part praised the Swedish Academy for honouring a writer in exile. In his speech, addressing the Academy, he said:
Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centers of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.
In France, Bunin found himself, for the first time, at the center of public attention. On 10 November 1933, the Paris newspapers came out with huge headlines: "Bunin — the Nobel Prize laureate" giving the whole of the Russian community in France cause for celebration. "You see, up until then we, émigrés, felt like we were at the bottom there. Then all of a sudden our writer received an internationally acclaimed prize! And not for some political scribblings, but for real prose! After having been asked to write a first page column for the Paris Revival newspaper, I stepped out in the middle of the night onto the Place d'Italie and toured the local bistros on my way home, drinking in each and every one of them to the health of Ivan Bunin!" fellow Russian writer Boris Zaitsev wrote. Back in the USSR the reaction was negative: Bunin's triumph was explained there as "an imperialist intrigue."
Dealing with the Prize, Bunin donated 100,000 francs to a literary charity fund, but the process of money distribution caused controversy among his fellow Russian émigré writers. It was during this time that Bunin's relationship deteriorated with Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Merezhkovsky (a fellow Nobel Prize nominee who once suggested that they divide the Prize between the two, should one of them get it, and had been refused). Although reluctant to become involved in politics, Bunin was now feted as both a writer and the embodiment of non-Bolshevik Russian values and traditions. His travels throughout Europe featured prominently on the front pages of the Russian emigre press for the remainder of the decade.
In 1934–1936, The Complete Bunin in 11 volumes was published in Berlin by Petropolis. Bunin cited this edition as the most credible one and warned his future publishers against using any other versions of his work rather than those featured in the Petropolis collection. 1936 was marred by an incident in Lindau on the Swiss-German border when Bunin, having completed his European voyage, was stopped and unceremoniously searched. The writer (who caught cold and fell ill after the night spent under arrest) responded by writing a letter to the Paris-based Latest News newspaper. The incident caused disbelief and outrage in France. In 1937 Bunin finished his book The Liberation of Tolstoy (Освобождение Толстого), held in the highest regard by Leo Tolstoy scholars.
In 1938 Bunin began working on what would later become a celebrated cycle of nostalgic stories with a strong erotic undercurrent and a Proustian ring. The first eleven stories of it came out as Dark Avenues (or Dark Alleys, Тёмные аллеи) in New York (1943); the cycle appeared in a full version in 1946 in France. These stories assumed a more abstract and metaphysical tone which has been identified with his need to find refuge from the "nightmarish reality" of Nazi occupation. Bunin's prose became more introspective, which was attributed to "the fact that a Russian is surrounded by enormous, broad and lasting things: the steppes, the sky. In the West everything is cramped and enclosed, and this automatically produces a turning towards the self, inwards."
The war years
As World War II broke out, Bunin's friends in New York, anxious to help the Nobel Prize laureate get out of France, issued officially-endorsed invitations for him to travel to the USA, and in 1941 they received their Nansen passports enabling them to make the trip. But the couple chose to remain in Grasse. They spent the war years at Villa Jeanette, high in the mountains. Two young writers became long-term residents in the Bunin household at the time: Leonid Zurov (1902–1971), who had arrived on a visit from Latvia at Bunin's invitation earlier, in late 1929, and remained with them for the rest of their lives, and Nikolai Roshchin (1896–1956), who returned to the Soviet Union after the war.
Members of this small commune (occasionally joined by Galina Kuznetsova and Margarita Stepun) were bent on survival: they grew vegetables and greens, helping one another out at a time when, according to Zurov, "Grasse's population had eaten all of their cats and dogs". A journalist who visited the Villa in 1942 described Bunin as a "skinny and emaciated man, looking like an ancient patrician". For Bunin, though, this isolation was a blessing and he refused to re-locate to Paris where conditions might have been better. "It takes 30 minutes of climbing to reach our villa, but there's not another view in the whole world like the one that's facing us," he wrote. "Freezing cold, though, is damning and making it impossible for me to write," he complained in one of his letters. Vera Muromtseva-Bunina remembered: "There were five or six of us... and we were all writing continuously. This was the only way for us to bear the unbearable, to overcome hunger, cold and fear."
Ivan Bunin was a staunch anti-Nazi, referring to Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as "rabid monkeys". He risked his life, sheltering fugitives (including Jews such as the pianist A. Liebermann and his wife) in his house in Grasse after Vichy was occupied by the Germans. According to Zurov, Bunin invited some of the Soviet war prisoners ("straight from Gatchina", who worked in occupied Grasse) to his home in the mountains, when the heavily guarded German forces' headquarters were only 300 metres (980 ft) away from his home.
The atmosphere in the neighbourhood, though, was not that deadly, judging by the Bunin's diary entry for 1 August 1944: "Nearby there were two guards, there were also one German, and one Russian prisoner, Kolesnikov, a student. The three of us talked a bit. Saying our farewells, a German guard shook my hand firmly".
Under the occupation Bunin never ceased writing but, according to Zurov, "published not a single word. He was receiving offers to contribute to newspapers in unoccupied Switzerland, but declined them. Somebody visited him once, a guest who proved to be an agent, and proposed some literary work, but again Ivan Alekseyevich refused." On 24 September 1944, Bunin wrote to Nikolai Roshchin: "Thank God, the Germans fled Grasse without a fight, on August 23. In the early morning of the 24th the Americans came. What was going on in the town, and in our souls, that's beyond description." "For all this hunger, I'm glad we spent the War years in the South, sharing the life and difficulties of the people, I'm glad that we've managed even to help some", Vera Muromtseva-Bunina later wrote.
Last years
In May 1945 the Bunins returned to 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in Paris. Aside from several spells at the Russian House (a clinic in Juan-les-Pins) where he was convalescing, Bunin stayed in the French capital for the rest of his life. On 15 June, Russkye Novosty newspaper published its correspondent's account of his meeting with an elderly writer who looked "as sprightly and lively as if he had never had to come through those five years of voluntary exile." According to Bunin's friend N. Roshchin, "the liberation of France was a cause of great celebration and exultation for Bunin".
Once, in the audience at a Soviet Russian Theatre show in Paris, Bunin found himself sitting next to a young Red Army colonel. As the latter rose and bowed, saying: "Do I have the honour of sitting next to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin?" the writer sprang to his feet: "I have the even higher honour of sitting next to an officer of the great Red Army!" he passionately retorted. On 19 June 1945, Bunin held a literary show in Paris where he read some of the Dark Avenue stories. In the autumn of 1945, on the wave of the great patriotic boom, Bunin's 75th birthday was widely celebrated in the Parisian Russian community. Bunin started to communicate closely with the Soviet connoisseurs, journalist Yuri Zhukov and literary agent Boris Mikhailov, the latter receiving from the writer several new stories for proposed publishing in the USSR. Rumours started circulating that the Soviet version of The Complete Bunin was already in the works.
In the late 1940s Bunin, having become interested in the new Soviet literature, in particular the works of Aleksandr Tvardovsky and Konstantin Paustovsky, entertained plans of returning to the Soviet Union, as Aleksandr Kuprin had done in the 1930s. In 1946, speaking to his Communist counterparts in Paris, Bunin praised the Supreme Soviet's decision to return Soviet citizenship to Russian exiles in France, still stopping short of saying "yes" to the continuous urging from the Soviet side for him to return. "It is hard for an old man to go back to places where he's pranced goat-like in better times. Friends and relatives are all buried... That for me would be a graveyard trip," he reportedly said to Zhukov, promising though, to "think more of it." Financial difficulties and the French reading public's relative indifference to the publication of Dark Avenues figured high among his motives. "Would you mind asking the Union of Writers to send me at least some of the money for books that've been published and re-issued in Moscow in the 1920s and 1930s? I am weak, I am short of breath, I need to go to the South but am too skinny to even dream of it," Bunin wrote to Nikolay Teleshov in a 19 November 1946, letter.
Negotiations for the writer's return came to an end after the publication of his Memoirs (Воспоминания, 1950), full of scathing criticism of Soviet cultural life. Apparently aware of his own negativism, Bunin wrote: "I was born too late. If I had been born earlier, my literary memoirs would have been different. I wouldn't have been a witness to 1905, the First World War, then 1917 and what followed: Lenin, Stalin, Hitler... How can I not be jealous of our forefather Noah. He lived through only one flood in his lifetime". Reportedly, the infamous Zhdanov decree was one of the reasons for Bunin's change of mind. On 15 September 1947, Bunin wrote to Mark Aldanov: "I have a letter here from Teleshov, written on September 7; 'what a pity (he writes) that you've missed all of this: how your book was set up, how everybody was waiting for you here, in the place where you could have been... rich, feasted, and held in such high honour!' Having read this I spent an hour hair-tearing. Then I suddenly became calm. It just came to me all of a sudden all those other things Zhdanov and Fadeev might have given me instead of feasts, riches and laurels..."
After 1948, his health deteriorating, Bunin concentrated upon writing memoirs and a book on Anton Chekhov. He was aided by his wife, who, along with Zurov, completed the work after Bunin's death and saw to its publication in New York in 1955. In English translation it was entitled About Chekhov: The Unfinished Symphony. Bunin also revised a number of stories for publication in new collections, spent considerable time looking through his papers and annotated his collected works for a definitive edition. In 1951 Bunin was elected the first ever hononary International PEN member, representing the community of writers in exile. According to A.J. Heywood, one major event of Bunin's last years was his quarrel in 1948 with Maria Tsetlina and Boris Zaitsev, following the decision by the Union of Russian Writers and Journalists in France to expel holders of Soviet passports from its membership. Bunin responded by resigning from the Union. The writer's last years were marred by bitterness, disillusionment and ill-health; he was suffering from asthma, bronchitis and chronic pneumonia.
On 2 May 1953, Bunin left in his diary a note that proved to be his last one. "Still, this is so dumbfoundingly extraordinary. In a very short while there will be no more of me – and of all the things worldly, of all the affairs and destinies, from then on I will be unaware! And what I'm left to do here is dumbly try to consciously impose upon myself fear and amazement," he wrote.
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin died in a Paris attic flat in the early hours of 8 November 1953. Heart failure, cardiac asthma and pulmonary sclerosis were cited as the causes of death. A lavish burial service took place at the Russian Church on Rue Daru. All the major newspapers, both Russian and French, published large obituaries. For quite a while the coffin was held in a vault. On 30 January 1954, Bunin was buried in the Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois Russian Cemetery.
In the 1950s, Bunin became the first of the Russian writers in exile to be published officially in the USSR. In 1965, The Complete Bunin came out in Moscow in nine volumes. Some of his more controversial books, notably Cursed Days, remained banned in the Soviet Union until the late 1980s.
Legacy
Ivan Bunin made history as the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature. The immediate basis for the award was the autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev, but Bunin's legacy is much wider in scope. He is regarded as a master of the short story, described by scholar Oleg Mikhaylov as an "archaist innovator" who, while remaining true to the literary tradition of the 19th century, made huge leaps in terms of artistic expression and purity of style. "[Bunin's] style heralds a historical precedent... technical precision as an instrument of bringing out beauty is sharpened to the extreme. There's hardly another poet who on dozens of pages would fail to produce a single epithet, analogy or metaphor... the ability to perform such a simplification of poetic language without doing any harm to it is the sign of a true artist. When it comes to artistic precision Bunin has no rivals among Russian poets," wrote Vestnik Evropy.
Bunin's early stories were of uneven quality. They were united in their "earthiness", lack of plot and signs of a curious longing for "life's farthest horizons"; young Bunin started his career by trying to approach the ancient dilemmas of the human being, and his first characters were typically old men. His early prose works had one common leitmotif: that of nature's beauty and wisdom bitterly contrasting with humanity's ugly shallowness. As he progressed, Bunin started to receive encouraging reviews: Anton Chekhov warmly greeted his first stories, even if he found too much "density" in them. But it was Gorky who gave Bunin's prose its highest praise. Till the end of his life Gorky (long after the relationship between former friends had soured) rated Bunin among Russian literature's greatest writers and recommended his prose for younger generations of writers as an example of true and unwithering classicism.
As a poet, Bunin started out as a follower of Ivan Nikitin and Aleksey Koltsov, then gravitated towards the Yakov Polonsky and Afanasy Fet school, the latter's impressionism becoming a marked influence. The theme of Bunin's early works seemed to be the demise of the traditional Russian nobleman of the past – something which as an artist he simultaneously gravitated toward and felt averted from. In the 1900s this gave way to a more introspective, philosophical style, akin to Fyodor Tyutchev and his "poetic cosmology". All the while Bunin remained hostile to modernism (and the darker side of it, "decadence"); Mikhaylov saw him as the torch-bearer of Aleksander Pushkin's tradition of "praising the naked simplicity's charms."
The symbolist's flights of imagination and grotesque passions foreign to him, Bunin made nature his field of artistic research and here carved his art to perfection. "Few people are capable of loving nature as Bunin does. And it's this love that makes his scope wide, his vision deep, his colour and aural impressions so rich," wrote Aleksander Blok, a poet from a literary camp Bunin treated as hostile. It was for his books of poetry (the most notable of which is Falling Leaves, 1901) and his poetic translations that Bunin became a three time Pushkin Prize laureate. His verse was praised by Aleksander Kuprin while Blok regarded Bunin as among the first in the hierarchy of Russian poets. One great admirer of Bunin's verse was Vladimir Nabokov, who (even if making scornful remarks about Bunin's prose) compared him to Blok. Some see Bunin as a direct follower of Gogol, who was the first in Russian literature to discover the art of fusing poetry and prose together.
The wholesomeness of Bunin's character allowed him to avoid crises to become virtually the only author of the first decades of the 20th century to develop gradually and logically. "Bunin is the only one who remains true to himself", Gorky wrote in a letter to Chirikov in 1907. Yet, an outsider to all the contemporary trends and literary movements, Bunin was never truly famous in Russia. Becoming an Academician in 1909 alienated him even more from the critics, the majority of whom saw the Academy's decision to expel Gorky several years earlier as a disgrace. The closest Bunin came to fame was in 1911–1912 when The Village and Dry Valley came out. The former, according to the author, "sketched with sharp cruelty the most striking lines of the Russian soul, its light and dark sides, and its often tragic foundations"; it caused passionate, and occasionally very hostile reactions. "Nobody has ever drawn the [Russian] village in such a deep historical context before," Maxim Gorky wrote. After this uncompromising book it became impossible to continue to paint the Russian peasantry life in the idealised, narodnik-style way, Bunin single-handedly closed this long chapter in Russian literature. He maintained the truly classic traditions of realism in Russian literature at the very time when they were in the gravest danger, under attack by modernists and decadents. Yet he was far from "traditional" in many ways, introducing to Russian literature a completely new set of characters and a quite novel, laconic way of saying things. Dry Valley was regarded as another huge step forward for Bunin. While The Village dealt metaphorically with Russia as a whole in a historical context, here, according to the author, the "Russian soul [was brought into the focus] in the attempt to highlight the Slavic psyche's most prominent features." "It's one of the greatest books of Russian horror, and there's an element of liturgy in it... Like a young priest with his faith destroyed, Bunin buried the whole of his class," wrote Gorky.
Bunin's travel sketches were lauded as innovative, notably Bird's Shadow (1907–1911). "He's enchanted with the East, with the 'light-bearing' lands he now describes in such beautiful fashion... For [depicting] the East, both Biblical and modern, Bunin chooses the appropriate style, solemn and incandescent, full of imagery, bathing in waves of sultry sunlight and adorned with arabesques and precious stones, so that, when he tells of these grey-haired ancient times, disappearing in the distant haze of religion and myth, the impression he achieves is that of watching a great chariot of human history moving before our eyes," wrote Yuri Aykhenvald. Critics noted Bunin's uncanny knack of immersing himself into alien cultures, both old and new, best demonstrated in his Eastern cycle of short stories as well as his superb translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898).
Bunin was greatly interested in international myths and folklore, as well as the Russian folkloric tradition. But, (according to Georgy Adamovich) "he was absolutely intolerant towards those of his colleagues who employed stylizations, the "style Russe" manufacturers. His cruel – and rightly so – review of Sergey Gorodetsky's poetry was one example. Even Blok's Kulikovo Field (for me, an outstanding piece) irritated him as too lavishly adorned... "That's Vasnetsov," he commented, meaning 'masquerade and opera'. But he treated things that he felt were not masqueradery differently. Of the Slovo o Polku Igoreve... he said something to the effect that all the poets of the whole world lumped together couldn't have created such wonder, in fact something close to Pushkin's words. Yet translations of the legend... outraged him, particularly that of Balmont. He despised Shmelyov for his pseudo-Russian pretenses, though admitting his literary gift. Bunin had an extraordinarily sharp ear for falseness: he instantly recognized this jarring note and was infuriated. That was why he loved Tolstoy so much. Once, I remember, he spoke of Tolstoy as the one 'who's never said a single word that would be an exaggeration'."
Bunin has often been spoken of as a "cold" writer. Some of his conceptual poems of the 1910s refuted this stereotype, tackling philosophical issues like the mission of an artist ("Insensory", 1916) where he showed fiery passion. According to Oleg Mikhaylov, "Bunin wanted to maintain distance between himself and his reader, being frightened by any closeness... But his pride never excluded passions, just served as a panzer — it was like a flaming torch in an icy shell." On a more personal level, Vera Muromtseva confirmed: "Sure, he wanted to come across as [cold and aloof] and he succeeded by being a first-class actor... people who didn't know him well enough couldn't begin to imagine what depths of soft tenderness his soul was capable of reaching," she wrote in her memoirs.
The best of Bunin's prose ("The Gentleman from San Francisco", "Loopy Ears" and notably, "Brothers", based on Ceylon's religious myth) had a strong philosophical streak to it. In terms of ethics Bunin was under the strong influence of Socrates (as related by Xenophon and Plato), he argued that it was the Greek classic who first expounded many things that were later found in Hindu and Jewish sacred books. Bunin was particularly impressed with Socrates's ideas on the intrinsic value of human individuality, it being a "kind of focus for higher forces" (quoted from Bunin's short story "Back to Rome"). As a purveyor of Socratic ideals, Bunin followed Leo Tolstoy; the latter's observation about beauty being "the crown of virtue" was Bunin's idea too. Critics found deep philosophical motives, and deep undercurrents in Mitya's Love and The Life of Arseniev, two pieces in which "Bunin came closest to a deep metaphysical understanding of the human being's tragic essence." Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev "one of the most outstanding phenomena of world literature."
In his view on Russia and its history Bunin for a while had much in common with A. K. Tolstoy (of whom he spoke with great respect); both tended to idealise the pre-Tatar Rus. Years later he greatly modified his view of Russian history, forming a more negative outlook. "There are two streaks in our people: one dominated by Rus, another by Chudh and Merya. Both have in them a frightening instability, sway... As Russian people say of themselves: we are like wood — both club and icon may come of it, depending on who is working on this wood," Bunin wrote years later.
In emigration Bunin continued his experiments with extremely concise, ultra-ionized prose, taking Chekhov and Tolstoy's ideas on expressive economy to the last extreme. The result of this was God's Tree, a collection of stories so short, some of them were half a page long. Professor Pyotr Bitsilly thought God's Tree to be "the most perfect of Bunin's works and the most exemplary. Nowhere else can such eloquent laconism can be found, such definitive and exquisite writing, such freedom of expression and really magnificent demonstration of [mind] over matter. No other book of his has in it such a wealth of material for understanding of Bunin's basic method – a method in which, in fact, there was nothing but basics. This simple but precious quality – honesty bordering on hatred of any pretense – is what makes Bunin so closely related to... Pushkin, Tolstoy and Chekhov," Bitsilli wrote.
Influential, even if controversial, was his Cursed Days 1918–1920 diary, of which scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo wrote:
The work is important for several reasons. Cursed Days is one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war. It recreates events with graphic and gripping immediacy. Unlike the works of early Soviets and emigres and their self-censoring backdrop of memory, myth, and political expediency, Bunin's truth reads almost like an aberration. Cursed Days also links Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth. Reminiscent of the fiction of Dostoevsky, it features an 'underground man' who does not wish to be an 'organ stop' or to affirm 'crystal palaces'. Bunin's diary foreshadowed such 'libelous' memoirs as Yevgenia Ginzburg's Journey into the Whirlwind (1967) and Within the Whirlwind, and Nadezhda Mandelstam's Hope Against Hope (1970) and Hope Abandoned (1974), the accounts of two courageous women caught up in the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. Cursed Days also preceded the "rebellious" anti-Soviet tradition that began with Evgeny Zamyatin and Yury Olesha, moved on to Mikhail Bulgakov, and reached a climax with Boris Pasternak and Alexander Solzhenitsyn. One can argue that, in its painful exposing of political and social utopias, Cursed Days heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct."
Despite his works being virtually banned in the Soviet Union up until the mid-1950s, Bunin exerted a strong influence over several generations of Soviet writers. Among those who owed a lot to Bunin, critics mentioned Mikhail Sholokhov, Konstantin Fedin, Konstantin Paustovsky, Ivan Sokolov-Mikitov, and later Yuri Kazakov, Vasily Belov and Viktor Likhonosov.
Ivan Bunin's books have been translated into many languages, and the world's leading writers praised his gift. Romain Rolland called Bunin an "artistic genius"; he was spoken and written of in much the same vein by writers like Henri de Régnier, Thomas Mann, Rainer Maria Rilke, Jerome K. Jerome, and Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz. In 1950, on the eve of his 80th birthday, François Mauriac expressed in a letter his delight and admiration, but also his deep sympathy to Bunin's personal qualities and the dignified way he'd got through all the tremendous difficulties life had thrown at him. In a letter published by Figaro André Gide greeted Bunin "on behalf of all France", calling him "the great artist" and adding: "I don't know of any other writer... who's so to the point in expressing human feelings, simple and yet always so fresh and new". European critics often compared Bunin to both Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky, crediting him with having renovated the Russian realist tradition both in essence and in form.
Private life
Bunin's first love was Varvara Paschenko, his classmate in Yelets, daughter of a doctor and an actress, whom he fell for in 1889 and then went on to work with in Oryol in 1892. Their relationship was difficult in many ways: the girl's father detested the union because of Bunin's impecunious circumstances, Varvara herself was not sure if she wanted to marry and Bunin too was uncertain whether marriage was really appropriate for him. The couple moved to Poltava and settled in Yuly Bunin's home, but by 1892 their relations deteriorated, Pashchenko complaining in a letter to Yuli Bunin that serious quarrels were frequent, and begging for assistance in bringing their union to an end. The affair eventually ended in 1894 with her marrying actor and writer A.N. Bibikov, Ivan Bunin's close friend. Bunin felt betrayed, and for a time his family feared the possibility of his committing suicide. According to some sources it was Varvara Paschenko who many years later would appear under the name of Lika in The Life of Arseniev (chapter V of the book, entitled Lika, was also published as a short story). Scholar Tatyana Alexandrova, though, questioned this identification (suggesting Mirra Lokhvitskaya might have been the major prototype), while Vera Muromtseva thought of Lika as a 'collective' character aggregating the writer's reminiscences of several women he knew in his youth.
In the summer of 1898 while staying with writer A. M. Fedorov, Bunin became acquainted with N. P. Tsakni, a Greek social-democrat activist, the publisher and editor of the Odessa newspaper Yuzhnoe Obozrenie (Southern Review). Invited to contribute to the paper, Bunin became virtually a daily visitor to the Tsakni family dacha and fell in love with the latter's 18-year-old daughter, Anna (1879–1963). On 23 September 1898, the two married, but by 1899 signs of alienation between them were obvious. At the time of their acrimonious separation in March 1900 Anna was pregnant. She gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in Odessa on 30 August of the same year. The boy, of whom his father saw very little, died on 16 January 1905, from a combination of scarlet fever, measles and heart complications.
Ivan Bunin's second wife was Vera Muromtseva (1881–1961), niece of the high-ranking politician Sergey Muromtsev. The two had initially been introduced to each other by writer Yekaterina Lopatina some years earlier, but it was their encounter at the house of the writer Boris Zaitsev in November 1906 which led to an intense relationship which resulted in the couple becoming inseparable until Bunin's dying day. Bunin and Muromtseva married officially only in 1922, after he managed at last to divorce Tsakni legally. Decades later Vera Muromtseva-Bunina became famous in her own right with her book Life of Bunin.
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Sunstroke: Selected Stories : Bunin, Ivan: Amazon.com.be: Books
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Sunstroke: Selected Stories : Bunin, Ivan: Amazon.com.be: Books
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https://www.amazon.com.be/-/en/Ivan-Bunin/dp/1566634261
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Sunstroke
Selected Stories of Ivan Bunin
By Ivan Bunin
Translated by GRAHAM HETTLINGER
Ivan R. Dee
Copyright © 2002 Ivan R. Dee, Inc..
Translation copyright © 2002 Graham Hettlinger.
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 1-56663-426-1
Chapter One
Sunstroke
They came from the hot, brightly lit dining room onto the ship's deck after dinner and stood by the handrail. She closed her eyes, pressed the back of her hand against her cheek, and laughed. Her laughter was simple and pleasant, as was everything about this small, attractive woman.
"I think I'm drunk," she said. "Where did you come from? Three hours ago I didn't even know you existed. I don't even know where you got on this boat. Samara? Well, I guess it doesn't matter.... Is my head spinning, or are we turning?"
Darkness and distant lights hung before them. But now the lights fell away; a strong, soft breeze rose from the darkness and blew into their faces as the steamer veered to one side?describing an expansive, slightly grandiose are, it seemed to flaunt the Volga's breadth?and then approached a small pier.
The lieutenant brought her hand to his lips: small and tan, it smelled of the sun. He imagined that all the skin beneath her gingham dress was equally as strong and tan, for she had said that she was coming from Anapa, where she'd spent a solid month lying under the hot southern sun on the sand by the sea?and this thought made his heart go still with fear and joy.
"Let's get off," he mumbled.
"Where?" she asked, surprised.
"On that pier."
"Why?"
He didn't answer. She lay the back of her hand against her warm cheek again.
"Insanity...."
"Let's get off," the lieutenant repeated stupidly. "I'm begging you."
"Oh, all right. As you wish ...," she said, turning away.
They almost fell over each other when the steamer bumped with a soft thud against the dimly lit pier. A mooring line flew over their heads; the water seemed to boil as the engines reversed and pushed the ship back toward the dock, and then the gangplanks dropped with a bang?the lieutenant rushed to get their bags.
A moment later they emerged from a drowsy little office on the dock, crossed a patch of ankle-deep sand, and climbed into a dusty cab without exchanging words. Soft with dust and lit by only a few crooked lamps, the road seemed endless as they traveled its gradual slope up the mountainside. But at last they reached the top and began to rattle down a paved carriageway past little offices, the local watchtower, a public square. It was warm, and the air was heavy with all the smells of a provincial town on a summer night. The driver stopped before the lighted entrance to an inn, the open doors of which displayed a worn, steep wooden staircase. An old, unshaven porter with big, wide feet, a pink shirt, and a frock coat sullenly took their bags and lugged them up the steps. They entered a large room that was terribly stuffy and still sweltering from the day's sun; white curtains were closed over the windows and two unused candles stood on the mantelpiece. As soon as the porter left and shut the door, the lieutenant rushed to her with such ardent desire, and they both gasped with such ecstasy as they kissed, that each would remember that moment for many years to come: they had never experienced anything similar in all their separate lives.
The next morning was cheerful, sunny, and hot, and at ten o'clock?while church bells rang, while people shopped at a market near the inn, while the warm air was filled with the smell of hay and tar and all the other complex, pungent odors of a provincial Russian town?that small, anonymous woman, who refused to say her name and jokingly referred to herself as "the beautiful stranger," went away. They had slept very little, but after washing and dressing for five minutes, she looked as fresh as a seventeen-year-old girl when she came out from behind the screen near the bed. Was she awkward or ashamed? Not very, no. Instead she was as happy and as open as she'd been the day before, and her mind was clear.
"No, no, darling," she'd said in answer to his request that they continue traveling together. "You should stay here and wait for the next boat. If we go together, everything will be ruined. It would be very unpleasant for me. I give you my honest word that I'm nothing like the person you might imagine me to be. Nothing even remotely similar to this has ever happened to me?and it never will again. I must have lost my mind. Or we've both suffered some kind of sunstroke."
For some reason the lieutenant easily agreed, and he rode with her to the pier in a lighthearted mood. They arrived just before the pink steamer Samolyot left the dock, and he kissed her openly on deck, despite the crowd, then jumped back onto the gangplank as it was being pulled away.
He returned to the inn feeling equally happy and carefree. But something had changed. The room seemed completely different from the room where she had been. It was still full of her, and yet, it was completely empty. How strange! The air still smelled of her English perfume, the cup from which she'd drunk her tea still stood half empty on the tray?and already she was gone. Overwhelmed by a sudden wave of tenderness and longing, the lieutenant hurriedly lit a cigarette and began to pace the room.
"What a strange adventure," he said out loud, laughing as he felt tears well up in his eyes. I give you my honest word that I'm nothing like the person you might imagine me to be. And then she's gone.
The screen had been moved aside; he put it back before the unmade bed, knowing that he couldn't bare to look at those sheets and pillows now. He shut the windows in order to escape the sound of carriage wheels creaking in the street and voices rising from the market, then he closed the filmy white curtains and sat down on the couch. Yes, this is it?the end of the "traveler's adventure." She's already gone, already far away, riding in a ship's salon that's all windows and white paint, or sitting on the deck, looking at the huge, gleaming surface of the river in the sun, looking at the yellow sandbars and the rafts drifting downstream, looking at the endless open space of the Volga and a horizon where shimmering water meets the sky.... Goodbye?say goodbye and that's it, always and forever.... For where could they possibly meet again? "I could never turn up in the town where she leads a normal life, has a husband and a three-year-old daughter, all her family," he thought to himself. Indeed, that town seemed to be an utterly forbidden place, and the thought that she would live out her lonely life there, often, perhaps, remembering their fleeting, chance encounter, while he would never see her again?this thought stunned him like a sharp, sudden blow. No, it couldn't be! It was too cruel, impossible, insane. The prospect of his life?all the painful, senseless years he'd spend without her?plunged him into horror and despair. "For God's sake!" he thought, struggling to keep his eyes from the bed behind the screen as he began to pace the room again. "What's wrong with me? What is it about her? What exactly happened yesterday? It must be some kind of sunstroke! And now I'm stuck in this backwater without her. How the hell will I get through the day?"
He still remembered everything about her, remembered all the small, fine details of her presence?the smell of her suntanned skin and her gingham dress, her supple body, the simple, uplifting sound of her voice. Traces of the exquisite pleasure that she'd given him with all her feminine charm remained extraordinarily acute within him, but those sensations were now eclipsed by a strange new feeling that he couldn't comprehend. He could never have imagined such a feeling taking hold of him when he pursued her yesterday, seeking what he thought would be a casual acquaintance; when they were together, there'd been no hint of it?and now it was impossible to tell her what he felt! "I'll never have the chance," he thought. "That's the worst of all?I'll never get to speak to her again! And what now? ... Memories I can't dispel.... Pain I can't relieve.... An interminable day stuck in this godforsaken town. And the Volga shining in the sun while it carries her away on a pink steamer!"
He had to save himself somehow?occupy his mind with something, go somewhere, find some kind of diversion. He put his hat on decisively, picked up his riding crop, and quickly passed through the empty corridor, his spurs chinking. "But where am I going?" he wondered as he bolted down the steep wooden stairs. A young driver waited near the hotel entrance, wearing a trim, sleeveless coat and placidly smoking a cigarette. The lieutenant looked at him uncomprehendingly. "How can he just sit there on his coach, smoke a cigarette, and be perfectly content, carefree, resigned? I must be the only person in this town who feels so miserable," he thought, heading toward the market.
The market was closing down, and many of the merchants had already driven off. But for some reason he walked among the fresh droppings left by the horses, walked among the wagons and carts loaded with cucumbers, the displays of new pots and bowls. And all of it?the men who overwhelmed him with their shouts of Here's a first class cucumber, your lordship, and the women sitting on the ground who vied for his attention, urging him to come closer as they lifted up their pots and rapped them with their knuckles to prove they had no cracks?all of it seemed so stupid and absurd that he quickly ran away and went inside a church, where the choristers were singing with emphatic joy and confidence, and a keen awareness of the duty they were carrying out. Then he wandered into a small, neglected garden on the mountain's edge and slowly walked around in circles, the river's measureless expanse shining like bright steel beneath him.... The shoulder straps and buttons of his uniform grew too hot to touch. The inside of his cap turned wet with sweat. His face began to burn.... When he returned to the inn he felt a certain pleasure as he entered the spacious, cool, and empty dining room on the lower floor. He felt pleasure as he removed his hat and sat down at a small table by an open window that let a little air into the room despite the heat. He ordered botvinya with ice.... Everything was good. There was enormous happiness in everything. Even the heat; even the smells of the marketplace and this unfamiliar, little town; even this old, provincial inn contained great joy: and in its midst his heart was being torn to shreds.... He ate half-sour pickles with dill and downed four shots of vodka, thinking he'd die willingly tomorrow if some miracle would let him bring her back, let him spend one more day with her just so he could tell her everything. That was all he wanted now?to convince her, to show her how ecstatically and miserably he loved her.... What for? Why try to convince her? Why show her anything? He didn't know, but this was more essential than his life.
"I'm falling completely apart," he said out loud, and poured another drink.
He pushed his bowl of soup away, ordered black coffee, and began to smoke, wondering desperately what he could do to save himself from this sudden, completely unexpected love. But even as he sought some means of escape, he felt all too clearly that escaping was impossible. And suddenly he got up again, grabbed his hat and riding crop, asked directions to the post office, and hurried off?a telegram already written in his head: "My entire life is yours from this day on?completely yours, forever, until I die." But he stopped in horror as he approached the old, squat building that housed the postal center: he knew the town where she lived, knew she had a husband and a three-year-old daughter, but he didn't know her name! He'd asked her several times at dinner and at the hotel, but she had only laughed. Why do you need to know my name, or who I am?
A shop window on the corner near the post office was filled with photographs. He looked for a long time at the portrait of some military type with bulging eyes, a low forehead, and a stunning pair of lavish sideburns. He wore thick epaulets, and his exceedingly broad chest was completely covered with medals.... How terrible and savage everything mundane and ordinary becomes when the heart's been destroyed?yes, he understood that now?destroyed by sunstroke, destroyed by too much happiness and love. He glanced at a photograph of two newlyweds?a young man with a crew cut stood at attention in a long frock coat and a white tie, his bride in a gauzy wedding dress on his arm?then moved his eyes to the portrait of an attractive, upper-class girl with an ardent expression and a student's cap cocked to one side on her head. And then, overwhelmed with envy for all these unknown people who were free of suffering, he began to study the street, looking desperately for something.
Where to? What now?
The street was completely empty and all the buildings looked identical: white, two-story merchant-class homes with big gardens and not a soul inside. A thick white dust lay on the paving stones; and all of it was blinding, all of it was flooded with hot, joyful, flaming sunlight which now seemed useless beyond words. The street rose in the distance, then dipped down, as if stooping under the cloudless sky. The glare reflected from its surface turned the horizon slightly grey, which reminded him of the south?of Sevastopol, Ketch, Anapa. And that was more than he could bare: stumbling and tripping on his spurs, squinting in the light, struggling to see the ground beneath his feet, the lieutenant staggered back the way he'd come.
When he reached the inn, he was as exhausted as a man who'd marched for miles in Turkestan or the Sahara. Gathering the last of his strength, he re-entered his large and empty room: it had been cleaned?every trace of her was gone except for a forgotten hairpin that now lay on the nightstand. He removed his jacket and glanced at his reflection in the mirror: his moustache had been bleached white and his face looked grey from the sun; the whites of his eyes?slightly tinged with blue?stood out sharply against his darkened skin. It was an ordinary officer's face, but it now looked haggard and deranged, and there was something both youthful and profoundly sad about his thin white shirt and its small starched collar. He lay down on his back on the bed and propped his dusty boots up on the footboard. The curtains hung loose before the open windows, rustling occasionally as a small breeze blew into the room, laden with more heat from the scorching metal roofs?more heat from all the silent, glaring, lifeless world around him. He put his hands behind his head and stared fixedly in front of him, then clenched his teeth and closed his eyes, feeling tears spill down his cheeks?and finally, he dozed off. It was evening when he awoke: a red and yellow sun hung behind the curtains, the breeze had died away, the room felt as hot and dry as an oven. When the morning and the day before resurfaced in his memory, it seemed they'd taken place ten years ago.
He rose unhurriedly and washed, opened the curtains, asked for his bill and a samovar, slowly drank a cup of tea with lemon. Then he ordered a driver, had his bags brought out, climbed into the coach's rusty, sun-scorched seat, and handed five whole rubles to the porter.
"I think it was me who brought you here last night," the driver said cheerfully, picking up his reins.
The summer evening sky had already turned dark blue above the Volga by the time they reached the dock. Different colored lights were scattered in profusion along the river, other, larger lights hung in the masts of an approaching steamer.
"Right on time," the driver said ingratiatingly.
The lieutenant tipped him five rubles as well, bought his ticket, walked out onto the landing. Everything was like the day before: a soft blow to the pier and a slight giddiness as it rocks underfoot, a glimpse of the mooring line flying through the air, and then the engine's thrown into reverse, the river surges forward from the paddle wheel, and the water seems to boil as the steamer's driven back toward the dock.... This time the ship seemed unusually welcoming: its brightly lit deck was crowded with people, and the air smelled of cooking smoke from the galley.
A moment later they were being carried up the river, just as she'd been carried off so recently.
The summer dusk was dying out in the distance ahead: it glowed in drowsy, muted colors on the water, while trembling ripples flashed sporadically beneath the last, spent traces of the setting sun?and all the lights scattered in the surrounding dark kept on drifting, drifting off.
The lieutenant sat under an awning on deck, feeling like he'd aged ten years.
[1925]
Excerpted from Sunstroke by Ivan Bunin. Copyright © 2002 by Ivan R. Dee, Inc.. Excerpted by permission. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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That relation would change in the course of Bunin's lifetime. By the 1930s, the Soviet government had nearly succeeded in isolating emigre literature and relegating it to the margins. In no small measure, ideology motivated Soviet officials, and that ideology rested on class: They sought to silence the gentry. But Bunin, born in 1870, represented a unique challenge. Once the Soviets renounced Modernism in favor of realism, Bunin became important to them not only because of his friendships with such classic writers as Anton Chekhov, but also because he emerged as the pre-eminent practitioner of realism. Works such as "Dry Valley" and "The Village" hearken back to the Golden Age and to writers like Tolstoy and Saltykov-Shchedrin, in particular. Though attracted to Bunin because of his kinship to the classics, the Soviets were repulsed by his class origins: Bunin's work grew out of the culture of the landowning gentry.
Bunin ran counter to Soviet norms. It is his resistance to Bolshevism and opposition to ideologically driven art that has made him such an attractive figure since the demise of the Soviet Union. The reappropriation of his work into the mainstream in the last 10 years has been as much a phenomenon of politics and culture as of literature. Although Bunin has not flown as high as that other star of the emigration, Vladimir Nabokov, he has fared well. Not all emigre writers have been so fortunate in their posthumous fates. Vladislav Khodasevich, for example, still has not attained the readership his work merits. Such considerations take nothing away from Bunin's achievement, but do serve to temper it. A balanced approach to Bunin has become possible.
In his third volume about the writer, "Ivan Bunin: The Twilight of Emigre Russia, 1934-1953," Thomas Gaiton Marullo makes available a great deal of material that should contribute to a reassessment of Bunin, and Marullo deserves enormous credit for his effort. He has successfully adapted into English a genre more commonly encountered in Russian: the chronology of a writer's life and times. It is rendered in primary sources, such as diaries, letters, memoirs and official documents.
Marullo's ambition is broad in its scope, but he can deliver only in part on the promise of his subtitle: This book is less a study of the "twilight of emigre Russia" than of the twilight of Russia's gentry culture in exile. The reader in search of the sound of the so-called Paris Note, that distinctive tone that Georgy Adamovich identified in the literature of emigre Russians in Paris, will be frustrated. Major players in emigre Paris literature, such as Adamovich and Georgy Ivanov, and their arch rival, Vladislav Khodasevich, play tangential roles in this work. Instead, this, the third volume in Marullo's "chronological portrait" of Bunin, follows the writer and his more immediate milieu through the writer's last 20 years.
This volume tells the tale of Bunin's life and career after the Nobel Prize. We find him struggling with his newly won notoriety, squandering his prize money and struggling against political pressures from both the emigre community and the Soviet Union that threaten to curtail his artistic freedom. To no small extent, this becomes the story of Bunin's remarkable integrity in the face of abject poverty. Although many times tempted by Soviet officials' promises of wealth and adulation in the Soviet Union, Bunin resisted, insisting on artistic freedom at a ravaging price -- financial and psychological -- that was exacted not only from him, but from his wife as well.
Given the human cost of this battle, it is easy to understand why Marullo's commentary sometimes borders on hagiography. His repeated reference to Bunin as a "man-god" is a bit of hyperbole that recurs a bit too often. The term invites comparison with philosopher Vladimir Solovyov's notion of "Godmanhood," which Bunin himself would have objected to strenuously. Likewise, Marullo's characterization of Bunin's second and common-law wife as a Solovyovian Sophia, the living manifestation of divine wisdom, seems more appropriate to a study of Symbolists like Alexander Blok and Andrei Bely, who were both influenced by Solovyov, than to a book on Bunin, who was not.
Such an attitude blinds Marullo to the faults and failings of Vera Muromtseva-Bunina. For example, how would Bunin, that inveterate and implacable enemy of Bolshevism, have reacted to the news that after his death, his widow sold his archive to the Soviets? One can only marvel that the lid on his tomb remained intact. Like Marullo, the reader will have great sympathy for Muromtseva-Bunina, whose suffering was monumental, but this sympathy should be leavened with a healthy dose of skepticism. Marullo's tendency toward hagiography also distorts Bunin's relations with other women. For example, the departure of Bunin's longtime mistress Galina Kuznetsova is relegated to a footnote. The reader is likely to experience this as a lost opportunity since Bunin, at roughly the same time, is consumed by the composition of his last important work, the stories that make up the collection "Dark Avenues." Here, as everywhere in Bunin's oeuvre, the twin obsessions of eros and thanatos possess his work. Death and sex, for Bunin, are intimately bound: Lovers fall in love, only to lose one another in death.
Despite such shortcomings, the rewards of this volume are great, and Marullo shines in his selection of material. As opposed to Marullo's own commentary, the portrait that emerges in quotations from diaries, memoirs and letters is detailed and unsparing. As much as his strengths, Bunin's weaknesses become apparent, in particular his profound insecurity as a poet. Bunin seethes with petty envy toward greater poets like Blok, whose talent outstripped his own. Many of the most moving passages, in fact, center on Bunin's struggle with self-doubt and with mortality, a question that torments him until the very end. What begins as dry chronology is gradually transformed into a very human document.
Timothy C. Westphalen is associate professor of European Languages, Literatures and Cultures at the State University of New York at Stony Brook and the author of "Lyric Incarnate: The Dramas of Aleksandr Blok." His translation of Blok's trilogy of lyric dramas is due out in January.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Bunin
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"Bunin" redirects here. For other people with the surname "Bunin", see Bunin (surname).
In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming customs, the patronymic is Alekseyevich and the family name is Bunin.
Russian author (1870–1953)
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin ( BOO-neen[2] or BOO-nin; Russian: Ива́н Алексе́евич Бу́нин, IPA: [ɪˈvan ɐlʲɪˈksʲejɪvʲɪtɕ ˈbunʲɪn] ⓘ; 22 October [O.S. 10 October] 1870 – 8 November 1953)[1] was the first Russian writer awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1933. He was noted for the strict artistry with which he carried on the classical Russian traditions in the writing of prose and poetry. The texture of his poems and stories, sometimes referred to as "Bunin brocade", is considered to be one of the richest in the language.
Best known for his short novels The Village (1910) and Dry Valley (1912), his autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev (1933, 1939), the book of short stories Dark Avenues (1946) and his 1917–1918 diary (Cursed Days, 1926), Bunin was a revered figure among white emigres, European critics, and many of his fellow writers, who viewed him as a true heir to the tradition of realism in Russian literature established by Tolstoy and Chekhov.
Ivan Bunin was born on his parental estate in Voronezh province, the third and youngest son of Aleksey Nikolayevich Bunin (1827–1906) and Lyudmila Aleksandrovna Bunina (née Chubarova, 1835–1910). He had two younger sisters: Masha (Maria Bunina-Laskarzhevskaya, 1873–1930) and Nadya (that latter died very young) and two elder brothers, Yuly and Yevgeny.[3][4] Having come from a long line of rural gentry,[5] Bunin was especially proud that poets Anna Bunina (1774–1829) and Vasily Zhukovsky (1783–1852) were among his ancestors. He wrote in his 1952 autobiography:
I come from an old and noble house that has given Russia a good many illustrious persons in politics as well as in the arts, among whom two poets of the early nineteenth century stand out in particular: Anna Búnina and Vasíly Zhukovsky, one of the great names in Russian literature, the son of Athanase Bunin and the Turk Salma.[6]
"The Bunins are direct ancestors of Simeon Bunkovsky, a nobleman who came from Poland to the court of the Great Prince Vasily Vasilyevich," he wrote in 1915, quoting the Russian gentry's Armorial Book. Chubarovs, according to Bunin, "knew very little about themselves except that their ancestors were landowners in Kostromskaya, Moskovskaya, Orlovskya and Tambovskaya Guberniyas". "As for me, from early childhood I was such a libertine as to be totally indifferent both to my own 'high blood' and to the loss of whatever might have been connected to it," he added.[7]
Ivan Bunin's early childhood, spent in Butyrky Khutor and later in Ozerky (of Yelets county, Lipetskaya Oblast),[1] was a happy one: the boy was surrounded by intelligent and loving people. Father Alexei Nikolayevich was described by Bunin as a very strong man, both physically and mentally, quick-tempered and addicted to gambling, impulsive and generous, eloquent in a theatrical fashion and totally illogical. "Before the Crimean War he'd never even known the taste of wine, on return he became a heavy drinker, although never a typical alcoholic," he wrote.[7] His mother Lyudmila Alexandrovna's character was much more subtle and tender: this Bunin attributed to the fact that "her father spent years in Warsaw where he acquired certain European tastes which made him quite different from fellow local land-owners."[7] It was Lyudmila Alexandrovna who introduced her son to the world of Russian folklore.[8] Elder brothers Yuly and Yevgeny showed great interest in mathematics and painting respectively, his mother said later, yet, in their mother's words, "Vanya has been different from the moment of birth... none of the others had a soul like his."[9]
Young Bunin's susceptibility and keenness to the nuances of nature were extraordinary. "The quality of my vision was such that I've seen all seven of the stars of Pleiades, heard a marmot's whistle a verst away, and could get drunk from the smells of landysh or an old book," he remembered later.[10] Bunin's experiences of rural life had a profound impact on his writing. "There, amidst the deep silence of vast fields, among cornfields – or, in winter, huge snowdrifts which were stepping up to our very doorsteps – I spent my childhood which was full of melancholic poetry," Bunin later wrote of his Ozerky days.[7]
Ivan Bunin's first home tutor was an ex-student named Romashkov,[11] whom he later described as a "positively bizarre character," a wanderer full of fascinating stories, "always thought-provoking even if not altogether comprehensible."[6] Later it was university-educated Yuly Bunin (deported home for being a Narodnik activist) who taught his younger brother psychology, philosophy and the social sciences as part of his private, domestic education. It was Yuly who encouraged Ivan to read the Russian classics and to write himself.[8] Until 1920 Yuly (who once described Ivan as "undeveloped yet gifted and capable of original independent thought")[3] was the latter's closest friend and mentor. "I had a passion for painting, which, I think, shows in my writings. I wrote both poetry and prose fairly early and my works were also published from an early date," wrote Bunin in his short autobiography.[6]
By the end of the 1870s, the Bunins, plagued by the gambling habits of the head of the family, had lost most of their wealth. In 1881 Ivan was sent to a public school in Yelets, but never completed the course: he was expelled in March 1886 for failing to return to the school after the Christmas holidays due to the family's financial difficulties.[12]
In May 1887 Bunin published his first[1] poem "Village Paupers" (Деревенские нищие) in the Saint Petersburg literary magazine Rodina (Motherland). In 1891 his first short story "Country Sketch (Деревенский эскиз) appeared in the Nikolay Mikhaylovsky-edited journal Russkoye Bogatstvo.[13] In Spring 1889, Bunin followed his brother to Kharkiv, where he became a government clerk, then an assistant editor of a local paper, librarian, and court statistician. In January 1889 he moved to Oryol to work on the local Orlovsky Vestnik newspaper, first as an editorial assistant and later as de facto editor; this enabled him to publish his short stories, poems and reviews in the paper's literary section.[3] There he met Varvara Pashchenko and fell passionately in love with her. In August 1892 the couple moved to Poltava and settled in the home of Yuly Bunin. The latter helped his younger brother to find a job in the local zemstvo administration.[8]
Ivan Bunin's debut book of poetry Poems. 1887–1891 was published in 1891 in Oryol.[14] Some of his articles, essays and short stories, published earlier in local papers, began to feature in the Saint Petersburg periodicals.[14]
Bunin spent the first half of 1894 travelling all over Ukraine. "Those were the times when I fell in love with Malorossiya (Little Russia), its villages and steppes, was eagerly meeting its people and listening to Ukrainian songs, this country's very soul," he later wrote.[9]
In 1895 Bunin visited the Russian capital for the first time. There he was to meet the Narodniks Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Sergey Krivenko, Anton Chekhov (with whom he began a correspondence and became close friends), Alexander Ertel, and the poets Konstantin Balmont and Valery Bryusov.[14]
1899 saw the beginning of Bunin's friendship with Maxim Gorky, to whom he dedicated his Falling Leaves (1901) collection of poetry and whom he later visited at Capri. Bunin became involved with Gorky's Znanie (Knowledge) group. Another influence and inspiration was Leo Tolstoy whom he met in Moscow in January 1894. Admittedly infatuated with the latter's prose, Bunin tried desperately to follow the great man's lifestyle too, visiting sectarian settlements and doing a lot of hard work. He was even sentenced to three months in prison for illegally distributing Tolstoyan literature in the autumn of 1894, but avoided jail due to a general amnesty proclaimed on the occasion of the succession to the throne of Nicholas II.[3][15] Tellingly, it was Tolstoy himself who discouraged Bunin from slipping into what he called "total peasantification."[9] Several years later, while still admiring Tolstoy's prose, Bunin changed his views regarding his philosophy which he now saw as utopian.[16]
In 1895–1896 Bunin divided his time between Moscow and Saint Petersburg. In 1897 his first short story collection To the Edge of the World and Other Stories came out,[8] followed a year later by In the Open Air (Под открытым небом, 1898), his second book of verse.[14] In June 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa. Here he became close to the Southern Russia Painters Comradeship, became friends with Yevgeny Bukovetski and Pyotr Nilus.[9] In the winter of 1899–1900 he began attending the Sreda (Wednesday) literary group in Moscow, striking up a friendship with the Nikolay Teleshov, among others. Here the young writer made himself a reputation as an uncompromising advocate of the realistic traditions of classic Russian literature. "Bunin made everybody uncomfortable. Having got this severe and sharp eye for real art, feeling acutely the power of a word, he was full of hatred towards every kind of artistic excess. In times when (quoting Andrey Bely) "throwing pineapples to the sky" was the order of the day, Bunin's very presence made words stick in people's throats," Boris Zaitsev later remembered. He met Anton Chekov in 1896, and a strong friendship ensued.[3]
The collections Poems and Stories (1900) and Flowers of the Field (1901) were followed by Falling Leaves (Листопад, 1901), Bunin's third book of poetry (including a large poem of the same title first published in the October 1900 issue of Zhizn (Life) magazine). It was welcomed by both critics and colleagues, among them Alexander Ertel, Alexander Blok and Aleksandr Kuprin, who praised its "rare subtlety."[9] Even though the book testifies to his association with the Symbolists, primarily Valery Bryusov,[18] at the time many saw it as an antidote to the pretentiousness of 'decadent' poetry which was then popular in Russia. Falling Leaves was "definitely Pushkin-like", full of "inner poise, sophistication, clarity and wholesomeness," according to critic Korney Chukovsky.[19] Soon after the book's release, Gorky called Bunin (in a letter to Valery Bryusov) "the first poet of our times."[20] It was for Falling Leaves (along with the translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha, 1898) that Bunin was awarded his first Pushkin Prize.[14] Bunin justified a pause of two years in the early 1900s by the need for "inner growth" and spiritual change.[8]
At the turn of the century Bunin made a major switch from poetry to prose which started to change both in form and texture, becoming richer in lexicon, more compact and perfectly poised. Citing Gustave Flaubert, whose work he admired, as an influence, Bunin was "demonstrating that prose could be driven by poetic rhythms, but still remain prose." According to the writer's nephew Pusheshnikov, Bunin once told him: "Apparently I was born a versemaker... like Turgenev, who was a versemaker, first and foremost. Finding the true rhythm of the story was for him the main thing – everything else was supplementary. And for me the crucial thing is to find the proper rhythm. Once it's there, everything else comes in spontaneously, and I know when the story is done."[21][22]
In 1900 the novella Antonov Apples (Антоновские яблоки) was published; later it was included in textbooks and is regarded as Bunin's first real masterpiece, but it was criticised at the time as too nostalgic and elitist, allegedly idealising "the Russian nobleman's past."[12] Other acclaimed novellas of this period, On the Farm, The News from Home, and To the Edge of the World (На край света), showing a penchant for extreme precision of language, delicate description of nature and detailed psychological analysis, made him a popular and well-respected young author.[18]
In 1902 Znanie started publishing the Complete Bunin series;[9] five volumes appeared by the year 1909.[3] Three books, Poems (1903), Poems (1903–1906) and Poems of 1907 (the latter published by Znanie in 1908), formed the basis of a special (non-numbered) volume of the Complete series which in 1910 was published in Saint Petersburg as Volume VI. Poems and Stories (1907–1909) by the Obschestvennaya Polza (Public Benefit) publishing house.[20] Bunin's works featured regularly in Znanie's literary compilations; beginning with Book I, where "Black Earth" appeared along with several poems, all in all he contributed to 16 books of the series.[21]
In the early 1900s Bunin travelled extensively. He was a close friend of Chekhov and his family and continued visiting them regularly until 1904.[9] The October social turmoil of 1905 found Bunin in Yalta, Crimea, from where he moved back to Odessa. Scenes of "class struggle" there did not impress the writer, for he saw them as little more than the Russian common people's craving for anarchy and destruction.[8]
In November 1906 Bunin's passionate affair with Vera Muromtseva began. The girl's family was unimpressed with Bunin's position as a writer, but the couple defied social convention, moving in together and in April 1907 leaving Russia for an extended tour through Egypt and Palestine. The Bird's Shadow (Тень птицы) (1907–1911) collection (published as a separate book in 1931 in Paris) came as a result of this voyage.[14][23] These travelling sketches were to change the critics' assessment of Bunin's work. Before them Bunin was mostly regarded as (using his own words) "a melancholy lyricist, singing hymns to noblemen's estates and idylls of the past." In the late 1900s critics started to pay more notice to the colourfulness and dynamics of his poetry and prose. "In terms of artistic precision he has no equal among Russian poets," Vestnik Evropy wrote at the time.[24] Bunin attributed much importance to his travels, counting himself among that special "type of people who tend to feel strongest for alien times and cultures rather than those of their own" and admitting to being drawn to "all the necropolises of the world." Besides, foreign voyages had, admittedly, an eye-opening effect on the writer, helping him to see Russian reality more objectively. In the early 1910s Bunin produced several famous novellas which came as a direct result of this change in perspective.[25]
In October 1909 Bunin received his second Pushkin Prize for Poems 1903–1906 and translations of (Lord Byron's Cain, and parts of Longfellow's The Golden Legend).[11] He was elected a member of the Russian Academy the same year.[13] In Bunin, The Academy crowns "not a daring innovator, not an adventurous searcher but arguably the last gifted pupil of talented teachers who's kept and preserved... all the most beautiful testaments of their school," wrote critic Aleksander Izmailov, formulating the conventional view of the time.[26] It was much later that Bunin was proclaimed one of the most innovative Russian writers of the century.[27]
In 1910 Bunin published The Village (Деревня), a bleak portrayal of Russian country life, which he depicted as full of stupidity, brutality, and violence. This book caused controversy and made him famous. Its harsh realism (with "characters having sunk so far below the average level of intelligence as to be scarcely human") prompted Maxim Gorky to call Bunin "the best Russian writer of the day."[9]
"I've left behind my "narodnicism" which didn't last very long, my Tolstoyism too and now I'm closer to the social democrats, but I still stay away from political parties," Bunin wrote in the early 1910s. He said he realised now that the working class had become a force powerful enough to "overcome the whole of Western Europe," but warned against the possible negative effect of the Russian workers' lack of organisation, the one thing that made them different from their Western counterparts.[8] He criticised the Russian intelligentsia for being ignorant of the common people's life, and spoke of a tragic schism between "the cultured people and the uncultured masses."[8]
In December 1910 Bunin and Muromtseva made another journey to the Middle East, then visited Ceylon; this four-month trip inspired such stories as "Brothers" (Братья) and "The Tsar of Tsars City" (Город царя царей). On his return to Odessa in April 1911, Bunin wrote "Waters Aplenty" (Воды многие), a travel diary, much lauded after its publication in 1926.[9] In 1912 the novel Dry Valley (Суходол) came out, his second major piece of semi-autobiographical fiction, concerning the dire state of the Russian rural community. Again it left the literary critics divided: social democrats praised its stark honesty, many others were appalled with the author's negativism.
