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https://films.nationalgeographic.com/the-space-race
|
en
|
The Space Race
|
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THE SPACE RACE uncovers the little-known stories of the first Black pilots, engineers and scientists that became astronauts.
|
en
|
National Geographic Documentary Films
|
https://films.nationalgeographic.com/the-space-race
|
Award-winning director Lisa Cortés foments bold, explosive art that gives voice to the silenced and shunned. From helping launch the revolutionary artists Run DMC and the Beastie Boys to executive-producing the Academy Award®-winning film “Precious,” Cortés sparks cultural change through works of unrivaled excellence. “Little Richard: I Am Everything” (CNN Films), which she directed and produced, had its world premiere as the opening night selection in the U.S. documentary competition at the 2023 Sundance Film Festival, where it was acquired by Magnolia Films. Also premiering at Sundance was “Invisible Beauty,” the documentary about Black fashion industry pioneer Bethann Hardison, which she produced. In 2020, Cortés directed and produced “All In: The Fight For Democracy,” tracing the violent history of the voting rights struggle. Emmy®-winning HBO documentary “The Apollo” (2019), which Cortés produced, explores African American cultural and political history through the story of the legendary Apollo Theater. Cortés executive produced “Precious” (2009) which was nominated for six Academy Awards and won two. The film received the Sundance Audience Award and Grand Jury Prize for best drama. Her film productions have received over 80 international awards and nominations. Cortés launched her early career as a music executive at the iconic Def Jam label and Rush Artist Management; she was also vice president of Artist and Repertoire at Mercury Records and founded the Loose Cannon label. Cortés is a member of the producers’ branch of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. She serves on the boards of film at Lincoln Center, Independent Television Services (ITVS), the celebrated artists’ community in Saratoga Springs Yaddo, and the Trajal Harrell Dance Company, as well as the DGA Focus on Women Committee.
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza is a Los Angeles based Emmy-Award winning producer and DGA director whose thought-provoking work often explores complex contemporary subjects using a rich and vibrant cinematic visual language. Born in Madrid, Spain, to Basque and Swedish parents, his career started as an artist-in-residence at FABRICA, the Research Center on Communications of Benetton, in Treviso, Italy, where he worked with artists from all over the world and directed the documentaries "Branding Kosovo" - about the independence of Kosovo, and "Welcome to Beirut" - about the relationship between filmmaking and war in Lebanon and also worked for COLORS magazine. Since relocating to Los Angeles he has continued to work as a commercial director for brands like Ford, Honda, Wells Fargo or Netflix, and also created short documentaries like "The Flower Man", a portrait of an unhoused artist living in Skid Row, the neighborhood with the largest homeless population in the US. In 2016 he executive-produced and directed the documentary series "Arriba Cuba", for The International Olympic Committee, and later went on to write, produce and co-direct with Peter Berg the feature documentary "The People’s Fighters" (2018), also in Cuba, which premiered at the Havana International Film Festival and won first prize at the AIPS Awards (International Sports Press Association.) Between 2017 and 2022 he produced the global Olympic premium documentary series Five Rings Films, which included the films "The Iron Hammer" (China), "Rulon" (USA), "The Distance" (Japan), "A Brilliant Curling Story" (UK) and "The Redeem Team" (USA) for Netflix. "The Redeem Team" was executive produced by Frank Marshall, Dwayne Wade and Lebron James and nominated for a Critic’s Choice Award and two Emmys - winning the Outstanding Sports Emmy Award.