Bunin and Muromtseva spent three winters (1912–1914) with Gorky on the island of Capri, where they met with Fyodor Shalyapin and Leonid Andreev, among others. In Russia the couple divided their time mainly between Moscow and a Bunin family estate at Glotovo village nearby Oryol; it was there that they spent the first couple years of World War I. Dogged by anxieties concerning Russia's future, Bunin was still working hard. In the winter of 1914–1915 he finished a new volume of prose and verse entitled The Chalice of Life (Чаша жизни), published in early 1915[3] to wide acclaim (including high praise from the French poet Rene Ghil).[9] The same year saw the publication of The Gentleman from San Francisco (Господин из Сан-Франциско), arguably the best-known of Bunin's short stories,[9] which was translated into English by D. H. Lawrence. Bunin was a productive translator himself. After Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898), he did translations of Byron, Tennyson, Musset and François Coppée.
During the war years, Bunin completed the preparation of a six-volume edition of his Collected Works, which was published by Adolph Marks in 1915. Throughout this time Bunin kept aloof from contemporary literary debates. "I did not belong to any literary school; I was neither a decadent, nor a symbolist nor a romantic, nor a naturalist. Of literary circles I frequented only a few," he commented later.[6] By the spring of 1916, overcome by pessimism, Bunin all but stopped writing, complaining to his nephew, N.A. Pusheshnikov, of how insignificant he felt as a writer and how depressed he was for being unable to do more than be horrified at the millions of deaths being caused by the War.[3]
In May 1917 the Bunins moved to Glotovo and stayed there until autumn. In October the couple returned to Moscow to stay with Vera's parents. Life in the city was dangerous (residents had to guard their own homes, maintaining nightly vigils) but Bunin still visited publishers and took part in the meetings of the Sreda and The Art circles. While dismissive of Ivan Goremykin (the 1914–1916 Russian Government Premier), he criticised opposition figures like Pavel Milyukov as "false defenders of the Russian people". In April 1917 he severed all ties with the pro-revolutionary Gorky, causing a rift which would never be healed.[3] On 21 May 1918, Bunin and Muromtseva obtained the official permission to leave Moscow for Kiev, then continued their journey through to Odessa. By 1919 Bunin was working for the Volunteer Army as the editor of the cultural section of the anti-Bolshevik newspaper Iuzhnoe Slovo. On 26 January 1920, the couple boarded the last French ship in Odessa and soon were in Constantinople.
On 28 March 1920, after short stints in Sofia and Belgrade, Bunin and Muromtseva arrived in Paris,[9] from then on dividing their time between apartments at 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in the 16th arrondissement of Paris and rented villas in or near Grasse in the Alpes Maritimes. Much as he hated Bolshevism, Bunin never endorsed the idea of foreign intervention in Russia. "It's for a common Russian countryman to sort out his problems for himself, not for foreign masters to come and maintain their new order in our home. I'd rather die in exile than return home with the help of Poland or England. As my father taught me: 'Love your own tub even if it's broken up'",[28] he once said, allegedly, to Merezhkovsky who still cherished hopes for Pilsudsky's military success against the Bolshevik regime.[29]
Slowly and painfully, overcoming physical and mental stress, Bunin returned to his usual mode of writing. Scream, his first book published in France, was compiled of short stories written in 1911–1912, years he referred to as the happiest of his life.[30]
In France Bunin published many of his pre-revolutionary works and collections of original novellas, regularly contributing to the Russian emigre press.[3] According to Vera Muromtseva, her husband often complained of his inability to get used to life in the new world. He said he belonged to "the old world, that of Goncharov and Tolstoy, of Moscow and Saint Petersburg, where his muse had been lost, never to be found again." Yet his new prose was marked with obvious artistic progress: Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, 1924), Sunstroke (Солнечный удаp, 1925), Cornet Yelagin's Case (Дело коpнета Елагина, 1925) and especially The Life of Arseniev (Жизнь Аpсеньева, written in 1927–1929, published in 1930–1933)[30] were praised by critics as bringing Russian literature to new heights.[9] Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev an apex of the whole of Russian prose and "one of the most striking phenomena in the world of literature."[24]
In 1924, he published the "Manifesto of the Russian Emigration", in which he i.a. declared:
There was Russia, inhabited by a mighty family, which had been created by the blessed work of countless generations. ... What was then done to them? They paid for the deposal of the ruler with the destruction of literally the whole home and with unheard of fratricide. ... A bastard, a moral idiot from the birth, Lenin presented to the World at the height of his activities something monstrous, staggering, he discorded the largest country of the Earth and killed millions of people, and in the broad day-light it is being disputed: was he a benefactor of the mankind or not?
In 1925–1926 Cursed Days (Окаянные дни), Bunin's diary of the years 1918–1920 started to appear in the Paris-based Vozrozhdenye newspaper (its final version was published by Petropolis in 1936).[31] According to Bunin scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Cursed Days, one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war, linked "Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth" and, "in its painful exposing of political and social utopias... heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct," Marullo wrote.[32]
In the 1920s and 1930s Bunin was regarded as the moral and artistic spokesman for a generation of expatriates who awaited the collapse of Bolshevism, a revered senior figure among living Russian writers, true to the tradition of Tolstoy and Chekhov.[33] He became the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, which was awarded to him in 1933 "for following through and developing with chastity and artfulness the traditions of Russian classic prose." Per Halstroem, in his celebratory speech, noted the laureate's poetic gift. Bunin for his part praised the Swedish Academy for honouring a writer in exile.[34] In his speech, addressing the Academy, he said:
Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centers of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.[18][35]
In France, Bunin found himself, for the first time, at the center of public attention.[24] On 10 November 1933, the Paris newspapers came out with huge headlines: "Bunin — the Nobel Prize laureate" giving the whole of the Russian community in France cause for celebration.[30] "You see, up until then we, émigrés, felt like we were at the bottom there. Then all of a sudden our writer received an internationally acclaimed prize! And not for some political scribblings, but for real prose! After having been asked to write a first page column for the Paris Revival newspaper, I stepped out in the middle of the night onto the Place d'Italie and toured the local bistros on my way home, drinking in each and every one of them to the health of Ivan Bunin!" fellow Russian writer Boris Zaitsev wrote.[9] Back in the USSR the reaction was negative: Bunin's triumph was explained there as "an imperialist intrigue."[36]
Dealing with the Prize, Bunin donated 100,000 francs to a literary charity fund, but the process of money distribution caused controversy among his fellow Russian émigré writers. It was during this time that Bunin's relationship deteriorated with Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Merezhkovsky (a fellow Nobel Prize nominee who once suggested that they divide the Prize between the two, should one of them get it, and had been refused).[37] Although reluctant to become involved in politics, Bunin was now feted as both a writer and the embodiment of non-Bolshevik Russian values and traditions. His travels throughout Europe featured prominently on the front pages of the Russian emigre press for the remainder of the decade.[3]
In 1933 he allowed calligrapher Guido Colucci to create a unique manuscript of "Un crime", a French translation of one of his novellas, illustrated with three original gouaches by Nicolas Poliakoff.
In 1934–1936, The Complete Bunin in 11 volumes was published in Berlin by Petropolis.[16] Bunin cited this edition as the most credible one and warned his future publishers against using any other versions of his work rather than those featured in the Petropolis collection. 1936 was marred by an incident in Lindau on the Swiss-German border when Bunin, having completed his European voyage, was stopped and unceremoniously searched. The writer (who caught cold and fell ill after the night spent under arrest) responded by writing a letter to the Paris-based Latest News newspaper. The incident caused disbelief and outrage in France.[9] In 1937 Bunin finished his book The Liberation of Tolstoy (Освобождение Толстого), held in the highest regard by Leo Tolstoy scholars.[30]
In 1938 Bunin began working on what would later become a celebrated cycle of nostalgic stories with a strong erotic undercurrent and a Proustian ring. The first eleven stories of it came out as Dark Avenues (or Dark Alleys, Тёмные аллеи) in New York (1943); the cycle appeared in a full version in 1946 in France. These stories assumed a more abstract and metaphysical tone which has been identified with his need to find refuge from the "nightmarish reality" of Nazi occupation.[38] Bunin's prose became more introspective, which was attributed to "the fact that a Russian is surrounded by enormous, broad and lasting things: the steppes, the sky. In the West everything is cramped and enclosed, and this automatically produces a turning towards the self, inwards."[39]
As World War II broke out, Bunin's friends in New York, anxious to help the Nobel Prize laureate get out of France, issued officially-endorsed invitations for him to travel to the US, and in 1941 they received their Nansen passports enabling them to make the trip. But the couple chose to remain in Grasse.[3] They spent the war years at Villa Jeanette, high in the mountains. Two young writers became long-term residents in the Bunin household at the time: Leonid Zurov (1902–1971) (ru), who had arrived on a visit from Latvia at Bunin's invitation earlier, in late 1929, and remained with them for the rest of their lives, and Nikolai Roshchin (1896–1956), who returned to the Soviet Union after the war.[3]
Members of this small commune (occasionally joined by Galina Kuznetsova and Margarita Stepun) were bent on survival: they grew vegetables and greens, helping one another out at a time when, according to Zurov, "Grasse's population had eaten all of their cats and dogs".[40] A journalist who visited the Villa in 1942 described Bunin as a "skinny and emaciated man, looking like an ancient patrician".[41] For Bunin, though, this isolation was a blessing and he refused to re-locate to Paris where conditions might have been better. "It takes 30 minutes of climbing to reach our villa, but there's not another view in the whole world like the one that's facing us," he wrote. "Freezing cold, though, is damning and making it impossible for me to write," he complained in one of his letters.[40] Vera Muromtseva-Bunina remembered: "There were five or six of us... and we were all writing continuously. This was the only way for us to bear the unbearable, to overcome hunger, cold and fear."[42]
Ivan Bunin was a staunch anti-Nazi, referring to Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as "rabid monkeys".[3][43][44][45] He risked his life, sheltering fugitives (including Jews such as the pianist A. Liebermann and his wife)[46] in his house in Grasse after Vichy was occupied by the Germans. According to Zurov, Bunin invited some of the Soviet war prisoners ("straight from Gatchina", who worked in occupied Grasse) to his home in the mountains, when the heavily guarded German forces' headquarters were only 300 metres (980 ft) away from his home.
The atmosphere in the neighbourhood, though, was not that deadly, judging by the Bunin's diary entry for 1 August 1944: "Nearby there were two guards, there were also one German, and one Russian prisoner, Kolesnikov, a student. The three of us talked a bit. Saying our farewells, a German guard shook my hand firmly".[47]
Under the occupation Bunin never ceased writing but, according to Zurov, "published not a single word. He was receiving offers to contribute to newspapers in unoccupied Switzerland, but declined them. Somebody visited him once, a guest who proved to be an agent, and proposed some literary work, but again Ivan Alekseyevich refused."[48] On 24 September 1944, Bunin wrote to Nikolai Roshchin: "Thank God, the Germans fled Grasse without a fight, on August 23. In the early morning of the 24th the Americans came. What was going on in the town, and in our souls, that's beyond description."[49] "For all this hunger, I'm glad we spent the War years in the South, sharing the life and difficulties of the people, I'm glad that we've managed even to help some", Vera Muromtseva-Bunina later wrote.[50]
In May 1945 the Bunins returned to 1, rue Jacques Offenbach in Paris. Aside from several spells at the Russian House (a clinic in Juan-les-Pins) where he was convalescing, Bunin stayed in the French capital for the rest of his life.[3] On 15 June, Russkye Novosty newspaper published its correspondent's account of his meeting with an elderly writer who looked "as sprightly and lively as if he had never had to come through those five years of voluntary exile." According to Bunin's friend N. Roshchin, "the liberation of France was a cause of great celebration and exultation for Bunin".[51]
Once, in the audience at a Soviet Russian Theatre show in Paris, Bunin found himself sitting next to a young Red Army colonel. As the latter rose and bowed, saying: "Do I have the honour of sitting next to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin?" the writer sprang to his feet: "I have the even higher honour of sitting next to an officer of the great Red Army!" he passionately retorted.[52] On 19 June 1945, Bunin held a literary show in Paris where he read some of the Dark Avenue stories. In the autumn of 1945, on the wave of the great patriotic boom, Bunin's 75th birthday was widely celebrated in the Parisian Russian community. Bunin started to communicate closely with the Soviet connoisseurs, journalist Yuri Zhukov and literary agent Boris Mikhailov, the latter receiving from the writer several new stories for proposed publishing in the USSR. Rumours started circulating that the Soviet version of The Complete Bunin was already in the works.
In the late 1940s Bunin, having become interested in the new Soviet literature, in particular the works of Aleksandr Tvardovsky and Konstantin Paustovsky, entertained plans of returning to the Soviet Union, as Aleksandr Kuprin had done in the 1930s. In 1946, speaking to his Communist counterparts in Paris, Bunin praised the Supreme Soviet's decision to return Soviet citizenship to Russian exiles in France, still stopping short of saying "yes" to the continuous urging from the Soviet side for him to return.[51] "It is hard for an old man to go back to places where he's pranced goat-like in better times. Friends and relatives are all buried... That for me would be a graveyard trip," he reportedly said to Zhukov, promising though, to "think more of it."[53] Financial difficulties and the French reading public's relative indifference to the publication of Dark Avenues figured high among his motives. "Would you mind asking the Union of Writers to send me at least some of the money for books that've been published and re-issued in Moscow in the 1920s and 1930s? I am weak, I am short of breath, I need to go to the South but am too skinny to even dream of it," Bunin wrote to Nikolay Teleshov in a 19 November 1946, letter.[51]
Negotiations for the writer's return came to an end after the publication of his Memoirs (Воспоминания, 1950), full of scathing criticism of Soviet cultural life. Apparently aware of his own negativism, Bunin wrote: "I was born too late. If I had been born earlier, my literary memoirs would have been different. I wouldn't have been a witness to 1905, the First World War, then 1917 and what followed: Lenin, Stalin, Hitler... How can I not be jealous of our forefather Noah. He lived through only one flood in his lifetime".[9] Reportedly, the infamous Zhdanov decree was one of the reasons for Bunin's change of mind.[36] On 15 September 1947, Bunin wrote to Mark Aldanov: "I have a letter here from Teleshov, written on 7 September; 'what a pity (he writes) that you've missed all of this: how your book was set up, how everybody was waiting for you here, in the place where you could have been... rich, feasted, and held in such high honour!' Having read this I spent an hour hair-tearing. Then I suddenly became calm. It just came to me all of a sudden all those other things Zhdanov and Fadeev might have given me instead of feasts, riches and laurels..."[9]
After 1948, his health deteriorating, Bunin concentrated upon writing memoirs and a book on Anton Chekhov. He was aided by his wife, who, along with Zurov, completed the work after Bunin's death and saw to its publication in New York in 1955.[16] In English translation it was entitled About Chekhov: The Unfinished Symphony.[18] Bunin also revised a number of stories for publication in new collections, spent considerable time looking through his papers and annotated his collected works for a definitive edition.[3] In 1951 Bunin was elected the first ever hononary International PEN member, representing the community of writers in exile. According to A. J. Heywood, one major event of Bunin's last years was his quarrel in 1948 with Maria Tsetlina and Boris Zaitsev, following the decision by the Union of Russian Writers and Journalists in France to expel holders of Soviet passports from its membership. Bunin responded by resigning from the Union. The writer's last years were marred by bitterness, disillusionment and ill-health; he was suffering from asthma, bronchitis and chronic pneumonia.[3][46]
On 2 May 1953, Bunin left in his diary a note that proved to be his last one. "Still, this is so dumbfoundingly extraordinary. In a very short while there will be no more of me – and of all the things worldly, of all the affairs and destinies, from then on I will be unaware! And what I'm left to do here is dumbly try to consciously impose upon myself fear and amazement," he wrote.
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin died in a Paris attic flat in the early hours of 8 November 1953. Heart failure, cardiac asthma and pulmonary sclerosis were cited as the causes of death.[46] A lavish burial service took place at the Russian Church on Rue Daru. All the major newspapers, both Russian and French, published large obituaries. For quite a while the coffin was held in a vault. On 30 January 1954, Bunin was buried in the Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois Russian Cemetery.[30]
In the 1950s, Bunin became the first of the Russian writers in exile to be published officially in the USSR. In 1965, The Complete Bunin came out in Moscow in nine volumes. Some of his more controversial books, notably Cursed Days, remained banned in the Soviet Union until the late 1980s.[36]
Ivan Bunin made history as the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature. The immediate basis for the award was the autobiographical novel The Life of Arseniev, but Bunin's legacy is much wider in scope. He is regarded as a master of the short story, described by scholar Oleg Mikhaylov as an "archaist innovator" who, while remaining true to the literary tradition of the 19th century, made huge leaps in terms of artistic expression and purity of style.[54] "[Bunin's] style heralds an historical precedent... technical precision as an instrument of bringing out beauty is sharpened to the extreme. There's hardly another poet who on dozens of pages would fail to produce a single epithet, analogy or metaphor... the ability to perform such a simplification of poetic language without doing any harm to it is the sign of a true artist. When it comes to artistic precision Bunin has no rivals among Russian poets," wrote Vestnik Evropy.[9]
Bunin's early stories were of uneven quality. They were united in their "earthiness", lack of plot and signs of a curious longing for "life's farthest horizons"; young Bunin started his career by trying to approach the ancient dilemmas of the human being, and his first characters were typically old men. His early prose works had one common leitmotif: that of nature's beauty and wisdom bitterly contrasting with humanity's ugly shallowness.[55] As he progressed, Bunin started to receive encouraging reviews: Anton Chekhov warmly greeted his first stories, even if he found too much "density" in them. But it was Gorky who gave Bunin's prose its highest praise. Till the end of his life Gorky (long after the relationship between former friends had soured) rated Bunin among Russian literature's greatest writers and recommended his prose for younger generations of writers as an example of true and unwithering classicism.[56]
As a poet, Bunin started out as a follower of Ivan Nikitin and Aleksey Koltsov, then gravitated towards the Yakov Polonsky and Afanasy Fet school, the latter's impressionism becoming a marked influence. The theme of Bunin's early works seemed to be the demise of the traditional Russian nobleman of the past – something which as an artist he simultaneously gravitated toward and felt averted from. In the 1900s this gave way to a more introspective, philosophical style, akin to Fyodor Tyutchev and his "poetic cosmology". All the while Bunin remained hostile to modernism (and the darker side of it, "decadence"); Mikhaylov saw him as the torch-bearer of Aleksander Pushkin's tradition of "praising the naked simplicity's charms."[54]
The symbolist's flights of imagination and grotesque passions foreign to him, Bunin made nature his field of artistic research and here carved his art to perfection. "Few people are capable of loving nature as Bunin does. And it's this love that makes his scope wide, his vision deep, his colour and aural impressions so rich," wrote Aleksander Blok, a poet from a literary camp Bunin treated as hostile.[54] It was for his books of poetry (the most notable of which is Falling Leaves, 1901) and his poetic translations that Bunin became a three time Pushkin Prize laureate. His verse was praised by Aleksander Kuprin while Blok regarded Bunin as among the first in the hierarchy of Russian poets. One great admirer of Bunin's verse was Vladimir Nabokov, who (even if making scornful remarks about Bunin's prose) compared him to Blok.[9] Some see Bunin as a direct follower of Gogol, who was the first in Russian literature to discover the art of fusing poetry and prose together.[55]
The wholesomeness of Bunin's character allowed him to avoid crises to become virtually the only author of the first decades of the 20th century to develop gradually and logically. "Bunin is the only one who remains true to himself", Gorky wrote in a letter to Chirikov in 1907.[55] Yet, an outsider to all the contemporary trends and literary movements, Bunin was never truly famous in Russia. Becoming an Academician in 1909 alienated him even more from the critics, the majority of whom saw the Academy's decision to expel Gorky several years earlier as a disgrace. The closest Bunin came to fame was in 1911–1912 when The Village and Dry Valley came out.[56] The former, according to the author, "sketched with sharp cruelty the most striking lines of the Russian soul, its light and dark sides, and its often tragic foundations"; it caused passionate, and occasionally very hostile reactions. "Nobody has ever drawn the [Russian] village in such a deep historical context before," Maxim Gorky wrote.[9] After this uncompromising book it became impossible to continue to paint the Russian peasantry life in the idealised, narodnik-style way, Bunin single-handedly closed this long chapter in Russian literature. He maintained the truly classic traditions of realism in Russian literature at the very time when they were in the gravest danger, under attack by modernists and decadents. Yet he was far from "traditional" in many ways, introducing to Russian literature a completely new set of characters and a quite novel, laconic way of saying things.[9] Dry Valley was regarded as another huge step forward for Bunin. While The Village dealt metaphorically with Russia as a whole in a historical context, here, according to the author, the "Russian soul [was brought into the focus] in the attempt to highlight the Slavic psyche's most prominent features."[9] "It's one of the greatest books of Russian horror, and there's an element of liturgy in it... Like a young priest with his faith destroyed, Bunin buried the whole of his class," wrote Gorky.[57]
Bunin's travel sketches were lauded as innovative, notably Bird's Shadow (1907–1911). "He's enchanted with the East, with the 'light-bearing' lands he now describes in such beautiful fashion... For [depicting] the East, both Biblical and modern, Bunin chooses the appropriate style, solemn and incandescent, full of imagery, bathing in waves of sultry sunlight and adorned with arabesques and precious stones, so that, when he tells of these grey-haired ancient times, disappearing in the distant haze of religion and myth, the impression he achieves is that of watching a great chariot of human history moving before our eyes," wrote Yuri Aykhenvald.[9] Critics noted Bunin's uncanny knack of immersing himself into alien cultures, both old and new, best demonstrated in his Eastern cycle of short stories as well as his superb translation of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (1898).[54]
Bunin was greatly interested in international myths and folklore, as well as the Russian folkloric tradition. But, (according to Georgy Adamovich) "he was absolutely intolerant towards those of his colleagues who employed stylizations, the "style Russe" manufacturers. His cruel – and rightly so – review of Sergey Gorodetsky's poetry was one example. Even Blok's Kulikovo Field (for me, an outstanding piece) irritated him as too lavishly adorned... "That's Vasnetsov," he commented, meaning 'masquerade and opera'. But he treated things that he felt were not masqueradery differently. Of the Slovo o Polku Igoreve... he said something to the effect that all the poets of the whole world lumped together couldn't have created such wonder, in fact something close to Pushkin's words. Yet translations of the legend... outraged him, particularly that of Balmont. He despised Shmelyov for his pseudo-Russian pretenses, though admitting his literary gift. Bunin had an extraordinarily sharp ear for falseness: he instantly recognized this jarring note and was infuriated. That was why he loved Tolstoy so much. Once, I remember, he spoke of Tolstoy as the one 'who's never said a single word that would be an exaggeration'."[9]
Bunin has often been spoken of as a "cold" writer. Some of his conceptual poems of the 1910s refuted this stereotype, tackling philosophical issues like the mission of an artist ("Insensory", 1916) where he showed fiery passion. According to Oleg Mikhaylov, "Bunin wanted to maintain distance between himself and his reader, being frightened by any closeness... But his pride never excluded passions, just served as a panzer — it was like a flaming torch in an icy shell."[54] On a more personal level, Vera Muromtseva confirmed: "Sure, he wanted to come across as [cold and aloof] and he succeeded by being a first-class actor... people who didn't know him well enough couldn't begin to imagine what depths of soft tenderness his soul was capable of reaching," she wrote in her memoirs.[9]
The best of Bunin's prose ("The Gentleman from San Francisco", "Loopy Ears" and notably, "Brothers", based on Ceylon's religious myth) had a strong philosophical streak to it. In terms of ethics Bunin was under the strong influence of Socrates (as related by Xenophon and Plato), he argued that it was the Greek classic who first expounded many things that were later found in Hindu and Jewish sacred books. Bunin was particularly impressed with Socrates's ideas on the intrinsic value of human individuality, it being a "kind of focus for higher forces" (quoted from Bunin's short story "Back to Rome"). As a purveyor of Socratic ideals, Bunin followed Leo Tolstoy; the latter's observation about beauty being "the crown of virtue" was Bunin's idea too. Critics found deep philosophical motives, and deep undercurrents in Mitya's Love and The Life of Arseniev, two pieces in which "Bunin came closest to a deep metaphysical understanding of the human being's tragic essence." Konstantin Paustovsky called The Life of Arseniev "one of the most outstanding phenomena of world literature."[9]
In his view on Russia and its history Bunin for a while had much in common with A. K. Tolstoy (of whom he spoke with great respect); both tended to idealise the pre-Tatar Rus. Years later he greatly modified his view of Russian history, forming a more negative outlook. "There are two streaks in our people: one dominated by Rus, another by Chudh and Merya. Both have in them a frightening instability, sway... As Russian people say of themselves: we are like wood — both club and icon may come of it, depending on who is working on this wood," Bunin wrote years later.[54]
In emigration Bunin continued his experiments with extremely concise, ultra-ionized prose, taking Chekhov and Tolstoy's ideas on expressive economy to the last extreme. The result of this was God's Tree, a collection of stories so short, some of them were half a page long. Professor Pyotr Bitsilly thought God's Tree to be "the most perfect of Bunin's works and the most exemplary. Nowhere else can such eloquent laconism can be found, such definitive and exquisite writing, such freedom of expression and really magnificent demonstration of [mind] over matter. No other book of his has in it such a wealth of material for understanding of Bunin's basic method – a method in which, in fact, there was nothing but basics. This simple but precious quality – honesty bordering on hatred of any pretense – is what makes Bunin so closely related to... Pushkin, Tolstoy and Chekhov," Bitsilli wrote.[9]
Influential, even if controversial, was his Cursed Days 1918–1920 diary, of which scholar Thomas Gaiton Marullo wrote:
The work is important for several reasons. Cursed Days is one of the very few anti-Bolshevik diaries to be preserved from the time of the Russian Revolution and civil war. It recreates events with graphic and gripping immediacy. Unlike the works of early Soviets and emigres and their self-censoring backdrop of memory, myth, and political expediency, Bunin's truth reads almost like an aberration. Cursed Days also links Russian anti-utopian writing of the nineteenth century to its counterpart in the twentieth. Reminiscent of the fiction of Dostoevsky, it features an 'underground man' who does not wish to be an 'organ stop' or to affirm 'crystal palaces'. Bunin's diary foreshadowed such 'libelous' memoirs as Yevgenia Ginzburg's Journey into the Whirlwind (1967) and Within the Whirlwind, and Nadezhda Mandelstam's Hope Against Hope (1970) and Hope Abandoned (1974), the accounts of two courageous women caught up in the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. Cursed Days also preceded the "rebellious" anti-Soviet tradition that began with Evgeny Zamyatin and Yury Olesha, moved on to Mikhail Bulgakov, and reached a climax with Boris Pasternak and Alexander Solzhenitsyn. One can argue that, in its painful exposing of political and social utopias, Cursed Days heralded the anti-utopian writing of George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Bunin and Zamyatin had correctly understood that the Soviet experiment was destined to self destruct."[32]
Despite his works being virtually banned in the Soviet Union up until the mid-1950s, Bunin exerted a strong influence over several generations of Soviet writers. Among those who owed a lot to Bunin, critics mentioned Mikhail Sholokhov, Konstantin Fedin, Konstantin Paustovsky, Ivan Sokolov-Mikitov, and later Yuri Kazakov, Vasily Belov and Viktor Likhonosov.[56]
Ivan Bunin's books have been translated into many languages, and the world's leading writers praised his gift. Romain Rolland called Bunin an "artistic genius"; he was spoken and written of in much the same vein by writers like Henri de Régnier, Thomas Mann, Rainer Maria Rilke, Jerome K. Jerome, and Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz. In 1950, on the eve of his 80th birthday, François Mauriac expressed in a letter his delight and admiration, but also his deep sympathy to Bunin's personal qualities and the dignified way he'd got through all the tremendous difficulties life had thrown at him. In a letter published by Figaro, André Gide greeted Bunin "on behalf of all France", calling him "the great artist" and adding: "I don't know of any other writer... who's so to the point in expressing human feelings, simple and yet always so fresh and new". European critics often compared Bunin to both Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky, crediting him with having renovated the Russian realist tradition both in essence and in form.[9]
On 22 October 2020 Google celebrated his 150th birthday with a Google Doodle.[58]
Bunin's first love was Varvara Pashchenko, his classmate in Yelets [not plausible as Ivan was at a male gymnasium and Varvara at an all female gymnasium], daughter of a doctor and an actress,[13] whom he fell for in 1889 and then went on to work with in Oryol in 1892. Their relationship was difficult in many ways: the girl's father detested the union because of Bunin's impecunious circumstances, Varvara herself was not sure if she wanted to marry and Bunin too was uncertain whether marriage was really appropriate for him.[8] The couple moved to Poltava and settled in Yuly Bunin's home, but by 1892 their relations deteriorated, Pashchenko complaining in a letter to Yuly Bunin that serious quarrels were frequent, and begging for assistance in bringing their union to an end. The affair eventually ended in 1894 with her marrying actor and writer A. N. Bibikov, Ivan Bunin's close friend.[16] Bunin felt betrayed, and for a time his family feared the possibility of him committing suicide.[3] According to some sources it was Varvara Pashchenko who many years later would appear under the name of Lika in The Life of Arseniev (chapter V of the book, entitled Lika, was also published as a short story).[9] Scholar Tatyana Alexandrova, though, questioned this identification (suggesting Mirra Lokhvitskaya might have been the major prototype), while Vera Muromtseva thought of Lika as a 'collective' character aggregating the writer's reminiscences of several women he knew in his youth.
In the summer of 1898 while staying with writer A. M. Fedorov, Bunin became acquainted with N. P. Tsakni, a Greek social-democrat activist, the publisher and editor of the Odessa newspaper Yuzhnoe Obozrenie (Southern Review). Invited to contribute to the paper, Bunin became virtually a daily visitor to the Tsakni family dacha and fell in love with the latter's 18-year-old daughter, Anna (1879–1963). On 23 September 1898, the two married, but by 1899 signs of alienation between them were obvious.[16] At the time of their acrimonious separation in March 1900 Anna was pregnant. She gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in Odessa on 30 August of the same year. The boy, of whom his father saw very little, died on 16 January 1905, from a combination of scarlet fever, measles and heart complications.
Ivan Bunin's second wife was Vera Muromtseva (1881–1961), niece of the high-ranking politician Sergey Muromtsev. The two had initially been introduced to each other by writer Ekaterina Lopatina some years earlier, but it was their encounter at the house of the writer Boris Zaitsev in November 1906[59] which led to an intense relationship which resulted in the couple becoming inseparable until Bunin's death. Bunin and Muromtseva married officially only in 1922, after he managed at last to divorce Tsakni legally. Decades later Vera Muromtseva-Bunina became famous in her own right with her book Life of Bunin.
In 1927, while in Grasse, Bunin fell for the Russian poet Galina Kuznetsova, on vacation there with her husband. The latter, outraged by the well-publicized affair, stormed off, while Bunin not only managed to somehow convince Vera Muromtseva that his love for Galina was purely platonic, but also invite the latter to stay in the house as a secretary and 'a family member'. The situation was complicated by the fact that Leonid Zurov, who stayed with the Bunins as a guest for many years, was secretly in love with Vera (of which her husband was aware); this made it more of a "love quadrilateral" than a mere triangle.[60] Bunin and Kuznetsova's affair ended dramatically in 1942 when the latter, now deeply in love with another frequent guest, opera singer Margo Stepun, sister[3][61] of Fyodor Stepun,[62] left Bunin, who felt disgraced and insulted.[30] The writer's tempestuous private life in emigration became the subject of the internationally acclaimed Russian movie, His Wife's Diary (or The Diary of His Wife) (2000).[63] which caused controversy and was described by some as masterful and thought-provoking,[64] but by others as vulgar, inaccurate and in bad taste.[46][65] Vera Muromtseva-Bunina later accepted both Kuznetsova and Margarita Stepun as friends: "nashi" ("ours"), as she called them, lived with the Bunins for long periods during the Second World War. According to A.J. Heywood of Leeds University, in Germany and then New York, after the war, Kuznetsova and Stepun negotiated with publishers on Bunin's behalf and maintained a regular correspondence with Ivan and Vera up until their respective deaths.[3]
The Life of Arseniev (Жизнь Арсеньева, 1927–1933, 1939)
The Village (Деревня, 1910)
Dry Valley (Суходол, 1912)
Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, 1924)
To the Edge of the World and Other Stories (На край света и другие рассказы, 1897)
Antonovka Apples (Антоновские яблоки, 1900)
Flowers of the Field (Цветы полевые, 1901)
Bird's Shadow (Тень птицы, 1907–1911; Paris, 1931)
Ioann the Mourner (Иоанн Рыдалец, 1913)
Chalice of Life (Чаша жизни, Petersburg, 1915; Paris, 1922)
The Gentleman from San Francisco (Господин из Сан-Франциско, 1916)
Chang's Dreams (Сны Чанга, 1916, 1918)
Temple of the Sun (Храм Солнца, 1917)
Primal Love (Начальная любовь, Prague, 1921)
Scream (Крик, Paris, 1921)
Rose of Jerico (Роза Иерихона, Berlin, 1924)
Mitya's Love (Митина любовь, Paris, 1924; New York, 1953)
Sunstroke (Солнечный удар, Paris, 1927)
Sacred Tree (Божье древо, Paris, 1931)
Dark Avenues (Тёмные аллеи, New York, 1943; Paris, 1946)
Judea in Spring (Весной в Иудее, New York, 1953)
Loopy Ears and Other Stories (Петлистые уши и другие рассказы, 1954, New York, posthumous)
Poems (1887–1891) (1891, originally as a literary supplement to Orlovsky vestnik newspaper)
Under the Open Skies (Под открытым небом, 1898)
Falling Leaves (Листопад, Moscow, 1901)
Poems (1903) (Стихотворения, 1903)
Poems (1903–1906) (Стихотворения, 1906)
Poems of 1907 (Saint Petersburg, 1908)
Selected Poems (Paris, 1929)
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The Song of Hiawatha (1898)
Waters Aplenty (Воды многие, 1910, 1926)
Cursed Days (Окаянные дни, 1925–1926)[66]
Memoirs. Under the hammer and sickle. (Воспоминания. Под серпом и молотом. 1950)[67]
List of poems by Ivan Bunin
List of short stories by Ivan Bunin
Collected Stories of Ivan Bunin, Ivan Bunin. Trans. Graham Hettlinger. Ivan R Dee 2007 ISBN 978-1566637589
Night of Denial: Stories and Novellas, Ivan Bunin. Trans. Robert Bowie. Northwestern 2006 ISBN 0-8101-1403-8
The Life of Arseniev, Ivan Bunin. edited by Andrew Baruch Wachtel. Northwestern 1994 ISBN 0-8101-1172-1
Dark Avenues, Ivan Bunin. Translated by Hugh Aplin. Oneworld Classics 2008 ISBN 978-1-84749-047-6
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. Ivan Bunin: Russian Requiem, 1885–1920: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Fiction (1993, Vol.1)
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. From the Other Shore, 1920–1933: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Fiction. (1995, Vol.2)
Thomas Gaiton Marullo. Ivan Bunin: The Twilight of Emigre Russia, 1934–1953: A Portrait from Letters, Diaries, and Memoirs. (2002, Vol.3)
Alexander F. Zweers. The Narratology of the Autobiography: An analysis of the literary devices employed in Ivan Bunin's The life of Arsenév. Peter Lang Publishing 1997 ISBN 0-8204-3357-8
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)Julian W. Connolly University of VirginiaBiographiesReferencesPapersBunin: Autobiographical Statement Source for information on Bunin, Ivan (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953): Nobel Prize Laureates in Literature, Part 1 dictionary.
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)
Julian W. Connolly
University of Virginia
Biographies
References
Papers
Bunin: Autobiographical Statement
1933 Nobel Prize in Literature Presentation Speech
Bunin: Banquet Speech
This entry was expanded by Connolly from his Bunin entry in DLB 317: Twentieth-Century Russian Émigré Writers.
BOOKS: Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg .(Orel: Orlovskii vestnik, 1891);
“Na krai sveta” i drugie rasskaty (St. Petersburg: O. N. Popova, 1897);
Pod otkrytym nebom: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie, 1898);
Stikhi i rasskazy (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie i Pedagogicheskii listok, 1900);
Listopad: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Skorpion, 1901);
Novye stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: O. O. Gerbek, 1902);
Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (St. Petersburg: Znanie, 1902-1909);
Stikhotvoreniia i rasskazy: 1907-1909 (St. Petersburg: Obshchestvennaia pol’za, 1910);
Derevnia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1910); translated by Isabel F. Hapgood as The Village (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker, 1923);
Pereval: Rasskazy 1892-1902 (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Rasskazy i stikhotvoreniia 1907-1910 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Sukhodol: Povesti i rasskazy 1911-1912 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Ioann Rydalets: Rasskazy i stikhi 1912-1913 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1913);
Zolotoe dno: Rasskazy 1903-1907 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1913);
Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 6 volumes (Petrograd: A. F. Marks, 1915);
Chasha zhizni: Rasskazy 1913-1914 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1915);
Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko: Proizvedeniia 1915-1916 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1916);
Khram solntsa (Petrograd: Zhizn’ i znanie, 1917);
Krik (Berlin: Slovo, 1921);
Nachal’naia liubov’ (Prague: Slavianskoe izdatel’stvo, 1921);
Roza Ierikhona (Berlin: Slovo, 1924);
Mitina liubov’ (Paris: Russkaia zemlia, 1925; Leningrad: Knizhnye novinki, 1925); translated from the French by Madelaine Boyd as Mitya’s Love (New York: Holt, 1926);
Poslednee svidanie (Paris: N. P. Karbasnikov, 1926);
Delo korneta Elagina (Khar’kov: Kosmos, 1927);
Solnechnyi udar (Paris: Rodnik, 1927);
Khudaia trava (Moscow & Leningrad: Zemlia i fabrika, 1928);
Izbrannye stikhi (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1929);
Grammatika liubvi: Izbrannye rasskazy (Belgrade: Russkaia biblioteka, 1929);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1930); translated by Gleb Struve and Hamish Miles as The Well of Days (London: Hogarth Press, 1933; New York: Knopf, 1934);
Bozh’e drevo (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Ten’ptitsy (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Sobranie sochinenii, 11 volumes (Berlin: Petropolis, 1934-1936);
Okaiannye dni (London, Ontario: Zaria, 1936); translated by Thomas Gaiton Marullo as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1998; London: Phoenix, 2000);
Osvobozhdenie Tohtogo (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1937); translated by Marullo and Vladimir T. Khmelkov as The Liberation of Tolstoy (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 2001);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: II. Lika: Roman (Brussels: Petropolis, 1939);
Temnye allei (New York: Novaia zemlia, 1943; enlarged edition, Paris: La Press française et étrangère, 1946); translated by Richard Hare as Dark Avenues and Other Stories (London: Lehmann, 1949; Westport, Conn.: Hyperion, 1977);
Vospominaniia (Paris: Vozrozhdenie, 1950); translated by Vera Traill and Robin Chancellor as Memories and Portraits (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1951; London: Lehmann, 1951);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (New York: Chekhov, 1952); translated by Struve, Miles, Heidi Hillis, Susan McKean, and Sven A. Wolf as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, edited by Andrew Baruch (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 1994);
Vesnoi, v Iudee: Roza Ierikhona (New York: Chekhov, 1953);
Petlistye ushi i drugie rasskazy (New York: Chekhov, 1954);
O Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (New York: Chekhov, 1955);
Stikhotvoreniia (Leningrad: Sovetskii pisatel’, 1956);
Ivan Bunin: Sbornik materialov, 2 volumes, Literaturnoe nasledstvo, volume 84 (Moscow: Nauka, 1973);
Publitsistika 1918-1953, edited by Oleg N. Mikhailov (Moscow: Nasledie, 1998).
Collections: Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (Moscow: Pravda, 1956);
Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh, 9 volumes, edited by A. S. Miasnikov, B. S. Riurikov, and A. T. Tvar dovsky (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1965-1967);
Sochineniia v trekh tomakh, 3 volumes (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1982);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by IU. V. Bondarev, Oleg N. Mikhailov, and V. P. Rynkevich (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1987-1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v chetyrekh tomakh, 4 volumes, edited by N. M. Liubimov (Moscow: Pravda, 1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v vos’mi tomakh, 8 volumes, edited by A. K. Baboreko (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1993-2000);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes (Moscow: Santaks, 1994);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by A. Farizova, I. Marev, G. Shitoeva, and V. Antonova (Moscow: Terra, 1997).
Editions in English: Lazarus, translated by Avrahm Yarmolinsky (Boston: Stratford, 1918)—comprises “Eleazar,” by Leonid Andreyev, and “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” by Bunin;
Reminiscences of Anton Chekhov, by Bunin, Maksim Gor’ky, and Aleksandr Kuprin, translated by S.S. Koteliansky and Leonard Woolf (New York: Huebsch, 1921);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Woolf, Koteliansky, and D. H. Lawrence (London: Hogarth Press, 1922; New York: Seltzer, 1923);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Bernard Guilbert Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923);
The Dreams of Chang, and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker); republished as Fifteen Tales (London: Seeker, 1924; Great Neck, N.Y: Core Collection Books, 1978);
Grammar of Love, translated by John Cournos (New York: Smith & Haas, 1934; London: Woolf, 1935);
The Elaghin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1935);
Shadowed Paths, translated by Ol’ga Shartse, edited by Philippa Hentges (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1944; Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2001);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Shartse, introduction by Thompson Bradley (New York: Washington Square Press, 1963);
Velga, translated by Guy Daniels (New York: S. G. Phillips, 1970);
Stories and Poems, translated by Shartse and Irina Zheleznova (Moscow: Progress, 1979);
In a Far Distant Land: Selected Stories, translated by Robert Bowie (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Hermitage, 1983);
Long Ago: Fourteen Stories, translated by David Richards and Sophie Lund (London: Angel, 1984); enlarged as The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories (London: Penguin / New York: Viking Penguin, 1987);
Light Breathing and Other Stories, translated by Shartse (Moscow: Raduga, 1988);
Wolves and Other Love Stories, translated by Mark C. Scott (San Bernardino, Cal.: Capra Press, 1989);
Sunstroke: Selected Stories, translated by Graham Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2002);
The Elagin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2005).
TRANSLATION: Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Pesn’ o Gaiavate (Moscow: Knizhnoe dielo, 1899).
The first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, Ivan Bunin was the last of a prominent line of writers who belonged to the aristocracy—a line that includes Ivan Turgenev and Leo Tolstoy. Bunin lived well into the twentieth century, and he chronicled in haunting detail the slow decline and ultimate disappearance of a way of life taken for granted by the gentry writers of the nineteenth century. Throughout his long career he was moved by an acute awareness of the evanescence of human life, and his work records the full range of human emotion from ecstatic joy at the fulfillment of desire to inconsolable grief at the losses that frequently ensue.
Ivan Alekseevich Bunin was born on 10 (New Style, 22) October 1870 in Voronezh, a provincial capital three hundred miles southeast of Moscow. In later years he pointed out with pride that he could trace his lineage to a Lithuanian knight who had entered the service of Grand Prince of Moscow Vasilii II in the fifteenth century. His ancestors had served a series of Russian rulers, and in the nineteenth century two of his relatives achieved significant literary fame: Anna Bunina was the first professional woman writer in Russia, while Vasilii Zhukovsky, the illegitimate son of Afanasii Bunin and a captive Turkish woman, became a noted poet and translator and served as tutor to the future tsar Alexander II.
Despite the achievements of these forebears, Bunin’s immediate family faced straitened circumstances at the time of his birth. Landowners throughout Russia were finding it increasingly difficult to maintain their prosperity; the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and the rise of industry in the countryside in the second half of the nineteenth century contributed to the decline of the gentry estate. Bunin’s father, Aleksei Nikolaevich Bunin, who had served as a volunteer in the Crimean War, preferred socializing with friends to managing his property, and while Bunin was still a child, his father was forced to sell off ancestral holdings until he was left with two small estates, Butyrki and Ozerki, in the province of Orel. According to Bunin’s memoirs, Vospominaniia (1950; translated as Memories and Portraits, 1951), the personality of his mother, Liudmila Aleksandrovna, neé Chubarova, was quite different from that of his father: she was deeply religious and inclined toward woeful premonitions and sadness. She was devoted to her children, but only four of the nine to whom she gave birth survived infancy. Bunin’s second wife ascribed his wide mood swings to the contrasting dispositions of his parents.
A few years after Bunin’s birth, his family found the cost of living in Voronezh beyond their means and moved to the Butyrki estate. Bunin recalled in an autobiographical note in 1915, “Here, in the deepest stillness of the fields, amidst crops that came right up to our doorstep in the summer, and amid snowdrifts in winter, passed my entire childhood, full of sad and original poetry.” Bunin’s immersion in nature left a lasting trace on his creative imagination: nuanced descriptions of natural phenomena became a hallmark of his mature writing. His brothers, Iulii and Evgenii, were much older than he, and his two sisters were infants during his early childhood. As a result, Bunin’s playmates were the peasant children in the neighborhood, and his familiarity with peasant life also had a significant impact on his writing.
Bunin’s early education was in the hands of an eccentric, impoverished nobleman, Nikolai Romashkov, who taught him to read from Russian translations of texts such as Homer’s Odyssey and fed his imagination with vivid stories about chivalry. Romashkov wrote satirical poetry about topical issues; Bunin tried his hand at verse, as well, but noted in his memoirs that he did not write about contemporary concerns but about “some kind of spirits in a mountain valley on a moonlit night.”
The death of his infant sister Aleksandra shocked Bunin and plunged him into months of tormented contemplation about what might lie beyond the grave. Wonderment about death and its implications for the living remained an element of his personality throughout his life.
In autumn 1881 Bunin enrolled in a gymnasium in Elets. He was not interested in disciplined education, and his academic success, especially in mathematics, steadily deteriorated. During the Christmas holidays of 1885 he told his parents that he did not wish to return to school, and they acceded to his desire. By this time they had sold the Butyrki estate to pay off their debts and had moved to the Ozerki estate, which had belonged to Bunin’s mother’s family. His brother Iulii, a political activist, had been arrested in 1884 and sentenced to house arrest for three years. With little else to do, Iulii took over his brother’s education. Recognizing that Bunin had little affinity for mathematics, Iulii concentrated on history, political science, and literature. Under his brother’s guidance Bunin read the works of such major Russian writers as Turgenev, Aleksandr Pushkin, Mikhail Lermontov, Fedor Tiutchev, Afanasii Fet, and Vsevolod Garshin. He also read the plays and sonnets of William Shakespeare and the poetry of the English Romantics in translation and tried to learn English so that he could read them in the original.
Stimulated by his reading, Bunin wrote a large quantity of poetry and a few prose sketches between 1886 and 1889. For the most part this early work reveals his reliance on the models of Pushkin, Lermontov, and Fet, but his notebooks also include translations of work by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe; Friedrich Schiller; George Gordon, Lord Byron; and Alphonse de Lamartine. A prominent literary figure of the day was Semen Nadson, a poet who expressed his longing to be of use to society and lamented his powerlessness to do so. Nadson’s anguished idealism resonated powerfully among young Russians of Bunin’s generation. When Nadson died of tuberculosis at twenty-five in January 1887, Bunin wrote a commemorative poem, “Nad mogiloi S. la. Nadsona” (At the Grave of S. la. Nadson). It was published in the journal Rodina (Homeland) on 22 February 1887, and Bunin’s literary career was launched. Within a short time he published other poems in Rodina and in Knizhki nedeli (Books of the Week) and his first short stories, “Nefedka” and “Dva strannika” (Two Wanderers), in Rodina.
In August 1888 Iulii moved to Kharkov, and Bunin found himself increasingly bored with life in the country. On 20 January 1889 he was invited to join the staff of Orlovsky vestnik (Orel Messenger), a newspaper that covered social issues, literature, and trade. Before taking up the position he spent two months visiting Iulii in Kharkov, meeting his brother’s radical friends and engaging in lengthy arguments about politics and ideology. After a trip to the Crimea, he began work at Orlovsky vestnik in autumn 1889. He used his position to publish his poems, stories, and literary articles in the paper. He fell in love with a coworker, Varvara Pashchenko, although she appears to have been ambivalent in her feelings for him. Bunin felt constrained by his lack of financial means, and Pashchenko’s parents were opposed to her marrying an impecunious writer. The couple was forced to conceal their relationship, which placed additional stress on it; arguments and separations were followed by periods of renewed intimacy. Bunin incorporated many of the elements of his relationship with Pashchenko into his novel Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (1952; translated as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, 1994).
In 1891 Bunin’s Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg. (Poems: 1887-1891) was published as a supplement to the Orlovsky vestnik. The following year he and Pashchenko moved to Poltava, where Bunin went to work with Iulii in the local zemstvo (provincial administrative organization) as a librarian. Later he became a statistician, which required him to travel throughout the region collecting data and observing the changing conditions of rural life. He distilled his observations into his fiction, and his work began appearing with more frequency in literary journals.
During this period Bunin became acquainted with followers of Tolstoy’s philosophy of simplification, and for a time he was seized with enthusiasm for Tolstoyanism. He went to Moscow to meet Tolstoy in January 1894; although Tolstoy cautioned him against becoming a blind adherent of the simple life, the meeting made a powerful impression on him. Later that year Bunin began distributing literature put out by the Tolstoyan publishing house Posrednik (Mediator) and was arrested for selling books without a license. He was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment but was saved from going to jail by the general amnesty ordered when Nicholas II succeeded Alexander III as tsar in October. Bunin’s infatuation with the simple life soon passed, and he conveyed his reservations about the Tolstoyan ideal in the story “Na dache” (1897, At the Dacha). Tolstoy himself, however, remained one of Bunin’s lifelong heroes, and decades later Bunin set down his views on Tolstoy and the meaning of Tolstoy’s work in the treatise Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo (1937; translated as The Liberation of Tolstoy, 2001).
On 4 November 1894 Pashchenko wrote Bunin a note stating that she was leaving him. Her parents refused to give him any information as to her whereabouts. His despair was such that his parents feared that he would commit suicide. He was further devastated when he found out that Pashchenko had married their friend Arsenii Bibikov. Aware of his state of mind, Iulii urged him to travel to St. Petersburg and Moscow and immerse himself in the literary life in those cities. Following his brother’s counsel, Bunin became acquainted with a broad spectrum of literary and intellectual figures ranging from members of the older generation, such as Dmitrii Grigorovich, to one of the rising stars of the nascent symbolist movement, Konstantin Bal’mont. He continued to feel isolated and unsettled, however. He was particularly troubled by a sense that he had received an inferior education and had not been properly prepared for a career.
Returning to the countryside for the spring and summer of 1895, Bunin worked on improving his English: he had begun translating Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Song of Hiawatha (1855). The translation was published in Orlovsky vestnik in 1896 and, with revisions, achieved great popularity and went through many editions. For the next several years periods of creative work in the countryside alternated with travel to the major cities or to the south and, ultimately, beyond Russia’s borders. Bunin became acquainted with a growing circle of writers, including Anton Chekhov, Aleksandr Kuprin, Valerii Briusov, and Nikolai Teleshov.
Bunin’s first major success came with the publication of his first collection of short stories, ”Na krai sveta“i drugie rasskazy (”To the Edge of the World“and Other Tales), in 1897. Several of the stories display a populist orientation and expose the hardships faced by the common folk as their traditional mode of life is threatened by famine and relocation. These general themes are informed by Bunin’s personal concern with issues such as growing old, the loss of cherished joys, and the mystery of death. Characteristic is the concluding section of the title story: having described the grief that attends the departure of a group of peasants from their native village in quest of a better life in a new territory, Bunin shifts focus from the sorrows of individuals to a broader reflection on the evanescence of human life. Referring to ancient burial mounds on the steppe, he asks: “But of what concern to them, these age-old, silent mounds, are the sorrows or joys of some kind of beings who will exist for a moment and then cede their place to others just like them, others who will again worry and rejoice and disappear just as completely without a trace from the face of the earth?” Repeatedly in these stories Bunin moves outward from the travails of his characters to the natural world, dissolving the tension of insoluble human dilemmas in nature’s ceaseless flow.
Critics reacted positively to the collection. Commenting on”Na krai sveta“in the St. Petersburg paper Novosti (News) on 26 October 1895, Aleksandr Skabichevsky declared, “This is not genre painting, nor description of everyday life, nor ethnography... but poetry itself!” Skabichevsky’s perception of a poetic quality to Bunin’s prose was accurate: not only was Bunin’s early prose lyrical and rhythmic, but he was also continuing to develop as a poet. In 1898 his verse collection Pod otkrytym nebom (Under the Open Sky) was published in Moscow, and it too met with critical acclaim.
In 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa to work for the newspaper Iuzhnoe obozrenie (Southern Review). He quickly became infatuated with Anna Tsakni, the daughter of the publisher of the paper, and they were married on 28 September. He soon regretted the hasty marriage. In a letter to his brother Iulii dated 14 December 1899 he described his wife as”foolish and immature as a puppy.“In March 1900 Bunin left her and went to Moscow. Anna gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in August. Bunin returned to Odessa only to visit his son, who died in January 1905 of complications following scarlet fever and measles.
In 1901 Bunin published the poetry collection Listopad (Falling Leaves) and dedicated it to the writer Maksim Gor’ky (pseudonym of Aleksei Peshkov). Gor’ky had written Bunin to praise Pod otkrytym nebom, and the two had met in Yalta in 1899 and begun a friendship that lasted for nearly two decades. The long title poem is characteristic of Bunin’s early verse. Personifying autumn as a “quiet widow” sorrowfully departing for the south as winter approaches, the poem highlights the beauty of nature’s timeless changes. The collection garnered praise from notable figures across the literary spectrum. In early February 1901 Gor’ky wrote Briusov that he considered Bunin the foremost poet of the day, and a young poet from the symbolist camp, Aleksandr Blok, said that Bunin had won the right to one of the chief positions in contemporary Russian poetry. The collection, together with the translation of The Song of Hiawatha, earned Bunin his first major literary honor: the Imperial Academy of Sciences awarded him the coveted Pushkin Prize in October 1903.
While Listopad had been published by the symbolist house Skorpion, Bunin’s artistic temperament had little in common with the excesses sometimes found in decadent literature; and when negotiations for Skorpion to publish additional volumes of his work collapsed, Bunin turned to the firm with which Gor’ky was closely identified: Znanie (Knowledge) published five volumes of his collected works from 1902 to 1909. The writers associated with Znanie were known as “realists” or “neorealists,” but Bunin was never comfortable with labels, and his work defies ready categorization. The prose sketches he began writing at the turn of the twentieth century, for example, are nearly devoid of plot. Highly lyrical, they feature dense passages of description in which subtle gradations of color, smell, and sound are delicately woven together into a rich tapestry of sensation. Aptly characterized by Thomas Winner as “mood paintings,” the sketches either convey a solitary narrator’s reflections on the mysteries of human existence, as in “Sosny” (1901, Pines) and “Tuman” (1901, Mist), or paint an evocative picture of the slow decline of traditional forms of life in the countryside, as in “Epitafiia” (1901, Epitaph). Perhaps the best known of these sketches is “Antonovskie iabloki” (1900, Antonov Apples; translated as “Apple Fragrance,” 1944), in which the rich and expansive estate life of past generations is contrasted with the more meager existence that survives on impoverished estates at the end of the nineteenth century. The writer’s nostalgia for the vanishing beauty of the past is conveyed through a series of remembered scenes that anticipate Marcel Proust in their appreciation for the evocative power of sensual detail. But as exquisite as these mood paintings are, they represented a dead end for Bunin: having evoked the atmosphere of inevitable decline in the Russian countryside, he seemed to have gone as far as he could in this genre. Without a new perspective or a significant story to tell, he ran the risk of repeating himself.
In April 1903 Bunin departed for Constantinople (today Istanbul, Turkey). He had just read the entire Qur’an, and he wished to see the city that had played an important role in the history of Islam as well as in early Russian history. It was the first of many trips to Constantinople, Greece, and the Middle East, and he recorded his impressions in a series of travel sketches from 1907 to 1911. A reading of these sketches together with the poetry he wrote during the period reveals several underlying concerns. First, Bunin sought to identify the essence of a religion or culture by studying the environment in which it developed. Islam, he wrote in “Ten’ ptitsy” (1908, The Shadow of a Bird), was born “in the wilderness,” whereas the myths of ancient Greece were born from “sun, sea, and stone.” Surveying the ruins of Egypt, Syria, Greece, and Palestine, Bunin became aware that every civilization seemed to undergo a cycle of birth, expansion, and annihilation. His appreciation of the inevitability of a civilization’s decay took on topical significance when he returned to Russia and witnessed continuing dislocation and change at home. Strikes, demonstrations, and violent repression in 1905 convinced him that Russia was on an irreversible downward spiral.
Bunin’s firsthand observations of the remains of earlier civilizations also deepened his preoccupation with death and loss. Annihilation was not merely a personal event; it affected civilizations, cultures, and religions alike. Nonetheless, Bunin always looked for signs of survival and renewal. Observing in “More bogov” (1908, The Sea of Gods) that “Vremia” (Time) has swallowed up the manifestations of solar worship practiced in ancient eras, Bunin exclaims: “But the Sun still exists!” Furthermore, by achieving an emotional or spiritual contact with relics of ancient life, the writer felt that his own life span had been expanded. As he put it in the poem “Mogila v skale” (1910, Cliff Tomb), the sight of a footprint left by a mourner in a grave five thousand years ago resurrected that moment of parting, and “The life given me by destiny was multiplied by five thousand years.” Such moments of transcendence were immensely consoling to Bunin.
Bunin met his future wife, Vera Muromtseva, in November 1906. In 1909 he was awarded a second Pushkin Prize and elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy. When he returned to fiction at the end of the decade he began chronicling the worrisome changes in the countryside with a depth and intensity that are not present in his earlier work. The first significant piece that reflected this new perspective was the novella Derevnia (1910; translated as The Village, 1923). The title suggests the breadth of Bunin’s conception. Derevnia means both “village” and “countryside”; Bunin intended his depiction of one rural village to represent rural Russia at large. A character in the novella underscores this symbolism for the reader when he caustically declares about Russia: “it is all a village.”
The two main characters in Derevnia are the brothers Tikhon and Kuzma Krasov. Bunin provides a capsule summary of the Krasov family background in the opening paragraphs: the brothers’ great-grandfather was a serf who was killed by his master’s dogs for stealing the affections of the master’s lover. Their grandfather won his freedom and became a famous thief. Their father opened a shop in their native village, Durnovka (the name is derived from a word that means “bad” or “nasty”), but “went bankrupt, took up drinking... and died.” Clearly, the Krasovs’ emancipation from serfdom did not lead to prosperity and fulfillment. Nor does the present generation fare much better. Early in life Tikhon Krasov decided to devote himself to business, and after years of toil, he was able to buy the Durnovka estate from the family that had formerly been his family’s masters. Yet, material gain has left him spiritually and emotionally impoverished. He has no heir; he is estranged from his wife; and he scarcely has any memories of the past to savor in his old age. At the end of the first part of the tale Tikhon is relieving himself outside his house as a train, a symbol of progress that has no meaning for him, roars by in the night. Kuzma initially seems to have a more ambitious agenda. Self-educated, he longs to make his mark on the world, leaves the village, and publishes a book of poetry. Yet, he too finds no significant outlet for his energies, and he returns to an empty life of idleness in Durnovka. Bunin now widens his focus to depict the lives of some of the Durnovka peasants; in particular, he follows the fate of a young woman who had been raped by Tikhon and is being readied for marriage to a crude, poorly educated man. Kuzma is horrified by the match but can do nothing to prevent it, and the marriage ceremony has more of the aura of a pagan orgy than a Christian ritual. Bunin concludes his narrative with a glimpse of one of the revelers wailing “with a wolf’s voice” into the blizzard raging around her.
Bunin’s readers reacted strongly to this somber image of Russia’s destiny. His portrait of village life was a far cry from the idealized peasantry in Tolstoy’s works, and some critics accused Bunin of being a bitter or fearful aristocrat slandering the people. Others, such as Gor’ky, welcomed the work as an unflinching diagnosis of the ills afflicting the countryside. Bunin thought that neither camp really understood his work and ascribed the uninformed nature of the criticism to the intelligentsia’s ignorance of the true state of rural life.
Having exposed the moral bankruptcy of the lower classes, Bunin turned to the stratum of society that had long been viewed as the bastion of enlightenment and culture—the gentry. In a 1911 interview included in volume nine of his Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh (1965-1967, Collected Works in Nine Volumes) Bunin pointed out that the landowners depicted in the works of Turgenev and Tolstoy were not typical representatives of the gentry but were “rare oases of culture.” In his view, the life of the ordinary small landowner was much closer to that of the peasant than most people appreciated: “In no other country is the life of the gentry and peasantry so closely and intimately tied as among us. The soul of both, I think, is identically Russian.”
A major work written at this time, the novella “Sukhodol” (1912; translated as “Dry Valley,” 1935), illustrates Bunin’s conviction. In this tale Bunin shows how the lives of a landowning family and their servants are intimately interwoven. The narrative structure of the tale supports this interweaving: the primary narrator is the last male descendent of the Khrushchev family, who presents the reader with the stories told by a servant, Natalia, who worked for the family. The saga of the Khrushchev clan, however, is not conveyed in a straightforward linear way: over the course of years Natalia retells her tales; with each telling new details emerge, until finally the reader has a full view of the extraordinary events that she witnessed. This lyrical structure underscores Bunin’s belief in the importance of memory as a means of preserving the past, as well as in the power of a skillful narrative to make past events live again in the minds of an audience.
Natalia relates that the patriarch of the family was murdered by his illegitimate son, Gervaska; her mistress Tonia was driven mad by a failed love affair; and she herself was raped by a coarse peasant, Iushka. The events themselves, disturbing as they are, are not as striking as the fatalistic attitude that Natalia and the rest of the Dry Valley inhabitants adopt toward the misfortunes that befell them: deeply superstitious, they feel surrounded by uncanny primordial forces that they are unable to resist—indeed, they seem almost to thirst for chaos and destruction. The final stage of destruction will be the inevitable disappearance of the memories of Dry Valley. This sense of ultimate loss, in the opinion of Renato Poggioli, “gives Dry Valley a sense of tragic pathos which no work of Bunin... attained before or after.”
In the early 1910s Bunin wrote a series of stories in which he strove to illuminate, as he put it in the 1911 interview, “the soul of the Russian man... the traits of the Slav’s psyche.” These works lay bare the dark, destructive forces lurking beneath the surface of everyday rural life. In “Nochnoi razgovor” (1912; translated as “A Night Conversation,” 1923) he depicts the bitter disillusionment that overwhelms an idealistic young member of the gentry who spends an evening with some peasants and is horrified by the relish with which they swap tales of violence and slaughter. In “Ignat” (1912; translated as “A Simple Peasant,” 1934) he describes the crude impulses that drive a peasant to a series of horrifying acts, including bestiality and murder. Yet, it is not just the peasants who come in for this kind of exposure. “Poslednii den’” (1913, The Last Day) portrays the senseless behavior of a landowner who has sold his estate to strangers and decides to give the new owners a grim welcome: he orders that his six dogs be hanged and their bodies left dangling from the tree.
In his quest to illuminate the “Slav’s psyche” Bunin turned to folktale, epic, and religious literature as source material for his fiction and poetry of the early 1910s. The story “Zakhar Vorob’ev” (1912) indicates the fate of Russia’s legendary warriors, the bogatyr’, in the modern era. Possessing enormous strength and desiring to impress those around him, the title character ends up drinking himself to death—a solitary victim of an insensitive world. Traditional spirituality too seems to have degenerated in the modern world, as Bunin shows in “la vse molchu” (1913; translated as “I Say Nothing,” 1923). A young member of the gentry, Shasha Romanov, behaves in bizarre, self-destructive ways. Although his conduct evinces some traces of the ancient “holy fool” tradition, in which eccentric behavior and self-abnegation served to reproach those who had forgotten Christ’s humility, his real motivations are a vile combination of masochism and exhibitionism. With characters such as these Bunin paints a stark picture of Russia’s decline.
A journey to Ceylon (today Sri Lanka) in 1911, coupled with study of Buddhist philosophy, provided Bunin with a new perspective on the human condition. In Buddhism he found a persuasive explanation of the contradiction between life’s capacity for providing moments of ecstatic happiness and the inevitable annihilation of that joy by loss and death. According to Buddhist doctrine, suffering results from desire; the only way to end suffering is to renounce desire—not only for love, passion, or material gain but for life itself. Over the next several years Bunin wrote stories that reflect these concepts. Some of these works, such as “Brat’ia” (1914; translated as “Brethren,” 1923) and “Sny Changa” (1916; translated as “The Dreams of Chang,” 1923), make overt reference to Buddhist thought.
“Brat’ia” is particularly rich in Buddhist aphorisms. The story juxtaposes the arduous life of a young ricksha puller in Colombo with the pleasure-sated existence of an Englishman who rides in his vehicle. The native is following the model of his father, who worked hard to provide for his family until he died from exhaustion. According to Buddhist teachings, the father must suffer reincarnation because of his immersion in earthly cares. The young man is fated to repeat his father’s errors, for he began pulling the ricksha to earn money when he became infatuated with a woman. In doing so he became enmeshed in the chain of desire: his desire for love “is the desire for sons, just as the desire for sons is a desire for property, and a desire for property is a desire for well-being.” Suffering is the inevitable result. They marry, but the bride disappears, and months later the youth discovers that she has become the chattel of rich Europeans in Colombo. He commits suicide but will return again and again “in a thousand incarnations.” The Englishman departs on a ship; at sea he ruminates on the differences between the natives of Ceylon and the more “sophisticated” Europeans who have colonized the world. As he sees it, Europeans have lost their humility in the cosmos: “We elevate our Personality higher than the heavens; we wish to concentrate the entire world within it, no matter what we have said about universal brotherhood and equality.”
With this story Bunin sets forth his understanding of a profound contradiction that underlies much of human life: the contradiction between the desire for self-gratification or self-aggrandizement and an awareness of the ultimate insignificance of any individual in the vast flow of cosmic processes. He goes on, in work after work, to depict characters who display their bondage to the ego either in love or in the accumulation of wealth and power. For the most part these works do not include overt references to Buddhism, and many of the protagonists are unaware that their desire will lead to unhappiness.
Perhaps the most compelling stories in which the drama of desire and suffering is enacted in Bunin’s work of the early and mid 1910s are those that deal with the seductive power of love and passion. “Pri doroge” (1913; translated as “On the Great Road,”1934) and “Legkoe dykhanie” (1916; translated as “Gentle Breathing,” 1922) focus, respectively, on a peasant girl and one of noble birth. “Legkoe dykhanie,” which is just a few pages in length, offers a compressed view of a young woman’s brief intoxication with the attractions of passion. It opens with a description of her portrait on her grave, then moves back in time to show what led to her early demise. Olia Meshcherskaia possessed an extraordinary zest for life; summoned to her high-school headmistress’s office and reprimanded for forgetting that she is not yet a woman, Olia shocks the teacher by asserting that she is a woman because she has been seduced by an older man—the headmistress’s brother. In the next sentence Bunin informs the reader that the following month Olia was shot and killed at a railway station by a Cossack officer “of plebeian appearance, who had absolutely nothing in common with the circle to which Olia Meshcherskaia belonged.” Olia had had a sexual encounter with the officer and then told him that she had merely been toying with him; to prove it she had shown him the diary entry in which she described her seduction by her first lover, who was fifty-six. The officer then shot her in a jealous rage. Olia’s early entrance into the realm of desire resulted in her untimely death, but her life did not flare up and burn out without a trace. In the final scene one of Olia’s former teachers, who has become enchanted with the story of her tragic love, visits Olia’s grave; her dreams will keep Olia’s memory alive. In this story Bunin shows both the ecstatic and devastating effects of passion on the human soul. The conclusion suggests that the memory of such passion may endure long after the physical sensation has faded.
By this point in his career Bunin was regarded as one of the most distinguished writers of his generation; he was particularly hailed as an heir to the classical traditions of Russian literature. Russian art and literature were experiencing the throes of modernist experimentation in the 1910s, and Bunin took an active part in the debate over the proper models for writers and artists to follow. In a speech delivered during an anniversary celebration for the newspaper Russkie vedomosti (Russian Gazette) in October 1913 he declared that contemporary literature had departed from the standards set by Pushkin, Turgenev, and Tolstoy and was mired in vulgarity and falsehood. He perceived this development as emblematic of a general decline in the moral and spiritual values of society. The outbreak of World War I in August of the following year reinforced his dark view of societal trends. On 28 September 1914 he declared in the newspaper Russkoe slovo (Russian Word) that the violent acts carried out by the Germans served as a grim reminder that “the ancient beast is alive and strong in man.” The dangerous assertion of the ego that Bunin evoked in “Brat’ia” seemed to him to have gained sway throughout Europe.
The fiction Bunin wrote at this time reflected his dismay over the current state of affairs. Especially disturbing is “Petlistye ushi” (1916; translated as “Noosiform Ears,” 1983). The protagonist, Sokolovich, delivers a cynical tirade in a St. Petersburg tavern in which he argues that the lust for violence is more pronounced in modern times than in the age of Cain and Abel. He then goes out, picks up a prostitute, murders her in a hotel room, and coolly leaves the body to be discovered by the hotel staff. Bunin inserts several allusions to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Prestuplenie i nakazanie (1867; translated as Crime and Punishment, 1886), and the contrast that emerges between the two works is telling. The sensitive, self-doubting murderer of Dostoevsky’s novel has been replaced by a cold-blooded, remorseless killer; and whereas a prostitute plays a redemptive role in Dostoevsky’s murderer’s life, in Bunin’s tale the prostitute is not the killer’s savior but his victim. Bunin seems to be saying that Dostoevsky’s idealistic view of humanity’s potential for redemption can be seen to be childishly naive at a time when the “ancient beast in man” has been unleashed.
Less horrifying, but perhaps even more effective in its indictment of modern egotism, is “Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko” (1916; translated as “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” 1921), one of Bunin’s best-known stories. An American businessman sets off with his family on a grand tour of Europe to reward himself for his years of relentless accumulation of wealth; the journey ends abruptly when he dies of a heart attack on the island of Capri. His riches are of no use to him now: his family is treated disrespectfully by the staff of the hotel in which he died, and since no coffin is available, his corpse is carted off in a crate that is normally used to transport bottled water. The ship that carries the gentleman’s body back across the sea is the same one that had brought him to Europe with such great expectations. While the rich passengers stuff themselves at lavish dinners and dance the nights away in glittery ballrooms, many decks below them lies a makeshift coffin with its lifeless contents—a striking emblem of the ultimate fate of this vain and thoughtless world.
In February (New Style, March) 1917 a revolution resulted in the collapse of the Romanov dynasty. Bunin and Muromtseva spent the summer of 1917 with his relatives, the Pusheshnikovs, in the village of Glotovo, where they constantly worried that the peasants might come and burn the house down. They were in Moscow when the October (New Style, November) revolution brought the Bolsheviks to power. In May 1918 they went via Kiev to Odessa, where they stayed for nearly two years. In Moscow and Odessa, Bunin kept a journal that he published in 1936 as Okaiannye dni (translated as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution, 1998). The journal records scenes he witnessed, rumors and conversations he overheard, excerpts from newspapers and speeches, and his own impressions of events and conveys the sense of chaos and turmoil that Russia experienced during the revolutions and civil war. Bunin again castigates the debasement of cultural values that he finds in literature and the press. Labeling some contemporary writing “indecent trash,“he says:”But almost all of Russia, almost all of Russian life, almost the entire Russian world is becoming this ‘trash.’”
In January 1920 Bunin and Muromtseva were on one of the last boats to leave Odessa for Constantinople before the Red Army seized the city. From Constantinople they traveled through the Balkans to France. In 1922 Bunin finalized his divorce from his first wife and married Muromtseva. For most of the year the Bunins lived in a villa in the south of France, near Grasse, but they often spent the winter in Paris. They had many guests at the villa, including a young writer, Galina Kuznetsova, who lived with them for several years and engaged in a serious love affair with Bunin.
After a few years of writing sketches, Bunin began producing longer works of high quality in which he often returned to a favorite subject: the lure of passion, with its capacity to bring both ecstasy and pain. At one end of the spectrum in terms of length, Mitina liubov’ (1925; translated as Mitya’s Love, 1926) is a portrait of a young man’s shattering discovery of the disparity between his idealized image of romantic love and the irresistible call of base sexual desire. At the other end, the brief “Solnechnyi udar” (1926; translated as “Sunstroke,” 1934) is a masterpiece of concision and expressive vitality. Recalling Chekhov’s “Dama s sobachkoi” (1899, Lady with a Lapdog) in showing how a casual affair can have lasting effects, “Solnechnyi udar” features a protagonist who light-heartedly spends the night with a woman he met on a riverboat; after she leaves he discovers that he desperately loves her but does not know her name. Bunin’s descriptions of physical sensation and atmosphere provide a moving accompaniment to the emotional vicissitudes of the main character.
Another work written at this time sets the subject of desire in a more philosophical framework. In “Delo korneta Elagina” (1925; translated as “The Elaghin Affair,” 1935) Aleksandr Elagin, a young military officer, is on trial for shooting Mariia Sosnovskaia, with whom he had been having an affair. Elagin testifies that Sosnovskaia wanted him to kill her, as well as himself, and her motivation becomes the focus of the story. She had many lovers and indulged in theatrical displays of emotion but seemed perpetually dissatisfied with her life. Some notes she made and her interest in the pessimistic writings of the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer indicate that she was seeking an escape from everyday life. Sosnovskaia’s struggle reflects the dichotomy Bunin had identified in the mid 1910s between the impulse to assert one’s ego by pursuing one’s desires and a recognition of the futility of such striving.
In the same year in which Bunin created the enigmatic figure of Mariia Sosnovskaia he summarized his understanding of the fundamental bifurcation in human impulse in a philosophical sketch originally titled “Tsikady” (1925; translated as “Cicadas,” 1935) and retitled “Noch”’ (1925; translated as “Night,” 1983). The narrator declares that he is one of a select group of artists and poets who have the capacity to feel not only their own time and place but also past times and other lands; such people have a heightened receptivity to life and are eager to enjoy all of its diverse richness, but their sensitivity makes them realize that all life ends in death and that immersion in its pleasures ultimately proves vain. The narrator identifies Solomon, Buddha, and Tolstoy as prime representatives of this group. He proclaims: “All the Solomons and Buddhas at first embrace the world with avidity; then, with great passion they curse its temptations”; they feel a dual torment, “the torment of withdrawal from the Chain, separation from it ... and the torment of an intensified, terrible fascination with it.” (Bunin expanded on this concept in relation to Tolstoy in Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo.) The narrator speaks for Bunin when he declares that while he too realizes the vanity of earthly striving, he feels that the time to turn his back on life has not yet come; the call of the world’s beauty is stronger than all his philosophizing.
Another comment by the narrator hints at one of the driving forces behind Bunin’s art. He says that the crown of every human life is the memory of that life, and he reveals his dream of leaving in the world “myself, my feelings, visions, and desires until the end of time.” The vehicle by which this goal may be attained is art, and it appears that Bunin regarded his fiction and poetry as the path to whatever earthly immortality he might hope to attain. This impulse to fashion a permanent record of his feelings and visions perhaps fueled the major project he undertook in the late 1920s, a fictional autobiography comprising Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (1930; translated as The Well of Days, 1933) and Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’.
In Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva Bunin depicts the evolution of an artistic soul. Drawing on events from his life, he traces the development of Aleksei Arsen’ev from impressionable child to young writer brimming over with the desire to observe and record the pageant of life. Throughout the novel he offers a dual perspective on events: the immediate sensations experienced by the hero at the time of their occurrence and the retrospective evaluation of those sensations by the mature Arsen’ev. The novel includes several of Bunin’s most cherished themes: the youth’s abiding sense of curiosity and wonder about the world, consciousness of the mystery of death, and eagerness to embrace the joys of this world, fleeting though they be. Death and passion are consistently juxtaposed, and one senses the writer’s aspiration to transcend the constraints of individual mortality through union with another person, communion with nature, and ultimately through the creation of art. Although one of the last events in the novel is the death of Arsen’ev’s first serious love, Lika (modeled both on Pashchenko and on Tsakni), the narrative ends with an evocation of Lika’s reappearance in a dream. As long as the mind of the creative artist is capable of inspiration, survival after death remains possible.
The high quality of Bunin’s literary output spurred efforts to promote him for the Nobel Prize in Literature during the 1920s, either on his own, or as part of a joint candidacy with other writers. These efforts began in earnest in 1922, when the Russian émigré literary community rallied around the idea that the Nobel Prize should go to a Russian emigre writer. Bunin’s fellow emigre writer Mark Aldanov lobbied other literary luminaries such as Romain Rolland to support Bunin’s candidacy. Rolland appeared willing to support Bunin, but he indicated that he believed that a joint candidacy of Bunin and Gor’ky would have a higher chance of success. Aldanov himself thought that a trio of candidates—Bunin, Dmitrii Merezhkovsky, and Kuprin—would make a better combination. Despite these early efforts and hopes, however, the Nobel Prize went to William Butler Yeats in 1923.
Over the course of the next decade, Aldanov and others made a renewed effort to promote Bunin’s candidacy for the Nobel Prize. In 1930 Aldanov tried to enlist the support of Thomas Mann, but although the latter expressed admiration for Bunin’s work, he held to the position that he would be bound to support a German candidate if one were put forth in competition with Bunin. Aldanov had high hopes for Bunin’s success in 1932, but the prize went to John Galsworthy that year. Finally, on 9 November 1933, Bunin’s cherished dream was realized: he became the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature.
Bunin was of course overjoyed, but his way of life did not change significantly as a consequence of the award. After making a triumphal visit to the capitals of the Russian emigration—Berlin and Paris—he returned to his home in Grasse. For a brief period, foreign publishers showed an interest in his work, and new collections of his prose fiction in English appeared in the mid 1930s. This period of literary and financial success proved fleeting, however. After receiving the prize, Bunin was besieged with letters pleading for financial assistance, and he responded with as much generosity as he could. A series of financial missteps further eroded his savings, and thus, by the late 1930s, the relative comfort he had experienced earlier in the decade had dissipated.
With the outbreak of World War II, Bunin’s fortunes took a serious turn. Stranded in their home near Grasse, the Bunins faced shortages of food and fuel, and Bunin was unable to write. By 1944 the tide of war had begun to turn, and Bunin went back to work on a project he had begun in the late 1930s: Temnye allei (translated as Dark Avenues and Other Stories, 1949), a collection of stories that first appeared in 1943 and in an enlarged version in 1946. Almost all of the stories deal with love and passion and follow a simple pattern: unexpectedly arriving in a person’s life, passion flares up; reaches an ecstatic, incandescent peak; and then is snuffed out by a change of heart, violence, or death. The protagonists range from inexperienced adolescents to middle-aged couples finding love for the last time. Although some in the emigre community chided Bunin for the frankness of his depictions of sensuality, the works testify to his undying belief that moments of ecstatic union with another person can afford one a peak experience in an otherwise difficult or undistinguished life.
Although Bunin continued to write—revising old material, preparing new short prose pieces, and working on a book about his friendship with Chekhov that was published posthumously as 0 Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (1955, About Chekhov: An Unfinished Manuscript)—his health was failing, and he was in woeful financial straits. He died in his Paris apartment on 8 November 1953.
In an early note for Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva, Ivan Bunin wrote: “Life, perhaps, is given only for competition with death; man even struggles with it from the grave: it takes his name from him, but he writes it on a cross, on a stone; it seeks to cover with darkness all that he has experienced, while he strives to animate that experience in the word.” Densely lyrical in structure and imbued with a striking intensity of feeling, the carefully crafted works that Bunin produced during his sixty years of literary creativity provide ample testimony to his own aspiration to resist the annihilating effects of time and death.
Biographies
Vera Muromtseva-Bunina, Zhizn’ Bunina 1870-1906: Besedy s pamiat’iu (Paris, 1958);
Aleksandr Baboreko, I. A. Bunin: Materialy dlia biografii (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1967);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Ivan Bunin: Russian Requiem, 1885-1920. A Portrait from. Letters, Diaries, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1993);
Marullo, Ivan Bunin: From the Other Shore, 1920-1933: A Portrait from Letters, Diars, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1995);
Mikhail Roshchin, Ivan Bunin (Moscow: Molodaia gvar diia, 2000).
References
Vladislav Afanas’ev, I. A. Bunin: Ocherk tvorchestva (Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1996);
D. K. Burlaka, ed., I. A. Bunin: Pro et contra (St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo Russkogo Khristianskogo gumanitar-nogo instituta, 2001);
Julian W Connolly, The Works of Ivan Bunin (Boston: Twayne, 1982);
Militsa Grin, ed., Ustami Buninykh, 3 volumes (Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1977-1982);
Serge Kryzytski, “The Works of Ivan Bunin (The Hague: Mouton, 1971);
Iurii Mal’tsev, Ivan Bunin: 1870-1953 (Moscow & Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1994);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, If you See the Buddha: Studies in the Fiction of Ivan Bunin (Evanston, HI.: Northwestern University Press, 1998);
O. N. Mikhailov, I. A. Bunin: Zhizn’i tvorchestvo (Tula: Priok-skoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1987);
Valerii Nefedov, Chudesnyi prizrak: Bunin-khudozhnik (Minsk: Polymia, 1990);
Renato Poggioli, “The Art of Ivan Bunin,” Harvard Slavic Studies,l (1953): 249-277;
Thomas Winner,”Some Remarks about the Style of Bunin’s Early Prose,” in American Contributions to the Sixth International Congress of Slavists, volume 2: Literary Contributions, edited by W E. Harkins (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), pp. 369-381;
James Woodward, Ivan Bunin: A Study of His Fiction (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980);
Alexander F. Zweers, The Narratology of the Autobiography: An Analysis of the Literary Devices Employed in Ivan Bunin’s”The Life of Arsen’ev” (New York: Peter Lang, 1997).
Papers
Collections of Ivan Bunin’s papers are in the Rossiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv literatury i iskusstva, Moscow; the Gosudarstvennyi muzei I. S. Turgeneva, Orel; the Institut mirovoi literatury, Moscow; the Rossiskaia gosudarstvennaia biblioteka, Moscow; and the Russian Archive of the Leeds University Library.
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The Nobel Diploma of Bunin I.A.. Подробное описание экспоната, аудиогид, интересные факты. Официальный сайт Artefact
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https://ar.culture.ru/og/subject/kopiya-nobelevskogo-diploma
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Экспонат - The Nobel Diploma of Bunin I.A., автор - . , коллекция - Literary Memorial Museum of I.A. Bunin, Exhibition - Recalling Bunin’s times. Подробная информация: описания экспоната, жанр, сюжет, оригинал, сочинения. Официальный сайт Артефакт
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#1
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The Nobel Diploma of Bunin I.A.
#5
On November 10, 1933, it was announced that Ivan Bunin became the first Russian writer to be awarded the Nobel prize. Bunin received the news of him being awarded when he was at the cinema. The phone call from Stockholm was responded by his wife VEra NikolAyevna MUromtseva. Many literary critics, and even Bunin himself, initially believed that the award was granted to Bunin for his novel ‘ArsEniev’s Life’, which was published in Paris in 1930. The novel has so many coincidences with the life of Bunin that many consider it to be the autobiography of Ivan AleksEevich. But in fact, Bunin was awarded the Nobel prize for all the books he had written, because the official message of the Nobel Committee said: “By the decision of the Swedish Academy as of November 10, 1933, Ivan Bunin was awarded the Nobel prize in literature for his rigorous artistic talent which he used to describe the typical Russian character in literary prose”.
There is another translation of this phrase, made much later by VladImir PrechIssky, the Chairman of “Bunin Heritage” Association from the original in Swedish language: “for the artistic skill with which he continued traditions of the Russian classics in lyrical prose.” Ivan Bunin received the Nobel prize on December 10, 1933 from the hands of Swedish King Gustav V. The Nobel Committee had to think hard on how to determine the status of the prize winner who was an emigrant without citizenship. The result was the following: “No nationality, lives in France.” Bunin’s status was the reason why the organizers had to abandon the usual method of decorating the stage of the Concert Hall in Stockholm with the flags of the home countries of the prize winners. It was, of course, impossible to use the Soviet flag, just as it was impossible to use the flag of the Russian Empire. Therefore, in order not to offend hurt the feelings of Ivan AleksEevich, it was decided to use only the flags of Sweden.
‘For the first time since the Nobel prize was established, you’ve awarded it to the exile. Otherwise, who am I? An exile who enjoys the hospitality of France, for which I, too, will always retain my gratitude. Gentlemen, let me, leaving aside myself and my works, tell you how beautiful your gesture is in itself. There must be areas of complete independence in the world. Undoubtedly, around this table there are representatives of all opinions, all philosophical and religious beliefs. But there is something inviolable that unites us all: freedom of thought and conscience, what we owe to civilization. For a writer, this freedom is especially necessary — it is a dogma, an axiom for him, ” Bunin said in his ‘Nobel speech’.
The prize winners were also entitled to receive a large monetary reward — 170,331 SEK. Ivan Bunin quickly spent this wealth. He began to receive letters from Russian emigrants with requests for financial assistance, and the writer helped them without any questions. He quickly spent 120,000 SEK for donations and lavish feasts, and invested the rest in some ‘win-win business’. So by the end of his life the great writer was down and out.
#6
Yelets Local History Museum
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https://russianlandmarks.wordpress.com/category/memorial-plaques-to-writers/page/5/
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Russian Culture in Landmarks
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2015-06-04T19:35:53+03:00
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Posts about Memorial Plaques to Writers written by russianmonuments
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/7e1beb3146ac2aa14b301d615ca43895e935374f94bcfdccf8bcb4ccd8f0f871?s=32
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Russian Culture in Landmarks
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https://russianlandmarks.wordpress.com/category/memorial-plaques-to-writers/
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Click on photos to enlarge.
A few days ago I wrote about coming upon a building absolutely packed with history, from performances by the young Konstantin Stanislavsky to performances by the Habima Theater. I found that structure while looking for the one I present today – 8/2 Nizhny Kislovsky Lane. This one is the next building over. It, too, has plenty of history in it, although it’s not, perhaps, quite as exciting as its neighbor.
The plaque on the building commemorates that fact that playwright Boris Romashov (1895-1958) lived here from 1934 to his death. Boris Romashov was one of that group called the “first Soviet playwrights” – Mayakovsky, Bill-Belotserkovsky, Selvinsky, Afinogenov, Erdman, Bulgakov, Vishnevsky, Romashov… The list is much bigger, but that’ll do for our purposes here. His most popular plays were probably The Soufflé (1925) and The End of Krivorylsk (1926). Both were satires and both fit right into the fashion of the so-called NEP satires – that is, satires written in the era of the New Economic Policy. The New Economic Policy, if you’re going to push me for more details, refers to Lenin’s loosening of economic regulations to kickstart the dead Soviet economy after the devastating Civil War. NEP lasted from 1921 until it was abolished by Stalin in 1928. This was the Soviet version of the roaring ‘twenties – hucksters, shysters, wheeler-dealers, dancing girls, money-money-money… It worked and the Soviet economy got going. It also gave rise to numerous popular comedies for the stage. Romashov’s two satires were very much a part of that, although they were already very much a part of the distant past by the time he moved into this home. The mid-20s, by the mid-30s, were a time from another planet. By the time Romashov moved in here, Stalin was clamping down. Erdman and the poet Osip Mandelstam were in exile. Writers like Yevgeny Zamyatin and Ivan Bunin had escaped to Europe, while writers like Andrei Platonov and Mikhail Zoshchenko were running out of places to publish their work. My point is that it was not a funny time. Satire was no longer a good life choice, let alone career choice. As such, Romashov began writing dramas, even epic, heroic dramas. Now that was a way to get on the good side of the folks making decisions and dangling the purse strings. Nobody gives a damn anymore about Romashov’s Fiery Bridge (1929), or Warriors (1933) or The Great Power (1947), but they served him well on the career ladder. They kept him warm and safe in this lovely apartment building in a cozy side street in the center of Moscow, and even helped bring him a Stalin Prize in 1948.
It’s a shame. The Soufflé and The End of Krivorylsk were quite funny and showed a good deal of talent. There’s no telling what kind of writer Romashov might have developed into if only…
But isn’t that the most banal nonsense in the world? “If only, if only.” Things worked out as they did and Boris Romashov ceased writing comedies, and, ergo, plays that anybody would care about in the future.
He was born into a family of actors in St. Petersburg, and grew up in Kiev where his mother moved to act when his father died at the age of 29. he started his career as an actor himself. Boris wrote that, “from the earliest age I was closely connected to theater, performing various children’s roles in plays, and I dreamed of being an actor.” However, although he did act some in Moscow and Pyatigorsk, he ended up becoming a journalist and theater director, which, I guess, when added together, come out as “playwright.”
Before Romashov moved in here, one of the apartments was occupied by Anton Chekhov’s widow, Olga Knipper-Chekhova. That was in the 1920s. One of his neighbors while residing here was the playwright Vsevolod Vishnevsky. As such, this building does a decent job of holding up the reputation of this neighborhood as one closely involved in theater. After all, Stanislavsky acted next door, and the famous State Institute of Theater Arts (GITIS) is located just around the corner from here, to say nothing of the Mayakovsky Theater, which was known as the Theater of the Revolution in the 1920s. In fact, it was there in that theater that both The Soufflé and The End of Krivorylsk were staged.
A few words on Vishnevsky, since he hung out here. I’m usually pretty hard on Vishnevsky. As the biographer of Nikolai Erdman, I can’t help but be. Vishnevsky was one of those who led the attacks on Erdman, eventually leading to the latter’s arrest and exile and the end of his extremely promising career as a playwright. There are a couple of letters exchanged by Vishnevsky and Vsevolod Meyerhold’s wife Zinaida Raikh that can make the hairs stand up on your neck. Written in January 1932, they provide an extraordinary glimpse into behind-the-scenes tug-o-wars going on at the time. Vishnevsky is furious because Meyerhold chose to set aside one of his plays in order to rehearse Erdman’s The Suicide, and he clearly wants satisfaction. “Since when has Erdman, the author of dirty fables and The Suicide become a fresh, bold writer?” Vishnevsky fulminates at Raikh. She, in the letter that prompted Vishnevsky’s outburst, cut the latter to the quick. “You and [Mikhail] Rossovsky are the instigators of the declarations against Erdman,” she writes. “You represent everything that is loathsome in a person, as well as envy of fame! Beware! It’s not the right path. With your battle you will increase the thunder of Erdman’s fame!”
Crash-crash! Boom-boom!
So, when you walk by this building and you think of Romashov and Stanislavsky and GITIS and lots of other greats who had life and business here, Vishnevsky is part of it. Like it or not.
Click on photos to enlarge.
There is a line (there are many) that my wife Oksana and I frequently quote from Nikolai Erdman’s play The Suicide. The mailman Yegor is starting to throw his weight around because he’s getting tired of being treated with what he considers to be disrespect, by life and by those around him. So when someone tells him all the topics that writers write about, Yegor puffs up and snaps, “I’m a mailman! And mailmen want to read about mailmen!”
I couldn’t help but think of that when I was standing on the platform of the Voronezh train station a few weeks ago at around 7 a.m. You see, entirely unexpectedly, I ended up standing just beneath a plaque on the station wall that proclaimed: “Voronezh. The homeland of the writer Andrei Platonov, the author of many works about railroad workers. 1899-1999.” A second plaque just beneath that adds: “On the 100th anniversary of the writer’s birthday.”
Anniversaries are great – if it weren’t for them I wouldn’t have found half the plaques and sculptures that make up this blog. But, as you understand, I’m most intrigued right now by that information that the Voronezh railway station offers up on its platform – that Platonov (real last name Klimentov) wrote “many works about the railroad.”
Yes! Railway workers want to read about railways!
By the way, my concentrated reference back to Erdman here has another aspect to it. Platonov and Erdman were good friends who shared a similar life in the 1940s. Platonov (1899-1951) went virtually unpublished after the 1930s. He never was arrested, never spent time in the camps, but he was virtually erased from the face of contemporary Soviet literature. He could not be erased from Soviet or Russian literature proper, because he was too damn good. He is now considered one of the greatest Russian writers of his age. There are those would consider him one of the greatest, most distinctive writers of any language in the 20th century. But that’s what we know now. In his life he, like Erdman, was shunted off into obscurity. Perhaps this drew the two together, or perhaps they were simply sympatico. The details I have at my fingertips, are, unfortunately, skimpy. It’s something I’ve always wanted to know more about, in grand, juicy detail. But, so far, no go.
Still, what I can say is this: Platonov and Erdman used to hang out from time to time at the Metropole Hotel in the center of Moscow. They would drink and talk and, perhaps, drink some more. I don’t know what Platonov drank. Erdman drank only cognac. That was his poison. But there was another component to these meetings and his name was Yury Olesha. That’s right, three writers with great comic talent, three writers hounded out of the public eye by the times they lived in and the people they lived among. And they would get together at the Metropole and talk. And drink. I know Olesha was quite a drinker. Erdman was too, although the word I have from many a source is that no one ever saw him drunk. In fact, he didn’t like sloppy drunks. But he did love his cognac. Platonov – I don’t know. This blog space is public, somebody can fill me in if they do know. But the image I’m working in my head right now is of the magnificent Metropole, right across from the Bolshoi and Maly Theaters, and there in the bar or restaurant is a table with three men sitting, drinking, chatting. Platonov. Erdman. Olesha. Wow.
Who knows what they talked about? Literature? Maybe. Colleagues? Probably. Women? Certainly. Themselves? No way. What I’m saying is that even if we could find a way to go back 70 years in the guise of a fly on the wall, I’m betting we wouldn’t learn a damn thing about any of these guys and what they were up against. We might learn plenty about life, but not about their biographies. All three of them were a special cut of individual – reserved, self-protected, quiet. What a sight it must have been. For the record, I heard tales of these meetings from the writer Iosif Prut, a childhood friend of Erdman’s, who used to get into street fights with the future playwright, and who was also a friend and admirer of Platonov and Olesha.
Platonov’s father Platon Klimentov worked as a mechanic on the railroad. One day, when Andrei was around 15, his dad took him to work, a trip that changed the boy’s life. Here is what the Literary Map of the Voronezh Region website says about it:
“In June 1914, with school behind him, the 15 year-old Andrei set off with his father to the estate of the Bek-Marmarchevy family (village of Ustye of the Devitskaya district of Voronezh county – now the Khokholsky area) to repair a broken-down steam locomotive. Having fixed the engine, Andrei stayed on as the engineer’s assistant. For the first time there he encountered real machines – steam powered combines that created kinetic energy, such as he had studied in school in his physics classes. The train rig made a lasting impression on the youth and inspired great interest in technology and the striving to harness it, that lasted all his life. […] From January 1915 to July 1916 he worked as a clerk in the South-East Railroad Society. By summer’s end in 1916, Andrei began working in a pipe factory, an affiliate of the Stoll and Co. Mechanics Factory. After working there a year as a foundryman, he returned to the South-East Railroad Society, where he worked in the railway workshops.”
In summer 1920 Andrei began studying to be a railroad electrician, but the hardships of the Russian Civil War interrupted that plan. I return the narrative to the website text:
“The first workers’ Communist regiment of railway defenders of the southern front was formed by the political office of the South-East Railroad from volunteers among workers and clerks along that stretch of the railroad. Cadet [Andrei] Klimentov volunteered as a common infantryman in the regiment. It was a difficult time for the future writer and it had an enormous influence on him. His impressions bound up in the Civil War; his work on the steam engine; and the stories he heard from his father – who worked on a snow-clearing engine that cleared out snowdrifts inundating the steel rails from Voronezh to Lisok; – all of this was reflected directly in his novella The Innermost Man.”
Platonov’s language and images had the spirit of railroads and engines and machines in them. It is a constructed language and world, built by a man who had a unique eye and ear for the world around him. This station platform where Oksana and I stood for a few minutes before boarding our train to Moscow would have been a place Platonov saw and visited often.
Click on photos to enlarge.
There is no getting around the emotion that comes with the territory of artists and writers who were repressed during the Purges. It is a wound that does not heal. People do what they can – they write books, they translate poetry, they put up monuments or memorial plaques, they name festivals or streets or cultural centers after them – and that’s all great and wonderful. No doubt about it. But the pain and the anger do not go away.
Osip Mandelshtam (1891-1938) was one of the finest and most distinctive Russian poets ever to live. “Russian,” of course, is a reference to language. Had Mandelshtam remained where he was born (Warsaw), he probably would have written in Polish and the Poles would have claimed him. He was born Jewish and so is often referred to as a Jewish writer, although he converted to the Christian faith in 1911 in order to be able to enter the Romantic and Germanic section of the History and Philology Department of Moscow University. Although I must immediately say that, indeed, Mandelshtam remained a Jewish writer throughout his life. His decision to accept Christianity was undertaken because of his love for literature, language and knowledge, and for no other reason. But I bring it up because I think this is a great opportunity to remind ourselves what difficulties we encounter when we begin labeling people and their work.
Mandelshtam began running into troubles with the Soviet authorities in the early 1930s. He was first arrested May 13, 1934 and sent into exile to the city of Cherdyn. Thanks to the intervention of Anna Akhmatova, he was able to move with his wife Nadezhda (who later became famous as the author of memoirs about Mandelshtam) to Voronezh. They occupied several different apartments while in Voronezh, but it is the one located at 13 Fridrikh Engels Street that has been graced with a memorial plaque. It is a huge, long building that runs almost half a long, city block. At one corner of the building – the farthest point from where the plaque is located – there is a food store with a picture of ground meat hanging outside. It seems rather fitting. The Mandelshtams lived here for part of 1936.
The plaque itself has been put under siege by an ignorant insurance company, Zhaso, that damn near set its little advertising marquee right on the top of the plaque. Just to the left of the doorway that Zhaso added to the building by way of an old window, you’ll see a proper doorway under an arch. One assumes, since the plaque is located at this end of the building, that this is the door Mandelshtam would have used to go in and out.
If you look closely at the middle photo in the trio above, you’ll see dots of wet spots caused by big rain drops hitting the building. The fact is that almost as soon as Oksana and I arrived at this spot in town, a cloud burst above us. It began as huge drops of rain whacking us, and others, in the face, but quickly turned into large chunks of hailstones that bounced off of everything like crazy. We took cover under an awning across the street and pondered our, and Mandelshtam’s, place in the world.
In April 1935, that is, before Mandelshtam moved into the apartment at this address, he wrote a short poem, which I will provide here in a hasty translation. It plays with verbs and nouns that echo the sound of the name “Voronezh,” for which I will not find adequate replacements. But here goes a translation for general meaning (followed by a transliteration and the original Russian so you can see his word and sound play):
Let me go, give me up, Voronezh:
Whether you drop me or you fumble me,
Let me slip or send me back –
Voronezh is bliss, Voronezh is a raven, a knife.
Pusti menia, otdai menia, Voronezh:
Uronish’ ty menia il’ provoronish’,
Ty vyronish’ menia ili vernyosh’, –
Voronezh – blazh’, Voronezh – voron, nozh.
Пусти меня, отдай меня, Воронеж: Уронишь ты меня иль проворонишь, Ты выронишь меня или вернешь,— Воронеж — блажь, Воронеж — ворон, нож.
According to one Russian poetry site, Mandelshtam wrote over 80 poems in Voronezh between April 1935 and May 4, 1937.
Back in Moscow, in the middle of the night between May 1 and 2, 1938, Mandelshtam was arrested again and, essentially, sent immediately to Siberia by way of a couple of Godforsaken towns in the outlying Moscow region. He died of typhus on December 27, 1938 in a labor camp near Vladivostok.
There are several sites that offer English translations of Mandelshtam’s poetry by A.S. Kline, Ilya Shambat, and others. But as you can see from the poem above, if you really want to know Mandelshtam, do what I did when I knew I had to know Tolstoy better: Learn Russian.
Click on photos to enlarge.
I recently took a short trip to the great city of Voronezh, the city, which, if you didn’t know, supported the False Dmitry against Boris Godunov during the Time of Troubles in the early 17th century. That has nothing to do with today’s post, I just thought it was so interesting that I had to get that in right away.
This plaque honoring the memory of poet Mikhail Lermontov (1814-1841) was only one of a huge number of plaques, buildings and monuments that I photographed in Voronezh. But I think it’s my favorite. Aside from those plaques you occasionally run across proclaiming that “George Washington Slept Here” or “Vladimir Lenin Herein Took Tea,” this may be one of the most inconsequential reasons for a memorial plaque I have ever run across. I’ll quote what’s written here as closely to the original as possible: “In the years 1837-1841 the great Russian poet Mikhail Yuryevich Lermontov would stop at the Voronezh post office.” The verb could also be translated as “stayed,” in which case there would be a little more to it – that is, something along the lines of “George Washington Slept Here.” But if my first instinct as a translator is correct (supported by information that follows below), then we are dealing with a case of a plaque being erected to honor the fact that somebody stopped in here from time to time to send home a post card or two.
Although that could also be wrong. Post offices, post stations, or way stations, in those years were places where you could stop and exchange your tired horse for a rested one. So maybe Lermontov was coming by here in order to speed on further down the line.
A nice page on a website called the Literary Map of Voronezh Oblast has some good info about Lermontov in Voronezh. I’m not going to beat what they have to say on my own, so here is a chunk right from the website:
“Lermontov was frequently in the Voronezh region, because one of the main railroads linking the center of Russia and the Caucasus passed through Voronezh. On his way to the Caucasus in the early summer of 1840, the poet stayed at the estate of A.L. Potapov, his comrade in the Imperial Guard of the Hussars. This was in the village of Semidubravnoe of Zemlyansky county in the Voronezh province (now the village of Novaya Pokrovka in the Semiluksky area). According to legend, it was here that Lermontov set his ‘Cossack lullaby’ poem to music, although the music has not survived.
At the end of January 1841 Lermontov stayed in Voronezh as he traveled from the Caucasus to St. Petersburg. This fact can be verified by the February 1, 1841, issue of the Voronezh Provincial Gazette, which published information ‘about guests arriving and leaving Voronezh between January 24 and 30,’ including ‘one Lieutenant Lermontov arriving from Cherkassk.’ The poet stayed at Kolybikhin’s hotel located in the city center on Konnaya (Horse) Square, approximately where the Opera and Ballet Theater is now situated.
When returning to his regiment in the Caucasus in late April – early May of that year, Lermontov once again stayed in Voronezh (at the home of his relative and friend A.A. Stolypin (Mongo). This is verified in an entry in the Voronezh Provincial News on May 3, 1841, in the section entitled ‘On guests arriving in, and leaving, Voronezh from April 25 to May 2.’ Here we read that captain Stolypin and Lieutenant Lermontov are listed as guests in the Hotel Yevlakhov,’ located on Bolshaya Dvoryanskaya (now Revolution Prospect).”
The memorial plaque on the impressive facade of the Voronezh post office was erected November 30, 2004. It apparently cheats a bit. According to an account on the Kultura VRN site, there is only speculation – no proof – that Lermontov was in Voronezh before 1840. If he did pass through, or spend time in, the city in 1837, it would have been when he was on his way to the Caucasus, having been sent there in the first of several instances of exile for participating in a duel. In fact, the last trip through Voronezh, the one documented above in April-May 1841, came just prior to the duel that killed the hot-blooded poet on July 27 of that year at the age of 26.
Interest in Lermontov in Voronezh remains relatively high. A little over a year ago there was a movement begun to put up a bust honoring the poet’s occasional forays into and out of the city. As was reported in the Voronezh office of RIA Novosti on March 15, 2014, a letter was sent to the governor asking him to support the project:
“The time spent by Lermontov in our region was reflected in his works, which is extremely useful for the patriotic education of our generation. In October this year the multinational peoples of Russia and all progressive mankind (on the level of UNESCO) will widely celebrate the 200th anniversary of M.Yu. Lermontov. The Mayor’s office of Voronezh supports the idea of erecting a monument, but a problem arises in the absence of funds for such a goal in the budget…”
Oops. We’re ready to be patriotic if you’ll just give us the money.
The article ends with a lovely little caveat: “Among opinions, of course, the notion is popular that Voronezh does not need a monument to Lermontov. There exists a list of those to whom it ‘would be better’ to honor with a monument.”
Who am I to jump into this argument? I am a firm believer in the opinion that the more monuments the merrier. In fact, I’d be very happy to see half, maybe three-quarters, of the world’s politicians replaced by monuments – not to them, of course, but to those who oppose them. But I digress. And let me finish by saying that this plaque honoring Lermontov will always occupy a special place in my heart.
Click on photos to enlarge.
Povarskaya Street was a hopping cultural hub in the early 20th century. In 1905 Konstantin Stanislavsky rented a space in the Nemchinov building right at the beginning of Povarskaya where Vsevolod Meyerhold briefly, but famously, ran his Studio on Povarskaya. (That building was torn down in the Soviet era when Kalinin Prospect was widened.) Right around the corner from Povarskaya, on Borisoglebsky Lane, the poet Marina Tsvetaeva moved into her new digs in 1914 and remained there until 1922. The famous Lithuanian poet Jurgis Baltrushaitis lived at 24 Povarskaya from 1920 to 1939 when he was the first ambassador of Lithuania to the Soviet Union. But today we have our eye on Povarskaya 26, the next building over. This was the home of Ivan Bunin, who was later to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature during his time in European exile. As the plaque on the building’s front facade declares, Bunin lived here from 1912 to 1918. That is particularly interesting because it means that Bunin and Tsvetaeva were neighbors for the course of about four years. There’s a park right across the street from Bunin’s building and, assuming it was there 100 years ago, one wants to imagine the occasional warm spring day when both writers might have stepped out to catch some fresh air and ended up sharing a bench together, or, at least, one of them passing by the other, who might have been sitting and reading or jotting down notes.
A couple of people missed crossing paths with Bunin here. One was Mikhail Lermontov, who lived in a different building, now lost, on this very spot in 1829 and 1830 when he wrote, among other works, his great narrative poem The Demon. Anyone who knows Boris Pilnyak’s great novel The Naked Year will recognize my little homage to Pilnyak in that little phrase of “now lost…” In his novel, to great effect, Pilnyak lists things and places that were fast disappearing at the time he wrote The Naked Year. That novel begins with the words, “On the city fortress wall gates it was written (now destroyed): Save, O, Lord/This city and your people…” It’s just the first of many such times he plays with that device.
And so now I can bear my own device: Boris Pilnyak is one of those who lived in this very building, although not at the same time as Bunin. Bunin moved out in 1918, Pilyak moved in two years later, in 1920. Pilnyak’s presence here is not recorded in any way. Perhaps that is fitting, as if to say: Boris Pilnyak, now gone, did live here once, though there is nothing here to prove that true.
Somehow Bunin (1870-1953) and I sort of pass like ships in the night. I have read his short stories (some, not all, by any stretch of the imagination); I have seen theater performances created of his stories; I have read about him and seen movies about him. I know the basic story well – the fine, subtle writer who spanned all the way back to the late 19th-century and the Chekhov era, yet who lived well into the 1950s, i.e., the post-war and even post-Stalin age. But I have never connected with his work as I have with so many others – Pilnyak included, I might add.
My little shortcomings in taste and knowledge aside, others have had a different view. Bunin was the first Russian writer to be honored with the Nobel Prize in Literature; he received it in 1933. Like other, later Russian winners of that prize, it is usually assumed that there was more than a little politics in the choice. Bunin was considered by some to be the greatest living Russian writer in exile (he left the Soviet Union in 1920 and never went back). The prize, say some, was intended to support the difficult situation surrounding Russian writers in exile, and to highlight the lack of freedom writers enjoyed in the Soviet Union. (Tsvetaeva, for example, would have a tough time in Europe and returned to the Soviet Union where she committed suicide in 1941.) Other Russian Nobel winners were Boris Pasternak (1958), the official Soviet novelist Mikhail Sholokhov (1965) and Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1970). Pasternak and Solzhenitsyn were both persecuted to varying degrees, and their prizes reflected that. Sholokhov, it is believed, was given the prize to mollify the Soviet authorities after the “insults” of Bunin and Pasternak’s wins. None of this will ever be proved until the Nobel committee opens its archives, which will probably be never. As such, the conversations and speculation continue.