With a career spanning over 50 years and more than 80 films, Frank Marshall has helped shape American cinema, producing some of the most successful and enduring films of all time. Starting in 1967 as an assistant to Peter Bogdanovich on their first film, “Targets,” and then as location manager on “The Last Picture Show,” Marshall worked closely with Bogdanovich for years, eventually making 10 pictures together. By 1980, Marshall was working as a producer on “Raiders of the Lost Ark” with his future wife, Kathleen Kennedy, and Steven Spielberg. Shortly thereafter, the trio formed industry powerhouse Amblin Entertainment, and together produced movies such as “E.T.,” “Gremlins,” the “Back to the Future” trilogy, “Who Framed Roger Rabbit?,” “The Goonies,” “Empire of the Sun” and the “Indiana Jones” trilogy. In 1991, Marshall and Kennedy left Amblin to form their own production company, The Kennedy/Marshall Company, where, from 1991 to 2012, they produced over 25 films, including “The Sixth Sense,” “Signs,” “Seabiscuit,” “The Curious Case of Benjamin Button,” “War Horse,” “Lincoln,” all five films in the “Jason Bourne” series and the feature documentary “The Armstrong Lie.” In 2012, Marshall took over as sole principal of the company when partner Kathleen Kennedy became chairman of Lucasfilm. Since then, Marshall has broadened its slate beyond feature films to include television, documentaries and Broadway musicals. Those include the “Jurassic World” franchise and Orson Welles’ final film “The Other Side of The Wind” and the Emmy-nominated documentaries “Sinatra: All or Nothing at All,” “Laurel Canyon: A Place in Time” and “McCartney, 3,2,1.” Most recently, he produced the Tony®-winning musical “A Strange Loop” and the GRAMMY®-winning documentary “Jazz Fest: A New Orleans Story.” Along with five Academy Award nominations for Best Picture, including “Raiders of the Lost Ark,” “The Color Purple,” “The Sixth Sense,” “Seabiscuit” and “The Curious Case of Benjamin Button,” Marshall and Kennedy received the Irving G. Thalberg Award in 2018, awarded to “creative producers, whose bodies of work reflect a consistently high quality of motion picture production.” In addition to his prolific producing career, Marshall is also an accomplished director, having helmed “Arachnophobia,” “Eight Below,” “Alive,” “Congo” and the HBO documentary “The Bee Gees: How Can You Mend A Broken Heart,” which was nominated for six Emmys. In 2019, Marshall made his stage directorial debut at the Geffen Playhouse with “Invisible Tango,” starring master magician Helder Guimarães. During the pandemic in 2020, they continued their creative collaboration by creating two virtual shows, “The Present” and “The Future.” Marshall’s interests also extend beyond film. He is a board member of the LA Promise Fund, the UCLA School of Theatre, Film and Television and The Archer School for Girls. In 2008, he was inducted into the U.S. Olympic Hall of Fame for his service to the Olympic movement. Currently, he is producing “Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny,” which will be released in theaters on June 30, and “Good Night, Oscar,” which will open on Broadway at the Belasco Theater in April 2023.
Mark Monroe is an award-winning documentary writer, director and producer, and co-founder of Diamond Docs. An Emmy winner, two-time WGA Award winner and BAFTA nominee, his film credits include writing the Academy Award winners “The Cove” and “Icarus,” as well as the GRAMMY-winning “The Beatles: Eight Days a Week.” Recent collaborations include Peabody nominee “Lucy & Desi” with Amy Poehler, “Becoming Cousteau” with Liz Garbus, “The Bee Gees: How Can You Mend a Broken Heart” with Frank Marshall, “Pavarotti” with Ron Howard, “Before the Flood” with Leonardo DiCaprio, “The Dissident” with Bryan Fogel, “Watch the Sound” with Mark Ronson and Morgan Neville, and the animated music series “Tales From the Tour Bus” with Mike Judge. A journalism graduate from the University of Oklahoma, Mark began his career as a writer for CNN. He had at least one film premiere at the Sundance Film Festival for 12 years straight. His other theatrical credits include “Hell On Earth: The Fall of Syria and the Rise of ISIS (Tribeca 2017, National Geographic), “Under the Gun” (Sundance 2016, Epix), “Hooligan Sparrow” (Sundance 2016), “Racing Extinction” (Sundance 2015, Discovery), “Fed Up” (Sundance 2014), “Sonic Highways” (HBO 2014), “Drunk, Stoned, Brilliant, Dead: The Story of the National Lampoon” (Sundance 2014, Showtime), “Mission Blue” (Berlin 2014, Netflix), “The Summit” (Winner, Best Editing Sundance 2013), “Who Is Dayani Cristal?” (Winner, Best Cinematography, Sundance 2013), “Sound City” (Sundance 2013), “The Tillman Story,” “Chasing Ice” (Winner, Best Cinematography Sundance 2012), “Stolen Seas,” “Last Play at Shea,” “Once in a Lifetime: The Extraordinary Story of the New York Cosmos” (WGA nomination, Best Documentary Script, 2007), “Amazing Journey: The Story of The Who,” and “Morning Light” (Disney Pictures).