Bunin was very much of the grand old school of Russian realism (whether that term is legitimate or not). He is often compared in style and impact to Tolstoy and Chekhov. He is similar to the former in his belief in the great power that literature can wield, while he is closer to the latter in stylistic spirit. Bunin, like Chekhov, was a master of the short story. He was concise, clear and unwavering in his insistence on painting the nuances of life in their proper dark tones.
Bunin was born in the city of Voronezh and, as fate would have it, I travel there myself for the first time ever in a few days. If, in any way, I have slighted the great man’s memory with this post, I will seek to rectify that with a post I expect to write soon after visiting his place of birth.
Click on photos to enlarge.
It happens almost every time: I went out yesterday looking for one thing and ended up finding another. Finding much more, in fact, than I planned or expected. As these things go, I did not find a single thing I was actually looking for. And what I did find turned out not to be what I, or even others, thought it was. Let that sink in.
We have here a plaque claiming that the poet Konstantin Balmont (1867-1942) lived in this building in the Arbat region at 15 Bolshoi Nikolopeskovsky Lane from 1915 to 1920. That would mean he spent his last years in Russia here, between two periods of emigration – one lasting from 1906 to 1913 (obviously precipitated by the failed revolution of 1905), and a second that lasted from 1920 until his death in France.
A bit of research, however, turns up the suggestion that Balmont actually did not live at this address, but rather in the next building over, at 13 Bolshoi Nikolopeskovsky Lane. You can see No. 13 in the last two photos below. It is the four-story structure to the “left” of the two-story building on which the plaque hangs. I don’t know how or why the plaque was hung in the wrong place, but it’s a nice plaque, rather more creative and atmospheric than most.
Whether or not the plaque belongs where it hangs, it suits Balmont well for, among other things, he was one of the spiffiest members of the Russian literary clan. He sported one of the finest aggregations of facial hair in the field. In the image on the plaque you see a well-trimmed mustache and beard. But at times Balmont went to wonderful extremes, making the beard into a goatee, letting his hair grow shoulder-length, sharpening, straightening, twirling or lengthening the mustache. You can see his admirable hirsutian creativity for yourself by googling his name and clicking on ‘images.’ It’s worth your while.
Balmont was a hard-working writer. Assuming Russian Wikipedia has it correctly, he produced 35 books of poetry and 20 books of prose in his lifetime. He wrote memoirs, philosophy, essays, criticism and literary history. He was a major translator, putting into Russian the works of William Blake, Edgar Allan Poe, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Oscar Wilde, Gerhart Hauptmann and others. In all he translated works from Spanish, Slovakian, Georgian, Bulgarian, Lithuanian and Japanese. While he definitely knew English well – he even lectured at Oxford – he obviously often made use of helper translators who provided him with line-by-lines. Still, his talent for giving foreigners a voice in Russian was one of the finest and most enduring.
He was one of the leading figures of the so-called Silver Age of Russian literature and is routinely described as a Symbolist, although it’s obvious from what little I’ve already written that Balmont was much too heterogeneous to fit perfectly into a simple category like that. As for the label of Silver Age, I add the caveat because of an old, but recently-republished, interview with the respected scholar and historian Nikolai Khardzhiev. In it the learned man, somewhat famously already, poo-pooed the notion of a Silver Age. Following is what Khardzhiev said in an interview with Irina Vrubel-Golubkina in 1996 for the Israel-based journal Zerkalo (Mirror). It was dug up again recently for Moscow’s Afisha (Marquee) magazine and caused a bit of a flurry:
“In any case, there can be no talk of a second flourishing. These days some people try calling the beginning of the [20th] century the Silver Age of Russian poetry. That’s a myth, a fiction, and a very stupid one. This term belonged to the Symbolist poet Pyast, who applied it to poets of the second half of the 19th century – Fofanov and others. This was a period of decline in poetry, before Symbolism, after the 1860s. There were, of course, wonderful phenomena, such as Sluchevsky, but the Pushkin and Nekrasov (that is, the raznochintsy) periods of poetry were stronger. He came up with that term: silver – something that’s not gold. That was picked up by Sergey Makovsky, who published his memoirs in exile. And since he was a second-rate poet himself, he applied the term to the poetry of the 20th century, which was, in fact, a true golden age of Russian poetry including the Symbolists, the Acmeists, the Futurists and the Oberiuty (who came to flourish for inexplicable reasons). It was an unheard of, unprecedented flowering of Russian poetry, which did not exist even in the time of Pushkin.”
The original publication of the interview was also referred to in Omry Ronen’s book, The Fallacy of the Silver Age. That’s for all you folks out there with grudges against those calling Russian poetry in the early 20th century second best.
So this was kind of a day of missed opportunities and wild goose chases. I went out looking for homes in which a bunch of actors lived in the 1930s and found none, but came upon this house where a plaque says Konstantin Balmont lived, but really didn’t, a poet who was a member of the Russian Silver Age which didn’t actually exist. What a day for discoveries and the overturning of myths!
For the record, as you look up and down the street here in the final photos, you can imagine Mikhail Bulgakov’s Margarita flying in one direction or another. This is one of the streets that Bulgakov described by name in his itinerary of Margarita’s magical flight.
And, just to bring the tale back to Balmont, allow me to provide a translation of a part of one of the poet’s early works, “The Black Year,” written about the famine of 1890. As so often happens these days, I find his words, written in the late 19th century, could easily have been written by my own contemporary:
My native people, you bleed profusely!
O, if only you could find a friend,
Who, leaning to you with affection,
Could shed the burden of wicked torment!
But he does not exist…
And one more thing. For those of you with Russian, there is a very cool website devoted to the study of Balmont’s life and work. Give it a look.
Click on photos to enlarge.
I attended an event at the new Teatr.doc yesterday, which is located at 3 Spartakovskaya Street just two doors down from Razgulyai Square. It was a concert organized to take place simultaneously with protests occurring in Novosibirsk and St. Petersburg in response to the banning of the opera “Tannhauser” at the Novosibirsk Opera and Ballet Theater. There’s a lot more to it than that, but that’s not my point today. My point is Alexander Pushkin and his uncle Vasily. You see, Vasily Pushkin lived just a few doors up, and across the street, from where the new Teatr.doc is located. In fact, if you head back in the other direction along Spartakovskaya, going past Teatr.doc, you quickly come upon the imposing Church of the Epiphany in Yelokhovo where itty-bitty baby Pushkin was christened when he was two days old in 1799. There are other “Pushkin places” around here, most of which I’ll end up writing about in this space one day or another.
For that reason it seems entirely fitting that yesterday’s concert at Teatr.doc – a literary recital, during which actors, writers and directors recited various Russian poetry that has been banned over the last 200 years – began and ended with poetry by Pushkin – “Ode to Liberty,” and “Deep in the Siberian Mines.” After all, as little Pushkin ran around this area in his early years, he would have seen the 18th-century building that now serves as the 21st-century Teatr.doc. The walls of this small building witnessed the extraordinary sight of little Pushkin running up and down the street.
Vasily Pushkin was a poet himself, and not a bad one. Of course, he has been eclipsed entirely by his nephew. So it is that on the house he occupied in the first years of the 19th century, there are two plaques proclaiming the presence of Alexander and two proclaiming the presence of Vasily. The nicest one, with crude lettering on white marble states: “Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin used to spend time in this house of his uncle, the poet V.L. Pushkin” (see below). There is also a fancy golden plaque at the gate leading into the courtyard which proclaims this building at 36 Staraya Basmannaya Street the Vasily Pushkin House Museum. Although in small letters above you see that this is an affiliate of the greater Alexander Pushkin complex of museums around Moscow. For the record, this is a relatively new museum in Moscow – it was opened in 2013.
Vasily Pushkin (1766-1830) was a well-known man-about-town in his time. He served in the army, wrote lyrical poetry and satires, hosted great parties and took part in the great debate about changes occurring in the Russian language at the turn of the century. He came down on the side of Nikolai Karamzin, who was a progressive, if you will, and against Alexander Shishkov, an admiral and government official who imagined himself a writer and struck a bold pose against allowing Russian to grow and change with the times. Guess who won that argument? However, Vasily Pushkin was dead set against any attempt among Russian writers to give in to the inclination to write in the vein of the Romantics. Being progressive was one thing, but succumbing to all that romantic balderdash was another! Vasily’s best-known work is a satirical narrative poem called “The Dangerous Neighbor,” about a rake’s visit to a brothel. The well-known poet Yevgeny Baratynsky, a good friend of Alexander’s, was of such a high opinion of “The Dangerous Neighbor” that he suggested the elder Pushkin, not particularly accomplished before this time, must have made a pact with the Devil suddenly to begin writing with such talent.
Thus are we encouraged to believe that the whole legend of the great bluesman Robert Johnson meeting the Devil at a crossroads in Mississippi and selling his soul to learn how to play the guitar, has its roots in Russian literary history. Doesn’t this make the whole legend of Alexander Pushkin being of African descent take on new sheen?
Anyway, even the grumpy critic Vladimir Nabokov afforded “The Dangerous Neighbor” faint (or is it feint?) praise. “The immodest poem,” Nabokov reportedly said, “is more properly gallant, in the French sense of the word, than ribald (although it is full of rough-and-tumble little words in the vernacular).
Vasily was an important person in Alexander’s life. It is often said that Vasily “taught” Sasha how to write verse – although it might make more sense to say he was the one to encourage him to do it. As the plaque suggests, Sasha hung out here from time to time as a child, and Alexander was one of the first people, to whom Vasily entrusted “The Dangerous Neighbor” when it was completed. It is worth noting that this poem, written in 1811, remained banned in Russia until 1901. Alexander introduced the character of Buyanov from “The Dangerous Neighbor” into his great novel-in-verse Yevgeny Onegin as a minor figure. And when Alexander was exiled from St. Petersburg to Moscow in connection with the revolt of the Decembrists, it was to Vasily’s house – the one pictured here – that he immediately came.
According to Alexander’s father, the young future poet learned several of his uncle’s poems by heart and “thereby quite pleased the venerable relative.” It was the uncle who first espied talent in the nephew and it was he who brought Pushkin to the famous Lyceum where he began his studies in 1811. The younger Pushkin identified the elder as a “tender, subtle, keen” poet. However, he did know that they were separated by a gulf. In an epigram to his uncle the young Alexander wrote, in part:
…No, No, you’re not at all my brother;
Even on Parnassus you are my uncle.
Click on photos to enlarge.
Marietta Shaginyan (1888-1982) is not one of the first names that comes to mind when you think of Soviet/Russian literature. I, frankly, have never read any of her work. The first time I ever heard of her was when I was in grad school and my colleague Cynthia Vakareliyska told me she was writing a research paper on Shaginyan. I had to ask who that was and Cynthia’s response was enough to make me carry Shaginyan’s name in my mind with a deep sense of curiosity for the last 30+ years.
Shaginyan was a highly controversial figure, but she was fascinating. Of Armenian descent, she was born in Moscow, was well educated and became active in public life at a relatively young age. She graduated from the history and philosophy department of Moscow’s Higher Women’s Courses in 1912. She became friends with Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Merezhkovsky during a trip to St. Petersburg that very year, and she went on to study philosophy in Heidelburg from 1912 to 1914. She worked for several years as a newspaper reporter and she taught aesthetics and the history of art in the Rostov-on-Don conservatory from 1915-1918. Not bad for someone just reaching the age of 30.
Much of the rest of her life was equally full and eventful. She ended up winning most of the “great” Soviet awards during her life, including a Hero of Socialist Labor award, the Lenin Prize, and the State Prize of the USSR. You didn’t receive honors like that for nothing – see below. These awards are trotted out on the plaque that hangs by the doorway at 43 Arbat Street, honoring the fact that Shaginyan lived there from 1936 to 1961.
After spending five years in Armenia at the end of the 1920s, she returned to Moscow in 1931. And throughout the 1930s she continued her unusual life path. Suffice it to say that she entered the State Plan Academy to study mineralogy, energetics and weaving (!) and, after graduation, lectured on these and other topics at factories around the Soviet Union. She eventually earned a PhD in 1942 for her book on the Ukrainian writer Taras Shevchenko and she became a member of the Academy of Sciences of Armenia in 1950.
And I’m just skimming, here, folks.
The Arbat today looks nothing like it did when Shaginyan lived here. There was no Moo-Moo Restaurant on the corner (see last photo below) and there was no Wetzels-Pretzels cafe next to the door Shaginyan would have used to come and go. If the sanctions and economic crash currently underway continue much longer, these places may soon disappear from the current-day Arbat too, but that’s another topic. The Arbat in Shaginyan’s day was not a walking mall, but rather a cozy, regular street with two-way traffic on it.
Shaginyan wrote her first poetry at the age of 15, in 1903. Over the next 10-15 years she published numerous books of poetry, some quite popular. Russian Wikiipedia, which I have plundered for much of the information in this little text, declares that in the ‘teens the Russian public appreciated Shaginyan’s poetry more than that of Marina Tsvetaeva. A ten-day trip to Germany in 1914 apparently caused Shaginyan’s political sensations to awaken and, after the Revolution, she wrote numerous prose works putting forth a woman’s point of view on a changing world.
One can find in the record plenty of smart-aleck comments about Shaginyan. Maxim Gorky – who, if you ask me, shouldn’t have been throwing stones – once wrote that “for her novel Changes she should have to eat a sandwich of English straight pins.”
But it’s true that she earned some of the harshest criticism.
Gaito Gazdanov, an emigre Russian writer, damned Shaginyan with strong language in 1971: “There will always be authors like Marietta Shaginyan,” he said, “who began writing poetry like this:
On this night from the Caspian to the Nile
No other maiden shall smell as sweetly as I…
and finished by writing a book in honor of Beria and spending her nights reading Lenin.”
It’s a fact that the Soviet era was a strange one, an unnatural one in many ways. People were bent backwards by the elements of the times. Some of them snapped.
I’m not here today to defend, justify or condemn Shaginyan. I don’t know enough to do any of those things. She was obviously a strong woman and, I’ll tell you what, throughout history strong women usually have not received the benefit of the doubt. Still, questions arise, serious ones. But for me they remain questions. I also know that Shaginyan was attracted to such figures as Ivan Krylov, Johann von Goethe, William Blake, Sergei Rachmaninov, Vladislav Khodasevich and many others, about whom she wrote. Khodasevich himself wrote a small piece about Shaginyan in 1925. It is available in full on one of those wonderful internet library sites. In it the poet writes with a great deal of irony about Shaginyan’s ecstatic, perhaps even disingenuous personality.
“…I recall [Shaginyan] and I want to smile. Not without bitterness, perhaps, but I want to smile. Poor Marietta! […] Who knows who her idol is these days? Or what she understands about this idol? From whom is she taking dictation for her articles, even though she doesn’t realize it herself? Who will dictate what she will write tomorrow?”
One other curious Shaginyan moment was brought to light by historian Alexander Kutenev. He declared in an interview in 2008 that Shaginyan, while researching a book about Lenin, discovered that the great Proletarian leader was gay. Shaginyan was moved to report this news to Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, whose right-hand man Mikhail Suslov argued that Shaginyan should be shot. Brezhnev, however, called her in for a talk. According to Kutenev, a deal was made. Shaginyan would get the Lenin Prize for her book and, in return, she would bury her evidence and keep her mouth shut about her discovery.
Click on photos to enlarge.
As is evident in several of the photos here, the poet Alexei Surkov (1899-1983) has sort of been pushed into the dark corners of Russian literary history. It’s possible that the kiosk standing almost in front of the plaque proclaiming that Surkov lived in this building across from Pushkin Square has now been removed. I took these photos about nine months ago and many Moscow kiosks have been removed in that time. All of this, however, suits the little I have to say today – back and forth, into and out of the shadows.
Surkov was – to put it lightly – a controversial figure. Having served as the First Secretary of the Soviet Writers Union from 1953 to 1959, he couldn’t help it. It’s true that he came in just as Stalin died and, thus, was part of the Thaw era changes, but, still, his post was a nasty one. He was one of the leading “proletarian” writers from the ’20s through the ’50s, rarely being far from the ruling parties that took great care to marginalize, at best, the most important writers of the time.
Thus, when last year I came upon Surkov’s plaque pushed back into a dark corner I found in that some sense of moral justice. And if, indeed, it has been freed and is out in the open again, that would be something of a sign of the times, too.
You see, the art of the “artistic denunciation,” so popular in Surkov’s time, has again become a part of Russian life. We have seen this repeatedly over the last year or two – ideological purehearts unload their bile on artists who dare to step outside the bounds of normalcy in their work. Politicians climb on the bandwagon, corrupt journalists do the same. It’s a disgusting and infuriating turn of events. Some of you may know about the case against theater director Timofei Kulyabin, which was, mercifully, thrown out of court. But in just the last few days we again have witnessed another of these “artistic battles.” In this one the once controversial music video-maker Yury Grymov publicly attacked the director Alexander Ogaryov for having an actress pee on stage in a humorous scene in Nilo Cruz’s Anna in the Tropics at the new Stanislavsky Electrotheater. Ogaryov responded in kind, expressing amazement that the former bad-boy Grymov could be so offended by such a harmless theatrical incident.
We can thank people like Surkov for the revival of these nasty cultural habits. They sit deeply ingrained in the Russian consciousness.
Surkov was a much-honored man in his time. He was loaded down with government awards – two Stalin Prizes, a Hero of Socialist Labor award, four Lenin Orders and on down the line. He was extremely active in Soviet literary life – serving on committees and in groups, while writing his poetry, editing major publications (Literary Gazette, Ogonyok), writing criticism and running the Literary Institute. In 1947 he penned the article “On the Poetry of Pasternak,” attacking the great writer, and he was one of the signatories of an open letter sent to Izvestia newspaper in 1973 attacking Alexander Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov. The great Soviet-era translator Lilliana Lungina (translator of the eternally popular Pippi Longstocking, and mother of famed film director Pavel Lungin, who, coincidentally, has just premiered on Russian Channel One a multi-part TV mini-series devoted to the KGB!) had this to say about Surkov: “He was a malicious, sly, dangerous man; a typical apparatchik.”
Surkov was the author of some 40 books, including several collected works. He translated the poetry of Mao Zedong. Very little of his work has been republished since his death.
Surkov’s archive was rediscovered a few years ago in a used bookstore by the bibliophile Mikhail Seslavinsky. Shortly thereafter he donated it to the Literary Museum in Moscow. Our Heritage magazine (2013, No. 108) described the archive as consisting of “hundreds of documents carefully preserved by Surkov, including personal correspondence with colleagues, Party and Soviet leaders, denunciations sent to the leadership of the Writers Union with the purpose of upholding Party vigilance and exposing class enemies…”
One such document, a denunciation from the writer Konstantin Konichev, is printed with the article in Our Heritage. It bears the notation, “Urgent. For Comrade Surkov.” The letter slanders the writer Pyotr Semynin, stating he has recently applied for membership in the Writers Union and that he “should be investigated.” Among other things, the letter claims that Semynin, while living in Novosibirsk (where the Kulyabin court case took place, by the way), “conducted anti-Party affairs in literature…”
How many steps is it from Konichev to Grymov? From Surkov to those who demanded that Kulyabin be sent to prison for “insulting Christian believers”?
Surkov lived in the building pictured here at 19 Tverskaya Street from 1949 until death presumably took him to a better place in 1983.
Click on photos to enlarge.
This, I presume, is precisely why someone once came up with the idea of putting memorial plaques on buildings: To help keep us from slipping entirely into ignorance. I’ve lived in the neighborhood of this building at 7 Malaya Polyanka, Bldg. 7, for a decade and a half now (it’s right at the corner of Malaya Polyanka and 1st Khvostov Lane), but only recently came to realize its significance. One day as I was snooping around with my camera I, for the first time, pushed my way past the old yellow two-story building on Malaya Polyanka and took a look at the imposing red building that rises behind it. It’s one of those odd examples of the way Moscow sometimes crams large buildings into small former courtyards, creating congestion and claustrophobia when you think maybe they really shouldn’t have done that. I usually blame benighted Soviet architects for doing that – there are hundreds if not thousands of examples of this being done in the Soviet period – but this is another case entirely. This building went up before the Revolution, and it surely must have stood out at the time as a remarkable, if overbearing, addition to the neighborhood.
So I slipped back to look at what this building looked like and I was greeted by two different plaques. One is one of those generic types indicating when the building was erected (1915 by prominent architect Vladimir Shervud), and that the building was occupied in its first seven years by the writer Ivan Shmelyov (1873-1950). A second plaque devoted to Shmelyov alone hangs on the wall on the other side of the entrance to the building.
I had only vaguely heard the name Shmelyov. So cursorily, in fact, that it meant virtually nothing to me. I went back to my encyclopedias and history books and was fascinated to find that Shmelyov was a major writer of his time. In fact, I knew perfectly well a film adaptation of one of his early and most successful novellas, The Man from the Restaurant. Published in 1911, it was made into a famous film in 1927 starring Mikhail Chekhov by Yakov Protazanov. Shmelyov was a fascinating man with a rich, very Russian family history. His father was a merchant who kept shops, bathhouses and other enterprises around Moscow. The family identified with the Old Believers, a branch of the Russian Orthodox Church which did not accept reforms that were pushed through in the 17th century. Ivan grew up in a strict, religious, patriarchal home. This remained a part of his world view for the rest of his life, sometimes as he rebelled against it, sometimes as he reclaimed it. He grew up mostly in the general region of this building in the Zamoskvorechye neighborhood, where outside, on the street, he ran into a very different kind of life among the street urchins and the children of many emigrants from Central Asia who have always gathered in this area (it continues to be true today). Shmelyov talks about the “education” the street offered him, and it helped add a strain of tolerance and curiosity to his unbroken strict views of the world.
By the time Shmelyov moved into this building he was already an established writer with close friends in high places – Anton Chekhov, Maxim Gorky, Ivan Bunin and many more. Shortly before taking up residence here a large, 8-volume collection of his works had been published. I can’t quite put a finger on how long he actually lived here. The plaques, and various internet sources, say he was here from 1915 until 1922 when he emigrated to Europe. But these same sources and others also say that, while he welcomed the Revolution at first, he soured on it quickly and left for Crimea to avoid the excesses he saw taking place before coming back through Moscow in order to emigrate. One assumes, then, that Shmelyov actually resided at this address regularly only from 1915 to, perhaps, 1918. But that’s my guess.
In any case, by emigrating, and by continuing to make his religious upbringing a large part of his work, Shmelyov was guaranteed to be shut out of the pantheon of Soviet writers. He was well-known in emigration, earning the praise of Thomas Mann and Gerhart Hauptmann for a documentary book called The Sun of the Dead (1923) about the horrors of the Revolution and Civil War coming to Crimea. Shmelyov’s son Sergei was captured and shot by the Red Army, and Ivan himself, being a reserve in the Tsarist Army, was in danger of encountering a similar fate.
Beginning in 1990 Shmelyov’s works began to be republished in Russia prolifically, either for the first time or for the first time since before the Revolution. The brilliant encyclopedia Russian Writers of the 20th Century (Russkie pisateli 20 veka: Moscow, 2000) counts around 45 major works by Shmelyov. “Shmelyov,” writes the scholar O.N. Mikhailov, “was far from the classical precision and clarity of Ivan Bunin’s descriptions; from Boris Zaitsev’s penetrating, moody lyricism; and from the semi-grotesque protuberance of Leo Tolstoy’s or Yevgeny Zamyatin’s characters. But at times Shmelyov nearly attains equality with each of these writers…” Wolfgang Kasack, in his wonderful Dictionary of Russian Literature since 1917, writes, “Shmelyov’s style can be too lyrical and overly emphatic. Masterly is his grasp of the skaz style, interrupting the action of the plot by switching to a fictitious narrrator. Here Nikolai Leskov’s influence can be seen. Leskov’s writings, with those of Fyodor Dostoevsky, had an effect on Shmelyov.”
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https://www.euronews.com/culture/2020/09/23/the-proud-heritage-and-influence-of-russian-artists-and-the-next-generation
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The proud heritage and influence of Russian artists - and the next generation
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[
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2020-09-23T00:00:00
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A century ago, a first wave of Russian emigration took the world of culture by storm. Euronews Cult examines that amazing heritage - and the promise of the new generation.
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en
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euronews
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https://www.euronews.com/culture/2020/09/23/the-proud-heritage-and-influence-of-russian-artists-and-the-next-generation
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This special edition of CULT coincides with the 100th anniversary of the first wave of Russian emigration and takes a look at the significant impact of Russian artists on the world of culture.
In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, more than a million Russians emigrated. They were destined to leave their mark in the arts, science and the public life of the countries they arrived in.
Around 50,000 Russians, known as white emigrés, settled in France.
Ivan Bunin arrives in Paris
Included amongst this first wave of emigrants was the novelist and poet Ivan Bunin, regarded as the literary heir to Leo Tolstoy and Anton Chekov.
Bunin arrived in France in 1920 and divided his time between Paris and Grasse in Provence. Not only does 2020 mark the centenary of Bunin's arrival, but it is also the 150th anniversary of his birth.
Cafés like La Coupole - which still exists in Paris' Montparnasse district - were at the heart of the intellectual and artistic life of the 1920s and 30s. Bunin would visit La Coupole to write and also to meet up with other Russian emigrés. He mentions the cafe in his short story 'In Paris' as the setting for a meeting place between two of his characters - and the start of their love story.
Bunin was already well known in his native Russia, but it wasn't until he won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933 that he gained international recognition.
Anna Lushenkova Foscolo is an Associate Professor in Russian literature and author of a book on Bunbin entitled "Les Artistes-lecteurs chez Marcel Proust et Ivan Bounine".
Professor Foscolo says that the Nobel Prize had a huge impact on Bunin's personal life:
"He became much more popular in media circles.
"Many journalists and literary critics became interested in him, whereas several years before, some of them didn't even know his name. "
As the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, Professor Foscolo notes that his success reignited interest in Russian writing:
"We know that Russian writers that preceded Bunin like Tolstoy and Dostoevsky were extremely popular in France.
"With this prize, it was a revival for Russian literature and for its recognition abroad".
Bunin spent more than 30 years living in France - and Lushenkova Foscolo says that time in exile can very much be seen in his writing:
"I think that the writing of Ivan Bunin acquired something new during the years that he spent in France - and this is the importance of nostalgia in his writing, the importance of Russian themes”.
Serge Diaghilev and Ballets Russes
Another leading figure amongst the Russian arrivals in Paris was Serge Diaghilev, who formed the legendary Ballets Russes. The astonishing technique of his dancers and his groundbreaking collaborations with artists like Picasso, Coco Chanel and Igor Stravinsky took Paris and the rest of the world by storm.
Didier Deschamps, choreographer and Director of Chaillot National Theatre of Dance says Diaghilev's impact cannot be overstated:
"What’s so striking about Serge Diaghilev is that he arrived with this incredibly famous dance company, and created totally new and unprecedented performances that get audiences to see the world in a different way.
“The Ballet Russes created a new style of physical choreography which completely changed the way dancers held themselves; the dynamics, the positioning, the power of each gesture.
"It was completely new and it’s something that’s of huge interest to choreographers today."
The Ballets Russes continued for two full decades, ending only with Diaghilev's death in 1929.
But Diaghilev and his dancers are far from forgotten; the Chaillot theatre is preparing a production of Nijinska - The Woman. The contemporary dance production pays tribute to its namesake Bronislava Nijinska - a ballerina and choreographer from the Ballets Russes. It will be performed at the theatre in March 2021.
Today's Russian artists carry on the proud heritage
Furthermore, today’s Russian artists are carrying on this proud heritage. Based in Moscow, Yuri Bashmet is a conductor and violinist who performs internationally.
He says that Russian musicians and composers have had a significant influence on the international stage:
"What the West receives from Russia is an incredible young energy. After all, we are younger as a nation.
"We Russians offer our soul and we encourage the rest of the world to do the same."
Yevgeny Primakov is the Head of Rossotrudnichestvo, a Russian government agency which is setting up Russian Centres to promote Russian culture, arts and science internationally.
Rossotrudnichestvo actively promotes the Russian education services and extends co-operation with educational institutions of its partner states. It works to strengthen the existing network of Russian compatriots abroad.
Yevgeny says the past is important, but so is the present and the future:
“It's great when people get to know Russian culture through modern day, dynamic examples - not just through the classics.
"Culture is always a dialogue, an exchange of ideas , an exchange of values.
'I see the aim of Rossotrudnichestvo being an institution for communication and facilitation.”
|
||||
wrong_mix_property_award_00138
|
FactBench
|
2
| 27
|
https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/ss-54219032/54219032
|
en
|
Бунин Иван Алексеевич
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2015-10-21T14:10:51+00:00
|
Бунин Иван Алексеевич - Download as a PDF or view online for free
|
en
|
https://public.slidesharecdn.com/_next/static/media/favicon.7bc3d920.ico
|
SlideShare
|
https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/ss-54219032/54219032
|
How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre-market
How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre-marketSikandar Ali
How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre Market When you need to promote a cryptocurrency like Hamster Kombat Coin earlier than it officially hits the market, you want to connect to ability shoppers in locations wherein early trading occurs. Here’s how you can do it: Make a message that explains why Hamster Kombat Coin is extremely good and why people have to spend money on it. Talk approximately its cool functions, the network in the back of it, or its destiny plans. Search for cryptocurrency boards, social media groups (like Discord or Telegram), or special pre-market buying and selling structures wherein new crypto cash are traded. You can search for forums or companies that focus on new or lesser-acknowledged coins. Join the Right Communities: If you are no longer already a member, be a part of those groups. Be active, share helpful statistics, and display which you recognize your stuff. Post Your Offer: Once you experience comfortable and feature come to be a acquainted face, put up your offer to sell Hamster Kombat Coin. Be honest about how plenty you have got and the price you need. Be short to reply to any questions capability customers may have. They may need to realize how the coin works, its destiny capability, or technical details. Make positive you have got the answers equipped. Talk without delay with involved customers to agree on a charge and finalize the sale. Make sure both facets apprehend how the coins and money could be exchanged. How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre Market Once everything is settled, move beforehand with the transaction as deliberate. You might switch the cash immediately or use a provider to assist. Stay in Touch: After the sale, check in with the customer to ensure they were given the coins. If viable, leave feedback in the network to expose you’re truthful. How To Sell Hamster Kombat Coin In Pre Market When you need to promote a cryptocurrency like Hamster Kombat Coin earlier than it officially hits the market, you want to connect to ability shoppers in locations wherein early trading occurs. Here’s how you can do it: Make a message that explains why Hamster Kombat Coin is extremely good and why people have to spend money on it. Talk approximately its cool functions, the network in the back of it, or its destiny plans. Search for cryptocurrency boards, social media groups (like Discord or Telegram), or special pre-market buying and selling structures wherein new crypto cash are traded. You can search for forums or companies that focus on new or lesser-acknowledged coins. Join the Right Communities: If you are no longer already a member, be a part of those groups. Be active, share helpful statistics, and display which you recognize your stuff. Post Your Offer: Once you experience comfortable and feature come to be a acquainted face, put up your offer to sell Hamster Kombat Coin. Be honest about how plenty you have got and the price you need. Hamster kombat free money Withdraw Easy free $500 mo
|
||||
wrong_mix_property_award_00138
|
FactBench
|
2
| 71
|
https://www.abebooks.com/books/nobel-prize-in-literature-winners
|
en
|
Nobel Prize in Literature winners
|
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|
https://assets.brightspot.abebooks.a2z.com/dims4/default/92ed360/2147483647/strip/true/crop/800x420+0+90/resize/1200x630!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fabebooks-brightspot.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com%2Fe6%2F12%2F33e1ec2548ef9f929ade36f49b60%2Fnobel-prize-for-literature-image-promo.png
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[
"list of nobel writers",
"nobel authors",
"nobel prize for literature"
] | null |
[] |
2022-09-21T00:00:00
|
The Nobel Prize for Literature is the world’s most important international literary honor. Browse the complete list of winning authors since 1901.
|
en
|
https://www.abebooks.com/favicon.ico
|
AbeBooks
|
https://www.abebooks.com/books/nobel-prize-in-literature-winners
|
The Nobel Prize for Literature is the world’s most important international literary honor. Alfred Nobel - the Swedish scientist, engineer, and inventor - left his fortune to establish awards for physics, chemistry, physiology/medicine, peace, and literature.
The prizes began in 1901, and the first winner for literature was the French poet and essayist Sully Prudhomme. The winner is decided by a committee consisting of members from the Swedish Academy, which was founded in 1786. The Swedish Academy features 18 people of note – such as writers, scholars, and historians - who have the role for life. The prize is awarded for a writer’s overall body of work although individual works of importance have been cited at times.
Past winners include Annie Ernaux, Ernest Hemingway, Albert Camus, Hermann Hesse, José Saramago, Pablo Neruda, Kazuo Ishiguro, and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Swedish author Selma Lagerlöf was the first woman to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1909.
The Nobel Prize looks for excellence in more than just fiction. Non-fiction authors (Winston Churchill and Bertrand Russell), poets (such as T.S. Eliot), playwrights (such as Harold Pinter and Nelly Sachs), a short story writer (Alice Munro), and even a singer/songwriter, Bob Dylan, have been honored.
The 2023 winner is Jon Fosse, one of Norway’s most prominent and celebrated playwrights and novelists. His works, often marked by their minimalist style and deep existential themes, explore the interior lives of rather solitary characters. He published his first novel, “Red, Black,” in 1983, and his debut play Someone Is Going to Come followed in 1992. His work A New Name: Septology VI-VII was a finalist for the International Booker Prize in 2022 and his other major works include Melancholy; Morning and Evening and Aliss at the Fire.
|
||
wrong_mix_property_award_00138
|
FactBench
|
0
| 87
|
https://linguafennica.wordpress.com/2016/12/
|
en
|
lingua fennica
|
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[
"Rupert Moreton"
] |
2016-12-30T11:09:02+02:00
|
10 posts published by Rupert Moreton during December 2016
|
en
|
https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
|
lingua fennica
| null |
Yesenin wrote this in 1910, when he was 14 or 15.
The winter sings – aloud it yells,
The pine tree with its hundred bells
lulls shaggy forest and
around it all the rain-drenched clouds
Are sadly mounting in their crowds
To float to distant land.
And in the yard a blizzard spreads
Its lovely silken carpet’s threads,
But brings its painful cold.
The energetic sparrows flit
Like little orphans there and sit
close up to window’s hold.
For frozen stiff they huddle tight
To warming house with all their might
And hunger makes them tired.
But, madly roaring, storm’s gusts knock
The flapping shutters as they rock –
Its anger now is fired.
And gently there the birds now sleep
Surrounded by the icy heap
Against the frozen pane.
And there they dream of lovely thing –
How beauteous spring to all will bring
Bright sunny smiles again.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Поет зима – аукает,
Мохнатый лес баюкает
Стозвоном сосняка.
Кругом с тоской глубокою
Плывут в страну далекую
Седые облака.
А по двору метелица
Ковром шелковым стелется,
Но больно холодна.
Воробышки игривые,
Как детки сиротливые,
Прижались у окна.
Озябли пташки малые,
Голодные, усталые,
И жмутся поплотней.
А вьюга с ревом бешеным
Стучит по ставням свешенным
И злится все сильней.
И дремлют пташки нежные
Под эти вихри снежные
У мерзлого окна.
И снится им прекрасная,
В улыбках солнца ясная
Красавица весна.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Mayakovsky’s verse is less free than it first seems. He breaks up his lines, but the meter here is basically trochaic – with many deviations. I’ve tried to emulate this, and echo his use of rhyme.
A few notes may help…
Yesenin died on 28th December 1925 at the Angleterre Hotel in Leningrad. Finding no ink, he had written a last poem in his own blood, and then hanged himself. So runs the official version – there are other theories.
Doronin seems to have been a poet everyone has forgotten.
Sobinov (aka Leonid Lohengrinich) appears to have been Leonid Vitalyevich Sobinov (1872-1934), a celebrated tenor.
You have gone.
…Another world’s your
……home, they say.
Into space…
…You fly now
……t’wards your stars’ collision.
Sober!
…There, there’s no advance, no
beer as pay.
No, Yesenin,
…this is
……not me joking.
Throat that
…swells with grief is
……joy-bereft.
So it’s
…clear – you summoned strength to slit your
wrists and then
…you hanged
……your bone-bag’s angry heft.
“Stop it! Stop it!
…Drop it!
……Have you lost your senses?”
Is
…flood to blanch
……ruddy cheeks
………with deathly chalk?!
You
…contrived to
……bend in such a fashion
as would lead
…most others to baulk.
Why? Oh, why?
…For what?”
……Bewilderment has crumpled.
Critics’ gabble babbles:
…“Taken by the wine,
yes…
…indeed…
……the thing is that
………his bow was rumpled
by excessive,
…bibulous, approach to wine.”
If, in
…place of hooligan’s
……Bohemia,
………class had
ruled the way you thought,
…it might have kept you straight.
Class, however,
…doesn’t
……slake its thirst with kvas, but
drinks its fill and
…doesn’t hesitate.
If they’d
…found a way to pin
……a guard to oversee
you, you’d
…have become adept,
……churning out the stuff they wanted.
In a
…day
……you’d’ve scribbled
………line on line,
stultifying, long
…and breathless,
……like Doronin.
Much the better then
…to combat first
……the drivel by
taking steps to
…end its wretched onslaught’s batter –
better to
…expire from vodka than
irksome clatter!
They’re not telling
…us
……the reason. Plaited
noose ended
…it; pocket knife, perhaps. But
if there’d
…been some ink,
……the Angleterre’s fresh linen
mightn’t
…have been
……horribly thus wetted.
Imitators were delighted: “Bis!” they
…cried.
Crowded round your
…corpse a mob
……that fought to get a sight.
Why encourage
…rate of suicides
……to go on going up?
Better
…to augment
……ink’s manufacture – day and night!
Evermore
…may tongue
……be fenced
………behind their toothy gate.
It is wrong
…and quite unfitting
……how they propagate the lies.
For the people,
…for the tongue-loosed waggers,
now has
…died a
……student-hooligan’s fine clamour.
And they bear
…a funerary scrap of dull
verses
…of the past
……they haven’t bothered to adapt
and
…they’ve hammered into
……mound their silly rhymes
with a stake.
…For surely
……bards like this are great?
Still
…there’s no monument for you there –
where knells
…bronze’s bell,
……where stands the granite’s floss?
But already memory’s fret
…is laced
……with tributes and
dedications
…plastered with memorial’s dross.
“Oh, Yesenin,”
…splutter they in handkerchiefs,
words of yours are
…lisped by Sobinov, who
them belabours
…under lifeless birch tree –
“Not a word,
…O f-friend, no
……n-n-not a whisper.”
Ach,
…let’s bring another m-matter
up with Leonid
…Lohengrinich, aka Sobinov!
I’ll get up,
…for I’m a bloody scrapper:
“Silence! Stop that
…chewing up
……his verse!”
Stick it up to
…them,
……you old flute slapper
in the place
…where sun’s ray doesn’t shine!
Deck them! Floor them all!
…They’re untalented, they’re trash,
puffing up the
…dark
……with sail-like business suits,
let’s see
…Kogan scatter
……now in all directions,
maiming all
…he meets
……with whiskers’ wax-tipped shoots.
Trash
…for now has
……lessened just a little.
It’s a challenge
…keeping up this thing.
Firstly,
…life
……requires renewing spittle –
when that’s finished
…time will come to sing.
It’s an age when
…life is difficult for scribes –
but let me know,
…you,
……behobbled and the sleazy,
where,
…and when,
……and what great path you ever trod
that
…was from outset beaten
……and easy.
At the
…head the word is
……leading human forces.
March!
…Let time be
……riven
………by the cannonball.
May wind
…now carry
……only tangled
hair to
…all the days of old.
For our planet is
…not well equipped for
……entertainment’s mad diversion.
Now we’ll
…have to
……wrest the
………joy from coming days.
In the life we
…have, to die
……is easy.
Making it
…is much more difficult.
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Вы ушли,
…как говорится,
……в мир иной.
Пустота…
…Летите,
……в звезды врезываясь.
Ни тебе аванса,
…ни пивной.
Трезвость.
Нет, Есенин,
…это
……не насмешка.
В горле
…горе комом –
……не смешок.
Вижу –
…взрезанной рукой помешкав,
собственных
…костей
……качаете мешок.
– Прекратите!
…Бросьте!
……Вы в своем уме ли?
Дать,
…чтоб щеки
……заливал
………смертельный мел?!
Вы ж
…такое
……загибать умели,
что другой
…на свете
……не умел.
Почему?
…Зачем?
……Недоуменье смяло.
Критики бормочут:
…– Этому вина
то…
…да се…
……а главное,
………что смычки мало,
в результате
…много пива и вина.-
Дескать,
…заменить бы вам
……богему
………классом,
класс влиял на вас,
…и было б не до драк.
Ну, а класс-то
…жажду
……заливает квасом?
Класс – он тоже
…выпить не дурак.
Дескать,
…к вам приставить бы
……кого из напостов –
стали б
…содержанием
……премного одарённей.
Вы бы
…в день
……писали
………строк по сто,
утомительно
…и длинно,
……как Доронин.
А по-моему,
…осуществись
……такая бредь,
на себя бы
…раньше наложили руки.
Лучше уж
…от водки умереть,
чем от скуки!
Не откроют
…нам
……причин потери
ни петля,
…ни ножик перочинный.
Может,
…окажись
……чернила в “Англетере”,
вены
…резать
……не было б причины.
Подражатели обрадовались:
…бис!
Над собою
…чуть не взвод
……расправу учинил.
Почему же
…увеличивать
……число самоубийств?
Лучше
…увеличь
……изготовление чернил!
Навсегда
…теперь
……язык
………в зубах затворится.
Тяжело
…и неуместно
……разводить мистерии.
У народа,
…у языкотворца,
умер
…звонкий
……забулдыга подмастерье.
И несут
…стихов заупокойный лом,
с прошлых
…с похорон
……не переделавши почти.
В холм
…тупые рифмы
……загонять колом –
разве так
…поэта
……надо бы почтить?
Вам
…и памятник еще не слит,-
где он,
…бронзы звон,
……или гранита грань?-
а к решеткам памяти
…уже
……понанесли
посвящений
…и воспоминаний дрянь.
Ваше имя
…в платочки рассоплено,
ваше слово
…слюнявит Собинов
и выводит
…под березкой дохлой –
“Ни слова,
…о дру-уг мой,
……ни вздо-о-о-о-ха ”
Эх,
…поговорить бы иначе
с этим самым
…с Леонидом Лоэнгринычем!
Встать бы здесь
…гремящим скандалистом:
– Не позволю
…мямлить стих
……и мять!-
Оглушить бы
…их
……трехпалым свистом
в бабушку
…и в бога душу мать!
Чтобы разнеслась
…бездарнейшая погань,
раздувая
…темь
……пиджачных парусов,
чтобы
…врассыпную
……разбежался Коган,
встреченных
…увеча
……пиками усов.
Дрянь
…пока что
……мало поредела.
Дела много –
…только поспевать.
Надо
…жизнь
……сначала переделать,
переделав –
…можно воспевать.
Это время –
…трудновато для пера,
но скажите
…вы,
……калеки и калекши,
где,
…когда,
……какой великий выбирал
путь,
…чтобы протоптанней
……и легше?
Слово –
…полководец
……человечьей силы.
Марш!
…Чтоб время
……сзади
………ядрами рвалось.
К старым дням
…чтоб ветром
…..относило
только
…путаницу волос.
Для веселия
…планета наша
……мало оборудована.
Надо
…вырвать
……радость
………у грядущих дней.
В этой жизни
…помереть
……не трудно.
Сделать жизнь
…значительно трудней.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (1870-1953) was an associate of Gorky, but they fell out because of their disagreement about the Revolution. He left Russia permanently in 1920 and spent the rest of his life in Paris. In 1933 he became the first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Here (sourced from Wikipedia) is part of his acceptance speech:
Overwhelmed by the congratulations and telegrams that began to flood me, I thought in the solitude and silence of night about the profound meaning in the choice of the Swedish Academy. For the first time since the founding of the Nobel Prize you have awarded it to an exile. Who am I in truth? An exile enjoying the hospitality of France, to whom I likewise owe an eternal debt of gratitude. But, gentlemen of the Academy, let me say that irrespective of my person and my work your choice in itself is a gesture of great beauty. It is necessary that there should be centers of absolute independence in the world. No doubt, all differences of opinion, of philosophical and religious creeds, are represented around this table. But we are united by one truth, the freedom of thought and conscience; to this freedom we owe civilization. For us writers, especially, freedom is a dogma and an axiom. Your choice, gentlemen of the Academy, has proved once more that in Sweden the love of liberty is truly a national cult.
This short poem was written (I think) before the Revolution. The “papers” of the final line are “newspapers” – which couldn’t be forced into the meter.
Wakened by the shadows’ probing
Snowy windows with their arc –
Isaac’s swarthy gold dome’s robing
Glimmers, beautiful and dark.
Doleful, snowy morning settles,
Isaac’s cross wears misty shroud.
At the window pigeons nestle,
Snug against the glass they crowd.
All is joy to me and novel:
Chandelier and coffee’s spice,
Rug on floor of cosy hovel,
Papers’ soggy frosted ice.
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Просыпаюсь в полумраке.
В занесенное окно
Смуглым золотом Исакий
Смотрит дивно и темно.
Утро сумрачное снежно,
Крест ушел в густую мглу.
За окном уютно, нежно
Жмутся голуби к стеклу.
Все мне радостно и ново:
Запах кофе, люстры свет,
Мех ковра, уют алькова
И сырой мороз газет.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Nadezhda wrote this as Osip Mandelstam was being transported to the Gulag. He died before he got there – he probably never read this.
***
Osya, dear one, distant friend! My sweetheart, there are no words for this letter you may never read. I am writing into nothingness. Perhaps you’ll come back and find me gone. Then this will be the final memento.
Osyusha – how childlike was our life together! What a joy it was! Our quarrels, our squabbles, our games and our love. And now I don’t even look at the sky. If I see a cloud, to whom can I show it?
Do you remember how we dragged whatever we’d found for our miserable feasts to wherever it was we’d pitched our tent? Do you remember how good the bread was when the miracle was granted and we ate it together? And last winter in Voronezh – the joyous poverty and the poetry… I remember coming back from the bath house having bought eggs or sausages or something. A cart with a load of hay was passing. It was still cold, and I was freezing in my jacket (and still we must freeze: I know you are cold now). That day I remember now. And I realise that that winter, those days, those trials – they were the best and final happiness that will come to us in this life.
Every thought is of you. Every tear and every smile is for you. I bless every day and hour of our bitter life together, my friend, my companion, my sweet blind guide…
Like blind puppies we nuzzled up to each other, and it was good. And how feverish your poor head was and how we burned up our days in our madness. What a joy it was – and we always knew that this was what happiness was.
Life is long. How long and difficult it is to die apart. For us who are inseparable – is this to be our fate? Are we not puppies, children? Are you not an angel? Did you deserve this? And it all goes on. I know nothing. But I know everything, and every day and every hour of your life are obvious and clear to me in my delirium.
You’ve come to me in a dream every night, and I’ve kept asking you what happened and you haven’t answered.
In the last dream… I was buying some food in the filthy buffet of a filthy hotel. There were some people with me who were complete strangers, and when I’d bought something I realised that I didn’t know where to bring what I’d got, because I didn’t know where you were.
When I woke, I said to Shura: “Osya has died.” I don’t know if you’re alive, but since that day I’ve lost all trace of you. I don’t know where you are. Can you hear me? Do you know how I love you? I could never tell you, and still I can’t. I can only say to you, to you … You are always with me, and I – wild and wicked, who never could quite cry – I weep, and weep, and weep.
Here I am – Nadya. Where are you? Farewell.
Nadya.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Ося, родной, далекий друг! Милый мой, нет слов для этого письма, которое ты, может, никогда не прочтешь. Я пишу его в пространство.
Может, ты вернешься, а меня уже не будет. Тогда это будет последняя память.
Осюша – наша детская с тобой жизнь – какое это было счастье. Наши ссоры, наши перебранки, наши игры и наша любовь. Теперь я даже на небо не смотрю. Кому показать, если увижу тучу?
Ты помнишь, как мы притаскивали в наши бедные бродячие дома-кибитки наши нищенские пиры? Помнишь, как хорош хлеб, когда он достался чудом и его едят вдвоем? И последняя зима в Воронеже. Наша счастливая нищета и стихи. Я помню, мы шли из бани, купив не то яйца, не то сосиски. Ехал воз с сеном. Было еще холодно, и я мерзла в своей куртке (так ли нам предстоит мерзнуть: я знаю, как тебе холодно). И я запомнила этот день: я ясно до боли поняла, что эта зима, эти дни, эти беды – это лучшее и последнее счастье, которое выпало на нашу долю.
Каждая мысль о тебе. Каждая слеза и каждая улыбка – тебе. Я благословляю каждый день и каждый час нашей горькой жизни, мой друг, мой спутник, мой милый слепой поводырь…
Мы как слепые щенята тыкались друг в друга, и нам было хорошо. И твоя бедная горячешная голова и все безумие, с которым мы прожигали наши дни. Какое это было счастье – и как мы всегда знали, что именно это счастье.
Жизнь долга. Как долго и трудно погибать одному – одной. Для нас ли неразлучных – эта участь? Мы ли – щенята, дети, – ты ли – ангел – ее заслужил? И дальше идет все. Я не знаю ничего. Но я знаю все, и каждый день твой и час, как в бреду, – мне очевиден и ясен.
Ты приходил ко мне каждую ночь во сне, и я все спрашивала, что случилось, и ты не отвечал.
Последний сон: я покупаю в грязном буфете грязной гостиницы какую-то еду. Со мной были какие-то совсем чужие люди, и, купив, я поняла, что не знаю, куда нести все это добро, потому что не знаю, где ты.
Проснувшись, сказала Шуре: Ося умер. Не знаю, жив ли ты, но с того дня я потеряла твой след. Не знаю, где ты. Услышишь ли ты меня? Знаешь ли, как люблю? Я не успела тебе сказать, как я тебя люблю. Я не умею сказать и сейчас. Я только говорю: тебе, тебе… Ты всегда со мной, и я – дикая и злая, которая никогда не умела просто заплакать, – я плачу, я плачу, я плачу.
Это я – Надя. Где ты? Прощай.
Надя.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
Andrei Bely (1880-1934) was born Boris Nikolaevich Bugaev. He is regarded as one of the major Russian Symbolists, and is especially known for his novel Petersburg.
He fell in love with the actress Lyubov Dmitrievna Mendeleeva, who was the wife of his fellow-Symbolist Alexander Blok. This poem was written in 1908. It is perhaps not entirely fanciful to imagine that it is about this failed affair.
December… Snowdrifts in the yard…
Your words and you I still remember;
How in the snow-night, silver-starred,
So shyly shook your every member.
In pearly lace of old Marseilles
You day-dreamed by the velvet curtain:
Around you suitors eyed their prey
On low-slung sofas, far from certain.
A servant brought in spicy tea…
And there around us tunes were playing…
However, now it seems to me
A sorrow of some sort was weighing.
And now in gentle steps there grew –
Imagination, inspiration –
In reverie as I looked at you
A secret, heartfelt aspiration;
And at that moment we were tied,
As Haydn’s strains around us rumbled…
From hall your husband on us spied,
With sideways glance at whiskers fumbled.
___________
Now in the snow I stand alone…
Above my wretched soul are floating
The useless dreams that then were sown –
A memory now, with sugared coating.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Декабрь… Сугробы на дворе…
Я помню вас и ваши речи;
Я помню в снежном серебре
Стыдливо дрогнувшие плечи.
В марсельских белых кружевах
Вы замечтались у портьеры:
Кругом на низеньких софах
Почтительные кавалеры.
Лакей разносит пряный чай…
Играет кто-то на рояли…
Но бросили вы невзначай
Мне взгляд, исполненный печали.
И мягко вытянулись,- вся
Воображенье, вдохновенье,-
В моих мечтаньях воскреся
Невыразимые томленья;
И чистая меж нами связь
Под звуки гайдновских мелодий
Рождалась… Но ваш муж, косясь,
Свой бакен теребил в проходе…
__________
Один – в потоке снеговом…
Но реет над душою бедной
Воспоминание о том,
Что пролетело так бесследно.
Translation by Rupert Moreton
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https://bentleyrumble.blogspot.com/2015/08/ivan-bunin-collected-stories-1900-1944.html
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en
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Bentley Rumble: Collected Stories 1900–1944 (2007) by IVAN BUNIN
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Bentley Rumble
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https://bentleyrumble.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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https://bentleyrumble.blogspot.com/2015/08/ivan-bunin-collected-stories-1900-1944.html
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Ivan R Dee Publisher US edition, 2007
Rusya (1940)
[*sarafan = a sleeveless loose
fitting peasant dress]
Translated by
GRAHAM HETTLINGER
The Collection: The early days of a lovely Russian autumn. Fields of new green wheat surveyed from the seat of a tarantass as it slowly rolls through them, its horses guided by a mumbling but kindly old peasant. A grizzled cobbler seated in the doorway of his rudely built hut, beating his uncomprehending dog because it refuses to learn the trick of shaking hands with him. The blue-grey face of a wealthy tourist, slowly stiffening as life departs from it in a luxury hotel room on the Mediterranean island of Capri. Peasant girls, their strong smooth legs bare beneath their rough homespun skirts, sorting good potatoes from bad as it softly, ever so gently begins to snow. The delight felt by a lonely hunchback when he receives a note from an anonymous admirer, begging him for a rendezvous in the park the following day. The familiar but comforting taste of blinis and fresh raspberry preserves, washed down with hot smoky tea poured straight from the samovar. The fashionable restaurants of Moscow, richly ornate in the gilt-edged glow of candlelight, where new lovers sit dreaming of the perfect if unrealistic future they one day hope to enjoy together.
These are just some of the moments to be savoured in the moving, elegiac and, above all, poetic stories of the great Russian writer Ivan Bunin, rendered magnificently into English by North American academic Graham Hettlinger.
Bunin, the first Russian writer to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, is best known these days –– outside Russia, at least –– for his 1915 story The Gentleman From San Francisco. While that story –– a perfectly told tale of a wealthy Yankee businessman vacationing in Europe whose fortune nevertheless fails to save him or his dignity after he succumbs to a stroke –– is excellent and obviously very deserving of its place in this collection, it is by no means typical of Bunin's work or representative of what characterizes his unique and occasionally disquieting genius.
Like many a Russian writer before and after him, including his contemporary Vladimir Nabokov, Bunin was an unwilling exile from his homeland whose life and work were intimately bound up in his memories of a childhood and adolescence spent on his family's vast but crumbling ancestral estate. Like another great recreator of the past, the Frenchman Marcel Proust, memory is both Bunin's central theme and his most compelling subject, the past something that did not and could not really die for him because he never stopped re-experiencing it in his imagination day after achingly nostalgic day.
The most affecting stories in this collection –– Rusya, Tanya, Mitya's Love, Zoyka and Valeriya, The Scent of Apples –– are generally those which place the reader directly in Bunin's pre-revolutionary Russian past, recapturing the vanished world of his youth by presenting it as a series of vivid, stirring and sometimes tantalizingly erotic images. This emphasis on the visual component of memory makes it easy to understand why he first gained recognition as a poet. These thirty-five stories are less stories in the traditional sense –– narratives that move from point A to point B by cleaving to a continuous narrative line –– than collections of vividly recalled, sharply drawn impressions, interlaced with images which capture and reflect emotions in a manner that masterfully evokes and recreates a certain place (Russia) at a very specific time (the years before the Bolsheviks took over and wiped out, virtually overnight, everything that 'home' had symbolized to people of Bunin's class and generation). While Bunin does all that's expected of any gifted writer –– creates believable and memorable characters, places them in interesting situations, shows how conflicts arise and how these conflicts are confronted and resolved –– he also reaches beyond this, offering the reader glimpses into the innermost souls of his characters which are as honest as they are profound, as moving as they are, on occasion, uncompromisingly brutal and shocking.
OneWorld Classics US edition, 2008
As great as all of these stories are, for me Bunin's masterpiece is the very different tale Chang's Dreams –– a story told from the point of view of a dog who belongs to a drunken old sea captain. Chang's memories of his life with the captain, of the adventures they have had at sea and in scores of exotic foreign ports, are interspersed with scenes from the new life they live together in the Russian city of Odessa, where his master lurches from restaurant to restaurant in search of the cheap vodka which has become his only comfort since the woman he adored impulsively abandoned him to run off with another man. The scene describing Chang's reaction to the captain's not entirely unexpected death is an unforgettable piece of prose, revealing the dog's emotions as it simultaneously offers us penetrating insights into his loyal, devoted and infinitely patient personality.
The Writer: 'The general sound of the piece is created in the very beginning of the work,' Ivan Bunin once declared in an essay titled How I Write. 'Yes, the first phrase is decisive. If you don't manage to capture that primordial sound correctly, then you… get all tangled up and set aside what you started, or just throw it away as useless.' This principle was one that Bunin adhered to throughout his career, applying it as rigorously to the stories he wrote after fleeing his Bolshevik-run homeland in 1920 to those he wrote as an impoverished, largely forgotten old man living in the French town of Grasse during the harshest years of World War Two and beyond.
Bunin's eventual obscurity would have come as a shock to the crowds of reporters who mobbed him in Paris following the announcement that he had won the 1933 Nobel Prize for Literature. He was the first Russian writer to receive the award and, for a time, became one of the world's most celebrated and widely translated authors, one whose work and achievements the Russian emigré community took justifiable pride in boasting of. But Bunin's fame did not endure and nor did his prize money, much of which was donated to literary charities while the rest was squandered on bad investments or found its way into the hands of the swindlers for whom he was always an easy and reliable target. He was virtually penniless when he died in his tiny attic apartment in Paris on 8 November 1953, the victim of nearly two decades of unmerited literary neglect and of the generosity which made it impossible for him to say no to any friend or fellow writer who approached him for a loan.
Bunin was born on his family's estate, near the village of Glotovo in the Russian province of Voronezh, on 22 October 1870, the third and youngest son of a hard drinking nobleman of Russian-Polish ancestry who, by the end of that decade, had managed to gamble away the larger part of his family's considerable fortune. Things had become so grim by 1886 that sixteen year old Ivan was expelled from school in the nearby town of Yelets because his family could no longer afford to pay its modest tuition fees. After that he was educated at home by his elder brother Yuly, a political agitator placed under house arrest by Czar Alexander III, who taught him philosophy and psychology and encouraged him to write by insisting that he familiarize himself with the work of classic Russian authors including Pushkin, Lermontov and Tolstoy.
An intelligent and highly sensitive boy, Bunin began writing poetry at a young age and had his first poem Village Paupers published in a St Petersburg literary magazine in 1887. This was followed four years later by the publication of his first short story Country Sketch in the magazine Russkoye Bogatstvo [Russian Wealth] –– a liberal minded journal that his brother, who belonged to the same Populist Party whose members helped to fund it, most likely exerted a strong influence on in both a political and an editorial sense. Yuly remained the dominant force in the budding author's life and in 1889 Bunin moved to the city of Kharkov to be close to him, working first as a government clerk before taking jobs as a librarian and then as a court statistician.
Bunin next moved to the city of Oryol, not far from Glotovo, where he found work as an editorial assistant on one of its local newspapers –– a job which offered him the chance to publish much of his newly written poetry and fiction in its pages. It was in Oryol that he was reunited with Varvara Paschenko, a former schoolmate he had fallen passionately in love with but had tried hard to forget after leaving Glotovo. By August 1892 Bunin was living with her in the Ukrainian city of Poltava, where for a time they shared a house with Yuly. In the meantime, Bunin's first, favorably received poetry collection had been published, creating enough of a stir in literary circles to ensure his work was printed in some of St Petersburg's leading newspapers. These successes did not help to salvage his stormy relationship with Varvara Paschenko, who left him for good in 1894 and shortly afterwards married one of his closest friends, the actor and writer AN Bibikov.
Between 1894 and 1895 Bunin spent most of his time traveling through the Ukraine, acquainting himself with peasant life in what was considered to be the emotional and spiritual heartland of Russia. In 1895 he visited Moscow for the first time, where he met a number of important political figures and fellow writer Anton Chekhov, establishing a friendship with the playwright that would endure until Chekhov's death in 1904. After 1895 Bunin began to divide his time equally between Moscow and St Petersburg, consolidating his position as a writer of tremendous promise and originality with the publication of his first story collection To The Edge of the World and Other Stories (1897) and his second poetry collection In the Open Air (1898). After moving briefly to Odessa, he returned to Moscow in the winter of 1899 where he began attending meetings of the Wednesday Literary Group, at which he was introduced to and befriended by many important writers of the day including Nikolai Teleshov and Maxim Gorky. In 1910, shortly after the publication of Bunin's bitingly realistic and controversial novella The Village, Gorky would publicly describe his new friend 'the best Russian writer of the day.' Between 1909 and 1913 Bunin would be Gorky's annual winter guest on the Italian island of Capri, where the latter had temporarily relocated partly for reasons of health and partly to escape the increasingly repressive and chaotic regime of Czar Nicholas II.
In September 1898 Bunin married Anna Tsakni, the eighteen year old daughter of a Greek-born activist and newspaper editor whom he had originally met in Odessa. The relationship quickly soured and within a year Bunin left his young bride despite the fact that she was pregnant with what proved to be his only child, a son named Nikolai whom he rarely saw prior to the boy's early death from scarlet fever and associated heart problems. In 1906 Bunin met Vera Muromtseva, the niece of a high-ranking Russian civil servant whose family were firmly opposed to the idea of her becoming romantically involved with an upstart writer. They soon became inseparable –– and remained so despite the many affairs Bunin had with other women –– and married in 1922 following his divorce from Anna Tsakni. It was with Vera that he traveled to Egypt, Palestine and eventually to Ceylon –– journeys that inspired a series of travel writings that were collected and published in 1931 as The Bird's Shadow. These writings came as something of a surprise to the critics, some of whom had already begun to dismiss Bunin as a talented but largely irrelevant peddler of nostalgia, pining for a world that, even before the Revolution, no longer existed even for the most privileged members of Russia's land owning gentry.
As the decade progressed, opinion would become increasingly divided about Bunin's work, with many on the left accusing him of not going far enough in his criticism of the Czar and the effect his repressive policies had on the Russian peasantry while those on the right declared him to be too negative in his depictions of the lives of the poor and the Czar's painfully slow attempts to modernize. Bunin himself refused to participate in this debate, preferring to spend his time writing either in Moscow or in what remained of his family home in Glotovo. He continued to do this throughout the first two years of World War One, preparing a six volume collected edition of his work which was published to widespread acclaim in 1915.
By the following year, depressed about the conduct of the war and with talk of violent revolution becoming ever more prevalent among his countrymen, Bunin more or less stopped writing altogether, unable to continue in the face of what he deemed to be such pointless brutality. The war also cost him his friendship with Gorky, who by 1917 had become an outspoken advocate of the Bolshevik cause –– an affiliation which remained, for a romantically minded artist like Bunin, unthinkable if not detestable. He was in Moscow when the Bolsheviks seized power from the interim Kerensky government in October 1917 but soon relocated, with Vera, to Kiev and eventually to Odessa where he worked for a time as the editor of Iuzhnoe Slovo [The Southern Word], a newspaper which openly supported the White Russian (ie. anti-Bolshevik) cause in what had now become a bitter and very bloody civil war. The couple fled Odessa on 26 January 1920 aboard a French ship bound for the Turkish capital Constantinople. Although neither suspected so at the time, they would never set foot on Russian soil again.
After brief stays in Greece and Yugoslavia –– Bunin was robbed of his academic medals and nearly all his money in the Greek city of Sofia, where Vera was also robbed of her jewellery –– the couple somehow found their way to Paris where a thriving Russian emigré community had by now established itself. Bunin received a warm welcome from his fellow exiles but, according to Vera, never felt comfortable in his adopted homeland –– a discomfort that was to be intensified by his winning of the Nobel Prize and the unwanted (and unmerited) attention it drew to him as the voice of anti-Bolshevism. He refused to see himself as anything but a writer and certainly not as a political or polemical writer, a point of view which influenced his decision to move from his apartment at 1 Rue Jacques Offenbach to the relatively isolated town of Grasse, located high in the Alpes-Maritimes region. It was here, in a house known as the 'Villa Jeanette' that he shared with Vera and several other emigrés of both sexes, that he spent the late 1930s and the war years.
Although he was technically a stateless person and by now extremely poor –– one French neighbor remembered him cutting grass on its hillsides that he would then carry home and boil for soup –– he did not flinch when it came to publicly denouncing Hitler and Mussolini or hiding refugees, including several Jews, inside his home. Throughout this time he continued to write with the same feverish zeal he had nearly always shown for his work, refusing to publish as a form of protest against Nazism while he gathered the stories that would be published in New York in 1943 as Dark Avenues, with a French edition appearing three years later.
Bunin and Vera returned to their former Paris apartment following the Liberation and remained there, except for visits to hospitals and convalescent homes, for the remainder of their lives. For a time, during the immediate post-war years, it seemed that Bunin was on the verge of being officially welcomed back to the USSR by the Soviet government, representatives of which he met in Paris and apparently provided copies of his work to in the hope it might be published in his native land in a new, state-approved collected edition. (This edition eventually appeared, in fifteen volumes, in 1965.) These negotiations came to an abrupt end, however, following the publication of his Memoirs (1950), in which he was scathing in his condemnation of Communism and of the debasing impact he felt it had had on all aspects of Russian life and culture. His last years were marred by the combination of chronic ill health and almost universal neglect, although his death in November 1953 saw lengthy obituaries appear in French and especially Parisian Russian-language newspapers. His final book, an important critical study of his friend Chekhov, was completed by his wife and published in 1955.
Use the link below to download two digital story collections by IVAN BUNIN from Project Gutenberg:
You might also enjoy:
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0
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https://www.dw.com/en/nobel-prize-laureate-svetlana-alexievich-at-70-reality-has-always-attracted-me-like-a-magnet/a-18768298
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Svetlana Alexievich: 'Reality has always attracted me' – DW – 05
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2018-05-30T13:46:40.951000+00:00
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Belarusian investigative journalist and writer Svetlana Alexievich turns 70 on May 31. Her unique, and often harrowing, insights into life behind the Iron Curtain were rewarded with the Nobel Prize in 2015.
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dw.com
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https://www.dw.com/en/nobel-prize-laureate-svetlana-alexievich-at-70-reality-has-always-attracted-me-like-a-magnet/a-18768298
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If there ever was a stark manifesto of intent, it came with Svetlana Alexievich's debut novel, War's Unwomanly Face. Released in 1985 and set during World War II, the novel ties together a series of moving and often stark monologues on the brutality and hopelessness of war — all told by women and children. Alexievich made no illusions: She was going to toe no one else's line.
First-hand account of Soviet Union's disintegration
It's her audacious determination to tell such brutally real stories that had Alexievich on the run for a decade.
She was born on May 31, 1948, in the Ukrainian town of Stanyslaviv — now the city of Ivano-Frankivsk, in the country's central-eastern region — to a Ukrainian mother and Belarusian father. Alexievich would first become a teacher (both her parents were teachers), then a reporter in the Belarusian town of Narovl, writing about carp fishing and literature through the 1970s.
However, as the 1980s arrived, the cracks in the Soviet Union became more evident, fanned by nationalistic dissidence, the disastrous Soviet-Afghan war and the cataclysmic Chernobyl disaster. Suddenly Alexievich found herself center-stage, documenting the disintegration of the Soviet Union — and, with it, the only world she knew.
Her investigative journalism would eventually earn her the ire of Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko — a man believed to harbor a fondness for Adolf Hitler — whose brutal crackdown on dissidence saw countless journalists, opposition politicians and activists imprisoned. Alexievich was forced into exile, including for a time in Berlin.
At a press conference in October in Minsk, the writer, whose books have been translated into 19 languages, said that the Belarusian authorities simply pretend that she doesn't exist. "They don't print my books here. I can't speak anywhere publicly. Belarusian television never invited me," she said.
Alexievich said she was at home ironing when she received the news that she was a Nobel laureate in 2015 — a message that gave her mixed feelings. "On the one hand, it's such a fantastic feeling. But it's also a bit disturbing," she said, adding that it conjured up the names of former Russian winners like Ivan Bunin and Boris Pasternak — who was forbidden by Soviet authorities to collect his prize in 1958.
The inspirations of the Nobel Prize winner
Alexievich credits Belarusian writer Ales Adomovich for informing her style of narrative realism — what's been called the "collective novel" — a style which weaves together a number of narratives, often from first person points of view.
She once said, "Reality has always attracted me like a magnet, it tortured and hypnotized me, I wanted to capture it on paper. So I immediately appropriated this genre of actual human voices and confessions, witness evidences and documents."
It's her unique voice from behind the former Iron Curtain which has brought her such global renown. Her 1989 book, Zinky Boys: Soviet Voices from the Afghanistan War, documented the largely unspoken reality of the Soviet casualties of that war.
Up to 50,000 young men are thought to have lost their lives, plus over one million Afghan civilians. Alexievich's unflinching reportage into the roots of this futile war (and the men who came home in zinc sealed coffins, hence the title) was unwelcome at home, in the dying days of the Uobel NSSR. She was viewed by many as a traitor.
Alexievich invented a 'new genre'
But it was one of the biggest disasters in human history which would seal her fate. Alexievich was working as a journalist in Minsk when, on April 26, 1986, the Chernobyl nuclear power plant exploded just over the border with Ukraine. Her reports from eyewitness accounts recorded over 10 years would become the work Voices from Chernobyl, released in 2005, and awarded the National Book Critics Award in the US.
In 2013 the author was also awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, presented at the Frankfurt Book Fair.
"She has invented a new literary genre. She transcends journalistic formats and has pressed ahead with a genre that others have helped create," said then-permanent secretary of the Swedish Academy Sara Danius. The innovative writer has "mapped the soul" of the Soviet and post-Soviet people, she added.
Alexievich is only one of only 14 women to have ever won the Nobel Prize, including Alice Munro in 2013. Asked back then how she'd use the money, totaling $972,000 (860,000 euros), Alexievich replied: "I do only one thing: I buy freedom for myself."
However, the prestigious award led to an exhausting phase in her life. Traveling worldwide and giving several interviews, Alexievich didn't have much time left for her favorite activity: spending time in her dacha in Minsk to write, her agent Galina Dursthoff told German press agency DPA.
According to her agent, the author is now searching for "a new tone" for her next book, which will also deal with a new topic: love.
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3
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https://onlineonly.christies.com/s/exiles-idealists-private-collection-russian-literary-manuscripts/ivan-alekseyevich-bunin-1870-1953-36/136236
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en
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Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (1870-1953)
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Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin (1870-1953) A pensive portrait. 1933 Portrait photograph signed (twice, on the mount and on the presentation card, ‘Ivan Bunin’), and inscribed to Fredrik Vetterlund, Grasse, 23 March 1933. Inscribed in French. The image by Studio Lipnitzki, Paris, dated 'Paris 1929' by Bunin. Image 166 x 103mm, mount 188 x 121mm, further mounted in a bfiolium presentation card, 280 x 190mm. A pensive portrait, inscribed in the year in which Bunin won the Nobel Prize for Literature, the first Russian to do so . Fredrik Vetterlund (1865-1960) was a Swedish author and translator. Vetterlund used this portrait and signature to illustrate his article about Bunin in Ord och Bild , ed. Karl Wahlin (Stockholm, 1934), pp.55ff.
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Christies.com
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https://onlineonly.christies.com/s/exiles-idealists-private-collection-russian-literary-manuscripts/ivan-alekseyevich-bunin-1870-1953-36/136236
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A Christie's specialist may contact you to discuss this lot or to notify you if the condition changes prior to the sale.
I confirm that I have read this Important Notice regarding Condition Reports and agree to its terms. View Condition Report
The condition of lots can vary widely and the nature of the lots sold means that they are unlikely to be in a perfect condition. Lots are sold in the condition they are in at the time of sale.
Presentation card has two small stains, minor soiling, marks from two mounting tabs on blank conjoint leaf and other minor wear.
Print Report
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http://classical-russian-literature.blogspot.com/2017/06/
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U.R. Bowie on Russian Literature
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http://classical-russian-literature.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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http://classical-russian-literature.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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In the 1980s I wrote a short story called "The Death of Ivan Lvovich," based on an actual event: the visit of the then young writer Ivan Bunin to Tolstoy's home in Moscow in 1895, shortly after the death of another Ivan (Vanya, Vanechka), the last beloved son of Tolstoy. The story has obvious parallels with "The Death of Ivan Ilyich."
First published in a Russian miscellany, Ostanovit'sja Nel'zja (Vypusk No. 11, Great Novgorod, 2014, p. 181-188), the story was republished in my collection of short stories called Googlegogol (2016). Here it is in full.
The Death of Ivan Lvovich
Why am I telling it? This is a story that he could not tell, and he was the Master. I, Ivan Alekseevich Bunin, winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature, 1933, am his humble epigone. I’m sitting idle here in France, waiting out the Second Great War. With all the years of my Collected Works moribund on the shelves behind me, in a time long removed from that frosty March evening when Lev Tolstoy put his arm around my shoulders. Thinking of a dead son. First my Kolya had scarlet fever; a month later it was measles. Nothing that serious. Then he got endocarditis. It was all over on Jan. 16, 1905. Four years old.
But what I’m telling, the thing of the arm around the shoulders, happened in late winter of 1895. In Moscow. There was no “Soviet Union” yet, and Hitler, who was six, still had time to be an angel. I was a young writer, aged twenty-five, exulting in him, Tolstoy the Master. One day the ecstasies of youth summoned me up and transported me to that large white house in Khamovniki District, where the Tolstoy family spent its winters. I was writing bad poetry then, plus a few gushing, febrile stories. I hoped, somehow, that the mere presence of the Great One would rub off some glory on me.
I had been there once before; they knew me. The old man respected the Bunin family, the ancient noble stock. He had met my father once, during the Crimean War, when they both were serving in the army. His butler, a doddering creature in faded livery, received me, took my coat and overshoes. He crept off to announce my arrival, returned, led me up the staircase. A stuffed bear, killed by the Master on a hunt, stood in a welcoming pose at the top of the steps, holding out a tray for calling cards. Since I had nothing for him, I just followed the butler on down the murky hallway. The poor bear looked aggrieved, and a sense of guilty unease passed over me, as if I had just snubbed a beggar on the street.
The decrepit butler nodded toward a door on the right, bowed his bony shoulders, and hobbled away. My knuckles rapped softly, and that hoarse alto voice called out, “Come in.” When I entered the dimness of the cramped room, illumined by a candelabra, I saw a leather divan beside the table with two lit candles, and there he sat, white-bearded, old and small, a book in one hand: Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoy, the greatest writer in the history of the world.
Looking embarrassed, he hastily arose to greet me. When he tossed the book to the far end of the divan, I fixed rapacious eyes on its cover. He was reading his own work, recently published, “Landlord and Peasant.” In my exalted love for his art, I had the tactlessness to blurt out my delight.
His face flushed and he waved away the compliment.
--No, please. It’s such a bad excuse for a story. I’m ashamed to show my face on the streets! But then, of course, everything I’ve written is dreck; at least all the fiction is. No, don’t say anything, fresh-faced and inspired young writer, Ivan Alekseevich! You’ll learn that truth some day. Please, please, take a seat.
He was right, and he was wrong. I’ve learned it now, that truth. About my own writings, though. Of all that I’ve written how much will stand the test of time? As for Tolstoy, I can’t read his pamphleteering works any more, all the preachy moralizing. But no one has ever written better fiction.
He paced around the room, stretching out his arms behind him, his torso swallowed up by the loose-fitting peasant blouse. As he spoke, tiny bits of spittle accumulated in the wisps of the long beard and scintillated in the candlelight. I sat and listened to him lecture me, watching the scintillations, enraptured.
--So who are you reading then, Ivan Alekseevich? Pushkin, Lermontov?
--Yes.
--Good, good. What about Gogol? Do you like Gogol?
--Not so much.
--Good. That’s right! Don’t read Gogol; he’s a dangerous writer. Gogol was a man who thought he was seeking God, but he was really in the clutches of the devil.
He paused and glared at me, waiting for his words to take effect.
--What does God want (he went on)? God wants the scribblers of the world, if write they must, to write something significant. So what do I do? I write about how some bland officer gets the urge to fornicate with a married woman, and she spreads her legs, loses her head, and later on her life. Then the whole world reads this drivel, and some say, ‘Ooo! Ahh! What grace! What profundity!’ And I say, ‘What banal horseshit!’
Don’t look at me like that. Have I shocked you, starry-eyed great writer-to-be? I apologize. Must break myself of that habit, using crude expressions. No. My advice to you is forget writing. The only task in any person’s life is to increase the love within his own soul, and, by so doing, to infect others, thereby increasing the love within them. How obstinate we are! Why do we deny such a truth?
Lev Nikolaevich paused again. After pacing back and forth a few more turns, he sat down. He stared beetle-browed into the light of the candles and said nothing.
We sat…his grey peasant eyes glazed over, steeped in dreamy sadness. The candlelight swam in the gloom of those eyes. Still we sat….Finally, he turned that gaunt prophet’s face toward me and said
--Have you heard of our recent sorrow, Ivan Alekseevich? We’ve lost Ivan, our Vanya, our Vanechka. He died of scarlet fever on February 23.
I nodded but made no reply. Callow as I was, I realized that there’s nothing to be said when a child dies. And, of course, what did I know of Vanechka? Very little then. A lot more now. He was born on March 31, 1888, when the Master was in his sixtieth year. He was the last and most beloved of the children. For his mother, Sofya Andreevna Tolstoy, he was the meaning of life.
--Yes, a dear little boy (the old man continued), full of love and charm. But what does that mean, when we say he died? He isn’t dead; there is no death. Not if we still love him and live our lives by the things he taught us.
The diaries, memoirs and letters of the Tolstoy family know nothing of the fate of Holy Rus, overwhelmed by the vicious war machine of Nazi Germany at the moment I write. Their pages sprawl indulgently, wallowing in nostalgia. I spread them out on my French escritoire, avert my gaze from the horrors of the twentieth century, and read about the Russia where I once lived. And about that beloved last son of Tolstoy: Ivan Lvovich.
“Sasha and Vanechka have been down on the floor looking at a map of the world, searching for Patagonia” (from a family letter). That’s a nice cozy scene: two bright-eyed children rustling through an atlas, its latitudes and longitudes specked with the sun-mist that flows through birch-tree foliage and into the room. And then this, from Sofya Andreevna’s reminiscences.
“Once, when I was combing his blonde curly hair in front of the mirror, little Vanechka turned to me and said, smiling: Mommy, I feel as if I really am just like my papa!
“Later he said: Mommy, is Alyosha [dead brother] an angel now?
‘Yes. Children who die before age seven are said to become angels.’
‘Who says?’
‘Some people.’
‘Well, maybe I ought to die now. Pretty soon I’ll have a birthday, but right now I still have a chance to be an angel!’”
And even this:
“A few days before his death Vanya stuck labels on his toys and belongings: ‘To Masha from Vanya, to Sasha from Vanya; to our chef, Semyon Nikolaevich, from Vanya.’ He took down all the framed pictures from the walls of his room and put them up in the room of his brother Misha.”
What is the problem with citing these passages? The problem is sentimentality. If you want to write with artistic effect, you have to keep the tears at bay, the pages dry. So said Anton Pavlovich Chekhov. But the Tolstoy memoirs are weeping and keening. Especially Sofya Andreevna’s. No. Better let the Master talk, as I recall him telling it to me in the dim candlelight of 1895.
--He was a harbinger swallow, bringing tidings of a warm spring. That’s what he was (said Lev Nikolaevich, in that same glazed tone). Then his voice abruptly came alive, his eyes flashed, and he added with no transition: I love this part of Moscow. Maybe you and I could take a little walk out in the snow. How does that sound? I like to wander the empty paths, down by the barracks of the Sumskoy Regiment, out through the Devichie Fields, to the river on the other side. Sometimes I’d take Vanechka with me on my rambles. A strange and marvelous mind. He could talk to you about the most serious things.
The loss was painful for me, of course, but much worse for Sofya Andreevna. Because I had another life, a spiritual one. All Sonya had was that animal love for her last child; now she has nothing to fall back on. It’s a terrible, terrible loss, though. No, I can’t say that. It’s a wondrous spiritual event. I thank Thee for letting me have this in my life. I thank Thee, O Father.
Why do children die? The way I look at it is that Nature tries to give forth her best, but when she sees that the world is not ready for them, she takes them back again. It’s an experiment. Well, they’re like migratory birds that fly home too early and die in the frost. But they must fly back home all the same. So it was with Vanechka.
The old man suddenly jumped to his feet and turned upon his own words.
--What nonsense I’m babbling! Migratory birds! Forget this entire conversation, Ivan Alekseevich. Posterity wants the brilliant insights of the ‘Great Artist’! When you write this scene some day be generous. Leave out the balderdash!
The Master has been dead for what? Thirty years? I’m an old man myself now. I’m in the South of France, it’s 1941. I’ve lost my country; the Soviets ran me out. I hate them, despise them, but now I find myself on their side, because they’re defending Russia against a German invasion. Here I sit, no homeland, no income. Have I nothing better to do than to quote Sofya Andreevna’s teary memoirs? Right. I have nothing better to do.
“We had decided that he, the youngest son, would inherit the Yasnaya estate. One day we were strolling out near the old oak tree that was seared by lightning, the one Kitty and Levin so loved. I gazed across the rye fields and said, ‘Look there, Vanechka—all of this will be yours some day!’ And he replied in that earnest little boy’s voice, echoing his father’s teachings: ‘Oh, no! Don’t say that, Mommy. Everything is everyone’s!’”
Again: “He was so slender, bodiless; he was all soul. On the days when my nerves were at their worst, he would turn his bright blue eyes upon me and say, ‘You’re not quite your real everyday self today, Mommy. Is something wrong?’”
Or, worst of all, this mawkish detail, which simply cannot be used in a work of artistic prose: “The Christmas before Vanya died he finally got the wagon he had always wanted, but he gave it away that same day to little Igor, a five-year-old hunchback, son of a local peasant.”
Back in the Master’s study, he’s on his feet again, pacing. He goes on talking, talking, talking, while I sit mesmerized by the words, the dark lined face, the glistening moisture in the beard, the murky ripples of candlelight in the grey eyes.
--You might even say it was a blessing for Sofya Andreevna, the pain of bereavement. In spite of herself she ascended into a spiritual realm, a new experience for her. But then the sordid pettiness, so typical of women, reasserted itself, and she went back to railing against the ways of the Lord.
As for me, I’ve made my peace with the ephemeral nature of earthly existence, but even I was weak. At first I sat and wept, yes, despaired. But soon I came to comprehend that this was not a sad and painful thing. It was joyous. Vanechka was a restorer of souls; he did the work of God on earth, promoting the Kingdom of the Lord through the increase of love—more so than many who live for half a century or even longer. ‘Every man is mortal. Caius is a man. Therefore, Caius is mortal!’ How wonderfully and simply put! So why do people refuse to accept it?
He fell silent for a moment, and once again the puerile ecstasy foamed up and ran out my mouth: It’s wonderful, you know, that story.
--What story?
--Where you use the quote about Caius, Julius Caesar. ‘The Death of Ivan Ilich.’ Nowhere in world literature is it better described: the horrible, slow process of dying. I mean… I’m sorry, excuse me for speaking of this now.
--There’s nothing horrible about dying, young man! And as for that story, what a miserable piece of slop! Crude and useless! Why write about the death of a man who never lived? Ivan Ilich was dead all along! And then, the bit about how, in his final throes, he screamed for days and nights on end: ‘I don’t want to-oo-oo-oo-ooo!’ No dying man would have the strength to scream that long. You know how Vanechka died? He got ready for bed one evening, and they finished reading Dickens’ Great Expectations to him. His bedtime story. When Sofya Andreevna came in to kiss him good night he said, ‘It’s sad, Mommy. Just imagine. Estella didn’t marry Pip after all.’ When she touched his forehead with her lips and felt the fever, she burst into tears, and he said, ‘No, Mommy, don’t. It’s the will of God.’ Misha came in to him later, and Vanya said, ‘Yes, this time I know I’ll die.’ And in his calm and simple way that’s what he proceeded to do. That very night. There’s the story I’d like to write. But I know I can’t.
I know I can’t either. Corporal Schicklgruber and his storm troopers are invading my country, and I, the so-called Great Russian Writer, I’m stagnating in Grasse, France, subsisting on a few stunted potatoes and soup brewed out of weeds. What does the Nobel Prize mean now, Ivan Alekseevich Bunin? What is my shriveled glory compared to his, the Master’s? He never won the Nobel Prize. Now I’ve lost the inclination to slather more ink into useless fiction, so I amuse myself by reading diaries and reminiscing about the lost past. And, let’s face it, I’m wallowing in self-pity, senile sentimentality. Galya’s gone, left me, and, years later, I’m still grieving over my own lost son. That bitch of a wife, Anna. How could she expose him to the fever? Why didn’t she protect him? Lev Nikolaevich had thirteen children! I had only Kolya.
And yet, for the way she told it, Sofya Andreevna might have had only Vanechka.
“After they dressed him in his white jacket and combed his long blonde hair, we went back into the nursery, and I put an icon on his chest. Somebody else lit a candle and placed it near his head. . . .
“The day of the funeral was beautiful, full of bright sunshine and frost. We put the open coffin on the sledge and drove out to Nikolskoe Cemetery. I sat beside him, cradled his cold face and kissed him all the way there. It was a Sunday, and schoolboys were ambling about the grounds, radiant faces shining, admiring the wreaths and flowers.
“As the coffin was lowered into the ground, next to Alyosha’s grave, I could hear the joyful cries of the peasant children, whom our nanny had given sweets and gingerbread biscuits. I turned and watched them as they raced after one another, laughing and shouting, dropping pieces of the biscuits, pausing to pick them up and put them in their mouths, then skipping off again.”
The old man’s eyes were misty in the candlelight, as if he had just read, as I am reading forty-six years later, Sofya Andreevna’s description of the burial. We sat, once more, in silence. For a long time. Then he breathed out that ineffable sadness over my young, exalted soul and said
--He was a vegetarian; he wanted to do good on earth. He looked like me; he thought like me. I assumed that Vanechka would be the one to carry on my work.
But there’s nothing sorrowful about it (he went on, with a vehemence in his voice). He’s with God now, and I had the joy of knowing him. I thank Thee, O Father, for that.
I thank Thee, Father! (he suddenly screamed out the words), and the two dim candles flinched, blinking their eyes in amazement. Immediately he composed himself.
--No, I’m not like my wife. She has no faith, she dares to repine against the Lord. On the night he died she went shrieking through the house: ‘No, he’s not dead; I won’t accept it!’ She banged her head against the walls, hysterical woman that she is; she raged around for hours on end, she tore out her own hair.
The Master took my arm and squeezed it hard.
--Enough (he said)! Come then, Ivan Alekseevich, writer, future glory of Holy Russia. Let’s you and I go out for a stroll in the snow!
The savage joy in his voice cut right through me. Recalling it now, I still feel the exhilaration of the wound. We stood up and walked out into the corridor. Now I know. I know why I’m writing this down. For the ending of the story. There are things in your life that you go back to and relive again and again. Why? Because the feeling is so marvelous that you want to savor it repeatedly. The taste of one glorious moment, in the mouth of your mind.
We went downstairs, passing the bear. I turned and looked back at him as we descended. He stood there grinning his fixed obsequious grin, holding out his tray to beg eternal alms, walking, in my imagination, his eternally motionless plantigrade walk along the icy edges of nullity. Try as I might, my words on this page, and all the words on all pages are powerless to provide what those glassy ursine eyes pleaded for: a return to the grievous bliss of life in flesh and blood.
We found our coats and galoshes in the anteroom; we put them on and stepped out together, into the brisk frost. It was twilight, grading into darkness, a somber March evening. The wind, smelling somehow of spring, was blowing in our faces, making the streetlights flicker. There were no stars. He put his arm, like a father, around my shoulders. I’ll never forget that; not to the end of my days on earth.
There we stood, Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoy, the greatest writer in the history of the world, and I, young and vacuous Vanya Bunin. Then we slowly walked, by a slippery footpath, out into the snow-laden Devichie Fields. I could just make out the frozen lake by the nunnery in the distance. We walked in silence. I breathed frosty mist, but my shoulders were warm in his grasp. As we approached the banks of the lake three swallows darted up from out of nowhere, made a few swoops above the ice, and disappeared in the gloaming.
The Master took his arm from my shoulders and plunged, almost dived, off the path and into the high snowbanks. He broke into a run and went ploughing through the snow. Then he shouted back to me joyously: Come on! Follow me, Ivan, great hope of the Russian land!
I dashed off after the old man, waded into the knee-deep snow, but I couldn’t overtake him. He was swinging his arms in a frenzy, churning his legs, leaping across ditches, and shouting out the same words, over and over, in a voice full of tears and rage: Smerti netu (Death is not)!
Смерти нету! Смерти нету! Смерти нету!
The Aesthetics. Great Scenes Three: If it’s time to go it’s time to go.
On the way to the theater, Ivan Ilyich’s family drops by the sickbed of the dying man:
“After dinner, at seven o’clock, Praskovya Fyodorovna came into his room in evening dress, her full bosom drawn up tightly by her corset, and with traces of powder on her face. She had reminded him in the morning that they were going to the theater. Sarah Bernhardt had come to town, and at his insistence they had reserved a box. He had forgotten about this and was offended by the sight of her elaborate attire. But he concealed his indignation when he recalled that he himself had urged them to reserve a box and go . . .
[P.F. comes in looking “self-satisfied but somehow guilty.” Purely pro forma, she asks him how he is feeling, “not because she wanted to find out anything; she knew there was nothing to find out.” She explains that she has to go to the theater with the others, although “she would much prefer to sit at home with him.” Then she asks if the others can come in.
‘Oh, and Fyodor Petrovich (the fiancé) would like to come in. May he? And Liza?
‘All right.’
His daughter came in all decked out in a gown that left much of her young body exposed, the body, which was the cause of so much agony for him. And she was making a show of the flesh. Strong, healthy, and obviously in love, she was impatient with illness, suffering and death, which interfered with her happiness.
Fyodor Petrovich came in as well, in evening dress, his hair curled à la Capoul, a stiff white collar encircling his long, sinewy neck, an enormous white shirtfront over his chest, narrow black trousers hugging his strong thighs, a white glove drawn tightly over one hand, an opera hat clasped in the other.
Behind him the schoolboy son crept in unnoticed, wearing a new uniform, poor fellow, with gloves on and those awful dark circles under his eyes, whose meaning Ivan Ilyich understood. He had always felt sorry for his son. Now he found the boy’s frightened, pitying look terrible to behold. It seemed to Ivan Ilyich that, except for Gerasim, Vasya was the only one who understood and pitied him.
They all sat down and asked again how he was feeling. Next came silence. Liza asked her mother about the opera glasses. This led to an argument between mother and daughter over who had mislaid them. This made for unpleasantness.
Fyodor Petrovich asked Ivan Ilyich if he had ever seen Sarah Bernhardt. At first Ivan Ilyich did not understand the question, but then he said, ‘No. Have you seen her?’
‘Yes, in Adrienne Lecouvreur.’
Praskovya Fyodorovna said she had been particularly good in something or other. Her daughter disagreed. They started a conversation about the charm and naturalness of her acting—the exact same conversation that people always have on that subject.
In the middle of the conversation Fyodor Petrovich glanced at Ivan Ilyich and stopped talking. The others also looked at him and stopped talking. Ivan Ilyich was staring straight ahead with glittering eyes, obviously indignant with them. The situation had to be rectified, but there was no way to rectify it. The silence somehow had to be broken. No one ventured to break it, and they all began fearing that the lie dictated by propriety would suddenly be exposed and the truth become clear to all. Liza was the first to speak. She broke the silence. She wanted to conceal what they all were feeling, but her tongue betrayed her.
‘Well, if it’s time to go, it’s time to go (Однако, еслиехать, топора),” she said, glancing at her watch, a present from her father. And smiling at her young man in a significant but barely perceptible way, about something between only the two of them, she stood up, rustling her dress.
They all got up, said goodbye, and left.”
d
This whole scene is typically wonderful Tolstoy writing about the social concourse of human beings. He has such a keen feel for the little unsaid things that go on between people, the hypocrisy, the pretending, the way people lie to each other on a daily basis. Here the main feeling is constraint. The relatives do not really want to be here, at the bedside of a dying man—even though that man is a very close relative. Nobody knows what to say in the face of death, and they all attempt to talk around the issue. Mother and daughter take refuge in bickering. The fiancé tries to ask a question relevant to his own life, but no longer relevant in the world of the dying.
Then suddenly they panic in the face of the dying man’s silence, even his indignation. Panic almost overwhelms them as they all look for a way to maintain the decorous lie. Nobody can think what to say, and then Liza, the daughter, commits what later has come to be known as a Freudian slip. Inadvertently, some neuron in her brain blurts out what is on the mind of them all. If Ivan Ilyich is going (dying), then it’s high time he be on his way.
The Russian has an impersonal expression here, with no subject expressed. A literal translation would be, “Well then, if to go, then it’s time.” This is especially appropriate, since no subject (we, or you) is expressed, but a double meaning comes through: (1) If it’s time for us to go to the theater, we better be off (2) If it’s time for you, Ivan Ilyich, to go, then get going. Most translators into English of the story have something like, “Well, if we’re going, we best be off,” which is not that bad but which does not encompass the issue the way an impersonal expression does.
Maybe the most strikingly creative thing about this whole scene is that Liza is not apparently aware of what she has blurted out. Neither, apparently, are any of the others. But we the readers are aware. We wonder if Ivan Ilyich is. When they all leave for the theater he feels a sense of relief: the lie isn’t there any more; it went out the door with them.
The Aesthetics. Great Scene Two: The Perfidious Pouf
Pyotr Ivanovich, a kind of alter ego of Ivan Ilyich, attends the funeral. He has hopes of escaping before the ceremony, going off to play cards with another colleague of the deceased, the playful Shvartz, but does not get away in time. He is collared by the widow, Praskovya Fyodorovna.
“’I know that you were a true friend to Ivan Ilyich,’ she said, then looked at him, awaiting the proper response to such words.
Pyotr Ivanovich knew that just as back then [when viewing the corpse] he had to cross himself, now he had to press her hand, sigh, and say, ‘Believe me!’ So that is what he did. And having done that, he felt as if the desired result was achieved: he was touched and so was she.
'Come, before it begins in there, I must have a talk with you,’ said the widow. ‘Give me your arm.’
He gave her his arm and they proceeded toward the inner rooms, past Shvartz, who threw Pyotr Ivanovich a wink of regret. His playful look was saying, ‘So much for your card game. Don’t take offense if we find another player. Maybe you can make a fifth later, when you get away.’
Pyotr Ivanovich sighed even more deeply and plaintively, and Praskovya Fyodorovna squeezed his hand gratefully. On entering her drawing room, decorated in pink cretonne and lit with a dim lamp, they sat down beside a table: she on a sofa, P. I. on a low pouf with broken springs that shifted under his weight. P.F. wanted to warn him to take a seat on a different chair, but decided not to, feeling that such a warning was not in keeping with her present situation.
As he sat down on the pouf P.I. recalled how, in decorating the room, Ivan Ilyich had asked his advice about this pink cretonne with the green leaves. The entire room was crammed with furniture and knick-knacks, and as the widow stepped past the table to take her seat on the sofa, she entangled the black lace of her black shawl in a bit of carving. P.I. rose slightly to untangle it, and as he did so the springs of the pouf, freed of pressure, started lurching about and pushing up at him.
The widow began disentangling the lace herself and P.I. sat down again, suppressing the rebellious pouf beneath him. But the widow did not quite manage getting the lace untangled, and P.I. got up once more, and once again the pouf rose in rebellion, even emitted a twang. When all that was done she took out a clean cambric handkerchief and began to weep. The episode with the lace and the battle with the pouf had put a damper on P.I.’s spirits, and he now sat scowling.”
[It soon becomes apparent that the widow has financial matters on her mind, and wants the advice of P.I. on how to proceed—three paragraphs omitted here]
'But there is a matter I wish to discuss with you.’
P.I. bowed his head in response, taking care not to allow the springs of the pouf, which immediately grew restive, to have their way.
‘He suffered terribly the last few days.’
‘Really badly?’ asked P.I.
‘Oh, it was hideous! He screamed incessantly; not for minutes, but for hours on end. He screamed for three straight days without pausing for breath. It was unbearable. I don’t know how I bore up through it all. You could hear him three rooms away. Oh, what I’ve been through!’
. . . . . . . . . . .
Despite a distasteful awareness of his own hypocrisy as well as hers, P.I. was overcome with horror as he thought of the sufferings of someone he had known so well, first as a carefree boy, then as a schoolmate, later as a grown man, his colleague. Once again he saw that forehead [of the corpse], that nose pressing down on the upper lip, and fear for himself took possession of him.
‘Three days of hideous suffering and death. Why, the same thing could happen to me at any time now,’ he thought and for a moment was panic-stricken. But at once, himself not knowing how, he was rescued by the customary reflection that all this had happened to Ivan Ilyich, and not to him, that it could not and should not happen to him. . .”
d
Most translators render the Russian word пуф as “ottoman,” but the puffy, insubstantial sound of the word is important here, so I insist on “pouf” in English. Just as the morality by which Pyotr Ivanovich lives, the morality of his class and society, has dubious foundations, so P.I. is in a shaky situation as he sits on the pouf.
Every time he shifts his position the pouf—emblematic of the petty bourgeois respectability and materialism by which Ivan Ilyich lived his life (and by which P.I. does as well)—rebels, asserting its own identity. As if to say, “I may be an inanimate object, but I too have certain rights; after all, Ivan Ilyich thought things like me—chairs, curtains, pink cretonne décor with green leaves—were important, more important than human relationships or higher spiritual values.”
Each time P.I. moves the pouf gives him a tweak on the backside, and he is more and more perturbed with every tweak of the pouf. Of course, Tolstoy is using the pouf as his instrument for poking and prodding at the character, for suggesting to him that his life is based on trivial and shaky endeavors, but the character, of course, does not heed the message.
In line with Tolstoy’s blatant assertion that a life based on acquisition of material objects is wasted, certain objects, such as the pouf, play a major role in the action. Another such object is the window knob, which strikes Ivan Ilyich on the left side as he falls and wounds him fatally—that innocent bruise develops later into the cancer.
Related to this device of personification of inanimate objects, while not exactly the same, is the device personifying the inner organs of Ivan Ilyich, which, after his illness begins, he sees as rebelling against him. Constantly mentioned are his “floating kidney (блуждающаяпочка)” and his “blind gut (слепаякишка, or caecum),” the large blind pouch forming the beginning of the large intestine.
These personified organs are out of Ivan Ilyich’s control, and at one point, in Chapter Five, he tries looking inwardly and commanding them to work the way they should. As if to say, “Stop wandering about in a blind daze, blind gut; stop all that illegal floating, floating kidney. Start behaving like healthy organs again, because if you don’t you’re going to kill me, and yourselves in the bargain.”
This is another of Tolstoy’s amazingly insightful looks into the way people react to illness, the way a sick person begins to feel that he is losing control of the one thing that really belongs to him, his body, composed of a plethora of organs, all working in concert to maintain his life.
The Aesthetic Beauty of “Ivan Ilyich” Great Scenes One: The Doctor’s Visit
“The Death of Ivan Ilyich” is said to have been the last work of literature read by the French writer Guy de Maupassant, who supposedly remarked after reading it, “I realize now that all I have done was to no purpose and that my ten volumes of fiction are worthless.”
The famous art critic and historian V.V. Stasov (1824-1906) responded to the story in a letter to Tolstoy: “In my whole life I’ve never read anything to compare with it. Nowhere in any other national literature, nowhere on earth is there such a work of genius . . . . . And I said to myself, Here, at last, is real art, real life and truth.” Is “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” really that great? Yes. It is.
What makes for greatness in a work of art, what is the purpose of art? Great art brings you the kind of aesthetic pleasure that you get, say, near the end of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, when the soloist singers put something together in musical notes that sounds sublime. One of the great paradoxes about art is that at its best it can light up the aesthetic centers of your brain, make you feel, warm, elevated aesthetically even while presenting some rather unpleasant truths about life. Even in a story about wasting away and dying of cancer. Anthony Burgess once wrote of the great paradox of literary art, where “the denial of human joy is made through language that is itself a joy.”
There are several scenes in “Ivan Ilyich” that are my favorites, scenes that light up the aesthetic pleasure centers in my brain. One such scene is that presenting the Caius syllogism (already discussed in a previous blog posting). Another is the following:
“The same thing again and again. One moment a spark of hope gleams, the next a sea of despair rages; and always the pain, the pain, always the anguish, the same thing going on and on. . . . . . . One hour, then another pass this way. Then there is a ring in the entryway. Could it be the doctor? It is indeed the doctor—fresh, hearty, meaty, cheerful, and with a look on his face that seems to say, ‘Now, now, you’ve had yourself a little scare, but we’re going to fix everything up right away.’ The doctor knows that this expression is not appropriate here, but he has put it on his face once and for all and can’t take it off—like a man who has donned a frockcoat in the morning to make a round of social calls.
The doctor rubs his hands together briskly, reassuringly. ‘I’m chilled. There’s a good hard frost out there. Just give me a minute to warm up,’ he says in a tone implying that you need only wait a moment, for him to get warmed up, then he’ll set everything right.
‘Well, now, how are you?’
Ivan Ilyich senses that the doctor wants to say, ‘How goes it, then?’ but even he knows this won’t do, and so he says, ‘What kind of night did you have?’
Ivan Ilyich looks at the doctor in a questioning way, as if to ask, ‘Won’t you ever be ashamed of your lying?’ but the doctor does not wish to understand such a question.
So Ivan Ilyich says, ‘Terrible. Just like all the others. The pain never leaves me, never subsides. If only something could be done!’
‘Yes, you sick people do like to carry on that way. Well, now I seem to have warmed up. Even Praskovya Fyodorovna, exacting as she is, even she could not find fault with my temperature. Well, now I can say hello.’ And the doctor shakes his hand.
Then, dispensing with all the playfulness, the doctor assumes a serious air and begins to examine the patient; taking his pulse, his temperature; he starts all his tapping, his auscultations.
Ivan Ilyich knows for certain, beyond any doubt, that this is all nonsense, sheer deception, but when the doctor gets down on his knees, bends over him, placing his ear higher, then lower, and with the gravest expression on his face goes through all sorts of gymnastic contortions, Ivan Ilyich is taken in by it, just as he used to be taken in by the speeches of lawyers, even though he knew perfectly well that they were lying and why they were lying.
[At this point Praskovya Fyodorovna comes in, kisses her husband, then begins colluding with the doctor in the pretending]
Ivan Ilyich looks at her, taking her full measure, and resents her for the whiteness, plumpness, and cleanliness of her arms and neck, the luster of her hair, and the spark of vitality that gleams in her eyes. He hates her with every fiber of his soul and being. At her touch he is forced to suffer from an agonizing well of hatred that surges up in him.
Her attitude toward him and his illness is the same as ever. Just as the doctor had adopted a certain attitude toward his patients, which he could not change, so she had adopted an attitude toward him: that he was not doing as he should and was himself to blame, and she could only reproach him tenderly for this. She could no longer change his attitude.
‘He just doesn’t listen, you know. He doesn’t take his medicine on time. And worst of all, he lies in a position that is surely bad for him—with his legs up.’
And she told how he made Gerasim hold his legs.
The doctor smiled disdainfully, indulgently, as if to say, ‘What can you do? Patients sometimes get the silliest of notions into their heads, but we have to forgive them.’”
#
There is so much that is telling and good about this scene. The formal and condescending attitude that the doctor puts on for his patients, donning it like a frockcoat in the morning. The way that Ivan’s wife puts on the same front, ganging up with the doctor against the patient. That attitude, steeped in mendacity, is exactly the same one that Ivan himself once adapted for dealing with defendants in court.
In modern hospitals many nurses and doctors don the same attitude, putting on the vestments of condescension and jocularity when dealing with patients. These vestments shield them emotionally from the horrors of suffering and death, but, simultaneously, they dehumanize the patient, demean his dignity, and put him in the position of a child being scolded by adults.
Tolstoy is wonderful in the way he understands such human games, and the way he portrays them in his art.
Problems with the Preaching (2); The Triumph of Aesthetics
Readers adverse to being preached at have found the main character’s suffering progression to eventual moral enlightenment to be beside the point. Tolstoy appears to emphasize the excruciating and slow death of his main character almost as a kind of divine retribution, and that emphasis grates upon the aesthetics of the story.
Tolstoy never leaves any doubt that the aimless bourgeois existence of Ivan, together with all others in his social circles and class, is beyond reproach. Throughout the progression of his illness Ivan struggles to find an ethical justification for his life, refusing to admit to himself that his life has been worthless. When he finally comes to this admission, the author is ready to shrive him. In the last moments of his life he feels himself pushed down into a womb-like black sack, and at the bottom he sees a light. Here are the final lines.
“Suddenly it was clear to him that what had been oppressing him and would not leave him was all disappearing at once from two sides, from ten sides, from all sides. He was sorry for them [his relatives, his family], he must act so as not to hurt them: release them and release himself from these sufferings.
‘How good and how simple!’ he thought. ‘And the pain?’ he asked himself. ‘What has become of it? Where are you, anyway, pain?’
He concentrated hard, seeking out the pain.
‘Yes, here it is. Well, what of it? Let the pain be.
‘And death . . . where is death?’
He sought his former customary fear of death and did not find it. ‘Where is it? What death?’ There was no fear whatsoever because there was no death.
In place of death there was light.
‘So that’s what it is!’ he suddenly exclaimed aloud. ‘What joy!’
All of this happened in a single instant, and the meaning of that instant did not change. For those present his agony continued for another two hours. Something gurgled in his chest, his enervated body twitched. Then the gurgling and wheezing became less and less frequent.
‘It’s finished!’ said someone near him.
He heard these words and repeated them in his soul. ‘Death is finished,’ he said to himself. ‘Death is no more.’
He drew in a breath, stopped in the middle of a sigh, stretched out his limbs, and died.”
A powerful ending to an extremely powerful work of fiction. Tolstoy has often been criticized for showing Ivan Ilyich the light, presenting his character with that brief vision of what it’s all about (“So that’s what it is! What joy!”), because no one on this side of mortality can possibly see the other side.
But a more just criticism involves the fact that Ivan Ilyich is allowed to die only after he acknowledges the lifelong error of his ways. Tolstoy puts this trial judge on trial for his life and has the universe pronounce him guilty. When he admits his own guilt he appears to have been saved. But what about innocent and upright people? They too die of cancer. The issue of death and suffering ultimately has little to do with how pure your soul is.
The writer Ivan Bunin, much influenced by Tolstoy, reacted to “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” as follows: “But in ‘Ivan Ilyich’ there’s a certain erroneous emphasis. Ivan Ilyich lies there thinking, I didn’t manage to do this, I forgot that, what a vile life I’ve lived. But the most important thing is not that at all . . . . . most important is the horror of death itself, the hideous fact of nonbeing, of departing from life.”
Bunin is right. Tolstoy the moralist demands that Ivan Ilyich search for some ethical justification for his life, but in the end it is the suffering, rather than the issue of moral corruption that is prominent. Perhaps Ivan Ilyich is guilty, perhaps he does deserve to pay for his vile life, but why do we sympathize with him? Because no one deserves to suffer that much and because Tolstoy’s description of the dying process is so artistically perfect that the mundane Ivan Ilyich comes to symbolize the torment of all suffering humanity.
There is where the real power of the story lies, not in its moral message. “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” is maybe the most powerful piece of fiction in world literature describing the progress of a slow wasting illness, and the reason people still read it with profit today is not because it makes your conscience hurt, but because it makes a spot near your kidney hurt—while, simultaneously, lighting up the aesthetic centers in your brain to make that brain gleam with the pleasure of reading great art.
Problems with the Preaching (1)
Over the 150 years that people have been reading “The Death of Ivan Ilyich,” what probably has bothered most about the story is the morally edifying tone. As if Tolstoy were shouting out not only to those of the Russian upper classes of the 1880s—Ivan Ilyich, his colleagues, his family, all of aristocratic and bureaucratic Russia—but also to anyone else within listening distance, including a multitude of readers in countries all over the world: “Repent!”
Of course, nobody in the story hears the shouts, and one reason the story is effective is that no one in the story is listening. None of the characters stops and says, “Well, yes, I’m leading a dull bourgeois existence, just as Ivan Ilyich did, and if I don’t change my ways soon, when I’m dead and gone my life will count for nothing.” But what if we could take a survey of all readers of the story over the past 150 years. How many of them would have taken heed of the shouting? I suspect very few. Didactic writing, I suspect, only very infrequently brings about the changes in the moral fabric of humanity that the didactic writer hopes for.
Tolstoy is hoping for the impossible. Not only does he aim at making people transform their lives, become more moral; he also wants us to look our own death in the face, and practically no one wants to do that (see discussion in previous blog notes). One thing that this story does is make your side hurt. My side always hurts when I read about the pain in Ivan Ilyich’s floating kidney. Fortunately, the side stops hurting when I put down the book. But after countless readings of this story over the years, it still never makes me want to embrace rectitude and live a better life.
Then again, there is the degree of moral corruption in most of the characters. The people in “Ivan Ilyich” are bad, bad people, terrible hypocrites, totally selfish egotists. One of Tolstoy’s strong points as a writer is his ability to delve into mundane human acts of hypocrisy. We look at the way, say, that Ivan Ilyich’s wife, Praskovya Fyodorovna, behaves at the funeral, in her interactions with Pyotr Ivanovich. The way she weeps as if insincerely, the way she is largely concerned with financial matters that will play upon her future. We think, Yes, that is human nature. It’s despicable, of course, but people do behave like that. Even in the scene when she finds herself wishing her husband’s death, wishing herself rid of him, we think, Well, yes. Not many writers have the daring to speak of such things, but Tolstoy is right. People do have that kind of thoughts. The pure hatred that is exchanged between husband and wife at several points in the story, is that what marriage is like? Unfortunately, sometimes it is, and the creative artist in Tolstoy brilliantly portrays that sad truth.