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0
| 54
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https://www.primevideo.com/detail/The-Red-Badge-of-Courage/0HLJXJL6APEI3GSK5ZO29O2450
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en
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Prime Video: The Red Badge of Courage
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Audie Murphy--the most decorated American GI of World War II--stars in this adaptation of one of the great novels of American literature, a story of one man forced to confront both cowardice and courage within himself, The Red Badge of Courage. The United States Civil War: The first time young Henry Fleming (Murphy) faces battle, he turns and runs. Fleming is knocked unconscious, but when he re...
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en
|
https://www.primevideo.com/detail/The-Red-Badge-of-Courage/0HLJXJL6APEI3GSK5ZO29O2450
|
The Red Badge of Courage
Audie Murphy--the most decorated American GI of World War II--stars in this adaptation of one of the great novels of American literature, a story of one man forced to confront both cowardice and courage within himself, The Red Badge of Courage. The United States Civil War: The first time young Henry Fleming (Murphy) faces battle, he turns and runs. Fleming is knocked unconscious, but when he re...
|
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428
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dbpedia
|
1
| 18
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https://facts.net/movie/44-facts-about-the-movie-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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en
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44 Facts About The Movie The Red Badge Of Courage
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2023-12-22T08:01:09+08:00
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Discover 44 fascinating facts about The Red Badge of Courage movie, from its captivating plot to its celebrated cast and behind-the-scenes trivia.
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Facts.net
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https://facts.net/movie/44-facts-about-the-movie-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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Reviewed by Sherman Smith
Source: Plex.tv
The Red Badge of Courage is an iconic American war film that was released in 1951. Directed by John Huston, the movie is based on the novel of the same name written by Stephen Crane. Set during the American Civil War, the film follows the journey of a young Union soldier named Henry Fleming, played by Audie Murphy, as he confronts the harsh realities of battle, fear, and bravery.
With its gripping storyline and powerful performances, The Red Badge of Courage has solidified its place as a classic piece of cinema. In this article, we will delve into 44 fascinating facts about the movie, ranging from the production process to behind-the-scenes anecdotes. Whether you are a fan of the film, an avid history enthusiast, or simply curious about the iconic movie, these facts will surely enhance your understanding and appreciation of The Red Badge of Courage.
Key Takeaways:
“The Red Badge of Courage” is a classic war film that explores the psychological toll of combat, featuring realistic battle scenes and a haunting score.
Audie Murphy’s performance as Private Henry Fleming helped launch his acting career, and the film has gained recognition as a must-watch for film enthusiasts.
Table of Contents
01The Red Badge of Courage is a 1951 war film directed by John Huston.
02The movie stars Audie Murphy, an actual World War II hero, in the lead role of Private Henry Fleming.
03The Red Badge of Courage was filmed in black and white to capture the gritty realism of war.
04The film received mixed reviews upon its release but has since gained recognition as a classic war film.
05The Red Badge of Courage was nominated for four Academy Awards, including Best Cinematography and Best Film Editing.
06The movie was partially shot on location at the Gettysburg National Military Park in Pennsylvania.
07The Red Badge of Courage explores themes of fear, courage, and the moral complexities of war.
08The film employs innovative camera techniques, including handheld shots and close-ups, to immerse viewers in the chaos of war.
09The Red Badge of Courage was not a commercial success upon its release.
10The screenplay for the film was written by John Huston and Albert Band.
11The Red Badge of Courage is known for its haunting score composed by Bronislau Kaper.
12The film’s title is derived from the practice of soldiers receiving a “red badge of courage” in the form of a wound.
13The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first Hollywood films to explore the psychological toll of war on soldiers.
14The movie includes powerful performances by supporting actors such as Bill Mauldin and Douglas Dick.
15The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its realistic battle sequences and attention to historical detail.
16The film’s cinematography was done by Harold Rosson, who expertly captured the stark beauty of the battlefield.
17The Red Badge of Courage was released during a time when war films were popular in Hollywood.
18The movie’s dialogue is rich with literary references and poetic language.
19The Red Badge of Courage stands as a powerful anti-war statement, showcasing the futility and brutality of armed conflict.
20The film’s production design is meticulously crafted, with period-accurate costumes and props.
21The Red Badge of Courage was John Huston’s first venture into directing a war film.