But are people really as bad as they are shown to be in this story? On our deathbed is this what we have to look forward to on the part of our family and friends? Total abandonment? Maybe so, but, then again, maybe not. Praskovya Fyodorovna is a despicable person, is so portrayed throughout the whole story, but readers may hope to find a better, nicer wife. They must be out there somewhere, such wives. Seldom in life, one hopes, do we come upon characters as rebarbative as Praskovya Fyodorovna.
The only positive character in the story is the peasant servant Gerasim. Not only here, but also in many other works Tolstoy holds up peasant morality, the peasant’s simple, wholesome attitude toward life as exemplary. But in so doing he consistently downplays another aspect of the Russian peasant mentality—the propensity, throughout Russian history, to engage in merciless bloody violence. For that side of the peasant, read the stories of Isaak Babel.
For a better balance between good and bad characters, Tolstoy could have chosen to feature Ivan Ilyich’s schoolboy son in more scenes. The boy obviously loves his father, he could be another positive character, but he is featured in only two brief appearances. And each time he appears the moral preacher Tolstoy cannot resist throwing in a disapproving, and totally gratuitous insinuation about the evils of masturbation.
In a word, Tolstoy’s negative views of humanity sometimes verge on hyperbole. At times the writer, methinks, doth protest too much.
The Didactic and the Structure
Lev Tolstoy is a didactic writer. His works often preach a moral message. By the time he wrote “Ivan Ilich” (1886) he had undergone a deep religious crisis that changed his attitude toward art and life. He condemned some of his best works out of hand. He considered his Anna Karenina—which many literary critics rate the best novel ever written in all of world literature—nothing but a piece of trash.
In the last third of his long life he became a kind of preacher, writing philosophical tracts and essays on how to live a morally upright life. He certainly intends “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” to deliver a message to his reader: “You are living useless immoral lives; change while you still have time.” The emphasis on didacticism does a bit of damage to the aesthetics of the work, and it is largely due to Tolstoy’s amazing literary talent that “Ivan Ilyich” remains a creative triumph.
The very structure of the story lends itself to the moral message. The title tells us upfront that the main character dies, so that we know how the story comes out even before we begin reading it. Then the action begins backwards chronologically: on the first page the death is reported. After the funeral, in a flashback technique, Ivan Ilyich is brought back to life, only to spend the rest of the story dying.
Only near the end do we realize the supreme irony of this story: that when Ivan dies on the final page his death is really a kind of birth, a spiritual rebirth. The long, agonizing death by cancer has been a preparation for this entry into a new spiritual life. On the other hand, practically his whole previous life, everything antecedent to his illness, was a kind of living death, no life at all, but just fakery, a pretend life.
This inside-out perspective, then, is reflected in the structure of the story. It begins with a death, returns to describe a useless life or living death, progresses to the climax of this living death—the scene where Ivan Ilyich, who is engaged in what Tolstoy sees as a frivolous bourgeois pursuit (hanging curtains and prettifying his new apartment) falls and bruises his kidney, the first step on his passage to death by (apparently) cancer of the kidney—then shows the gradual progression of painfully dying, which leads to new life.
Furthermore, this pattern seems to repeat itself in endless cycles. The early scenes, describing the reactions of Ivan Ilyich’s colleagues in the court of law to his death, are structured as if to show the ghost of the former, unredeemed Ivan Ilyich returning to live out the same vile life all over again. His colleagues are his alter egos, and their reaction to news of his death is exactly the same as his reaction would have been, had one of them died before him: concern with trivial court matters; thoughts of promotion and higher salaries (“Maybe my brother-in-law can get the vacated position.”); smug satisfaction in the death of another (“Ah, great; it was him and not me.”).
Pyotr Ivanovich is almost a twin of Ivan Ilyich—same education, same job, same aspirations, same attitudes toward life, and with the same favorite diversion: playing cards. When he attends the funeral in the early pages of the story it is as if a character were attending his own funeral in advance, and, of course, refusing to acknowledge that the corpse lying there with reproach on its dead face is almost exactly he himself.
The didactic point, of course, in all of this paralleling of characters, is obvious. Everyone in Ivan Ilyich’s society is living a morally stagnant life, a dead life, but the agonizing death of a colleague who had lived just the same life does not prompt them to reevaluate their morals. On the contrary, they avoid facing the issue and go off to play cards, Ivan Ilyich’s favorite pastime and favorite way of avoiding looking at life’s unpleasant facts.
Like Shvartz—another double/colleague of Ivan Ilyich, who shows up to pay his respects but sneaks out to play cards, skipping the funeral service—they wink as if to say, “Ivan Ilyich has done a really dumb thing; but you and me, we’re not about to screw up the way he did.” The Russian here is “Глупо распорядился Иван Ильич; то ли дело мы с вами.”
The Caius Syllogism
In Tolstoy’s story there is not a single character who conceives of his/her own individual death. Absolutely all of Ivan Ilyich’s family and all of his friends—except Gerasim the servant—go to great efforts to shield themselves from that dire possibility. In fact, Gerasim, practically the only positive character in the whole long story, most likely does not believe in his own death either. He simply is more willing to accept the fact that death does exist and that the dying should be comforted as little children are.
In Chapter Six Ivan Ilyich recalls a passage from a textbook of logic by J. G. Kiesewetter (1766-1819), widely used in Russian schools and seminaries. The passage citing the Kiesewetter syllogism and describing Ivan Ilyich’s attitude toward it is probably one of the best in world literature in regard to how an individual regards his/her own death.
“The syllogism he had learned from Kiesewetter’s Logic: ‘Caius [Julius Caesar] is a man; men are mortal; therefore Caius is mortal,’ had for all his life seemed to him correct as applied to Caius, but certainly not as applied to himself. That Caius—man in the abstract—was mortal was perfectly correct, but he was not Caius, not an abstract man, but a creature quite, quite apart from all others. He had been little Vanya, with a mama and a papa, with Mitya and Volodya, with toys, a coachman and a nurse, then, afterwards, with Katenka and with all the joys, griefs and ecstasies of childhood, boyhood and youth. What did Caius know of the smell of that striped leather ball that Vanya had so loved? Had Caius kissed his mother’s hand like that, and did the silk of pleats in her dress rustle that same way for Caius? Had he rioted like that at the School of Law when burnt pastry was served? Had Caius been in love the way he had? Could Caius preside at a judicial session the way he could? Caius really was mortal, and it was right for him to die; but for me, little Vanya, Ivan Ilyich, with all my thoughts and emotions, it’s altogether a different matter. And it just cannot be that I ought to die. That would be altogether too horrible.”
In voicing such thoughts, Ivan Ilyich speaks for the whole human race, then and now. A refusal to face one’s death appears to be built into the human psyche as a kind of instinct of self-preservation. Here is a quote from Sigmund Freud:
“It is indeed impossible to imagine our own death; and whenever we attempt to do so we can perceive that we are in fact still present as spectators. Hence the psychoanalytic school could venture on the assertion that at bottom no one believes in his own death, or, to put the same thing in another way, that in the unconscious every one of us is convinced of his own immortality” (from “Thoughts for the Times on War and Death”).
But the matter more often is expressed not by “I cannot conceive of my death,” but by the words Ivan Ilyich screams out for three straight days at the end of the story: “Янехочу (I don’t want to).”
Taking off on the Kiesewetter syllogism, other thinkers have come up with their own:
(1) The Israeli writer Amos Oz, in a discussion of Tolstoy’s story: “Everyman [note that this is written as one word] is indeed mortal; but I am not everyman—I am me.”
(2) The writer R. Beauvais: Everyone in the history of the world, so far, has ended up dying. But I’m still alive. Therefore I choose never to die.”
(3) Vladimir Nabokov in Pale Fire (Canto 2): “A syllogism: other men die; but I//Am not another; therefore I’ll not die.”
(4) The philosopher Arnold Arms, taking off on Oz: “Everyone who has ever died since the creation of the world has been someone else; I am not someone else, I am me: therefore, I do not consent to die.”
Eventually, Tolstoy forces his character Ivan Ilyich into the final realization that he is Caius, and, of course, all human beings are eventually forced down that same dead end. The critic Ronald Blythe writes that if we do not take the trouble to grow up and accept death, we’ll have to leave the world the same way we entered it: kicking and screaming. He quotes the symbolist Maeterlinck as amazed at the crudeness of Western man’s thought when it comes to the subject of his own death: “We deliver death into the dim hands of instinct, and we grant it not one hour of our intelligence.”
Perhaps true, but the instinct of self-preservation precludes our acceptance of individual death. What kind of life can you live if you have your own death ever on your mind? No kind of life. George Steiner has written that human beings could not survive without the future tense, which is a chimera. The future does not really exist, but we invent it and make our plans for years in advance. This “looking forward” to the future gives us a reason to live. Death, on the other hand, is a future event best ignored. At least if we hope to enjoy what little time we have here on earth.
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https://www.academicstudiespress.com/blog/2020-11-18-asp-abridged-autographs-dont-burn-letters-to-the-bunins-by-vera-tsareva-brauner/
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ASP Abridged: Autographs Don't Burn: Letters to the Bunins by Vera Tsareva
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2020-11-18T00:00:00
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We are pleased to present the latest in a new series of blog posts, ASP Abridged, in which authors give readers a short and sweet introduction to their latest book.Here, Vera Tsareva-Brauner introduces us to her new book, Autographs Don't Burn: Letters to the Bunins.
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Academic Studies Press
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https://www.academicstudiespress.com/blog/2020-11-18-asp-abridged-autographs-dont-burn-letters-to-the-bunins-by-vera-tsareva-brauner/
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On the surface, the book is a collection of previously unpublished letters to Russian Nobel Prize-winning writer Ivan Bunin from a couple sharing his exile in France after the Russian Revolution. It’s a very timely book—it’s being published on the 150th anniversary of Bunin’s death—and a very necessary one, as it helps preserve the life and works of one of the country’s greatest writers, a man whose fiction and poetry retain a very special place in the hearts and minds of most Russians, even though his work is relatively unknown to most non-Russians.
But Autographs Don’t Burn is, I hope, much more than just a cache of correspondence involving a literary giant. It is about the rediscovery of history through personal experience, memories of pre-revolutionary Russia, the trauma of 1917 Russian revolution and its consequences, anguish of exile, the attempt to preserve pre-revolutionary Russian culture in the face of the perils presented by the monolithic Soviet regime, and it’s about bringing into the spotlight lives that history has unjustly neglected.
In the opening section of my book, I reveal how a chance discovery in the University of Cambridge Library led me on a voyage into the past. I found a first edition of one of Bunin’s classic books and it contained an autograph, or dedication, by the author to a married couple in Paris, whose biographies have been erased by time. This set me a dual task: to find out who these people were, people sufficiently close to Bunin to merit a personally autographed copy of one of his masterpieces, and to trace its journey to Cambridge. It seemed hopeless at first, to be honest. The couple were identified only as Nikolai Karlovich and Natalia Ivanovna—i.e. only by Christian name and patronymic with no surname, the date was New Year’s Eve 1925 and the dedication was plainly affectionate. As for the book itself, no cataloguing or provenance details existed in the library.
However, I was fortunate to discover that the couple’s surname was Kulman, and that was all I needed to embark on my literary and historical journey. Nikolai Karlovich was a scholar, an academic, well-known in pre-Revolutionary Russia and with connections to the highest aristocracy. Through working in Russian History Archives in Moscow I was also able to excavate details of the life of his wife Natalia and to reveal the startling fact that she was closely related to a leading figure in the Bolshevik regime, in fact one of the architects of GULAG system.
And then, as if by some stroke of serendipity, another visit to the same university library, indeed to the same section several months later, brought to light another autographed Bunin volume, dedicated to the same people, but this time confirming their surname.
So this first section of the book is an attempt to unravel a biographical and historical mystery. But it is also about memory as opposed to often politicized history. The unfolding of the historical process can be perceived so differently when one relies on personal accounts and memories rather than the unemotional archiving of factual events. I was able to show how the Kulmans’ lives intertwined with some of the most important figures of the time and how the couple were swept up in the upheaval of revolution. After their hazardous journey into exile, a journey that mirrored that of Bunin himself and his wife Vera, they became part of the Russian diaspora living in Paris, actively seeking to nourish their memories of their native land and constantly yearning for the chance to return.
The second part comprises the letters themselves, but this turned into an even bigger task than my literary detective work in the opening section. These letters contain a wealth of detail about Bunin and his trials, tribulations and triumphs in exile (including the notification that he’d won the Nobel, which came as he was attending a cinema show in Grasse, Provence), about the Kulmans themselves, about the friendship between the two couples and, equally interesting, about the life and struggles of the Russian cultural community in France. Name after name pops up in the letters and my researches uncovered a wealth of thrilling anecdotes and biographical details about a cavalcade of characters, their relationships, their aspirations and yearnings, their struggles and their lived experiences. It’s fair to say that the footnotes are almost as important to the text of this book as the letters themselves.
So I hope it’s turned out to be something more than a simple selection of letters to an influential literary figure uncovered for the first time and translated from the Russia. I’ve sought to deepen our appreciation of Bunin, to bring into the spotlight for the first time the fascinating Kulman family, to lay bare the hustle and bustle of the Russian diaspora, but also to contribute to a meditation on the nature of personal recollection and the crucial part it plays in our understanding of history.
How does Autographs Don’t Burn make a unique contribution to the field?
This is easier to answer than the previous question. I think it’s unique because, obviously, the letters I found in the Russian Archive in Leeds have never been published before. Not only that, but they have never been studied and systemized properly, so there are some surprises there. It’s easy to believe that they’ve ever actually been read before, except of course by the Bunins themselves. I think the detail surrounding the writers of the letters is unique. These were two influential people whose lives and legacy have been completely erased and forgotten. In particular, on this important anniversary of Bunin’s birth, the book shines a light into his experience as a Russian exile in France. The book also involves stories of Grand Dukes, Russian literary figures like Chekhov, Gorky, and A. Tolstoy, as well as one of the architects of the Gulag system, so I hope it’s much more than just a “Letters To…” and more even than just a memoir. My aim was to present a reflection of the microcosm of two private lives as well as the macrocosm of Russia Abroad.
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1
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https://www.aatseel.org/100111/pdf/program/1998/abstracts/Angela_Brintlinger.html
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en
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Angela Brintlinger, Ohio State University
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In 1934 when Ivan Bunin won the Nobel Prize for literature, Russian emigre communities throughout the world received a welcome boost in cultural prestige and legitimacy. The rest of the world had to acknowledge that this writer, in exile from his homeland, represented another country, the Russian diaspora or "Russia Abroad," as it came to be called.
The cultural configuration of Russia Abroad relied on outreach efforts to both Russians and the host cultures in which they found themselves after the 1917 Revolution in order to stake a certain claim for hegemony over the concept of Russianness, even though political hegemony now belonged, irretrievably it seemed, to the Soviet state.
One tool of this cultural entity was the "Days of Russian Culture," a celebration of Russian identity which took place every year from Paris to Harbin and from Helsinki to Damascus.
Drawing upon archival materials from the 1930s "Days of Russian Culture," I will argue in my paper that Russian emigres were searching for a 'useable past' in the face of a difficult present and an uncertain future. Further, they found that past in their cultural patrimony, specifically in their literary forbears. Through Bunin -- and Pushkin, Lermontov, Turgenev, among others -- Russian emigres sought to legitimate their culture in the eyes of the West and to wrench cultural hegemony from the arms of the Soviets.
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FactBench
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0
| 52
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/John_Galsworthy
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en
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New World Encyclopedia
|
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en
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https://static.newworldencyclopedia.org/favicon.ico
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/John_Galsworthy
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John Galsworthy Born: August 14, 1867
Kingston, Surrey, England Died: January 31 1933 (aged 65)
London, England Occupation(s): Writer Nationality: English
John Galsworthy (August 14, 1867 – January 31, 1933) was an English novelist and playwright. Notable works include The Forsyte Saga (1906–1921) and its sequels, A Modern Comedy and End of the Chapter. Galsworthy's novels addressed the class system in England, especially the rise of the merchant class, or "new money," and its relations to the aristocracy, or "old money." In the wake of the Industrial Revolution and urbanization, Galsworthy's works reflected the inevitable conflicts that arose during the transition from a more pastoral society to a modern one. He won the Nobel Prize for literature in 1932.
Biography
Galsworthy was born at Kingston Hill in Surrey, England, into an established wealthy family, the son of John and Blanche Bailey (nee Bartleet) Galsworthy. He attended Harrow and New College, Oxford, training as a barrister and was called to the bar in 1890. However, he was not interested in practicing law and instead traveled abroad to look after the family's shipping business interests. During these travels he met Joseph Conrad, then the first mate of a sailing-ship moored in the harbor of Adelaide, Australia, and the two future novelists became close friends. In 1895, Galsworthy began an affair with Ada Nemesis Pearson, the wife of one of his cousins. After her divorce the pair eventually married on September 23, 1905, and stayed together until his death in 1933. During World War I, he worked in a hospital in France as an orderly after being passed over for military service. John Galsworthy lived for the final seven years of his life at Bury in West Sussex. He died from a brain tumor at his London home, Grove Lodge, Hampstead. In accordance with his will he was cremated at Woking, and his ashes scattered over the South Downs from the air.[1] There is also a memorial in Highgate "New" Cemetery.[2]
Literary Works
From the Four Winds was Galsworthy's first published work in 1897, a collection of short stories. These, and several subsequent works, were published under the pen name John Sinjohn, and it would not be until The Island Pharisees (1904) that he would begin publishing under his own name, probably owing to the death of his father. His first play, The Silver Box (1906), became a success, and he followed it up with The Man of Property (1906), the first in the Forsyte trilogy. Although he continued writing both plays and novels, it was as a playwright that he was mainly appreciated at the time. Along with other writers of the time, such as Shaw, his plays addressed the class system and social issues; two of his best known plays were Strife (1909) and The Skin Game (1920).
Over time his reputation shifted; he is now far better known for his novels and particularly The Forsyte Saga, the first of three trilogies of novels about the eponymous family and connected lives. These books, as with many of his other works, dealt with class, and in particular upper-middle class lives. Although sympathetic to his characters, he highlights their insular, snobbish, and acquisitive attitudes and their suffocating moral codes. He is viewed as one of the first writers of the Edwardian era; challenging in his works some of the ideals of society depicted in the proceeding literature of Victorian England. The depiction of a woman in an unhappy marriage furnishes another recurring theme in his work. The character of Irene in The Forsyte Saga is drawn from Ada Pearson even though her previous marriage was not as miserable as Irene's.
His work is often less convincing when it deals with the changing face of wider British society and how it affects people of the lower social classes. Through his writings he campaigned for a variety of causes, including prison reform, women's rights, animal welfare, and censorship, but these have limited appeal outside the era in which they were written.
Legacy
He was elected as the first president of the International PEN literary club in 1921, was appointed to the Order of Merit in 1929—after earlier turning down a knighthood—and was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1932.
The popularity of his fiction waned quickly after his death, but the hugely successful adaptation of The Forsyte Saga in 1967 renewed interest in the writer.
A number of John Galsworthy's letters and papers are held at the University of Birmingham Special Collections.
Adaptations
The Forsyte Saga has been filmed several times:
That Forsyte Woman (1949), directed by Compton Bennett, an MGM adaptation in which Errol Flynn played a rare villainous role, as Soames.
BBC television drama (1967), directed by James Cellan Jones, David Giles, starring Eric Porter, Nyree Dawn Porter, Kenneth More, Susan Hampshire, Joseph O'Conor, adapted by Lennox Philips and others, 26 parts.
Granada television drama (2002), directed by Christopher Menaul, starring Gina McKee, Damian Lewis, Rupert Graves, Corin Redgrave, 13 parts.
The Skin Game was adapted and directed by Alfred Hitchcock in 1931. It starred VC France, Helen Haye, Jill Esmond, Edmund Gwenn, John Longden.
Escape was filmed in 1930 and 1948. The latter was directed by Joseph L. Mankiewicz, starring Rex Harrison, Peggy Cummings, William Hartnell. The screenplay was by Philip Dunne.
One More River (a film version of Galsworthy's Over the River) was filmed by James Whale in 1934. The film starred Frank Lawton, Colin Clive (one of Whale's most frequently used actors), and Diana Wynyard. It also featured Mrs. Patrick Campbell in a rare sound film appearance.
Selected works
From The Four Winds, 1897 (as John Sinjohn)
Jocelyn, 1898 (as John Sinjohn)
Villa Rubein, 1900 (as John Sinjohn)
A Man Of Devon, 1901 (as John Sinjohn)
The Island Pharisees, 1904
The Silver Box, 1906 (his first play)
The Forsyte Saga, 1906-21, 1922
The Man Of Property, 1906
(interlude) Indian Summer of a Forsyte, 1918
In Chancery, 1920
(interlude) Awakening, 1920
To Let, 1921
The Country House, 1907
A Commentary, 1908
Fraternity, 1909
A Justification For The Censorship Of Plays, 1909
Strife, 1909
Fraternity, 1909
Joy, 1909
Justice, 1910
A Motley, 1910
The Spirit Of Punishment, 1910
Horses In Mines, 1910
The Patrician, 1911
The Little Dream, 1911
The Pigeon, 1912
The Eldest Son, 1912
Moods, Songs, And Doggerels, 1912
For Love Of Beasts, 1912
The Inn Of Tranquility, 1912
The Dark Flower, 1913
The Fugitive, 1913
The Mob, 1914
The Freelands, 1915
The Little Man, 1915
A Bit's Love, 1915
A Sheaf, 1916
The Apple Tree, 1916
Beyond, 1917
Five Tales, 1918
Saint's Progress, 1919
Addresses In America, 1912
The Foundations, 1920
In Chancery, 1920
Awakening, 1920
The Skin Game, 1920
To Let, 1920
A Family Man, 1922
The Little Man, 1922
Loyalties, 1922
Windows, 1922
Captures, 1923
Abracadabra, 1924
The Forest, 1924
Old English, 1924
The Show, 1925
Escape, 1926
Verses New And Old, 1926
Castles In Spain, 1927
A Modern Comedy, 1924-1928, 1929
The White Monkey, 1924
(Interlude) a Silent Wooing, 1927
The Silver Spoon, 1926
(Interlude) Passers By, 1927
Swan Song, 1928
Two Forsyte Interludes, 1927
The Manaton Edition, 1923-26 (collection, 30 vols.)
Exiled, 1929
The Roof, 1929
On Forsyte Change, 1930
Two Essays On Conrad, 1930
Soames And The Flag, 1930
The Creation Of Character In Literature, 1931 (The Romanes Lecture for 1931).
Maid In Waiting, 1931
Forty Poems, 1932
Flowering Wilderness, 1932
Over the River, 1933
Autobiographical Letters Of Galsworthy: A Correspondence With Frank Harris, 1933
The Grove Edition, 1927-34 (collection, 27 Vols.)
Collected Poems, 1934
End Of the Chapter, 1931-1933, 1934 (posthumously)
Maid In Waiting, 1931
Flowering Wilderness, 1932
One More River, 1933 (originally the English edition was called Over the River)
Punch And Go, 1935
The Life And Letters, 1935
The Winter Garden, 1935
Forsytes, Pendyces And Others, 1935
Selected Short Stories, 1935
Glimpses And Reflections, 1937
Galsworthy's Letters To Leon Lion, 1968
Letters From John Galsworthy 1900-1932, 1970
Notes
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
Marrot, Harold Vincent. The Life and Letters of John Galsworthy. C. Scribner's Sons, 1936.
Mottram, R. H. John Galsworthy. British Council by Longmans, Green, 1952.
Sternlicht, Stanford V. John Galsworthy. Twayne Publishers, 1987. ISBN 9780805769470
All links retrieved August 3, 2022.
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| 44
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https://kidskonnect.com/history-timeline/november/day-8/
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en
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Worksheets for Kids - Events, Deaths, Birthdays
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2019-10-26T03:32:53+00:00
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Kids' worksheets for 8 November | Click here for Worksheets for Kids linked to 8 November covering Historic Events, Famous Birthdays & Deaths, and more.
|
en
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KidsKonnect
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https://kidskonnect.com/history-timeline/november/day-8/
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History Timeline For Kids /November /November 8 Events In History
EVENTS
1519 – Hernan Cortez enters Tenochtitlan. Aztec ruler Montezuma welcomes him as a god.
1837 – Mount Holyoke Seminary is formed as the first US college founded for women
1889 – Montana is admitted as the 41st U.S. state.
1895 – X-rays (electromagnetic rays) were discovered by Wilhelm Roentgen at the University of Wuerzburg in Germany.
1923 – Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch took place in the Buergerbraukeller in Munich. Hitler, Goering and armed Nazis attempted, but ultimately failed, to forcibly seize power and overthrow democracy in Germany.
1939 – An assassination attempt on Hitler failed at the Buergerbraukeller in Munich. A bomb exploded soon after Hitler had exited following a speech commemorating the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch. Seven others were killed.
1942 – Operation Torch, the Allied landings in North Africa, began as 400,000 soldiers under the command of General Dwight D. Eisenhower landed at Morocco and Algeria.
1960 – John F. Kennedy is elected as the youngest US President in history.
1971 – Coup in Thailand. Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn staged a coup against his own government and dismissed the parliament citing increasing communist influence.
1972 – Home Box Office launched. The premium TV channel, informally known as HBO, is the oldest paid TV channel in the United States. The first program to screen on the channel was Sometimes a Great Notion, a movie starring Paul Newman and Henry Fonda.
BIRTHDAYS
1656 – Edmond Halley (Astronomer)
1836 – Milton Bradley (Game maker)
1847 – Bram Stoker (Author of Dracula)
1900 – Margaret Mitchell (wrote Gone with the Wind)
1922 – Pioneering heart surgeon Christiaan Barnard (1922-2001) was born in Beaufort West, Cape of Good Hope Province, South Africa. He headed the surgical team that achieved the first-ever human heart transplant in 1967.
1927 – Nguyen Khanh (Vietnamese general, politician, 3rd President of South Vietnam)
1951 – Mary Hart (Entertainment Tonight Anchor)
1961 – Micky Adams (English footballer, manager)
1961 – Leif Garrett (Singer – teen pop idol)
1966 – Gordon Ramsay (Scottish chef, television host)
1975 – Tara Reid (Actress)
1986 – Aaron Swartz (American computer programmer, activist)
DEATHS
1674 – John Milton (English poet)
1887 – Doc Holliday (American gambler, dentist)
1953 – Ivan Bunin (Russian author, poet, Nobel Prize laureate)
1965 – Dorothy Kilgallen (American journalist)
1986 – Vyacheslav Molotov (Soviet politician, Minister of Foreign Affairs fr the Soviet Union)
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FactBench
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/facts/
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en
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Ivan Bunin – Facts
|
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing"
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/facts/
|
Life
Ivan Bunin was born into a family of landowners in Vorónezh in Western Russia and spent his childhood in the country on the family’s estates. His mother, Lyudmila Alexandrovna, introduced him to Russian folklore, and he began writing poetry and prose at an early age. He traveled around Russia, southern Europe, North Africa, the Middle East and the Balkans. In 1909 he was elected to membership in the Russian Academy of Sciences. Because of the Bolshevik regime, he left Russia in 1920 and lived the remainder of his life in France.
Work
Ivan Bunin’s works consist of poetry, prose and translations. He debuted with the collection Poems (1887–1891), a book of poetry that shows elements of symbolism. The inspiration he drew from realism emerges in a series of melancholy stories about the Russian countryside and its decline, in which he wanted to describe “a Russia without make-up.” The novels Derévnya (1910) (The Village) and Sukhodól (1912) depicted the crudity of village life and the decline of the landowner class. Bunin’s prose style is characterized by melancholy, reserve and concentration, a condensed elegance.
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|
https://www.britannica.com/summary/Ivan-Bunin
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Ivan Bunin summary
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Ivan Bunin, (born Oct. 10, 1870, Voronezh, Russia—died Nov. 8, 1953, Paris, France), Russian poet and novelist.
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/summary/Ivan-Bunin
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Ivan Bunin, (born Oct. 10, 1870, Voronezh, Russia—died Nov. 8, 1953, Paris, France), Russian poet and novelist. He worked as a journalist and clerk while writing and translating poetry, but he made his name as a short-story writer, with such masterpieces as the title story of The Gentleman from San Francisco (1916). His other works include the novella Mitya’s Love (1925), the collection Dark Avenues, and Other Stories (1943), fictional autobiography, memoirs, and books on Leo Tolstoy and Anton Chekhov. He was the first Russian awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature (1933) and is among the best stylists in the language.
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FactBench
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https://www.rbth.com/arts/331118-russian-writers-nobel-prize-literature
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en
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5 Russian writers who won the Nobel Prize
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2024-07-24T09:25:02+03:00
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While some of the Swedish committee’s past decisions were most likely politically motivated, the novels by these authors are still worth reading....
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Russia Beyond
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https://www.rbth.com/arts/331118-russian-writers-nobel-prize-literature
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1. Ivan Bunin (1933)
Bunin was the first Russian ever to win the Nobel Prize in literature. He beat the leading contender, Maxim Gorky, the proletarian writer and Stalin’s protege.
During the Imperial era, the Nobel family lived in Russia for many years, and by 1916 a third of all Russian crude oil was under their control. The Bolshevik Revolution, however, forced Alfred’s nephew, Emanuel Nobel, to flee Russia, resulting in the loss of his family’s entire commercial empire.
Later in the 1920s, when he was living in Paris, Emanuel had close ties with anti-Soviet Russian émigrés, including Ivan Bunin. While officially he couldn’t influence the committee, his sympathies were clear.
Bunin received the award “for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing.” The Swedish Academy clarified that Bunin was selected: “to pay off our bad consciences on passing over Chekhov and Tolstoy.”
Nevertheless, the Soviet media claimed that the prize was politically motivated, since it was given to an ‘enemy of the Revolution’. Therefore, the award was denounced in the USSR for decades.
Here are some must-read books by Bunin
2. Boris Pasternak (1958)
Pasternak won the prize “for his important achievement both in contemporary lyrical poetry and in the field of the great Russian epic tradition”. His Doctor Zhivago had just been unveiled to the world on the eve of the prize, and it was first published in Italy after facing a ban in the Soviet Union.
State media and bureaucrats started a harassment campaign against Pasternak. He was called a traitor to the Motherland for being published abroad and for receiving the Nobel Prize, which was considered to be something treasonous and anti-Soviet.
Pasternak was forced to forgo receiving the prize, and he became persona non-grata in the Soviet Union. A quote from one communist writers meeting went like this: “I did not read Pasternak, but I condemn him.” These words became an aphorism that symbolised the idiotism of censorship in the Soviet state.
Here are 8 facts about Boris Pasternak that you need to know.
3. Mikhail Sholokhov (1965)
Sholokhov is the author of the epic novel And Quiet Flows the Don, which is about Russian Cossacks during the Revolution and Civil War. This novel is usually called ‘the War and Peace of the 20th century’. However, the book has faced much controversy, as well as conspirological speculation that Sholokhov is not the true author since his other works do not show the same quality of literary finesse and talent.
The committee, nevertheless, declared him the winner of the prize “for the artistic power and integrity with which, in his epic of the Don, he has given expression to a historic phase in the life of the Russian people.”
This time, the Soviet state had nothing against the prize. Moreover, in 1958 the authorities were trying to promote Sholokhov as a writer. The Soviet ambassador to Sweden was ordered to make it clear that the USSR would appreciate it greatly if the prize were to be given to Sholokhov.
Here are 6 facts about Sholokhov that you need to know
4. Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1970)
Alexander Solzhenitsyn was the first Soviet writers to speak openly about the Gulag in his novels. His One Day of Ivan Denisovich, which describes the routine of a camp prisoner, was published in 1962 and became a sensation in the USSR.
Solzhenitsyn had spent eight years in the Gulag, and after he was freed he started dissident activity and human rights work. By the time he was awarded the Nobel Prize, the publishing of his works came to an abrupt halt in the USSR.
The prize was given to him “for the ethical force with which he has pursued the indispensable traditions of Russian literature.” This made Soviet authorities even more angry about him and his ‘anti-Soviet’ activity. Four years later, he was expelled from the country, and only then did he have the chance to receive his prize and monetary award.
Here are somemust-read books by Solzhenitsyn
5. Joseph Brodsky (1987)
Joseph Brodsky had dreamed of the Nobel Prize ever since he was young. He wanted to be recognized internationally as a poet, and felt claustrophobic in St. Petersburg, as well as in the entire Soviet Union. His poems were not published due to the strict censorship, and they were only spread through samizdat.
He looked for the chance to leave the country, and even had a plan to have a fake marriage with an American woman, but he never went ahead with it. The KGB asked him to leave the country before he could unfold his plan. So, he left for the U.S.
In the States, the Russian poet decided to switch languages, but he didn’t succeed much when composing poems in English. In the U.S., Brodsky gained fame as a Slavic professor and an essayist.
In 1987, his dream came true and he won the Nobel Prize as a poet “for an all-embracing authorship, imbued with clarity of thought and poetic intensity.”
Read more: The memoirs Brodsky didn’t want you to read
Here is why we think Russian writer Ludmila Ulitskaya should have won the Nobel Prize
If using any of Russia Beyond's content, partly or in full, always provide an active hyperlink to the original material.
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https://balticworlds.com/the-nobel-prize-and-russia/
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The Nobel Prize and Russia « balticworlds.com
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A scholarly journal from the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) Södertörn University, Stockholm.
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balticworlds.com
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https://balticworlds.com/the-nobel-prize-and-russia/
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Features The Nobel Prize and Russia
Russia’s relationship with the Nobel Prize in literature has always been dramatic. This, of course, is connected with the enormous and fundamental role the Word has played in Russian society. Contributing to the fascination surrounding the prize is surely the fact that the Nobel family, some of whom even spoke Russian, had such close ties to Russia.
Published in the printed edition of Baltic Worlds BW 2021:1-2, p 131-136
Published on balticworlds.com on April 22, 2021
Russia’s relationship with the Nobel Prize in literature has always been dramatic. This, of course, is connected with the enormous and fundamental role the Word has played in Russian society. Contributing to the fascination surrounding the prize is surely the fact that the Nobel family, some of whom even spoke Russian, had such close ties to Russia.
It all began in 1901, when the first prize was awarded to the French poet Sully Prudhomme. This motivated the Swedish writer Oscar Levertin to summon a group of colleagues and artists to issue an appeal in the daily Svenska Dagbladet [Swedish Daily Paper] relayed to Lev Tolstoj that criticized the choice of the Nobel Committee and declared that Tolstoj was the rightful laureate. What Levertin did not realize, however, was that the Russian writer had not yet been proposed. Not nominated until 1902, he was immediately dismissed by the chairman of the Committee Carl David af Wirsén for being something as outrageous as an “anarchist” and “pacifist.”
A few years into the 1920s there was a feeling that finally, after waiting for nearly a quarter century, a Russian Nobel Prize was on the way. That Russia had been forced to wait so long was, of course, an embarrassment. The October Revolution had not made the matter any easier. Now the earlier laureate Romain Rolland nominated three émigré Russians to share the honor: Ivan Bunin, Maksim Gor’kij and Konstantin Bal’mont.
Consequently, Bunin began actively lobbying from his exile in Paris. He established personal contact with a group of translators at the Slavic Department of Lund University which — led by Professor Sigurd Agrell — wanted to translate Russian literature into Swedish expressly to pave the way for a Nobel laureate.
Bunin’s optimism grew as translations on a very high professional level began to trickle in. His friend Ivan Šmelev, who had recently arrived in Paris, got his hopes up as well and began sending his dark contemporary prose to the group in Lund and to Nobel Committee member (and poet) Anders Österling. His efforts resulted in a translation of the novel Čelovek iz restorana with an appreciative foreword by Österling. Soon he was pushing for broader Swedish support, also sending his books to Academy member and Nobel laureate Selma Lagerlöf, hoping, of course, that she would nominate him.
Newly appointed Professor of Slavic Studies Anton Karlgren was tasked by the Academy to write expert evaluations of the nominees. He portrayed Bunin as the last link in a powerful manor house tradition, an exquisite painter of mood and portrayer of nature whose works were artistically superior to both Bal’mont’s lyrical “soap bubbles” and the propagandistic tenor of Gorkij’s proletarian novels.
In 1928 Gor’kij (who that year would return to the Soviet Union after ten years in exile) was nominated for the prize. Despite Karlgren’s assessment, he came close to winning it but only just missed the short list.
For the next few years Sigurd Agrell continued to nominate Bunin and another émigré, Dmitrij Merežkovskij. Karlgren dismissed the latter as high-flown and overrated. On the other hand, he added to his positive report on Bunin, stating that he had to some extent overcome his limitations in his new novellas, where his Russian sense of a passing era had acquired universal dimensions. Karlgren noted his crystal-clear style, descriptions chiseled in every detail, and hypersensitive human portraits.
When Bunin learned that he was among the leading contenders for the 1930 prize, he declared to people close to him that the time had come to “push all the buttons.” Soon he tried to recruit other Slavist professors to nominate him.
In Paris the competitors followed closely the lay of the land in Stockholm. Šmelev wrote letters discussing in detail how Agrell as promoter and Karlgren as expert could be cultivated. Karlgren’s assessment of him, however, was explicitly dismissive. Šmelev was simply not good enough.
In 1931 the Nobel Committee came out in strong support of Bunin, but remarkably enough, when the vote was taken, it was decided to award the prize posthumously to the Swedish poet Erik Axel Karlfeldt. As soon as this became clear, Bunin, Šmelev and Merežkovskij each began a new push. Merežkovskij got in touch with key individuals in Sweden, including members of the Nobel family, to get a definite idea of his chances. His economic situation was at the time so precarious that he suggested to Bunin that the eventual winner of the prize should commit to ceding 200,000 crowns to the other.
In the runup to the 1932 award a group of young leftist Swedish writers sent a sympathetic telegram to Gor’kij, who had not been nominated, regretting that the Swedish Academy had not dared to give the Soviet writer his “well-deserved prize.” Echoing the 1901 communication to Tolstoj, the telegram was also published in Dagens Nyheter[Daily News]. When the honor finally went to John Galsworthy, it was after a tough final round in which Bunin was one of his two main rivals.
In a major 1933 article in the émigré Riga newspaper Segodnja, the exile poet Georgij Ivanov complained about the Academy’s consistent refusal to acknowledge Russian literature. He wondered how long this was going to go on. His protest was followed up in the Swedish Social Democratic daily Folkets Dagblad, which stated that the Swedish Academy was living with a “Russian ghost.”
That year Bunin was nominated as before by Agrell, this time, however, together with Gorkij, apparently influenced by the telegram in Dagens Nyheter. The time had finally come, and given Karlgren’s support, there was no doubt which of the two candidates the Academy would prefer. In 1933 Bunin, supported not least by Anders Österling, became the first Russian writer to win the prize “for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing.” While it is true that Bunin had lobbied intensely, he had also had the good fortune to have an insightful evaluator in Karlgren and a brilliant translator in Agrell.
The 1933 choice should, of course, be viewed not least as an attempt on the part of the Swedish Academy to rehabilitate itself for having ignored Russian literature for three decades. Bunin was awarded the prize as the last representative of the great classic Russian prose tradition. It was a bitter moment for Šmelev and Merežkovskij. They did not participate in the festivities, and rivalry for the prize had destroyed Šmelev’s longstanding friendship with Bunin.
The Soviet reaction was vehement. Literaturnaja Gazeta declared that the Swedish Academy had rewarded a howling counter-revolutionary wolf. The Soviet ambassador to Sweden, Aleksandra Kollontaj, had attempted through her contacts in Stockholm to prevent Bunin from winning the prize. But she did not get far.
Soon Bunin himself nominated his friend and colleague Mark Aldanov. Karlgren, however, was very cool to his candidacy. It was a friendly gesture on Bunin’s part, but in fact thanks to Bunin’s proposal, Aldanov, the author of easily accessible political novels, continued to vaguely hope for a prize up until his death in 1957.
A sensational Russian nominee emerged in 1946 when Professor Cecil Bowra of Oxford University proposed Boris Pasternak, who in the postwar situation was entering a kind of internal exile. His nomination soon prompted the Soviet authorities to advance Michail Šolochov as a counter candidate. Shortly after meeting with Soviet colleagues on a propaganda visit to Sweden, certain leftist Swedish writers let it be known in several newspaper articles that it was disgraceful that both Tolstoj and Gor´kij had been passed over, and that the reason Šolochov had not yet received a prize had to do with the Academy’s reactionary attitude toward the Soviet Union.
Šolochov had in fact not yet been nominated, but the Academy understood the signals being sent and saw to it that one of their members did so. The two candidates were polar opposites: one an exclusive modernist poet and the other a Socialist Realist prose writer dedicated to revolution and collectivization.
Karlgren was asked to submit an expert report. His opinion of both candidates proved to be negative, albeit on different grounds. He confessed that despite “months of effort,” he was regrettably unable to get anywhere with Pasternak, whose poetry he described as verbal torrents without substance, “blobs of words” indiscriminately spewed out by an apparently “agitated person.”
Karlgren’s evaluation of Šolochov was a massive 136 pages. Perhaps he felt he needed to motivate in detail what became an outright condemnation. Šolochov, he maintained, distorts reality in Tichij Don. Although it is an exciting and entertaining novel that especially in the beginning shows verve and vigor, it is miles away from the historical truth. The portrayal of collectivization in Podnjataja celina legitimizes “the treatment of an entire community in a way unparalleled until the recent world war.” What it presents is the ruthless crushing of the peasantry in the version propagated by the powerful, which consists of “shameless distortions” of historical facts. Consequently, it is a Stalinist work done to order that does not lack literary merits but is basically intended to confuse and mislead.
Pasternak was nominated again in 1949 by Bowra and also in 1948 and 1950 from within the Academy. Each time, however, he was eliminated prior to the Nobel Committee’s final discussion. The stated reason was that — obviously influenced by Karlgren’s catastrophic evaluation — its members had not been decisively persuaded of his “significance.” Naturally, there was also concern about the impact of a prize on “a writer in Pasternak’s especially sensitive position.”
The Soviets knew nothing about Karlgren’s report, but they evidently had other things on their mind in the sclerotic final years of Stalin’s reign. After his death they began acting in various ways. In 1955, to a certain degree on orders from above, the writer and academician Sergej Sergeev-Censkij nominated Šolochov. Docent of Slavic Languages Nils Åke Nilsson, who now was an increasingly well-established expert on Russian literature, wrote a supplementary report on what Šolochov had by this time accomplished beyond the two novels. He was not particularly impressed.
In 1957 there was a bombshell. Pasternak’s novel Doktor Živago, which had been rejected by Soviet journals, was smuggled to the West and published in Italy. This put his candidacy in an entirely new light. A new report submitted by Nils Åke Nilsson finally gave him the esteem he deserved as a seminal poet and the author of a magnificent novel portraying the turbulence of revolution refracted through a poetic sensibility.
In connection with disturbing rumors about Pasternak’s increasingly strong candidacy, the Soviet Central Committee decided to intensify propaganda for Šolochov, especially by enlisting influential “friends” in Stockholm. In 1958 he was nominated as though on cue by the Swedish PEN Club. That was not enough, however, for the Nobel Committee continued to dismiss him on the same grounds as before. The time had come instead for Pasternak, who was awarded the prize for both his poetry and his prose.
The result was an unparalleled Soviet campaign against Pasternak and an international drama about which books are still being written. A couple of days later he was expelled from the Writers Union. The Soviet press declared that he had produced a putrid invective. Letters to the editor showered him with hatred: true, no one had read his malignant works, but everyone was filled with indignation over his “betrayal.” The mood at a writers’ meeting in Moscow rose almost to hysteria. Pasternak was a traitor. According to one speaker, his novel was an “atomic bomb” aimed at the Soviet people.
Pasternak canceled his trip to Stockholm for fear he would be prevented from returning home. But in his own eyes he never renounced the prize and was prepared to fight for his work and his honor. He viewed opinion in the West as a guarantee he would not, as in Stalin’s day, have to pay with his life. Although he withstood the waves of slander, he died only a year and a half later. The persecution took its toll.
In the summer of 1962 the Swedish librarian and poetry expert Erik Mesterton visited Pasternak’s fellow poet and friend Anna Achmatova at her dacha in Komarovo on the Gulf of Finland. He showed himself to be remarkably well versed in Poėma bez geroja, one of the two major works just being published in the West in which she speaks on behalf of the entire nation crushed under Stalin’s heel. Her guest made a strong impression on her.
From Achmatova Mesterton went on to the next dacha, where he happened to ask what Anna Andreevna might think about getting a Nobel prize. His question immediately took flight all over Leningrad and then throughout the entire Soviet intelligentsia, awakening dormant hopes. Mesterton had been “sent by the Academy.” The prize should obviously go to Achmatova to make amends for the persecution and humiliation she had suffered. Soon she herself wrote a veritable love sonnet to him, the “faithful friend” from the northerly climes who had aroused such enormous expectations. The truth, however, was that until 1965 Achmatova was never even nominated. She would pass away a year later.
Šolochov hoped as well, and the Soviet Union continued to lobby for a prize. I interviewed him in 1963 — his visits to Sweden were now becoming frequent. Then something happened: Karl Ragnar Gierow, the newly elected secretary of the Academy, changed his position. Arguments were heard within the Nobel Committee that Šolochov’s mighty epic Tichij Don was perhaps sufficient. Evidently no one was yet aware of the doubts that had been raised as to his authorship. At this point Karlgren’s assessment was overturned.
Nobel Committee Chairman Anders Österling stated explicitly in the course of the discussion in 1965 that the time had come to remedy historical “omissions” vis-à-vis Russia/the Soviet Union. He probably had both Tolstoj and Gor’kij in mind. There is much to suggest that the Academy felt called upon to balance Pasternak’s prize politically. The cruel irony was that it was Erik Mesterton who had discussed in a special statement the possibility of dividing the prize between Achmatova and Šolochov. If one of them was to be given priority, however, he thought it should be Šolochov. Just to be on the safe side, Österling argued that as he saw it, Achmatova’s fate was more significant than her “powerful, elliptical” poem — Requiem.
In the Soviet Union the election of Šolochov was of course greeted with ovations. For the first time an awarded prize could be accepted. It had taken twenty years. Naturally, among the liberal intelligentsia the reaction was the opposite. They viewed Šolochov as a representative of the old power elite that was now taking political revenge after the Thaw years.
In 1970 Aleksandr Solženicyn was awarded the prize “for the ethical force with which he has pursued the indispensable traditions of Russian literature.” He had already been expelled from the Soviet Writers Union and branded a pariah. The Soviet Writers Union declared that the Swedish Academy had allowed itself to be drawn into a shameful game that did not seek to benefit literature but “was dictated by speculative political considerations.” Solženicyn’s novels Rakovyj korpus and V kruge pervom, which focused on the crimes of Stalinism as their central theme, were not only viciously anti-Soviet but also “artistically weak” in general.
Gradually — after the publication of Archipelag GULAG the campaigns aimed at Solženicyn intensified into a tornado. In 1974 he was arrested and deported, which enabled him in December 1974 to come to Stockholm to accept his prize.
The next Russian laureate had been driven into exile two years earlier: the poet Iosif Brodskij, alias Joseph Brodsky, who was awarded the prize in 1987. Remarkably, in its motivation the Academy did not, as had been the case until then, anchor Brodsky in a great Russian tradition. They could very well have done so, for Osip Mandel’štam and Anna Achmatova were his obvious poetic precursors.
This was during the initial phase of Michail Gorbačev’s perestroika. The first Soviet reaction was the same old one: Brodsky was branded an enemy, an American rather than a Russian writer. Just now, however, he began to be published cautiously in his homeland, at the same time as excerpts from Doctor Živago appeared for the first time in a Soviet journal. Soon glasnost surged like a tidal wave, and Brodsky was re-evaluated.
The Russian language got its sixth laureate in 2015 when Svetlana Aleksievič — herself Belarusian with a Ukrainian mother — was awarded the prize for the powerful five-part oratorio Golosa Utopii she composed around the nameless sufferings of 20th century Russia/the Soviet Union. She lived her first forty-three years in the then Soviet Union. As was the case in the good old days, she was belittled by the currently trend-setting Russian nationalist writers, the heirs of Bolshevism. Remarkably, a few liberal colleagues also found her to be too journalistic.
Thus, the prize has always been surrounded in Russia with drama. In retrospect we can see that Tolstoj, Gor’kij and Achmatova absolutely should have received a prize, as should several Russian writers who unfortunately never were nominated, especially Anton Čechov and Michail Bulgakov. The likewise never proposed Andrej Platonov, Vasilij Grossman, Osip Mandel’štam and Marina Cvetaeva were surely equally deserving.
One thing is clear: of the six Russian-speaking recipients of the world’s most important literary distinction, no fewer than five were initially declared unworthy in their native land. That says something about the explosive power of literature in Russia.≈
Translated by Charles Rougle.
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2016-03-30T12:11:58+03:00
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Posts about Mikhail Sholokhov written by russianmonuments
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/7e1beb3146ac2aa14b301d615ca43895e935374f94bcfdccf8bcb4ccd8f0f871?s=32
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Russian Culture in Landmarks
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https://russianlandmarks.wordpress.com/tag/mikhail-sholokhov/
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Click on photos to enlarge.
I have been photographing this monument to Mikhail Sholokhov, the Nobel Prize-winning author who claimed to have written the classic Soviet novel The Quiet Don, for several years now. I have never liked the photos I got. Often it was a problem of light – I usually happened upon it on very sunny days when I got nothing but black shadows and burned-out white spots. But there were other problems, too. One is the monument, which is sprawling and multifarious and, therefore, difficult to get an angle on. Another is the figure of Sholokhov. Controversial is no longer the word for him – it now seems certain that many will continue forever to call him a fraud -still another of those frauds, like the Stakhanovite shock workers or the child hero Pavel Morozov, none of whom actually existed, at least as the stories were told about them. Sholokhov may well have been one of those heroes that the Soviet state needed, but didn’t have, so chose to make up. And he turned out to be willing to play the part – why not? – it made him rich, famous and powerful. Rumors, and not only rumors, have long posited that a certain Fyodor Kryukov, a soldier who was killed during the Russian Civil War, wrote most of The Quiet Don (English publishers traditionally have cut this work into two, And Quiet Flows the Don, and The Don Flows Home to the Sea). Over the decades other authors, or partial authors, have been put forward, including Alexander Serafimovich (who denied he wrote the novel). The 1999 discovery of the manuscript that Sholokhov first submitted for publication at the end of the 1920s gave support to those who believe in Sholokhov’s authorship. It was clearly determined that 605 of the 885 pages were written by Sholokhov, while the remaining pages were written by his wife and her sisters.
And yet, the doubt that hangs over Sholokhov’s head is just too serious to be dismissed. After all, who is to say that Sholokhov and his wife didn’t merely copy out Kryukov’s, or someone else’s, abandoned text? A highly detailed article about the controversy on Russian Wikipedia lists 17 serious accusations that have never been successfully refuted. It lists 10 detailed reasons to believe that Sholokhov wrote the novel.
I am no expert in this topic, which, as the Russians say, could easily make the Devil himself break a leg trying to maneuver the details. I did have the memorable, though, ultimately inconsequential, experience of once working with a TV producer who came from the Don region, knew the people there, the stories, the reality, and who passionately, even vehemently, supported the version that Sholokhov was a plagiarist.
Sholokhov was recently in the news again when the archives of the Nobel Prize Committee for 1965 – the year he won – were made public. You can read some details in an article in The Guardian, but here are a few tidbits: Writers passed over in favor of Sholokhov included Vladimir Nabokov, Anna Akhmatova, Konstantin Paustovsky, Pablo Neruda, Jorge Luis Borges, Somerset Maugham, Samuel Beckett and several others. Although records show that the choice of Sholokhov was unanimous, it was, according to a piece published by Colta.ru, far more controversial than it would appear at first blush. At one point a suggestion to give the Prize jointly to Sholokhov and Akhmatova appeared to gain traction. It was apparently shot down by Professor Anders Esterling, who declared, with some reason, that such an award would be pointless since nothing, other than their native tongue of Russian, unified the two writers.
This monument, conceived by Iulian Rukavishnikov several decades ago, but eventually created by his son Alexander Rukavishnikov, and unveiled May 24, 2007, was the second monument honoring Sholokhov to be erected in Moscow. It has been – like its subject – controversial from the very start. It is located in the garden walk area of Gogol Boulvard immediately across from house No. 10, where Ivan Turgenev occasionally lived. Many felt that if any monument were to go up here, it should have been one honoring Turgenev. This is not, however, a fully arbitrary location for the present sculptural group, as Sholokhov lived for many years on Sivtsev-Vrazhek Lane, which runs perpendicular to Gogol Boulevard right in front of the monument. Sholokhov, sitting in a boat presumably navigating the Don River, looks directly down the street where he lived. Behind him is a fountain – which doesn’t always have water flowing in it, and certainly did not on the sub-freezing day I photographed it – that shows horses fording the river in the opposite direction from Sholokhov (who appears to be letting the boat float where it will as he poses for the sculptor). Across the walkway there is a two-sided bench, the backs of which bear symbolic images important to the Cossacks, the main characters in The Quiet Don (such as sabres and the Russian symbol of the two-headed eagle). Scattered around in the walkway around the benches are bronze imitations of stray sheets of manuscripts. The one I provide here (the second-to-last photo below) is of the title page from Sholokhov’s other famous novel, They Fought for their Motherland. You can’t help but wonder if this is the sculptor’s sly idea of a way to acknowledge the legend that Sholokhov came upon “his” Quiet Don as an abandoned manuscript.
Click on photos to enlarge.
Povarskaya Street was a hopping cultural hub in the early 20th century. In 1905 Konstantin Stanislavsky rented a space in the Nemchinov building right at the beginning of Povarskaya where Vsevolod Meyerhold briefly, but famously, ran his Studio on Povarskaya. (That building was torn down in the Soviet era when Kalinin Prospect was widened.) Right around the corner from Povarskaya, on Borisoglebsky Lane, the poet Marina Tsvetaeva moved into her new digs in 1914 and remained there until 1922. The famous Lithuanian poet Jurgis Baltrushaitis lived at 24 Povarskaya from 1920 to 1939 when he was the first ambassador of Lithuania to the Soviet Union. But today we have our eye on Povarskaya 26, the next building over. This was the home of Ivan Bunin, who was later to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature during his time in European exile. As the plaque on the building’s front facade declares, Bunin lived here from 1912 to 1918. That is particularly interesting because it means that Bunin and Tsvetaeva were neighbors for the course of about four years. There’s a park right across the street from Bunin’s building and, assuming it was there 100 years ago, one wants to imagine the occasional warm spring day when both writers might have stepped out to catch some fresh air and ended up sharing a bench together, or, at least, one of them passing by the other, who might have been sitting and reading or jotting down notes.
A couple of people missed crossing paths with Bunin here. One was Mikhail Lermontov, who lived in a different building, now lost, on this very spot in 1829 and 1830 when he wrote, among other works, his great narrative poem The Demon. Anyone who knows Boris Pilnyak’s great novel The Naked Year will recognize my little homage to Pilnyak in that little phrase of “now lost…” In his novel, to great effect, Pilnyak lists things and places that were fast disappearing at the time he wrote The Naked Year. That novel begins with the words, “On the city fortress wall gates it was written (now destroyed): Save, O, Lord/This city and your people…” It’s just the first of many such times he plays with that device.
And so now I can bear my own device: Boris Pilnyak is one of those who lived in this very building, although not at the same time as Bunin. Bunin moved out in 1918, Pilyak moved in two years later, in 1920. Pilnyak’s presence here is not recorded in any way. Perhaps that is fitting, as if to say: Boris Pilnyak, now gone, did live here once, though there is nothing here to prove that true.
Somehow Bunin (1870-1953) and I sort of pass like ships in the night. I have read his short stories (some, not all, by any stretch of the imagination); I have seen theater performances created of his stories; I have read about him and seen movies about him. I know the basic story well – the fine, subtle writer who spanned all the way back to the late 19th-century and the Chekhov era, yet who lived well into the 1950s, i.e., the post-war and even post-Stalin age. But I have never connected with his work as I have with so many others – Pilnyak included, I might add.
My little shortcomings in taste and knowledge aside, others have had a different view. Bunin was the first Russian writer to be honored with the Nobel Prize in Literature; he received it in 1933. Like other, later Russian winners of that prize, it is usually assumed that there was more than a little politics in the choice. Bunin was considered by some to be the greatest living Russian writer in exile (he left the Soviet Union in 1920 and never went back). The prize, say some, was intended to support the difficult situation surrounding Russian writers in exile, and to highlight the lack of freedom writers enjoyed in the Soviet Union. (Tsvetaeva, for example, would have a tough time in Europe and returned to the Soviet Union where she committed suicide in 1941.) Other Russian Nobel winners were Boris Pasternak (1958), the official Soviet novelist Mikhail Sholokhov (1965) and Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1970). Pasternak and Solzhenitsyn were both persecuted to varying degrees, and their prizes reflected that. Sholokhov, it is believed, was given the prize to mollify the Soviet authorities after the “insults” of Bunin and Pasternak’s wins. None of this will ever be proved until the Nobel committee opens its archives, which will probably be never. As such, the conversations and speculation continue.
Bunin was very much of the grand old school of Russian realism (whether that term is legitimate or not). He is often compared in style and impact to Tolstoy and Chekhov. He is similar to the former in his belief in the great power that literature can wield, while he is closer to the latter in stylistic spirit. Bunin, like Chekhov, was a master of the short story. He was concise, clear and unwavering in his insistence on painting the nuances of life in their proper dark tones.
Bunin was born in the city of Voronezh and, as fate would have it, I travel there myself for the first time ever in a few days. If, in any way, I have slighted the great man’s memory with this post, I will seek to rectify that with a post I expect to write soon after visiting his place of birth.
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FactBench
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https://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/worldservice/writerinresidence/2011/10
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World Service Writer in Residence
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With the world on the cusp of achieving a population of seven billion people, issues of demography are at the centre of discussions.
One particular report from Russia caught my attention. Russia's population is shrinking and will drop by a third by 2050: from 142 million people to 100 million.
It was Yuri Krupnov, Chairman of the Monitoring Council of the Russian Institute for demography, migration and regional development who revealed these figures.
In his piece published on BBC Russian, making some allowances for unforeseen circumstances, he spoke both about the causes and the consequences of that grim situation:
"One of the key factors is a combination of a 'European birth rate' (on average 1.5 children per woman) with an "African death rate", especially among the men of working age - with the male average life expectancy of just 63 according to the latest official data.
"Russia is the biggest country in the world by landmass, and the decline of its population will mean that large parts of the country risk being abandoned."
But the point which I would like to discuss is the mindset of a nation which faces such a rapid decrease in population.
What happens to the demography of Russia will be unsettling in terms of the national spirit.
Being the biggest country in the world by territory Russia has in parallel developed a sense of being a great nation too. And historically rightly so.
Look at its conquests, the wars it has won, its history of invention and discovery, its great literature, art - all of these achievements would justify such a feeling of pride.
However most of these accomplishments are increasingly confined to the past.
I follow the intellectual life of present-day Russia and see that this feeling of greatness is currently hanging in the balance between a glorious past and a mediocre reality of the present.
I have recently reviewed a compilation of modern Russian literary pieces and was amazed to discover that the common denominator in the theme for all the pieces in the book is the dysfunction between expectation and the reality.
This ubiquitous disfunctionality peppers literature with frustration; and this frustration translates into a telling mood on the national level.
Insecurities - as it's well known - are the fertile ground for aggression. I've seen it in behaviour of juvenile Taliban members; Russian literature tells the same story about the adolescent Bolshevism.
Xenophobia also has the same roots. Since this year has not yet ended, according to Sova, the centre for information and analysis, which monitors cases of xenophobia in Russia, in 2010 there were 436 registered cases of racial violence, including murder.
So every single day of the year someone is killed or severely beaten up in Russia just because he is from somewhere else.
In my novel Mbobo which tells the story of a mixed race boy born in Moscow in 1980 in the year of the Moscow Olympics, his two step-fathers discuss this issue:
'Good literature is literature you can't make a film out of'. Thus spoke drunk Gleb at Belarus Radial station, to which his conversant Nazar replied:
'The Russian people had one chance - to overcome themselves in the Soviet Ubermensch, but you Russians fucked it up!'
I trudged along behind them in silence.
'Myths, I tell you, are the genotype of culture, while humans are the phenotype!' continued Gleb cleverly, tongue-twisted and swaying.
Nazar followed his thought through: 'You laughed at Brezhnev and by the way he was the crown of Russian-ness, it was he who expressed with his tangling tongue the Marxist-Nietzschean idea of the new communality of people, the Soviet Nation, grown on Russian soil... and what happened? You laughed him down, pissed and shat on him.'
I listened to them both in silence.
'You know, we are Slavs...' Gleb was off on his ancient Slavonic high horse. 'And now there's no communality whatsoever, now this plague of Central Asian, Caucasian, Chinese locusts like myself will simply swallow the Russian nation, chewing it and digesting it without so much as stopping to ask its name... Give it 50 years, or 100...'
I walked behind them dully through the station, and when they both for some reason asked me in unison: 'How about you, are you Russian?'
I answered bitterly: 'I'm a black Russian...'
Mr Krupnov says that Russia needs a demographic revolution to turn the unwanted tide of change and the key according to him is to encourage a higher birth rate in Russia.
But Mbobo's alternative is different - to redefine what it means to be a Russian.
Examples set bu America, India, Brazil and many other nations which are based on citizenship rather than ethnicity might help to find the answer to the challenges which Russians face.
Two recent events: the death of Apple's founder Steve Jobs and the worldwide black-out of Blackberry smartphones drew everyone's attention to the fast-changing relationship between mankind and technology.
Taking part in the BBC World Service interactive programme World Have Your Say on a completely different matter, I was drawn into an impromptu debate on this issue.
As I came out of that programme, I thought it would be good to think methodically about that relationship.
So first of all, what people like Steve Jobs and Bill Gates have done was akin to what Ford accomplished before them in the auto-industry - namely personalising computing and communications technology.
Before them Gates and Jobs, technology predominantly belonged to big groups of people, but not individuals. Computers, communication systems were run by collectives.
The Gates-Jobs revolution gave the technology to individuals, making them wholly responsible for running it and allowing them to truly own it on a personal level.
Paradoxically enough this holistic process played a big role in fragmentation of societies: self-equipped and self-sufficient individuals became the corner-stone of this continued trend.
The Internet has reorganised - or has attempted to reorganise - that fragmented world into a new virtual community: a virtual society.
There was a parallel process of information revolution unfolding at the same time, as the amount of available information doubled, tripled, and quadrupled over increasingly shorter periods of time.
Have we as human beings changed under all of these and many other pressures of modernity over the last 40-50 years?
Most definitely.
Let's say if a hundred years ago being 'a man of principles' was considered a virtue, nowadays adaptability and flexibility earns you more brownie points.
Reaction and wit are appreciated more than profoundness and wisdom. An autobiography of a comedian would certainly outsell any philosophical treatise.
Our attention span is ever decreasing, contemplation undoubtedly lost to multi-tasking.
So in short, the human race is changing at an ever increasing pace, egged on and transformed by its romance relationship with technology.
But yet there are plenty of things in our old arsenals which don't easily lose their value.
Take for example sayings and proverbs.
'Don't put all your eggs in one basket' - applies spot on when it comes to the recent Blackberry Messenger blackout and to our general dependency on new technology.
The common wisdom of 'Everything comes with a price-tag' or 'a double-sided coin' could help us manage our expectations and see things in their rightful context.
As for the debate itself: whether we are becoming too dependant on the technology, I suspect it's as old as the world itself.
I could imagine a lady in the Stone Age looking at the stone-knife invented by her partner and thinking: 'It's great to cut my hair with, but the kids could cut their fingers on it too...'
The same is with the ethics of technology. Technology is not either good or bad; it's ethically neutral. It's the people who use it in a particular way that makes it good or bad.
Here's an anecdote, which aptly makes the same point:
A computer server on which everyone in the office depended suddenly went down.
They tried everything but it still wouldn't work. Finally they decided to call in a high-powered computer consultant.
He arrived, looked at the computer, took out a small hammer and tapped it on the side. Instantly the computer leapt back to life.
Two days later the office manager received a bill from the consultant for $1,000.
Immediately he called the consultant and exclaimed, "One thousand dollars for fixing that computer?! You were only here five minutes! I want the bill itemized!"
The next day the new bill arrived. It read:
'Tapping computer with hammer: $1
Knowing where to tap: $999'
So with all due respect to the modern technology it's the human-being who ought to be watched out for the most.
I was amazed at how low the Nobel Prize for literature was in the news agenda last week. In case you didn't know, the award was given to Swedish poet Tomas Transtromer.
News bulletins around the world hardly mentioned it even though the it wasn't a particularly busy day for breaking global news.
Does this reflect the lack of interest in literature and - in particular - in poetry.
Tomas Transtromer is neither a dissident, nor he is fighting for human rights. He is just a great poet.
Clear and succinct, sad and melancholic like a great poet should be.
So it seems that when the Nobel Prize is awarded for purely literary merit, there's no news story.
The Nobel Prize for literature is without doubt is the biggest literary accolade in the world. The anticipation of it can drive authors to distraction.
I've heard that one famous English writer - who has more than enough literary awards already - secludes himself at home and waits for a telephone call from Stockholm every October.
One of the most acclaimed Soviet writers once rang me asking what he could do to get a Nobel Prize: as if I was responsible for awarding it.
Some Russian writers even publish their would-be Nobel Prize lectures as a literary manifesto.
The Nobel prize for literature has been always a matter of controversy.
The award's critics are quick to name those literary giants such as Tolstoy and Joyce, Kafka and Borges, Nabokov and Muzil who have not received the award.
But more tellingly, around a third of the authors awarded the prize have disappeared from the literary annals almost without a trace.
Go to the list of recipients and test yourself: have you read - or even heard of - the writing of some of the winners even from the last 15-20 years?
Politics has apparently played a role in a number of Swedish Academy decisions.
At the peak of the controversial decisions around ten years ago, one famous French literary figure sarcastically exclaimed: "It will be no wonder if next year the prize will be given to some obscure Uzbek writer or poet because of the dictatorship there".
So beyond a national literary pride, I could see the point he was making.
There were indeed moments when candidates appear in the news before the announcement, extolling his or her causes, only weeks later do those causes go off the radar once the prize has been given.
Critics say that prize-giving bookmakers have developed a whole industry of betting on candidates (though even the list of the candidates is never released).
Thus this year a great deal of hype has been created around the name of Bob Dylan whose chances were put as high as 5:1 and according to the bookmakers themselves nearly a third of people placing bets on the outcome of the literature prize chose him.
It was this story that was the news highlight of the whole process, rather than the announcement of the actual winner.
Once upon a time winning the Nobel prize for literature was a life-changing event.
I read the memoirs of the wife of the great Russian writer Ivan Bunin. In 1933, she sent him from France, where they lived the life of emigres, to Stockholm to receive the award.
She writes that upon his departure Bunin's trousers were so worn out, that one could see his body as an x-ray.
When he returned he was able not just to pay back all the debts he had acquired over the years of migrant's hardship, but also to buy a villa and live the rest of his life in a decent manner.
In monetary terms the change is not so drastic now - the winner of The X Factor and other talent shows receive more financial gain.
But as I said in the beginning it's the foremost literary accolade.
And in a way I do sympathize to the Swedish Academy in their ambivalent perennial dilemma... On the one hand you want everyone to talk about the new literary 'immortals', so by this token you tend to choose someone who makes a splash in the 'puddle' of world news.
But on the other hand there's an ocean of literature with profound layers and layers where human eye, mind or soul - let alone news - rarely reaches and silence is twinned with it...
As the winner of this year Tomas Transtromer wrote:
A blue light
radiates from my clothing.
Midwinter.
Clattering tambourines of ice.
I close my eyes.
There is a silent world
there is a crack
where the dead
are smuggled across the border.
I'm aware that my words will be out of sync and out of tune with that loud chorus of voices that is damning Carlos Tevez for his alleged refusal to play for his team, Manchester City, in their moment of need.
The internal inquiry is still going on, but the fans have already made up their mind: Tevez is the sole culprit.
Indeed all arguments seemingly support their view: Tevez is if not the highest paid, then at least one of the highest paid football players in the whole world.
The coach - Roberto Mancini had every right to ask him to play as a substitute at any time of the game and Tevez should have obeyed Mancini's decision.
It's a case of rebellion, unheard of in top league football and the rage of Man City supporters is quite understandable. Some of them spent thousands of pounds to see that match in Italy and had every right to expect commitment from all Man City players, including Tevez...
However, however, however...
I played football throughout my teenage years and even had hopes to play better than Pele.
Alas, it's the same old story of hopes turning - or rather burning up - into regret.
But I dare to think that I know something about the psychology of footballers - especially those with big egos.
I must say that I'm not one of Tevez's fans, quite the opposite. When I've seen him playing next to Messi for Argentina he seemed to me quite rough and, in some ways, one-dimensional.
So there's no personal bias on my part. But I can easily recognise his desire to play, his enormous determination, and his qualities as a fighter.
Though as a forward he is not 'my cup of tea', he must be well worth what he earns.
But let's get back to the incident itself, let's even assume that everything had happened as Mancini told us: Man City is losing 0-2, there are another 20 minutes of the game to go and he asks Tevez to warm up; and Tevez refuses to warm up and to play.
There's an old Uzbek joke.
Once, the character Mullah Nasreddin from Uzbek folklore was being teased by both of his two wives.
One of the wives asked Nasreddin in front of the other: "Tell us, whom do you love more, me or her?"
Nasreddin tried hard to look even-handed: "I love both of you equally!"
But the naughty wives went on and the older one said: "Imagine that all three of us are swimming in the river and if both of us start to drown. Who would you save?"
"I'd save both of you."
"But that would be impossible, the stream will be fast and we are heavy... You can only save one of us..."
Nasreddin looked simple-heartedly at the older one and said: "You can swim a bit, can't you?"
Thinking those two wives with the same husband, and then turning my thoughts to Tevez...
Manchester City bought not one but half a dozen world-class strikers: Dzeko, Aguero, Balotelli, Adebayor and Santa-Cruz.
For the 'top player' to be not a 'one and only' but a 'one of' is already an unbearable burden.
When on top of that, that person is treated as the 'second- third- or the fourth-best' choice and they also have unresolved family issues with your kids growing up in the opposite corner of the world - you have an explosive mixture, which waits for a release.
If one looks carefully, there's a moment of craftiness in Mancini's behaviour too.
If you can't win the lost game without Tevez and appeal to him as to the last resort, it means that he's better than others. Keeping him sidelined on the bench repeatedly is not fair.
But if he is not as good as he was (as Mancini says), what's the point of bringing him on instead of other, better (according to Mancini) strikers?
So as formal logic states: either-or.
Tevez must have felt something along these lines, when he proverbially exploded.
There's a bigger theme that emerges in this incident: a long lasting and strengthening tendency to treat the human body as a commodity.
Having been long established in the form of prostitution, it's becoming an integral part of modern day sport too.
For the top performing machines like Manchester City Tevez or Adebayor, Santa-Cruz or Balotelli are just spare parts, rather than human beings.
Like parts of high-performance cars they are well-looked after, polished and lubricated, but any unnecessary click - and they are immediately replaced to be thrown away.
Anelka could be bought instead of Shevchenko, Chamakh instead of Adebayor, Aguero instead of Tevez.
The human soul beneath the sporty body could always rebel at some point.
Tevez's case is partly about it too.
Maybe he is not the finest football player, but he is definitely an explosive fighter.
|
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
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2
| 87
|
https://www.mercurynews.com/2015/10/07/nobel-prize-in-literature-to-svetlana-alexievich-of-belarus/
|
en
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Nobel prize in literature to Svetlana Alexievich of Belarus
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2015-10-07T00:00:00
|
Nobel prize in literature to Svetlana Alexievich of Belarus
|
en
|
The Mercury News
|
https://www.mercurynews.com/2015/10/07/nobel-prize-in-literature-to-svetlana-alexievich-of-belarus/
|
STOCKHOLM — Belarusian writer Svetlana Alexievich won the Nobel Prize in literature on Thursday for works that the prize judges called “a monument to suffering and courage.”
Alexievich, 67, used the skills of a journalist to create literature chronicling the great tragedies of the Soviet Union and its 1991 collapse: World War II, the Soviet war in Afghanistan, the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster and the suicides that later ensued from those mourning the death of Communism.
The Nobel academy’s permanent secretary, Sara Danius, praised Alexievich as a great and innovative writer who has “mapped the soul” of the Soviet and post-Soviet people.
Her first novel, “The Unwomanly Face of the War,” published in 1985 and based on the previously untold stories of women who had fought against Nazi Germany, sold more than 2 million copies.
Her books have been published in 19 countries, with at least five of them translated into English. She also has written three plays and the screenplays for 21 documentary films. The Swedish Academy cited Alexievich “for her polyphonic writings, a monument to suffering and courage in our time.”
Speaking by phone to Swedish broadcaster SVT, Alexievich said winning the award left her with “complicated” emotions.
“It immediately evokes such great names as (Ivan) Bunin, (Boris) Pasternak,” she said, referring to other Russian writers who have won the Nobel Prize for literature. “On the one hand, it’s such a fantastic feeling, but it’s also a bit disturbing.”
She was at home “doing the ironing” when the academy called. Asked what she was going to do with the 8 million Swedish kronor (about $960,000) in prize money, she said it would allow her to write more.
“I do only one thing: I buy freedom for myself. It takes me a long time to write my books, from five to 10 years,” she said. “I have two ideas for new books, so I’m pleased that I will now have the freedom to work on them.”
Born in the western Ukrainian town of Ivano-Frankviska to two village schoolteachers, Alexievich studied journalism in Belarus, which at the time was part of the Soviet Union.
She now lives in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, and like many intellectuals supports the political opponents of authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko, who is up for re-election on Sunday.
Last year’s literature award went to French writer Patrick Modiano.
This year’s Nobel announcements continue with the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday and the economics award on Monday. All awards will be handed out on Dec. 10, the anniversary of prize founder Alfred Nobel’s death in 1896.
——
Associated Press writer Nataliya Vasilyeva in Moscow contributed to this report.
AP-WF-10-08-15 1159GMT
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wrong_mix_property_award_00138
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FactBench
|
2
| 68
|
https://clarissasblog.com/2020/06/
|
en
|
June 2020 – Clarissa's Blog
|
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2020-06-29T21:51:03-05:00
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9 posts published by Clarissa during June 2020
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en
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Clarissa's Blog
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Ivan Bunin was a great Russian modernist writer and the first Russian author to get the Nobel Prize. In 1918-1919 he wrote a secret diary where he recorded his impressions about the October Revolution and many years later published it under the title Cursed Days.
This is a devastating read at any time but today it reads in a particularly poignant way. There’s something very recognizable in the destruction of the cultural legacy by a mob that’s screaming ridiculous slogans, the sincere efforts of the revolutionaries to create a completely clean slate and wipe away the entire civilization they perceive as evil, the smart careerists who encourage the mob, the contempt of the crowds towards anything that isn’t about satisfying the most primitive appetites, and the horror of an artist, an intellectual who doesn’t know how to exist in the midst of this brutishness.
Of course, it’s not “just like” what we are experiencing. Nothing is ever “just like.” Bunin was keenly aware of the limits of historical analogies as he thought about the parallels between the tragedy of 1917 and the French revolution. Still, there are enough similarities to make us think about what we are allowing to happen.
As the horror around him deepens, Bunin finally manages to get rid of the enormous sense of guilt that every Russian intellectual carried towards the narod, the former serfs or their descendants.
The people who manipulated the angry mobs “kept giving them handouts, trying to butter them up.” But that’s not what Bunin finds hard to stomach. “Three quarters of people easily relinquish their conscience, their soul, and their humanity in exchange for handouts, for a permission to rob and loot.” Like most people, Bunin never realized how thin the veneer of civilization was and how easily the seemingly normal people around him would turn into animals that rape and murder for fun. It wasn’t exceptional for a regular person to turn into a rabid animal. It was exceptional not to.
And mind you, Bunin isn’t describing a totalitarian regime. These are the first several months of the revolution. There was no regime. An enormous number of people chose to do horrific things not because somebody made them or terrorized them or brainwashed them. No, they did it because they could. It was fun.
Continue reading “Book Notes: Ivan Bunin’s Cursed Days” →
When I get into an author, I usually go and read everything by them. So I read all of Ruth Ware’s novels. They are entertaining but not worth writing a separate review for each book.
People always ask why I read such trashy novels. But where else can one find a novel written entirely from the perspective of a breastfeeding mother who has an infant clamped to her breast throughout the 400 pages of the novel? And not because the author is trying to make some point but because it’s a large part of life for women. Women spend years keeping their kids in their field of vision while doing everything else. It’s nice to read about that even when it isn’t great art.
Out of all the novels by Ware that I read, Lying Game is my favorite because it has the breastfeeding mother in it.
The second favorite is The Death of Mrs Westaway because it has extreme poverty, precariousness, and in spite of not being a great artist, Ware treats people who live in poverty and the often dubious choices they make with great tact and non-sappy kindness. Writers have such trouble finding the right tone to depict poverty but Ware does it surprisingly well.
In a Dark, Dark Wood is my least favorite. It’s about a woman who can’t get over a teenage crush, and I’m simply too old for that kind of thing. Fussy, neurotic women fighting over high school sweethearts are not my cup of tea. The novel’s only saving grace is a short appearance of a character who is a mother to a small child and who finds the squabbling neurotic women to be complete idiots.
The Turn of the Key was the first Ware novel I read and I really enjoyed it. There’s this whole surveillance capitalism aspect that I’m into, so it was fun.
The Woman in Cabin 10 was one of the weakest but not as bad as In a Dark, Dark Wood.
Ware knows how to create suspense. She’s good at building a Gothic ambiance. But she’s weak at denouement. The last 30 pages are always the weakest part of her books. So if you read thrillers for the ending, she’s not your author.
Here’s a true story for you. A 1930s feminist murders her own daughter because the daughter wants to live what we today call “a traditional lifestyle” and not be a feminist. How can you possibly go wrong with this kind of material? You can’t, right?
Well, if you are Almudena Grandes, you can.
Grandes is a Spanish writer who keeps churning out doorstoppers about the Franco dictatorship. Again, the Franco dictatorship offers tons of fascinating material. But Grandes’ thing is that she populates Franco’s Spain of the 1950s with characters who think and feel like extremely liberal people of year 2020 and they spend 780 painful pages feeling outraged about how everything around them is not progressive enough for their liking.
Grandes is a good storyteller, so I can usually get over this annoying habit of hers but in this novel Grandes as a storyteller loses out to Grandes the ideologue.
But wait. There’s more.
As a good 2020 liberal, Grandes hates religious people. The religious people she chose to tear into in this novel are Jews. She approves of the Jews who are completely secular, who have changed their names, and don’t even observe Sabbath.
But practicing Jews really get her goat. She goes on, page after painful page, ridiculing the speaking of Hebrew, the kippah, the Sabbath, the hair, the food, everything. Now, please remember that it isn’t just any Jews she’s ridiculing. In Grandes’ novel, it’s 1953, and the Jews are German Jews who have just survived the Holocaust. If there’s ever been a group of people who are not funny, it’s these Jews. Seriously, lady, first you create characters whose son was murdered on Kristallnacht and then you ridicule their yarmulkes? Why is that necessary?
There’s a terrible scene where the novel’s angelic protagonist who’s so tolerant he supports gay marriage and abortion in 1953 taunts a sad Holocaust Jew, telling him it’s stoooopid to experience any discomfort to avoid converting. The Jew isn’t given an opportunity to respond, of course.
It gets so bad that Grandes even uses the expression “a final solution” to describe the thought process of a kindly character who is trying to figure out how to make these annoyingly Jewish Jews less Jewish. I don’t believe Grandes used this expression consciously but I’m not surprised that it pops up when people are indulging their feelings of annoyance against Jews.
What’s particularly bizarre is that this plotline is completely unnecessary. The novel is already very long and tiresome. There’s absolutely no need to bring in a character who is a Rabbi in the last 80 pages only to ridicule him. The poor Rabbi clearly has nothing to do with the murderous feminist.
The treatment of the murderous feminist (who is a real historical figure) is also bizarre. The way that the murder of her daughter is dismissed and the killer mom is presented as completely justified brings to mind the trope of “post-birth abortion.” Since the novel is passionately pro-abortion, one begins to think that the fictional treatment of the daughter-killer is pointing in the direction of “hey, I mean, if the kid is really annoying and doesn’t even share your very progressive values, there are all sorts of good final solutions…”
It’s a bad novel, people. I don’t think it makes sense to write about an era you so thoroughly despise with the sole aim of communicating how much you despise it because you are so much more progressive and evolved. Especially if you aren’t even that evolved and think that Holocaust Jews make a good subject for ridicule.
Almudena Grandes is the real Frankenstein’s mother, and this novel is her deformed, ugly child.
So you know how every time I say that mass immigration is not the bee’s knees, somebody brings up that I’m an immigrant and that I seem to be enjoying it a lot? Because obviously there can’t possibly be any difference between the immigration experience of a hyper-educated, multilingual, academically gifted person who emigrates for fun and the experience of somebody who is forced to migrate because of gang violence and poverty?
Noticing this difference is what in my job is called “intersectional analysis.” The term has gotten a bad rap because a bunch of Shakesville-type bloggers made it sound completely stupid but it refers to a useful skill.
When you are talking about “people of color,” do you mean people like Michelle Obama or the woman of color who cleans her toilets? By “women,” do you mean women like Ivanka Trump or like the sweet old lady we all saw on TV whose neighborhood was destroyed by looters leaving her with no grocery store for miles around?
Normal people don’t need to make a special effort to see these differences but academics really do. As all teachers, we have a strong narcissistic component and tend to see everything in terms of ourselves, our lives, our friends, and our experiences. It’s very useful to be able to step away from this unhealthy self-centeredness.
As an example, I’m quoting in my book a pair of academics who gush that the transformation of Central America into one huge borderland “opens up possibilities for reimagining our categories and creating new paradigms.” That there are people whose lives are being devastated by this process isn’t even noticed because, hey, there’s a reimagining of categories going on, step aside, you dumb proles.
Against this type of typically academic cluelessness an intersectional analysis is very helpful.
The reason I’m writing this is that my book on intersectional feminism and transnationalism will come out later this year and I don’t want people to dismiss it out of hand because the title sounds icky. Yes, it does sound icky. But the argument itself is actually good.
If you fell into a coma in 1978 and only woke up today or if you’ve lived in the depths of the taiga and emerged out of it 15 seconds ago, I have great news for you. A guy called Nick Srnicek wrote a book that will explain, with a wealth of fascinating detail, everything you need to know about such things as Facebook, Google, Amazon, and even Uber.
You will learn that Amazon has a lot of warehouses, Facebook gets most of its profits from selling ads, and Uber is this fascinating thing that benefits from having more drivers AND more riders. Cool, huh? Who could have known. And Google? Guess what, you can search for information in it for free. Shocking stuff.
The single thing in this book that’s new for those of us who haven’t been lost in the tundra is Srnicek’s conclusion that, in order to counteract the monopolizing tendencies of Google, the state should build its own Google that will “belong to the people” but won’t spy on them. After reading about that brilliant plan, I was almost ready to go straight back to the tundra because I had no idea anybody took the “start your own Twitter” quip seriously.
In short, if saying the excruciatingly, tragically, embarrassingly obvious were an Olympic sport, Mr Srnicek would be a gold medalist.
P.S. If even this review generates no interest, I really give up. Nobody could have made anything as soporific as this book this much fun.
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FactBench
|
1
| 46
|
https://www.dw.com/en/nobel-prize-laureate-svetlana-alexievich-at-70-reality-has-always-attracted-me-like-a-magnet/a-18768298
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en
|
Svetlana Alexievich: 'Reality has always attracted me' – DW – 05
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2018-05-30T13:46:40.951000+00:00
|
Belarusian investigative journalist and writer Svetlana Alexievich turns 70 on May 31. Her unique, and often harrowing, insights into life behind the Iron Curtain were rewarded with the Nobel Prize in 2015.
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/images/icons/favicon-16x16.png
|
dw.com
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https://www.dw.com/en/nobel-prize-laureate-svetlana-alexievich-at-70-reality-has-always-attracted-me-like-a-magnet/a-18768298
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If there ever was a stark manifesto of intent, it came with Svetlana Alexievich's debut novel, War's Unwomanly Face. Released in 1985 and set during World War II, the novel ties together a series of moving and often stark monologues on the brutality and hopelessness of war — all told by women and children. Alexievich made no illusions: She was going to toe no one else's line.
First-hand account of Soviet Union's disintegration
It's her audacious determination to tell such brutally real stories that had Alexievich on the run for a decade.
She was born on May 31, 1948, in the Ukrainian town of Stanyslaviv — now the city of Ivano-Frankivsk, in the country's central-eastern region — to a Ukrainian mother and Belarusian father. Alexievich would first become a teacher (both her parents were teachers), then a reporter in the Belarusian town of Narovl, writing about carp fishing and literature through the 1970s.
However, as the 1980s arrived, the cracks in the Soviet Union became more evident, fanned by nationalistic dissidence, the disastrous Soviet-Afghan war and the cataclysmic Chernobyl disaster. Suddenly Alexievich found herself center-stage, documenting the disintegration of the Soviet Union — and, with it, the only world she knew.
Her investigative journalism would eventually earn her the ire of Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko — a man believed to harbor a fondness for Adolf Hitler — whose brutal crackdown on dissidence saw countless journalists, opposition politicians and activists imprisoned. Alexievich was forced into exile, including for a time in Berlin.
At a press conference in October in Minsk, the writer, whose books have been translated into 19 languages, said that the Belarusian authorities simply pretend that she doesn't exist. "They don't print my books here. I can't speak anywhere publicly. Belarusian television never invited me," she said.
Alexievich said she was at home ironing when she received the news that she was a Nobel laureate in 2015 — a message that gave her mixed feelings. "On the one hand, it's such a fantastic feeling. But it's also a bit disturbing," she said, adding that it conjured up the names of former Russian winners like Ivan Bunin and Boris Pasternak — who was forbidden by Soviet authorities to collect his prize in 1958.
The inspirations of the Nobel Prize winner
Alexievich credits Belarusian writer Ales Adomovich for informing her style of narrative realism — what's been called the "collective novel" — a style which weaves together a number of narratives, often from first person points of view.
She once said, "Reality has always attracted me like a magnet, it tortured and hypnotized me, I wanted to capture it on paper. So I immediately appropriated this genre of actual human voices and confessions, witness evidences and documents."
It's her unique voice from behind the former Iron Curtain which has brought her such global renown. Her 1989 book, Zinky Boys: Soviet Voices from the Afghanistan War, documented the largely unspoken reality of the Soviet casualties of that war.
Up to 50,000 young men are thought to have lost their lives, plus over one million Afghan civilians. Alexievich's unflinching reportage into the roots of this futile war (and the men who came home in zinc sealed coffins, hence the title) was unwelcome at home, in the dying days of the Uobel NSSR. She was viewed by many as a traitor.
Alexievich invented a 'new genre'
But it was one of the biggest disasters in human history which would seal her fate. Alexievich was working as a journalist in Minsk when, on April 26, 1986, the Chernobyl nuclear power plant exploded just over the border with Ukraine. Her reports from eyewitness accounts recorded over 10 years would become the work Voices from Chernobyl, released in 2005, and awarded the National Book Critics Award in the US.
In 2013 the author was also awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, presented at the Frankfurt Book Fair.
"She has invented a new literary genre. She transcends journalistic formats and has pressed ahead with a genre that others have helped create," said then-permanent secretary of the Swedish Academy Sara Danius. The innovative writer has "mapped the soul" of the Soviet and post-Soviet people, she added.
Alexievich is only one of only 14 women to have ever won the Nobel Prize, including Alice Munro in 2013. Asked back then how she'd use the money, totaling $972,000 (860,000 euros), Alexievich replied: "I do only one thing: I buy freedom for myself."
However, the prestigious award led to an exhausting phase in her life. Traveling worldwide and giving several interviews, Alexievich didn't have much time left for her favorite activity: spending time in her dacha in Minsk to write, her agent Galina Dursthoff told German press agency DPA.
According to her agent, the author is now searching for "a new tone" for her next book, which will also deal with a new topic: love.
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/nominations/
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Ivan Bunin – Nominations
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The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing"
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NobelPrize.org
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https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1933/bunin/nominations/
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Nobel Prizes and laureates
Eleven laureates were awarded a Nobel Prize in 2023, for achievements that have conferred the greatest benefit to humankind. Their work and discoveries range from effective mRNA vaccines and attosecond physics to fighting against the oppression of women.
See them all presented here.
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https://tass.com/society/968471
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Russian Nobel Prize winners
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Since 1904, Nobel Prizes were awarded to twenty-four Russians: two in Physiology or Medicine, twelve in Physics, one in Chemistry, two in Economic Sciences, five in Literature, and two Peace Prizes
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https://tass.com/society/968471
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FACTBOX. Nobel Prize winners in Physiology or Medicine, in Physics, in Chemistry, in Literature, and the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences will be announced starting from October 2, 2017. The Nobel Peace Prize winner will be announced in Oslo, Norway, on October 6.
Since 1904, Nobel Prizes were awarded to twenty-four Russians: two in Physiology or Medicine, twelve in Physics, one in Chemistry, two in Economic Sciences, five in Literature, and two Peace Prizes.
Read also
2014 Nobel Prize winners
Nobel Prizes in Chemistry
Nikolay Semyonov was the first Soviet Nobel Laureate. In 1956, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry, along with Cyril Nirman Hinshelwood of the United Kingdom, for his work on the mechanism of chemical reactions. The two chemists, independently from each other, elaborated a chain reaction theory in the later 1920s.
Academician Nikolay Semyonov, one of the founders of chemical physics and the author of the theory of thermal disruptive discharge of dielectric, was among the founders of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology (1951). His work on the theory of chain reactions was awarded the USSR’s Stalin Prize in 1941. His other Soviet awards include the Orders of Lenin and of the Red Banner of Labor, and the Lenin Prize. He was a member of foreign academies, including the New York Academy of Sciences. In 1963-1971, Semyonov was Vice President of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
Nobel Prizes in Physiology or Medicine
Russian physiologist, Professor Ivan Pavlov won the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1904 for his work on the physiology of digestion to become Russia’s first Nobel Laureate. Academician Pavlov, the founder of the Society of Russian Physiologists and the Institute of Physiology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, developed the theory of higher nervous activity.
Elie Metchnikoff, the father of innate immunity, the founder of gerontoloy (the comprehensive study of aging and the problems of the aged) and discoverer of the significance of phagocytosis in development, homeostasis and disease, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1908, together with Paul Ehrlich of Germany, for his work on immunity.
Nobel Prizes in Physics
A team of Russian physicists - Pavel Cherenkov, Ilya Frank and Igor Tamm - were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1958 for the discovery of Cherenkov radiation, or electromagnetic radiation emitted when a charged particle (such as an electron) passes through a dielectric medium at a speed greater than the phase velocity of light in that medium.
In 1962, the Nobel Prize in Physics was awarded to Lev Landau for "for his pioneering theories for condensed matter, especially liquid helium." As he was in hospital after a car crash, the prize was awarded to him in Moscow by the Swedish ambassador to the USSR.
Soviet physicists Nicolay Basov and Aleksandr Prokhorov were jointly awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1964 "for fundamental work in the field of quantum electronics, which has led to the construction of oscillators and amplifiers based on the maser-laser principle". US physicist Charles Hard Townes arrived at similar results independently from the Soviet researchers, so the 1964 Nobel Prize was divided between the three, with Townes being awarded one half.
One half of the Nobel Prize in Physics 1978 was awarded to Pyotr Kapitsa "for his basic inventions and discoveries in the area of low-temperature physics" (he had been working on since the 1930s).
In 2000, Russian physicist Zhores Alferov shared one half of the Nobel Prize with Herbert Kroemer of Germany "for developing semiconductor heterostructures used in high-speed-and opto-electronics."
The Nobel Prize in Physics 2003 was awarded jointly to Alexei Abrikosov (who was granted US citizenship in 1999), Vitaly Ginzburg and British and American physicist Anthony J. Leggett "for pioneering contributions to the theory of superconductors and superfluids".
Andre Geim and Konstantin Novoselov were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2010 "for groundbreaking experiments regarding the two-dimensional material graphene." Andre Geim left the Soviet Union in 1990 and later was granted the Dutch citizenship. Konstantin Novoselov left for the Netherlands in 1999 and later received the British citizenship.
Nobel Prizes in Literature
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1933 was awarded to Ivan Bunin "for the strict artistry with which he has carried on the classical Russian traditions in prose writing."
In 1958, the Nobel Prize in Literature was awarded to Boris Pasternak "for his important achievement both in contemporary lyrical poetry and in the field of the great Russian epic tradition." Initially, he accepted the Nobel Prize but later was forced by the Soviet authorities, which pressed him for his novel Doctor Zhivago he had published abroad, to decline the prize. Nevertheless, his descendants received a medal and a diploma in his name in Stockholm in 1989.
Soviet/Russian writer Mikhail Sholokhov was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1965 for his famous novel And Quiet Flows the Don with the wording "for the artistic power and integrity with which, in his epic of the Don, he has given expression to a historic phase in the life of the Russian people." Sholokhov was one of nine authors to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature for a concrete work.
In 1970, the Nobel Prize in Literature was awarded to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn "for the ethical force with which he has pursued the indispensable traditions of Russian literature." By that time, he was in an open conflict with the Soviet authorities. Being afraid to be banned to reenter the country after the awarding ceremony, Slozhenitsyn refused to go to Stockholm to receive his prize. Eventually, he received it in 1974 after being stripped of the Soviet citizenship and expelled from the country for publishing his The Gulag Archipelago abroad.
Poet Joseph Brodsky, who emigrated to the United States in 1972, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1987 "for an all-embracing authorship, imbued with clarity of thought and poetic intensity."
Nobel Peace Prizes
Soviet Academician Andrei Sakharov was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1975 for his advocacy of civil liberties and civil reforms in the former Soviet Union. The Norwegian Nobel Committee called him "a spokesman for the conscience of mankind."
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/arts/culture-magazines/bunin-ivan-10-october-1870-8-november-1953
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Bunin, Ivan (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)Julian W. Connolly University of VirginiaBiographiesReferencesPapersBunin: Autobiographical Statement Source for information on Bunin, Ivan (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953): Nobel Prize Laureates in Literature, Part 1 dictionary.
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Ivan Bunin (10 October 1870 - 8 November 1953)
Julian W. Connolly
University of Virginia
Biographies
References
Papers
Bunin: Autobiographical Statement
1933 Nobel Prize in Literature Presentation Speech
Bunin: Banquet Speech
This entry was expanded by Connolly from his Bunin entry in DLB 317: Twentieth-Century Russian Émigré Writers.
BOOKS: Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg .(Orel: Orlovskii vestnik, 1891);
“Na krai sveta” i drugie rasskaty (St. Petersburg: O. N. Popova, 1897);
Pod otkrytym nebom: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie, 1898);
Stikhi i rasskazy (Moscow: Detskoe chtenie i Pedagogicheskii listok, 1900);
Listopad: Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Skorpion, 1901);
Novye stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: O. O. Gerbek, 1902);
Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (St. Petersburg: Znanie, 1902-1909);
Stikhotvoreniia i rasskazy: 1907-1909 (St. Petersburg: Obshchestvennaia pol’za, 1910);
Derevnia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1910); translated by Isabel F. Hapgood as The Village (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker, 1923);
Pereval: Rasskazy 1892-1902 (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Rasskazy i stikhotvoreniia 1907-1910 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Stikhotvoreniia (Moscow: Moskovskoe knigoizdatel’stvo, 1912);
Sukhodol: Povesti i rasskazy 1911-1912 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1912);
Ioann Rydalets: Rasskazy i stikhi 1912-1913 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1913);
Zolotoe dno: Rasskazy 1903-1907 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei, 1913);
Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 6 volumes (Petrograd: A. F. Marks, 1915);
Chasha zhizni: Rasskazy 1913-1914 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1915);
Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko: Proizvedeniia 1915-1916 gg. (Moscow: Knigoizdatel’stvo pisatelei v Moskve, 1916);
Khram solntsa (Petrograd: Zhizn’ i znanie, 1917);
Krik (Berlin: Slovo, 1921);
Nachal’naia liubov’ (Prague: Slavianskoe izdatel’stvo, 1921);
Roza Ierikhona (Berlin: Slovo, 1924);
Mitina liubov’ (Paris: Russkaia zemlia, 1925; Leningrad: Knizhnye novinki, 1925); translated from the French by Madelaine Boyd as Mitya’s Love (New York: Holt, 1926);
Poslednee svidanie (Paris: N. P. Karbasnikov, 1926);
Delo korneta Elagina (Khar’kov: Kosmos, 1927);
Solnechnyi udar (Paris: Rodnik, 1927);
Khudaia trava (Moscow & Leningrad: Zemlia i fabrika, 1928);
Izbrannye stikhi (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1929);
Grammatika liubvi: Izbrannye rasskazy (Belgrade: Russkaia biblioteka, 1929);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1930); translated by Gleb Struve and Hamish Miles as The Well of Days (London: Hogarth Press, 1933; New York: Knopf, 1934);
Bozh’e drevo (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Ten’ptitsy (Paris: Sovremennye zapiski, 1931);
Sobranie sochinenii, 11 volumes (Berlin: Petropolis, 1934-1936);
Okaiannye dni (London, Ontario: Zaria, 1936); translated by Thomas Gaiton Marullo as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1998; London: Phoenix, 2000);
Osvobozhdenie Tohtogo (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1937); translated by Marullo and Vladimir T. Khmelkov as The Liberation of Tolstoy (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 2001);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: II. Lika: Roman (Brussels: Petropolis, 1939);
Temnye allei (New York: Novaia zemlia, 1943; enlarged edition, Paris: La Press française et étrangère, 1946); translated by Richard Hare as Dark Avenues and Other Stories (London: Lehmann, 1949; Westport, Conn.: Hyperion, 1977);
Vospominaniia (Paris: Vozrozhdenie, 1950); translated by Vera Traill and Robin Chancellor as Memories and Portraits (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1951; London: Lehmann, 1951);
Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (New York: Chekhov, 1952); translated by Struve, Miles, Heidi Hillis, Susan McKean, and Sven A. Wolf as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, edited by Andrew Baruch (Evanston, ILL.: Northwestern University Press, 1994);
Vesnoi, v Iudee: Roza Ierikhona (New York: Chekhov, 1953);
Petlistye ushi i drugie rasskazy (New York: Chekhov, 1954);
O Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (New York: Chekhov, 1955);
Stikhotvoreniia (Leningrad: Sovetskii pisatel’, 1956);
Ivan Bunin: Sbornik materialov, 2 volumes, Literaturnoe nasledstvo, volume 84 (Moscow: Nauka, 1973);
Publitsistika 1918-1953, edited by Oleg N. Mikhailov (Moscow: Nasledie, 1998).
Collections: Sobranie sochinenii, 5 volumes (Moscow: Pravda, 1956);
Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh, 9 volumes, edited by A. S. Miasnikov, B. S. Riurikov, and A. T. Tvar dovsky (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1965-1967);
Sochineniia v trekh tomakh, 3 volumes (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1982);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by IU. V. Bondarev, Oleg N. Mikhailov, and V. P. Rynkevich (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1987-1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v chetyrekh tomakh, 4 volumes, edited by N. M. Liubimov (Moscow: Pravda, 1988);
Sobranie sochinenii v vos’mi tomakh, 8 volumes, edited by A. K. Baboreko (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1993-2000);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes (Moscow: Santaks, 1994);
Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh, 6 volumes, edited by A. Farizova, I. Marev, G. Shitoeva, and V. Antonova (Moscow: Terra, 1997).
Editions in English: Lazarus, translated by Avrahm Yarmolinsky (Boston: Stratford, 1918)—comprises “Eleazar,” by Leonid Andreyev, and “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” by Bunin;
Reminiscences of Anton Chekhov, by Bunin, Maksim Gor’ky, and Aleksandr Kuprin, translated by S.S. Koteliansky and Leonard Woolf (New York: Huebsch, 1921);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Woolf, Koteliansky, and D. H. Lawrence (London: Hogarth Press, 1922; New York: Seltzer, 1923);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Bernard Guilbert Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923);
The Dreams of Chang, and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1923; London: Seeker); republished as Fifteen Tales (London: Seeker, 1924; Great Neck, N.Y: Core Collection Books, 1978);
Grammar of Love, translated by John Cournos (New York: Smith & Haas, 1934; London: Woolf, 1935);
The Elaghin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Guerney (New York: Knopf, 1935);
Shadowed Paths, translated by Ol’ga Shartse, edited by Philippa Hentges (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1944; Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2001);
The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, translated by Shartse, introduction by Thompson Bradley (New York: Washington Square Press, 1963);
Velga, translated by Guy Daniels (New York: S. G. Phillips, 1970);
Stories and Poems, translated by Shartse and Irina Zheleznova (Moscow: Progress, 1979);
In a Far Distant Land: Selected Stories, translated by Robert Bowie (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Hermitage, 1983);
Long Ago: Fourteen Stories, translated by David Richards and Sophie Lund (London: Angel, 1984); enlarged as The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories (London: Penguin / New York: Viking Penguin, 1987);
Light Breathing and Other Stories, translated by Shartse (Moscow: Raduga, 1988);
Wolves and Other Love Stories, translated by Mark C. Scott (San Bernardino, Cal.: Capra Press, 1989);
Sunstroke: Selected Stories, translated by Graham Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2002);
The Elagin Affair and Other Stories, translated by Hettlinger (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2005).
TRANSLATION: Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Pesn’ o Gaiavate (Moscow: Knizhnoe dielo, 1899).
The first Russian to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, Ivan Bunin was the last of a prominent line of writers who belonged to the aristocracy—a line that includes Ivan Turgenev and Leo Tolstoy. Bunin lived well into the twentieth century, and he chronicled in haunting detail the slow decline and ultimate disappearance of a way of life taken for granted by the gentry writers of the nineteenth century. Throughout his long career he was moved by an acute awareness of the evanescence of human life, and his work records the full range of human emotion from ecstatic joy at the fulfillment of desire to inconsolable grief at the losses that frequently ensue.
Ivan Alekseevich Bunin was born on 10 (New Style, 22) October 1870 in Voronezh, a provincial capital three hundred miles southeast of Moscow. In later years he pointed out with pride that he could trace his lineage to a Lithuanian knight who had entered the service of Grand Prince of Moscow Vasilii II in the fifteenth century. His ancestors had served a series of Russian rulers, and in the nineteenth century two of his relatives achieved significant literary fame: Anna Bunina was the first professional woman writer in Russia, while Vasilii Zhukovsky, the illegitimate son of Afanasii Bunin and a captive Turkish woman, became a noted poet and translator and served as tutor to the future tsar Alexander II.
Despite the achievements of these forebears, Bunin’s immediate family faced straitened circumstances at the time of his birth. Landowners throughout Russia were finding it increasingly difficult to maintain their prosperity; the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and the rise of industry in the countryside in the second half of the nineteenth century contributed to the decline of the gentry estate. Bunin’s father, Aleksei Nikolaevich Bunin, who had served as a volunteer in the Crimean War, preferred socializing with friends to managing his property, and while Bunin was still a child, his father was forced to sell off ancestral holdings until he was left with two small estates, Butyrki and Ozerki, in the province of Orel. According to Bunin’s memoirs, Vospominaniia (1950; translated as Memories and Portraits, 1951), the personality of his mother, Liudmila Aleksandrovna, neé Chubarova, was quite different from that of his father: she was deeply religious and inclined toward woeful premonitions and sadness. She was devoted to her children, but only four of the nine to whom she gave birth survived infancy. Bunin’s second wife ascribed his wide mood swings to the contrasting dispositions of his parents.
A few years after Bunin’s birth, his family found the cost of living in Voronezh beyond their means and moved to the Butyrki estate. Bunin recalled in an autobiographical note in 1915, “Here, in the deepest stillness of the fields, amidst crops that came right up to our doorstep in the summer, and amid snowdrifts in winter, passed my entire childhood, full of sad and original poetry.” Bunin’s immersion in nature left a lasting trace on his creative imagination: nuanced descriptions of natural phenomena became a hallmark of his mature writing. His brothers, Iulii and Evgenii, were much older than he, and his two sisters were infants during his early childhood. As a result, Bunin’s playmates were the peasant children in the neighborhood, and his familiarity with peasant life also had a significant impact on his writing.
Bunin’s early education was in the hands of an eccentric, impoverished nobleman, Nikolai Romashkov, who taught him to read from Russian translations of texts such as Homer’s Odyssey and fed his imagination with vivid stories about chivalry. Romashkov wrote satirical poetry about topical issues; Bunin tried his hand at verse, as well, but noted in his memoirs that he did not write about contemporary concerns but about “some kind of spirits in a mountain valley on a moonlit night.”
The death of his infant sister Aleksandra shocked Bunin and plunged him into months of tormented contemplation about what might lie beyond the grave. Wonderment about death and its implications for the living remained an element of his personality throughout his life.
In autumn 1881 Bunin enrolled in a gymnasium in Elets. He was not interested in disciplined education, and his academic success, especially in mathematics, steadily deteriorated. During the Christmas holidays of 1885 he told his parents that he did not wish to return to school, and they acceded to his desire. By this time they had sold the Butyrki estate to pay off their debts and had moved to the Ozerki estate, which had belonged to Bunin’s mother’s family. His brother Iulii, a political activist, had been arrested in 1884 and sentenced to house arrest for three years. With little else to do, Iulii took over his brother’s education. Recognizing that Bunin had little affinity for mathematics, Iulii concentrated on history, political science, and literature. Under his brother’s guidance Bunin read the works of such major Russian writers as Turgenev, Aleksandr Pushkin, Mikhail Lermontov, Fedor Tiutchev, Afanasii Fet, and Vsevolod Garshin. He also read the plays and sonnets of William Shakespeare and the poetry of the English Romantics in translation and tried to learn English so that he could read them in the original.
Stimulated by his reading, Bunin wrote a large quantity of poetry and a few prose sketches between 1886 and 1889. For the most part this early work reveals his reliance on the models of Pushkin, Lermontov, and Fet, but his notebooks also include translations of work by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe; Friedrich Schiller; George Gordon, Lord Byron; and Alphonse de Lamartine. A prominent literary figure of the day was Semen Nadson, a poet who expressed his longing to be of use to society and lamented his powerlessness to do so. Nadson’s anguished idealism resonated powerfully among young Russians of Bunin’s generation. When Nadson died of tuberculosis at twenty-five in January 1887, Bunin wrote a commemorative poem, “Nad mogiloi S. la. Nadsona” (At the Grave of S. la. Nadson). It was published in the journal Rodina (Homeland) on 22 February 1887, and Bunin’s literary career was launched. Within a short time he published other poems in Rodina and in Knizhki nedeli (Books of the Week) and his first short stories, “Nefedka” and “Dva strannika” (Two Wanderers), in Rodina.
In August 1888 Iulii moved to Kharkov, and Bunin found himself increasingly bored with life in the country. On 20 January 1889 he was invited to join the staff of Orlovsky vestnik (Orel Messenger), a newspaper that covered social issues, literature, and trade. Before taking up the position he spent two months visiting Iulii in Kharkov, meeting his brother’s radical friends and engaging in lengthy arguments about politics and ideology. After a trip to the Crimea, he began work at Orlovsky vestnik in autumn 1889. He used his position to publish his poems, stories, and literary articles in the paper. He fell in love with a coworker, Varvara Pashchenko, although she appears to have been ambivalent in her feelings for him. Bunin felt constrained by his lack of financial means, and Pashchenko’s parents were opposed to her marrying an impecunious writer. The couple was forced to conceal their relationship, which placed additional stress on it; arguments and separations were followed by periods of renewed intimacy. Bunin incorporated many of the elements of his relationship with Pashchenko into his novel Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’ (1952; translated as The Life of Arseniev: Youth, 1994).
In 1891 Bunin’s Stikhotvoreniia: 1887-1891 gg. (Poems: 1887-1891) was published as a supplement to the Orlovsky vestnik. The following year he and Pashchenko moved to Poltava, where Bunin went to work with Iulii in the local zemstvo (provincial administrative organization) as a librarian. Later he became a statistician, which required him to travel throughout the region collecting data and observing the changing conditions of rural life. He distilled his observations into his fiction, and his work began appearing with more frequency in literary journals.
During this period Bunin became acquainted with followers of Tolstoy’s philosophy of simplification, and for a time he was seized with enthusiasm for Tolstoyanism. He went to Moscow to meet Tolstoy in January 1894; although Tolstoy cautioned him against becoming a blind adherent of the simple life, the meeting made a powerful impression on him. Later that year Bunin began distributing literature put out by the Tolstoyan publishing house Posrednik (Mediator) and was arrested for selling books without a license. He was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment but was saved from going to jail by the general amnesty ordered when Nicholas II succeeded Alexander III as tsar in October. Bunin’s infatuation with the simple life soon passed, and he conveyed his reservations about the Tolstoyan ideal in the story “Na dache” (1897, At the Dacha). Tolstoy himself, however, remained one of Bunin’s lifelong heroes, and decades later Bunin set down his views on Tolstoy and the meaning of Tolstoy’s work in the treatise Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo (1937; translated as The Liberation of Tolstoy, 2001).
On 4 November 1894 Pashchenko wrote Bunin a note stating that she was leaving him. Her parents refused to give him any information as to her whereabouts. His despair was such that his parents feared that he would commit suicide. He was further devastated when he found out that Pashchenko had married their friend Arsenii Bibikov. Aware of his state of mind, Iulii urged him to travel to St. Petersburg and Moscow and immerse himself in the literary life in those cities. Following his brother’s counsel, Bunin became acquainted with a broad spectrum of literary and intellectual figures ranging from members of the older generation, such as Dmitrii Grigorovich, to one of the rising stars of the nascent symbolist movement, Konstantin Bal’mont. He continued to feel isolated and unsettled, however. He was particularly troubled by a sense that he had received an inferior education and had not been properly prepared for a career.