22The movie’s release was delayed due to conflicts between the studio and the director.
23The Red Badge of Courage has since become a staple in film studies and is often analyzed for its artistic and thematic merits.
24The movie’s runtime is approximately one hour and 9 minutes.
25The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its nuanced portrayal of the realities of war.
26The film’s screenplay stays true to the essence of Stephen Crane’s novel while making necessary adjustments for the medium of film.
27The Red Badge of Courage features several memorable and poignant scenes that have become iconic in the history of war cinema.
28The movie’s cinematography and lighting choices contribute to its overall somber and contemplative tone.
29The Red Badge of Courage serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by soldiers throughout history.
30The film’s characters are complex and multidimensional, each grappling with their own fears and insecurities.
31The Red Badge of Courage was adapted into a radio drama in 1953, further contributing to its enduring legacy.
32The movie’s impact can still be felt in contemporary war films, as its themes continue to resonate with audiences.
33The Red Badge of Courage highlights the camaraderie and bonds formed between soldiers during times of adversity.
34The film’s editing is masterfully done, combining different shots and scenes to create a cohesive narrative.
35The Red Badge of Courage explores the concept of heroism and what it means to be a hero in the midst of war.
36The movie’s sound design plays a crucial role in heightening the tension and immersing viewers in the war environment.
37The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its strong performances, which bring the characters to life.
38The film’s themes of resilience and the human spirit resonate with audiences across generations.
39The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first major films to examine the psychological trauma experienced by soldiers.
40The movie’s reception has evolved over time, with critics and audiences recognizing its artistic merits and cultural significance.
41The Red Badge of Courage is a poignant reminder of the human cost of war and the lasting impact it has on individuals.
42The film’s title is a reference to a Union soldier’s wound, symbolizing the sacrifice and bravery of those who serve.
43The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded for its honest portrayal of the chaos and confusion of battle.
44The movie ends on a bittersweet note, leaving viewers with a sense of contemplation and introspection.
45Conclusion
46FAQs
The Red Badge of Courage is a 1951 war film directed by John Huston.
The film is based on the novel of the same name by Stephen Crane.
The movie stars Audie Murphy, an actual World War II hero, in the lead role of Private Henry Fleming.
Murphy’s performance in the film was highly praised and helped launch his acting career.
The Red Badge of Courage was filmed in black and white to capture the gritty realism of war.
This decision was made to enhance the dramatic impact of the story.
The film received mixed reviews upon its release but has since gained recognition as a classic war film.
Many critics have praised its realistic portrayal of the psychological effects of war.
The Red Badge of Courage was nominated for four Academy Awards, including Best Cinematography and Best Film Editing.
While it did not win any awards, its nominations solidified its reputation as a well-crafted film.
The movie was partially shot on location at the Gettysburg National Military Park in Pennsylvania.
This added to the authenticity of the battle scenes depicted in the film.
The Red Badge of Courage explores themes of fear, courage, and the moral complexities of war.
It delves into the inner struggles of the protagonist as he grapples with his own bravery.
The film employs innovative camera techniques, including handheld shots and close-ups, to immerse viewers in the chaos of war.
This adds a sense of immediacy and intensity to the story.
The Red Badge of Courage was not a commercial success upon its release.
However, it has since amassed a cult following and is considered a must-watch for film enthusiasts.
The screenplay for the film was written by John Huston and Albert Band.
They adapted Stephen Crane’s novel into a script that captured the essence of the original work.
The Red Badge of Courage is known for its haunting score composed by Bronislau Kaper.
The music adds depth and emotional resonance to the film’s scenes.
The film’s title is derived from the practice of soldiers receiving a “red badge of courage” in the form of a wound.
This symbolizes the bravery and sacrifice of those who have fought in war.
The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first Hollywood films to explore the psychological toll of war on soldiers.
It paved the way for future war films that delved into the mental and emotional scars left by combat.
The movie includes powerful performances by supporting actors such as Bill Mauldin and Douglas Dick.
They bring depth and authenticity to their respective roles as fellow soldiers.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its realistic battle sequences and attention to historical detail.
The filmmakers went to great lengths to accurately recreate the look and feel of the Civil War era.
The film’s cinematography was done by Harold Rosson, who expertly captured the stark beauty of the battlefield.