Returning to the countryside for the spring and summer of 1895, Bunin worked on improving his English: he had begun translating Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Song of Hiawatha (1855). The translation was published in Orlovsky vestnik in 1896 and, with revisions, achieved great popularity and went through many editions. For the next several years periods of creative work in the countryside alternated with travel to the major cities or to the south and, ultimately, beyond Russia’s borders. Bunin became acquainted with a growing circle of writers, including Anton Chekhov, Aleksandr Kuprin, Valerii Briusov, and Nikolai Teleshov.
Bunin’s first major success came with the publication of his first collection of short stories, ”Na krai sveta“i drugie rasskazy (”To the Edge of the World“and Other Tales), in 1897. Several of the stories display a populist orientation and expose the hardships faced by the common folk as their traditional mode of life is threatened by famine and relocation. These general themes are informed by Bunin’s personal concern with issues such as growing old, the loss of cherished joys, and the mystery of death. Characteristic is the concluding section of the title story: having described the grief that attends the departure of a group of peasants from their native village in quest of a better life in a new territory, Bunin shifts focus from the sorrows of individuals to a broader reflection on the evanescence of human life. Referring to ancient burial mounds on the steppe, he asks: “But of what concern to them, these age-old, silent mounds, are the sorrows or joys of some kind of beings who will exist for a moment and then cede their place to others just like them, others who will again worry and rejoice and disappear just as completely without a trace from the face of the earth?” Repeatedly in these stories Bunin moves outward from the travails of his characters to the natural world, dissolving the tension of insoluble human dilemmas in nature’s ceaseless flow.
Critics reacted positively to the collection. Commenting on”Na krai sveta“in the St. Petersburg paper Novosti (News) on 26 October 1895, Aleksandr Skabichevsky declared, “This is not genre painting, nor description of everyday life, nor ethnography... but poetry itself!” Skabichevsky’s perception of a poetic quality to Bunin’s prose was accurate: not only was Bunin’s early prose lyrical and rhythmic, but he was also continuing to develop as a poet. In 1898 his verse collection Pod otkrytym nebom (Under the Open Sky) was published in Moscow, and it too met with critical acclaim.
In 1898 Bunin moved to Odessa to work for the newspaper Iuzhnoe obozrenie (Southern Review). He quickly became infatuated with Anna Tsakni, the daughter of the publisher of the paper, and they were married on 28 September. He soon regretted the hasty marriage. In a letter to his brother Iulii dated 14 December 1899 he described his wife as”foolish and immature as a puppy.“In March 1900 Bunin left her and went to Moscow. Anna gave birth to a son, Nikolai, in August. Bunin returned to Odessa only to visit his son, who died in January 1905 of complications following scarlet fever and measles.
In 1901 Bunin published the poetry collection Listopad (Falling Leaves) and dedicated it to the writer Maksim Gor’ky (pseudonym of Aleksei Peshkov). Gor’ky had written Bunin to praise Pod otkrytym nebom, and the two had met in Yalta in 1899 and begun a friendship that lasted for nearly two decades. The long title poem is characteristic of Bunin’s early verse. Personifying autumn as a “quiet widow” sorrowfully departing for the south as winter approaches, the poem highlights the beauty of nature’s timeless changes. The collection garnered praise from notable figures across the literary spectrum. In early February 1901 Gor’ky wrote Briusov that he considered Bunin the foremost poet of the day, and a young poet from the symbolist camp, Aleksandr Blok, said that Bunin had won the right to one of the chief positions in contemporary Russian poetry. The collection, together with the translation of The Song of Hiawatha, earned Bunin his first major literary honor: the Imperial Academy of Sciences awarded him the coveted Pushkin Prize in October 1903.
While Listopad had been published by the symbolist house Skorpion, Bunin’s artistic temperament had little in common with the excesses sometimes found in decadent literature; and when negotiations for Skorpion to publish additional volumes of his work collapsed, Bunin turned to the firm with which Gor’ky was closely identified: Znanie (Knowledge) published five volumes of his collected works from 1902 to 1909. The writers associated with Znanie were known as “realists” or “neorealists,” but Bunin was never comfortable with labels, and his work defies ready categorization. The prose sketches he began writing at the turn of the twentieth century, for example, are nearly devoid of plot. Highly lyrical, they feature dense passages of description in which subtle gradations of color, smell, and sound are delicately woven together into a rich tapestry of sensation. Aptly characterized by Thomas Winner as “mood paintings,” the sketches either convey a solitary narrator’s reflections on the mysteries of human existence, as in “Sosny” (1901, Pines) and “Tuman” (1901, Mist), or paint an evocative picture of the slow decline of traditional forms of life in the countryside, as in “Epitafiia” (1901, Epitaph). Perhaps the best known of these sketches is “Antonovskie iabloki” (1900, Antonov Apples; translated as “Apple Fragrance,” 1944), in which the rich and expansive estate life of past generations is contrasted with the more meager existence that survives on impoverished estates at the end of the nineteenth century. The writer’s nostalgia for the vanishing beauty of the past is conveyed through a series of remembered scenes that anticipate Marcel Proust in their appreciation for the evocative power of sensual detail. But as exquisite as these mood paintings are, they represented a dead end for Bunin: having evoked the atmosphere of inevitable decline in the Russian countryside, he seemed to have gone as far as he could in this genre. Without a new perspective or a significant story to tell, he ran the risk of repeating himself.
In April 1903 Bunin departed for Constantinople (today Istanbul, Turkey). He had just read the entire Qur’an, and he wished to see the city that had played an important role in the history of Islam as well as in early Russian history. It was the first of many trips to Constantinople, Greece, and the Middle East, and he recorded his impressions in a series of travel sketches from 1907 to 1911. A reading of these sketches together with the poetry he wrote during the period reveals several underlying concerns. First, Bunin sought to identify the essence of a religion or culture by studying the environment in which it developed. Islam, he wrote in “Ten’ ptitsy” (1908, The Shadow of a Bird), was born “in the wilderness,” whereas the myths of ancient Greece were born from “sun, sea, and stone.” Surveying the ruins of Egypt, Syria, Greece, and Palestine, Bunin became aware that every civilization seemed to undergo a cycle of birth, expansion, and annihilation. His appreciation of the inevitability of a civilization’s decay took on topical significance when he returned to Russia and witnessed continuing dislocation and change at home. Strikes, demonstrations, and violent repression in 1905 convinced him that Russia was on an irreversible downward spiral.
Bunin’s firsthand observations of the remains of earlier civilizations also deepened his preoccupation with death and loss. Annihilation was not merely a personal event; it affected civilizations, cultures, and religions alike. Nonetheless, Bunin always looked for signs of survival and renewal. Observing in “More bogov” (1908, The Sea of Gods) that “Vremia” (Time) has swallowed up the manifestations of solar worship practiced in ancient eras, Bunin exclaims: “But the Sun still exists!” Furthermore, by achieving an emotional or spiritual contact with relics of ancient life, the writer felt that his own life span had been expanded. As he put it in the poem “Mogila v skale” (1910, Cliff Tomb), the sight of a footprint left by a mourner in a grave five thousand years ago resurrected that moment of parting, and “The life given me by destiny was multiplied by five thousand years.” Such moments of transcendence were immensely consoling to Bunin.
Bunin met his future wife, Vera Muromtseva, in November 1906. In 1909 he was awarded a second Pushkin Prize and elected an honorary member of the Imperial Academy. When he returned to fiction at the end of the decade he began chronicling the worrisome changes in the countryside with a depth and intensity that are not present in his earlier work. The first significant piece that reflected this new perspective was the novella Derevnia (1910; translated as The Village, 1923). The title suggests the breadth of Bunin’s conception. Derevnia means both “village” and “countryside”; Bunin intended his depiction of one rural village to represent rural Russia at large. A character in the novella underscores this symbolism for the reader when he caustically declares about Russia: “it is all a village.”
The two main characters in Derevnia are the brothers Tikhon and Kuzma Krasov. Bunin provides a capsule summary of the Krasov family background in the opening paragraphs: the brothers’ great-grandfather was a serf who was killed by his master’s dogs for stealing the affections of the master’s lover. Their grandfather won his freedom and became a famous thief. Their father opened a shop in their native village, Durnovka (the name is derived from a word that means “bad” or “nasty”), but “went bankrupt, took up drinking... and died.” Clearly, the Krasovs’ emancipation from serfdom did not lead to prosperity and fulfillment. Nor does the present generation fare much better. Early in life Tikhon Krasov decided to devote himself to business, and after years of toil, he was able to buy the Durnovka estate from the family that had formerly been his family’s masters. Yet, material gain has left him spiritually and emotionally impoverished. He has no heir; he is estranged from his wife; and he scarcely has any memories of the past to savor in his old age. At the end of the first part of the tale Tikhon is relieving himself outside his house as a train, a symbol of progress that has no meaning for him, roars by in the night. Kuzma initially seems to have a more ambitious agenda. Self-educated, he longs to make his mark on the world, leaves the village, and publishes a book of poetry. Yet, he too finds no significant outlet for his energies, and he returns to an empty life of idleness in Durnovka. Bunin now widens his focus to depict the lives of some of the Durnovka peasants; in particular, he follows the fate of a young woman who had been raped by Tikhon and is being readied for marriage to a crude, poorly educated man. Kuzma is horrified by the match but can do nothing to prevent it, and the marriage ceremony has more of the aura of a pagan orgy than a Christian ritual. Bunin concludes his narrative with a glimpse of one of the revelers wailing “with a wolf’s voice” into the blizzard raging around her.
Bunin’s readers reacted strongly to this somber image of Russia’s destiny. His portrait of village life was a far cry from the idealized peasantry in Tolstoy’s works, and some critics accused Bunin of being a bitter or fearful aristocrat slandering the people. Others, such as Gor’ky, welcomed the work as an unflinching diagnosis of the ills afflicting the countryside. Bunin thought that neither camp really understood his work and ascribed the uninformed nature of the criticism to the intelligentsia’s ignorance of the true state of rural life.
Having exposed the moral bankruptcy of the lower classes, Bunin turned to the stratum of society that had long been viewed as the bastion of enlightenment and culture—the gentry. In a 1911 interview included in volume nine of his Sobranie sochinenii v deviati tomakh (1965-1967, Collected Works in Nine Volumes) Bunin pointed out that the landowners depicted in the works of Turgenev and Tolstoy were not typical representatives of the gentry but were “rare oases of culture.” In his view, the life of the ordinary small landowner was much closer to that of the peasant than most people appreciated: “In no other country is the life of the gentry and peasantry so closely and intimately tied as among us. The soul of both, I think, is identically Russian.”
A major work written at this time, the novella “Sukhodol” (1912; translated as “Dry Valley,” 1935), illustrates Bunin’s conviction. In this tale Bunin shows how the lives of a landowning family and their servants are intimately interwoven. The narrative structure of the tale supports this interweaving: the primary narrator is the last male descendent of the Khrushchev family, who presents the reader with the stories told by a servant, Natalia, who worked for the family. The saga of the Khrushchev clan, however, is not conveyed in a straightforward linear way: over the course of years Natalia retells her tales; with each telling new details emerge, until finally the reader has a full view of the extraordinary events that she witnessed. This lyrical structure underscores Bunin’s belief in the importance of memory as a means of preserving the past, as well as in the power of a skillful narrative to make past events live again in the minds of an audience.
Natalia relates that the patriarch of the family was murdered by his illegitimate son, Gervaska; her mistress Tonia was driven mad by a failed love affair; and she herself was raped by a coarse peasant, Iushka. The events themselves, disturbing as they are, are not as striking as the fatalistic attitude that Natalia and the rest of the Dry Valley inhabitants adopt toward the misfortunes that befell them: deeply superstitious, they feel surrounded by uncanny primordial forces that they are unable to resist—indeed, they seem almost to thirst for chaos and destruction. The final stage of destruction will be the inevitable disappearance of the memories of Dry Valley. This sense of ultimate loss, in the opinion of Renato Poggioli, “gives Dry Valley a sense of tragic pathos which no work of Bunin... attained before or after.”
In the early 1910s Bunin wrote a series of stories in which he strove to illuminate, as he put it in the 1911 interview, “the soul of the Russian man... the traits of the Slav’s psyche.” These works lay bare the dark, destructive forces lurking beneath the surface of everyday rural life. In “Nochnoi razgovor” (1912; translated as “A Night Conversation,” 1923) he depicts the bitter disillusionment that overwhelms an idealistic young member of the gentry who spends an evening with some peasants and is horrified by the relish with which they swap tales of violence and slaughter. In “Ignat” (1912; translated as “A Simple Peasant,” 1934) he describes the crude impulses that drive a peasant to a series of horrifying acts, including bestiality and murder. Yet, it is not just the peasants who come in for this kind of exposure. “Poslednii den’” (1913, The Last Day) portrays the senseless behavior of a landowner who has sold his estate to strangers and decides to give the new owners a grim welcome: he orders that his six dogs be hanged and their bodies left dangling from the tree.
In his quest to illuminate the “Slav’s psyche” Bunin turned to folktale, epic, and religious literature as source material for his fiction and poetry of the early 1910s. The story “Zakhar Vorob’ev” (1912) indicates the fate of Russia’s legendary warriors, the bogatyr’, in the modern era. Possessing enormous strength and desiring to impress those around him, the title character ends up drinking himself to death—a solitary victim of an insensitive world. Traditional spirituality too seems to have degenerated in the modern world, as Bunin shows in “la vse molchu” (1913; translated as “I Say Nothing,” 1923). A young member of the gentry, Shasha Romanov, behaves in bizarre, self-destructive ways. Although his conduct evinces some traces of the ancient “holy fool” tradition, in which eccentric behavior and self-abnegation served to reproach those who had forgotten Christ’s humility, his real motivations are a vile combination of masochism and exhibitionism. With characters such as these Bunin paints a stark picture of Russia’s decline.
A journey to Ceylon (today Sri Lanka) in 1911, coupled with study of Buddhist philosophy, provided Bunin with a new perspective on the human condition. In Buddhism he found a persuasive explanation of the contradiction between life’s capacity for providing moments of ecstatic happiness and the inevitable annihilation of that joy by loss and death. According to Buddhist doctrine, suffering results from desire; the only way to end suffering is to renounce desire—not only for love, passion, or material gain but for life itself. Over the next several years Bunin wrote stories that reflect these concepts. Some of these works, such as “Brat’ia” (1914; translated as “Brethren,” 1923) and “Sny Changa” (1916; translated as “The Dreams of Chang,” 1923), make overt reference to Buddhist thought.
“Brat’ia” is particularly rich in Buddhist aphorisms. The story juxtaposes the arduous life of a young ricksha puller in Colombo with the pleasure-sated existence of an Englishman who rides in his vehicle. The native is following the model of his father, who worked hard to provide for his family until he died from exhaustion. According to Buddhist teachings, the father must suffer reincarnation because of his immersion in earthly cares. The young man is fated to repeat his father’s errors, for he began pulling the ricksha to earn money when he became infatuated with a woman. In doing so he became enmeshed in the chain of desire: his desire for love “is the desire for sons, just as the desire for sons is a desire for property, and a desire for property is a desire for well-being.” Suffering is the inevitable result. They marry, but the bride disappears, and months later the youth discovers that she has become the chattel of rich Europeans in Colombo. He commits suicide but will return again and again “in a thousand incarnations.” The Englishman departs on a ship; at sea he ruminates on the differences between the natives of Ceylon and the more “sophisticated” Europeans who have colonized the world. As he sees it, Europeans have lost their humility in the cosmos: “We elevate our Personality higher than the heavens; we wish to concentrate the entire world within it, no matter what we have said about universal brotherhood and equality.”
With this story Bunin sets forth his understanding of a profound contradiction that underlies much of human life: the contradiction between the desire for self-gratification or self-aggrandizement and an awareness of the ultimate insignificance of any individual in the vast flow of cosmic processes. He goes on, in work after work, to depict characters who display their bondage to the ego either in love or in the accumulation of wealth and power. For the most part these works do not include overt references to Buddhism, and many of the protagonists are unaware that their desire will lead to unhappiness.
Perhaps the most compelling stories in which the drama of desire and suffering is enacted in Bunin’s work of the early and mid 1910s are those that deal with the seductive power of love and passion. “Pri doroge” (1913; translated as “On the Great Road,”1934) and “Legkoe dykhanie” (1916; translated as “Gentle Breathing,” 1922) focus, respectively, on a peasant girl and one of noble birth. “Legkoe dykhanie,” which is just a few pages in length, offers a compressed view of a young woman’s brief intoxication with the attractions of passion. It opens with a description of her portrait on her grave, then moves back in time to show what led to her early demise. Olia Meshcherskaia possessed an extraordinary zest for life; summoned to her high-school headmistress’s office and reprimanded for forgetting that she is not yet a woman, Olia shocks the teacher by asserting that she is a woman because she has been seduced by an older man—the headmistress’s brother. In the next sentence Bunin informs the reader that the following month Olia was shot and killed at a railway station by a Cossack officer “of plebeian appearance, who had absolutely nothing in common with the circle to which Olia Meshcherskaia belonged.” Olia had had a sexual encounter with the officer and then told him that she had merely been toying with him; to prove it she had shown him the diary entry in which she described her seduction by her first lover, who was fifty-six. The officer then shot her in a jealous rage. Olia’s early entrance into the realm of desire resulted in her untimely death, but her life did not flare up and burn out without a trace. In the final scene one of Olia’s former teachers, who has become enchanted with the story of her tragic love, visits Olia’s grave; her dreams will keep Olia’s memory alive. In this story Bunin shows both the ecstatic and devastating effects of passion on the human soul. The conclusion suggests that the memory of such passion may endure long after the physical sensation has faded.
By this point in his career Bunin was regarded as one of the most distinguished writers of his generation; he was particularly hailed as an heir to the classical traditions of Russian literature. Russian art and literature were experiencing the throes of modernist experimentation in the 1910s, and Bunin took an active part in the debate over the proper models for writers and artists to follow. In a speech delivered during an anniversary celebration for the newspaper Russkie vedomosti (Russian Gazette) in October 1913 he declared that contemporary literature had departed from the standards set by Pushkin, Turgenev, and Tolstoy and was mired in vulgarity and falsehood. He perceived this development as emblematic of a general decline in the moral and spiritual values of society. The outbreak of World War I in August of the following year reinforced his dark view of societal trends. On 28 September 1914 he declared in the newspaper Russkoe slovo (Russian Word) that the violent acts carried out by the Germans served as a grim reminder that “the ancient beast is alive and strong in man.” The dangerous assertion of the ego that Bunin evoked in “Brat’ia” seemed to him to have gained sway throughout Europe.
The fiction Bunin wrote at this time reflected his dismay over the current state of affairs. Especially disturbing is “Petlistye ushi” (1916; translated as “Noosiform Ears,” 1983). The protagonist, Sokolovich, delivers a cynical tirade in a St. Petersburg tavern in which he argues that the lust for violence is more pronounced in modern times than in the age of Cain and Abel. He then goes out, picks up a prostitute, murders her in a hotel room, and coolly leaves the body to be discovered by the hotel staff. Bunin inserts several allusions to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Prestuplenie i nakazanie (1867; translated as Crime and Punishment, 1886), and the contrast that emerges between the two works is telling. The sensitive, self-doubting murderer of Dostoevsky’s novel has been replaced by a cold-blooded, remorseless killer; and whereas a prostitute plays a redemptive role in Dostoevsky’s murderer’s life, in Bunin’s tale the prostitute is not the killer’s savior but his victim. Bunin seems to be saying that Dostoevsky’s idealistic view of humanity’s potential for redemption can be seen to be childishly naive at a time when the “ancient beast in man” has been unleashed.
Less horrifying, but perhaps even more effective in its indictment of modern egotism, is “Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko” (1916; translated as “The Gentleman from San Francisco,” 1921), one of Bunin’s best-known stories. An American businessman sets off with his family on a grand tour of Europe to reward himself for his years of relentless accumulation of wealth; the journey ends abruptly when he dies of a heart attack on the island of Capri. His riches are of no use to him now: his family is treated disrespectfully by the staff of the hotel in which he died, and since no coffin is available, his corpse is carted off in a crate that is normally used to transport bottled water. The ship that carries the gentleman’s body back across the sea is the same one that had brought him to Europe with such great expectations. While the rich passengers stuff themselves at lavish dinners and dance the nights away in glittery ballrooms, many decks below them lies a makeshift coffin with its lifeless contents—a striking emblem of the ultimate fate of this vain and thoughtless world.
In February (New Style, March) 1917 a revolution resulted in the collapse of the Romanov dynasty. Bunin and Muromtseva spent the summer of 1917 with his relatives, the Pusheshnikovs, in the village of Glotovo, where they constantly worried that the peasants might come and burn the house down. They were in Moscow when the October (New Style, November) revolution brought the Bolsheviks to power. In May 1918 they went via Kiev to Odessa, where they stayed for nearly two years. In Moscow and Odessa, Bunin kept a journal that he published in 1936 as Okaiannye dni (translated as Cursed Days: A Diary of Revolution, 1998). The journal records scenes he witnessed, rumors and conversations he overheard, excerpts from newspapers and speeches, and his own impressions of events and conveys the sense of chaos and turmoil that Russia experienced during the revolutions and civil war. Bunin again castigates the debasement of cultural values that he finds in literature and the press. Labeling some contemporary writing “indecent trash,“he says:”But almost all of Russia, almost all of Russian life, almost the entire Russian world is becoming this ‘trash.’”
In January 1920 Bunin and Muromtseva were on one of the last boats to leave Odessa for Constantinople before the Red Army seized the city. From Constantinople they traveled through the Balkans to France. In 1922 Bunin finalized his divorce from his first wife and married Muromtseva. For most of the year the Bunins lived in a villa in the south of France, near Grasse, but they often spent the winter in Paris. They had many guests at the villa, including a young writer, Galina Kuznetsova, who lived with them for several years and engaged in a serious love affair with Bunin.
After a few years of writing sketches, Bunin began producing longer works of high quality in which he often returned to a favorite subject: the lure of passion, with its capacity to bring both ecstasy and pain. At one end of the spectrum in terms of length, Mitina liubov’ (1925; translated as Mitya’s Love, 1926) is a portrait of a young man’s shattering discovery of the disparity between his idealized image of romantic love and the irresistible call of base sexual desire. At the other end, the brief “Solnechnyi udar” (1926; translated as “Sunstroke,” 1934) is a masterpiece of concision and expressive vitality. Recalling Chekhov’s “Dama s sobachkoi” (1899, Lady with a Lapdog) in showing how a casual affair can have lasting effects, “Solnechnyi udar” features a protagonist who light-heartedly spends the night with a woman he met on a riverboat; after she leaves he discovers that he desperately loves her but does not know her name. Bunin’s descriptions of physical sensation and atmosphere provide a moving accompaniment to the emotional vicissitudes of the main character.
Another work written at this time sets the subject of desire in a more philosophical framework. In “Delo korneta Elagina” (1925; translated as “The Elaghin Affair,” 1935) Aleksandr Elagin, a young military officer, is on trial for shooting Mariia Sosnovskaia, with whom he had been having an affair. Elagin testifies that Sosnovskaia wanted him to kill her, as well as himself, and her motivation becomes the focus of the story. She had many lovers and indulged in theatrical displays of emotion but seemed perpetually dissatisfied with her life. Some notes she made and her interest in the pessimistic writings of the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer indicate that she was seeking an escape from everyday life. Sosnovskaia’s struggle reflects the dichotomy Bunin had identified in the mid 1910s between the impulse to assert one’s ego by pursuing one’s desires and a recognition of the futility of such striving.
In the same year in which Bunin created the enigmatic figure of Mariia Sosnovskaia he summarized his understanding of the fundamental bifurcation in human impulse in a philosophical sketch originally titled “Tsikady” (1925; translated as “Cicadas,” 1935) and retitled “Noch”’ (1925; translated as “Night,” 1983). The narrator declares that he is one of a select group of artists and poets who have the capacity to feel not only their own time and place but also past times and other lands; such people have a heightened receptivity to life and are eager to enjoy all of its diverse richness, but their sensitivity makes them realize that all life ends in death and that immersion in its pleasures ultimately proves vain. The narrator identifies Solomon, Buddha, and Tolstoy as prime representatives of this group. He proclaims: “All the Solomons and Buddhas at first embrace the world with avidity; then, with great passion they curse its temptations”; they feel a dual torment, “the torment of withdrawal from the Chain, separation from it ... and the torment of an intensified, terrible fascination with it.” (Bunin expanded on this concept in relation to Tolstoy in Osvobozhdenie Tolstogo.) The narrator speaks for Bunin when he declares that while he too realizes the vanity of earthly striving, he feels that the time to turn his back on life has not yet come; the call of the world’s beauty is stronger than all his philosophizing.
Another comment by the narrator hints at one of the driving forces behind Bunin’s art. He says that the crown of every human life is the memory of that life, and he reveals his dream of leaving in the world “myself, my feelings, visions, and desires until the end of time.” The vehicle by which this goal may be attained is art, and it appears that Bunin regarded his fiction and poetry as the path to whatever earthly immortality he might hope to attain. This impulse to fashion a permanent record of his feelings and visions perhaps fueled the major project he undertook in the late 1920s, a fictional autobiography comprising Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Istoki dnei (1930; translated as The Well of Days, 1933) and Zhizn’ Arsen’eva: Iunost’.
In Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva Bunin depicts the evolution of an artistic soul. Drawing on events from his life, he traces the development of Aleksei Arsen’ev from impressionable child to young writer brimming over with the desire to observe and record the pageant of life. Throughout the novel he offers a dual perspective on events: the immediate sensations experienced by the hero at the time of their occurrence and the retrospective evaluation of those sensations by the mature Arsen’ev. The novel includes several of Bunin’s most cherished themes: the youth’s abiding sense of curiosity and wonder about the world, consciousness of the mystery of death, and eagerness to embrace the joys of this world, fleeting though they be. Death and passion are consistently juxtaposed, and one senses the writer’s aspiration to transcend the constraints of individual mortality through union with another person, communion with nature, and ultimately through the creation of art. Although one of the last events in the novel is the death of Arsen’ev’s first serious love, Lika (modeled both on Pashchenko and on Tsakni), the narrative ends with an evocation of Lika’s reappearance in a dream. As long as the mind of the creative artist is capable of inspiration, survival after death remains possible.
The high quality of Bunin’s literary output spurred efforts to promote him for the Nobel Prize in Literature during the 1920s, either on his own, or as part of a joint candidacy with other writers. These efforts began in earnest in 1922, when the Russian émigré literary community rallied around the idea that the Nobel Prize should go to a Russian emigre writer. Bunin’s fellow emigre writer Mark Aldanov lobbied other literary luminaries such as Romain Rolland to support Bunin’s candidacy. Rolland appeared willing to support Bunin, but he indicated that he believed that a joint candidacy of Bunin and Gor’ky would have a higher chance of success. Aldanov himself thought that a trio of candidates—Bunin, Dmitrii Merezhkovsky, and Kuprin—would make a better combination. Despite these early efforts and hopes, however, the Nobel Prize went to William Butler Yeats in 1923.
Over the course of the next decade, Aldanov and others made a renewed effort to promote Bunin’s candidacy for the Nobel Prize. In 1930 Aldanov tried to enlist the support of Thomas Mann, but although the latter expressed admiration for Bunin’s work, he held to the position that he would be bound to support a German candidate if one were put forth in competition with Bunin. Aldanov had high hopes for Bunin’s success in 1932, but the prize went to John Galsworthy that year. Finally, on 9 November 1933, Bunin’s cherished dream was realized: he became the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature.
Bunin was of course overjoyed, but his way of life did not change significantly as a consequence of the award. After making a triumphal visit to the capitals of the Russian emigration—Berlin and Paris—he returned to his home in Grasse. For a brief period, foreign publishers showed an interest in his work, and new collections of his prose fiction in English appeared in the mid 1930s. This period of literary and financial success proved fleeting, however. After receiving the prize, Bunin was besieged with letters pleading for financial assistance, and he responded with as much generosity as he could. A series of financial missteps further eroded his savings, and thus, by the late 1930s, the relative comfort he had experienced earlier in the decade had dissipated.
With the outbreak of World War II, Bunin’s fortunes took a serious turn. Stranded in their home near Grasse, the Bunins faced shortages of food and fuel, and Bunin was unable to write. By 1944 the tide of war had begun to turn, and Bunin went back to work on a project he had begun in the late 1930s: Temnye allei (translated as Dark Avenues and Other Stories, 1949), a collection of stories that first appeared in 1943 and in an enlarged version in 1946. Almost all of the stories deal with love and passion and follow a simple pattern: unexpectedly arriving in a person’s life, passion flares up; reaches an ecstatic, incandescent peak; and then is snuffed out by a change of heart, violence, or death. The protagonists range from inexperienced adolescents to middle-aged couples finding love for the last time. Although some in the emigre community chided Bunin for the frankness of his depictions of sensuality, the works testify to his undying belief that moments of ecstatic union with another person can afford one a peak experience in an otherwise difficult or undistinguished life.
Although Bunin continued to write—revising old material, preparing new short prose pieces, and working on a book about his friendship with Chekhov that was published posthumously as 0 Chekhove: Nezakonchennaia rukopis’ (1955, About Chekhov: An Unfinished Manuscript)—his health was failing, and he was in woeful financial straits. He died in his Paris apartment on 8 November 1953.
In an early note for Zhizn’ Arsen ’eva, Ivan Bunin wrote: “Life, perhaps, is given only for competition with death; man even struggles with it from the grave: it takes his name from him, but he writes it on a cross, on a stone; it seeks to cover with darkness all that he has experienced, while he strives to animate that experience in the word.” Densely lyrical in structure and imbued with a striking intensity of feeling, the carefully crafted works that Bunin produced during his sixty years of literary creativity provide ample testimony to his own aspiration to resist the annihilating effects of time and death.
Biographies
Vera Muromtseva-Bunina, Zhizn’ Bunina 1870-1906: Besedy s pamiat’iu (Paris, 1958);
Aleksandr Baboreko, I. A. Bunin: Materialy dlia biografii (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1967);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, Ivan Bunin: Russian Requiem, 1885-1920. A Portrait from. Letters, Diaries, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1993);
Marullo, Ivan Bunin: From the Other Shore, 1920-1933: A Portrait from Letters, Diars, and Fiction (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1995);
Mikhail Roshchin, Ivan Bunin (Moscow: Molodaia gvar diia, 2000).
References
Vladislav Afanas’ev, I. A. Bunin: Ocherk tvorchestva (Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1996);
D. K. Burlaka, ed., I. A. Bunin: Pro et contra (St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo Russkogo Khristianskogo gumanitar-nogo instituta, 2001);
Julian W Connolly, The Works of Ivan Bunin (Boston: Twayne, 1982);
Militsa Grin, ed., Ustami Buninykh, 3 volumes (Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1977-1982);
Serge Kryzytski, “The Works of Ivan Bunin (The Hague: Mouton, 1971);
Iurii Mal’tsev, Ivan Bunin: 1870-1953 (Moscow & Frankfurt am Main: Posev, 1994);
Thomas Gaiton Marullo, If you See the Buddha: Studies in the Fiction of Ivan Bunin (Evanston, HI.: Northwestern University Press, 1998);
O. N. Mikhailov, I. A. Bunin: Zhizn’i tvorchestvo (Tula: Priok-skoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1987);
Valerii Nefedov, Chudesnyi prizrak: Bunin-khudozhnik (Minsk: Polymia, 1990);
Renato Poggioli, “The Art of Ivan Bunin,” Harvard Slavic Studies,l (1953): 249-277;
Thomas Winner,”Some Remarks about the Style of Bunin’s Early Prose,” in American Contributions to the Sixth International Congress of Slavists, volume 2: Literary Contributions, edited by W E. Harkins (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), pp. 369-381;
James Woodward, Ivan Bunin: A Study of His Fiction (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980);
Alexander F. Zweers, The Narratology of the Autobiography: An Analysis of the Literary Devices Employed in Ivan Bunin’s”The Life of Arsen’ev” (New York: Peter Lang, 1997).
Papers
Collections of Ivan Bunin’s papers are in the Rossiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv literatury i iskusstva, Moscow; the Gosudarstvennyi muzei I. S. Turgeneva, Orel; the Institut mirovoi literatury, Moscow; the Rossiskaia gosudarstvennaia biblioteka, Moscow; and the Russian Archive of the Leeds University Library.
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https://daveastoronliterature.com/2018/10/21/small-town-novels-can-pay-big-literary-dividends/
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Small-Town Novels Can Pay Big Literary Dividends
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[
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[
"Dave Astor"
] |
2018-10-21T00:00:00
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I've spent my whole life living in the city or medium-sized suburbs, so it's an interesting change of pace for me to occasionally visit small towns -- and to more-than-occasionally read novels set in small towns. We're all aware of the pros and cons of not-big burgs. Many residents know each other, there can be…
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/476327678bd0ff3cbc3e03c10623e97f62de11f61af0fc2ff0abe838f84ba236?s=32
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Dave Astor on Literature
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https://daveastoronliterature.com/2018/10/21/small-town-novels-can-pay-big-literary-dividends/
|
I’ve spent my whole life living in the city or medium-sized suburbs, so it’s an interesting change of pace for me to occasionally visit small towns — and to more-than-occasionally read novels set in small towns.
We’re all aware of the pros and cons of not-big burgs. Many residents know each other, there can be lots of friendliness, life is calmer, the streetscape and landscape are often pretty, etc. But small-town residents can know TOO much about each other, be mostly homogeneous in race and ethnicity, be narrow-minded in a number of cases, get very bored, etc. And then there’s the possibility of a family having three (or even four) generations in the same community — which can be good or bad.
Still, people who don’t live in a small town might find reading about one fascinating and almost exotic.
I’ve nearly finished a small-town-set novel: Empire Falls, the masterful Pulitzer Prize-winning gem by Richard Russo. Empire Falls, Maine, is going downhill economically, and 42-year-old protagonist Miles Roby isn’t doing so well, either. The diner he operates barely breaks even (at best), his wife Janine divorces him after falling in lust with an obnoxious guy who frequents the diner, Miles’ eccentric father is a total embarrassment, and the rich widow who basically owns the town basically owns Roby, too. Yet there are some wonderful human interactions (such as between Miles and his bright teen daughter Tick) and other positive elements of living in a small town.
That’s certainly the case in Jennifer Ryan’s heartwarming The Chilbury Ladies’ Choir, in which many women join together to form a song group while local men are away fighting in World War II. But the novel, set in an English village, is not always sentimental as some devastating deaths occur and some not-nice characters act…not nicely.
Another World War II novel set in a small community is The Moon Is Down — an absorbing, lesser-known John Steinbeck work about a Nazi-occupied town (in Norway?) whose brave residents resist the Germans.
In Zora Neale Hurston’s classic novel Their Eyes Were Watching God, protagonist Janie Crawford’s unhappy second marriage places her in the small town of Eatonville, Fla. Her nasty/sexist husband becomes mayor there, and also runs a general store with a front porch that becomes Eatonville’s center of social life — but he doesn’t allow Janie to be there. Yes, a small town can be a place that perniciously forces women into “traditional” gender roles.
Things are more idealized in W.P. Kinsella’s Magic Time, which focuses on Mike Houle as he plays for a semipro baseball team in Grand Mound, Iowa. Everything in the tiny burg seems too good to be true — is it paradise, or a gilded cage?
Then there are various Sinclair Lewis novels — such as Main Street — set in small-town America. Those memorable Lewis books tend to satirize those communities for being conservative, resistant to change, and so on, yet some affection for the life there shines through.
Fannie Flagg, whose excellent novels are nearly always set in small towns, depicts those places in mostly positive ways — while not ignoring their downsides. One of her most moving and enjoyable books is A Redbird Christmas, in which the middle-aged Oswald Campbell is ill and miserable in snowy Chicago before finding health, happiness, and love after moving to a diminutive Alabama community.
Of course, many novels feature the opposite migration — from small town to big city as the protagonists search for money, diversity, excitement, a more creative life, and so on. One example is Denise Baudu’s move to Paris in Emile Zola’s compelling Au Bonheur des Dames.
Getting back to Alabama, one of literature’s most famous small-town novels is Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird. The fictional Maycomb (said to be partly based on the real-life Monroeville) is not big, but it has all kinds of things going on — including neighborliness, racism, and kids being kids but also growing up too soon as they see life’s realities. And the characters range from ethical to eccentric to awful. Which proves the obvious point that no matter how small or large a place is, there are all kinds of recognizable people and emotions a novelist can depict.
What are your favorite novels set in small towns?
My 2017 literary-trivia book is described and can be purchased here: Fascinating Facts About Famous Fiction Authors and the Greatest Novels of All Time.
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1
| 89
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https://www.grafiati.com/en/literature-selections/bunin/journal/
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en
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Journal articles: 'Bunin' – Grafiati
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"Grafiati"
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2021-06-04T00:00:00
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List of journal articles on the topic 'Bunin'. Scholarly publications with full text pdf download. Related research topic ideas.
|
en
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/static/img/favicon.dc3ea5864b9c.ico
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https://www.grafiati.com/en/literature-selections/bunin/journal/
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Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Bunin.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
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https://capitalizemytitle.com/14-famous-russian-authors/
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en
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14 Famous Russian Authors
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2023-03-28T21:07:23+00:00
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From Tolstoy to Akhmatova, these famous Russian authors are renowned for their groundbreaking literary works. Find out more.
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Capitalize My Title
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https://capitalizemytitle.com/14-famous-russian-authors/
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Throughout history, Russian literature has produced some famous Russian authors that have risen to fame for their contributions to the field. Here are some of the best russian authors and their famous novels.
Leo Tolstoy
Leo Tolstoy, one of the greatest famous Russian authors of all time, was a complex and enigmatic figure. He was born in Russia in 1828 into an aristocratic family but became disillusioned with his privileged upbringing later in life. He married Sophia Behrs, and together they had thirteen children. Tolstoy was known for his spiritual and philosophical beliefs, which often conflicted with his social status.
Tolstoy’s must-read book, Anna Karenina, explores the complexities of love, marriage, and social conventions in 19th-century Russia. It follows the titular character, Anna Karenina, as she embarks on a passionate affair with Count Vronsky while struggling to maintain her position in high society and her loveless marriage to Karenin.
Alexander Pushkin
Alexander Pushkin is one of the greatest poets and writers in Russia. Born in 1799 in Moscow, Pushkin was a descendant of Russian nobility and grew up in a cultured and privileged environment.
His must-read book Eugene Onegin follows the life of a bored aristocrat who rejects the advances of a young woman named Tatyana. The novel explores themes of love, identity, and social conventions and is renowned for its witty and satirical tone.
Fyodor Dostoyevsky
Fyodor Dostoyevsky was a renowned Russian writer born in 1821, whose tumultuous personal life and profound insights into human nature continue to captivate readers worldwide.
Dostoyevsky was a political activist. He was sentenced to death but was eventually granted a reprieve, and this experience shaped his writing and worldview.
Crime and Punishment is one of his must-read books. It follows the story of a young man named Raskolnikov who commits a murder and must come to terms with his actions’ psychological and moral consequences.
Nikolai Gogol
Ukraian-born Russian writer Nikolai Gogol is one of the most prominent figures in Russian literature. He was known for his satirical and fantastical writing style, which explored the absurdities of Russian society and its people.
His most popular must-read book is Dead Souls, a novel that satirizes the corrupt bureaucracy and social hierarchy of 19th-century Russia. It follows the story of a man named Chichikov who travels around buying the “dead souls” (serfs who have died but are still listed as alive) of wealthy landowners to improve his social status.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Russian novelist and historian Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn is also one of the most famous Russian authors of the 20th century. He won the 1970 Nobel Prize in Literature for his fearless exploration of the human condition and his critical examination of Soviet totalitarianism.
Solzhenitsyn’s most famous work, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, depicts a typical day in the life of a prisoner in a Soviet forced-labor camp. The story follows Ivan Denisovich Shukhov, a political prisoner, as he struggles to survive the harsh and dehumanizing conditions of the camp.
Ivan Turgenev
Ivan Turgenev was a Russian novelist, playwright, and short story writer regarded as one of the greatest famous Russian writers of the 19th century. He pioneered the realistic novel and is best known for his sensitive portrayal of the lives and struggles of ordinary people.
His must-read book Fathers and Sons explore the generational conflict between traditional and progressive ideas in mid-19th century Russia. The novel is notable for its vivid characterization, incisive social commentary, and nuanced exploration of the tensions between personal freedom and social obligation.
Vladimir Nabokov
Nabokov’s literary achievements earned him numerous awards and accolades, including the National Book Award and a Nobel Prize in Literature nomination.
His must-read book is Lolita which explores the relationship between a middle-aged man and a young girl. Despite its subject matter, the book is celebrated for its prose style and its exploration of the nature of desire.
Anton Chekhov
Russian playwright and short story author Anton Chekhov is one of the most famous Russian authors. Despite his success as a writer, Chekhov remained humble and devoted himself to his work as a physician, even treating patients during the Russian cholera epidemic of 1892.
His play The Cherry Orchard is considered one of his greatest works, renowned for its tragicomedy and sharp social commentary. The play explores the decline of the Russian aristocracy and the rise of the middle class, as well as the themes of loss, change, and the passing of time.
Another must-read by Chekhov is Uncle Vanya.
Mikhail Bulgakov
Mikhail Bulgakov was a Russian writer and playwright known for his satirical and fantastical works. Born in Kyiv in 1891, Bulgakov studied medicine and worked as a doctor before writing full-time.
His masterpiece, The Master and Margarita, is a surreal and fantastical novel that blends satire, comedy, and tragedy. It follows the story of a writer who creates a fictional character that comes to life and wreaks havoc on Moscow.
Along the way, the novel explores themes of love, faith, power, and the struggle for artistic freedom under a repressive regime.
Despite his success as a writer, Bulgakov faced censorship and persecution from the Soviet government and was unable to see many of his works published during his lifetime.
Mikhail Lermontov
Mikhail Lermontov was a Russian poet and writer who lived in the 19th century. Born into a noble family, he was orphaned at a young age and grew up under the care of his grandmother.
Lermontov’s most famous work, A Hero of Our Time, tells the story of a cynical and disillusioned young officer named Pechorin, who wanders through the Caucasus searching for adventure and meaning.
Maxim Gorky
Russian writer Maxim Gorky received the Order of Lenin for his contributions to Soviet literature. His must-read book, The Mother, tells the story of a young woman named Pelageya Nilovna, who became involved in the revolutionary movement in Russia at the turn of the 20th century.
Boris Pasternak
Boris Pasternak was a Russian poet, novelist, and literary translator who lived from 1890 to 1960. He was born into an artistic and intellectual family and became known for his work as a writer during the early 20th century.
His must-read novel Doctor Zhivago was published in 1957. It tells the story of a young doctor involved in the tumultuous events of the Russian Revolution. The book was initially banned in the Soviet Union due to its critical portrayal of the Communist regime. Still, it eventually became popular and won Pasternak the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1958.
Anna Akhmatova
Anna Akhmatova was a prominent Russian poet born in 1889. She is known for her unique style of poetry that blends traditional Russian poetic techniques with modernist styles.
Her most notable work is the collection of poems titled Requiem. She wrote it during the Stalinist purges. The poems are deeply personal, reflecting the author’s own experiences during that period, as well as the experiences of those around her.
Despite being banned by the Soviet government, Requiem became a symbol of resistance against oppression and censorship and solidified Akhmatova’s place in the canon of Russian literature.
Ivan Bunin
Ivan Bunin was the first Russian author to win the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1933. Born in 1870 in Voronezh, Bunin spent much of his life in exile due to his opposition to the Soviet government.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/arts/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/bunin-ivan-alexeyevich
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Bunin, Ivan (Alexeyevich)
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BUNIN, Ivan (Alexeyevich)Nationality: Russian (expatriate, moved to France in 1919). Born: Voronezh, 22 October (10 October in some sources) 1870; descendent of Russian poets Anna Bunina and Vasili Zhukovski. Education: Four years of formal education; private instruction by family and others. Family: Five-year romance with Varvara Pashchenko, 1889-94. Source for information on Bunin, Ivan (Alexeyevich): Reference Guide to Short Fiction dictionary.
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/sites/default/files/favicon.ico
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/arts/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/bunin-ivan-alexeyevich
|
Nationality: Russian (expatriate, moved to France in 1919). Born: Voronezh, 22 October (10 October in some sources) 1870; descendent of Russian poets Anna Bunina and Vasili Zhukovski. Education: Four years of formal education; private instruction by family and others. Family: Five-year romance with Varvara Pashchenko, 1889-94. Career: Editor, Orlovskii vestnik, 1889-92; traveled extensively throughout Europe and the Middle East. Awards: Pushkin prize, 1901, for Listopad; Pushkin prize, 1909; Honorary Academician in the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1909; Nobel prize, 1933. Died: 8 November 1953.
Publications
Collections
Sobraniye sochineniy (nine volumes; short stories, novels, memoirs, and poetry). 1965-67.
Short Stories
Na krai sveta. 1897.
Sukhodol. 1912.
Ioann Rydalets (short stories and poetry). 1913.
Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko. 1916; as The Gentleman from San Francisco and Other Stories, 1922.
Sny Changa. 1916; as The Dreams of Chang, and Other Stories, 1923.
Roza Iyerikhona (short stories and poetry). 1924.
Solnechnyy udar. 1927.
Grammatika lyubvi. 1929; as Grammar of Love and Other Stories, 1934.
The Elaghin Affair, and Other Stories. 1935.
Tymnye allei. 1943; as Dark Avenues, and Other Stories, 1949.
Novels
Derevnya. 1910.
Mitina lyubov'. 1925; as Mitya's Love, 1926.
Zhizn' Arsen'eva. 1930; as The Well of Days, 1933.
Poetry
Stikhotvoreniya. 1891.
Listopad. 1901.
Other
Vospominaniya (memoirs). 1950.
Memoirs and Portraits (memoirs). 1951.
*
Critical Studies:
"Bunin: Eclectic of the Future" by Nikander Strelsky, in The South Atlantic Quarterly, July 1936, pp. 273-83; An Intensive Reading of Ivan Bunin's "The Gentleman from San Francisco" by Edward J. Huth, 1942; Conclusive Evidence: A Memoir (chapter XIV) by Vladimir Nabokov, 1951; "Ivan Bunin: 1870-1953" by Jacques Croisé, in The Russian Review, April 1954, pp. 146-51; "Ivan Bunin in Retrospect" by Andrew Colin, in The Slavonic and Eastern European Review, December 1955, pp. 156-73; "The Fulfilment of Ivan Bunin" by C.H. Bedford, in Canadian Slavonic Papers, 1956, pp. 31-44; The Works of Ivan Bunin by Serge Kryzytski, 1971; Ivan Bunin: A Study of His Fiction by James B. Woodward, 1980.
* * *
Apart from the Proustian novel Zhizn' Arsen'eva (The Life of Arsen'ev; 1930) and a handful of masterly Novellen, Ivan Bunin confined his prose writing to the short story (in Russian, rasskaz) . His best-known story, "The Gentleman from San Francisco" ("Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko"; 1915), with its strong allegorical content and foreign setting, is actually atypical of the bulk of his work, which is set in the Russia he grew up in and which, after his emigration in 1920, he recalled and re-created with astonishing accuracy.
Bunin's first published work, a poem, dates from 1887, his first published short story, "Derevenskii eskiz" (Country Sketch) from 1891, and his earliest important story, "Kastriuk" from 1892. His short stories can be assigned to three periods. Like many of Bunin's early stories, which were published in his first collection, Na krai sveta (To the Edge of the World; 1897), "Kastriuk" deals with peasant life and shows a marked influence both of Lev Tolstoi, whom Bunin met in 1894, and Gleb Uspenskii. Bunin's travels abroad, to Constantinople in 1903 and to the Middle East in 1907, influenced the second group, which includes stories set outside Russia. Among them is "Sny Changa" (The Dreams of Chang; 1916), the action of which, like Chekhov's "Kachka" and Tolstoi's "Kholstomer," is seen through the eyes of an animal, in this case a dog. During this period Bunin also wrote a series he called Putevye poemy (Travel Poems; 1907-11). The third group belongs to Bunin's 33-year period of exile and includes the 38 stories that make up his last collection, Dark Avenues (Temnye allei; 1943).
Some themes, however, are present in Bunin's work of all periods, and three in particular predominate: death, memory, and sexual love. The theme of death preoccupied Bunin from an early date, possibly because of the death of his younger sister and, later, of his only son in 1905. In 1921 he wrote, "The constant consciousness or sensation of this horror has persecuted me since infancy; under this fateful mark I have lived my entire life." There are numerous examples of Bunin's obsession with death, none more striking than "Ogn' pozhiraiushchii" (Consuming Fire; 1923), which deals with the death and cremation of a beautiful young woman in Paris. The narrator, as so often in Bunin's stories, muses on the transience of life, but the story acquires a special resonance for Russian readers because of the hostility of the Russian Orthodox Church toward cremation. Stories dealing with the power of human passion are also a recurring feature of Bunin's work, from "Osen'iu" (In Autumn; 1901) and "Zaria vsiu noch"' (Sunset throughout the Night; 1902), through "Legkoe dykhanie" (Light Breathing; 1916) and "Solnechnyi udar" (Sunstroke; 1925), to his last collection, Dark Avenues. The theme of memory, Bunin's treatment of which has affinities with both Proust and Nabokov, is the outstanding feature of "Antonovskie iabloki" (Antonov Apples; 1900), the opening words of which are " Vspominaetsia mne" (I recall) and the opening paragraph of which contains three instances of the verb " pomniu " (I remember).
A story that combines all three major themes is "Grammatika liubvi" (The Primer of Love; 1915). The narrator visits the estate of a local landowner who had fallen in love with his servant girl and who, after her unexpected death, had for the remaining 20 and more years of his life barely ventured out of the house. The narrator discovers the eponymous book that, as he reads it, brings the spirit of the long dead lovers to life. The story is as much about the dead lovers as it is about the narrator. Most of all it is about Bunin himself, who, writing in 1928, said, "A real artist always speaks primarily about his own heart." For Bunin, however brief the encounter between man and woman, the consequences of love are always profound, long-lasting, even destructive.
The tone of "The Primer of Love" is calm, melancholic, wistful, lyrical, and elegiac, redolent of what the narrator calls "the poetry of life" (poeziia zhizni). Like all of Bunin's mature prose, the story lacks the moral earnestness that characterizes so much Russian literature. Stylistically, however, the story is an excellent example of Bunin's art. Contemporaries viewed him as an inheritor of the classical tradition of Russian literature, as a conservative who rejected modernism. His stories are, indeed, full of allusions to writers, from Tiutchev to Griboedov in the nineteenth century to Briusov in the twentieth. In fact, however, there is much that is innovative in Bunin's style, not least his refusal to recognize any real distinction between the language of poetry and the language of prose. He argued that "poetic language should approach the simplicity and naturalness of conversational speech, while prose style should assimilate the musicality and pliancy of verse."
Of Bunin's later work, the best is to be found in the collection Dark Avenues. Bunin himself described it as "the best and most original thing that I have written in my life," singling out "The First Monday in Lent" ("Chistyi ponedel'nik") for special mention. The eroticism of stories such as "Vizitnye kartochki" (Visiting Cards; 1940), "Zoika i Valeriia" (Zoika and Valeria; 1940), and "V Parizhe" (In Paris; 1940) is delicately explicit and seems well ahead of its time.
The three major themes in Bunin's work are echoed in the recurrent minor themes. These include the disintegration of the old Russia, perhaps best exemplified in "Zolotoe dno" (The Gold Mine; 1903), and beyond that, in the travel poems, for instance, the fate of civilizations generally and, in stories such as "Epitafiia" (An Epitaph; 1900), the search for enduring values that Bunin's protagonists find in human love and the eternal beauty of nature. Some of Bunin's descriptions of rural Russia are among the finest in the language, and they are to be found in stories written 50 years apart, such as "Na krai sveta" (To the Edge of the World; 1894) and "Chasovnia" (The Chapel; 1944).
Bunin is a transitional figure between the nineteenth-century Russian classics he admired, notably Turgenev, Tolstoi, and Chekhov, and modern Russian exponents of the short story such as Iurii Kazakov. Despite winning the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1933, Bunin was regarded as a nonperson by the Soviet literary bureaucracy, and little of his work was published inside the Soviet Union. Today, however, he is widely published and is among the most revered of all Russian writers.
—Michael Pursglove
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ivan-Bunin
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Ivan Bunin | Biography & Books
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"Ivan Bunin",
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[
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1999-01-14T00:00:00+00:00
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Ivan Bunin, poet and novelist, the first Russian to receive the Nobel Prize for literature (1933), and one of the finest of Russian stylists.
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ivan-Bunin
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Ivan Bunin (born October 10 [October 22, New Style], 1870, Voronezh, Russia—died November 8, 1953, Paris, France) was a poet and novelist, the first Russian to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature (1933), and one of the finest of Russian stylists.
Bunin, the descendant of an old noble family, spent his childhood and youth in the Russian provinces. He attended secondary school in Yelets, in western Russia, but did not graduate; his older brother subsequently tutored him. Bunin began publishing poems and short stories in 1887, and in 1889–92 he worked for the newspaper Orlovsky Vestnik (“The Orlovsky Herald”). His first book, Stikhotvoreniya: 1887–1891 (“Poetry: 1887–1891”), appeared in 1891 as a supplement to that newspaper. In the mid-1890s he was strongly drawn to the ideas of the novelist Leo Tolstoy, whom he met in person. During this period Bunin gradually entered the Moscow and St. Petersburg literary scenes, including the growing Symbolist movement. Bunin’s Listopad (1901; “Falling Leaves”), a book of poetry, testifies to his association with the Symbolists, primarily Valery Bryusov. However, Bunin’s work had more in common with the traditions of classical Russian literature of the 19th century, of which his older contemporaries Tolstoy and Anton Chekhov were models.
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By the beginning of the 20th century, Bunin had become one of Russia’s most popular writers. His sketches and stories Antonovskiye yabloki (1900; “Antonov Apples”), Grammatika lyubvi (1929; “Grammar of Love”), Lyogkoye dykhaniye (1922; “Light Breathing”), Sny Changa (1916; “The Dreams of Chang”), Sukhodol (1912; “Dry Valley”), Derevnya (1910; “The Village”), and Gospodin iz San-Frantsisko (1916; “The Gentleman from San Francisco”) show Bunin’s penchant for extreme precision of language, delicate description of nature, detailed psychological analysis, and masterly control of plot. While his democratic views gave rise to criticism in Russia, they did not turn him into a politically engaged writer. Bunin also believed that change was inevitable in Russian life. His urge to keep his independence is evident in his break with the writer Maxim Gorky and other old friends after the Russian Revolution of 1917, which he perceived as the triumph of the basest side of the Russian people.
Bunin’s articles and diaries of 1917–20 are a record of Russian life during its years of terror. In May 1918 he left Moscow and settled in Odessa (now in Ukraine), and at the beginning of 1920 he emigrated first to Constantinople (now Istanbul) and then to France, where he lived for the rest of his life. There he became one of the most famous Russian émigré writers. His stories, the novella Mitina lyubov (1925; Mitya’s Love), and the autobiographical novel Zhizn Arsenyeva (The Life of Arsenev)—which Bunin began writing during the 1920s and of which he published parts in the 1930s and 1950s—were recognized by critics and Russian readers abroad as testimony of the independence of Russian émigré culture.
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