His shots evoke a sense of both awe and terror.
The Red Badge of Courage was released during a time when war films were popular in Hollywood.
It capitalized on the public’s interest in stories of heroism and sacrifice.
The movie’s dialogue is rich with literary references and poetic language.
This elevates the script and adds depth to the characters’ interactions.
The Red Badge of Courage stands as a powerful anti-war statement, showcasing the futility and brutality of armed conflict.
It forces the audience to confront the harsh realities of war.
The film’s production design is meticulously crafted, with period-accurate costumes and props.
This attention to detail immerses viewers in the world of the Civil War.
The Red Badge of Courage was John Huston’s first venture into directing a war film.
He would later go on to direct other acclaimed war movies such as “The Battle of San Pietro” and “The Misfits.
The movie’s release was delayed due to conflicts between the studio and the director.
Several scenes had to be reshot and edited, causing the film to undergo significant changes.
The Red Badge of Courage has since become a staple in film studies and is often analyzed for its artistic and thematic merits.
It is studied alongside other influential war films from the same era.
The movie’s runtime is approximately one hour and 9 minutes.
Despite its short length, it manages to pack a powerful emotional punch.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its nuanced portrayal of the realities of war.
It avoids glorifying or romanticizing combat, instead offering a somber and introspective examination of its effects.
The film’s screenplay stays true to the essence of Stephen Crane’s novel while making necessary adjustments for the medium of film.
This ensures that the story’s core themes and messages are faithfully translated to the screen.
The Red Badge of Courage features several memorable and poignant scenes that have become iconic in the history of war cinema.
These moments linger in the minds of viewers long after the credits roll.
The movie’s cinematography and lighting choices contribute to its overall somber and contemplative tone.
It creates a sense of realism and authenticity that draws viewers into the story.
The Red Badge of Courage serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by soldiers throughout history.
It honors their bravery and explores the complex emotions that come with being thrust into war.
The film’s characters are complex and multidimensional, each grappling with their own fears and insecurities.
This adds depth and complexity to the narrative.
The Red Badge of Courage was adapted into a radio drama in 1953, further contributing to its enduring legacy.
The radio adaptation allowed audiences to experience the story in a different medium.
The movie’s impact can still be felt in contemporary war films, as its themes continue to resonate with audiences.
It has influenced filmmakers who aim to explore the psychological and emotional toll of war.
The Red Badge of Courage highlights the camaraderie and bonds formed between soldiers during times of adversity.
It portrays the deep connections forged in the face of a shared struggle.
The film’s editing is masterfully done, combining different shots and scenes to create a cohesive narrative.
Transitions are seamlessly woven together to enhance the storytelling.
The Red Badge of Courage explores the concept of heroism and what it means to be a hero in the midst of war.
It challenges traditional notions and delves into the complexities of bravery.
The movie’s sound design plays a crucial role in heightening the tension and immersing viewers in the war environment.
Gunshots, explosions, and the sounds of battle create a visceral experience.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its strong performances, which bring the characters to life.
The actors’ portrayals contribute to the film’s emotional impact.
The film’s themes of resilience and the human spirit resonate with audiences across generations.
It offers a timeless exploration of the triumphs and struggles faced by individuals in the face of adversity.
The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first major films to examine the psychological trauma experienced by soldiers.
It shed light on a subject that was not often explored in mainstream cinema at the time.
The movie’s reception has evolved over time, with critics and audiences recognizing its artistic merits and cultural significance.
It is now regarded as a standout film in the war genre.
The Red Badge of Courage is a poignant reminder of the human cost of war and the lasting impact it has on individuals.
It prompts viewers to reflect on the consequences of armed conflict.
The film’s title is a reference to a Union soldier’s wound, symbolizing the sacrifice and bravery of those who serve.
This imagery is present throughout the story, capturing the essence of the protagonist’s journey.
The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded for its honest portrayal of the chaos and confusion of battle.
It refuses to shy away from the harsh realities of war.
The movie ends on a bittersweet note, leaving viewers with a sense of contemplation and introspection.
The final scene lingers in the mind, serving as a powerful conclusion to the story.
In conclusion, The 44 Facts about the movie The Red Badge of Courage highlight the film’s historical significance, its impact on the war film genre, and its exploration of the psychological effects of war on soldiers. It is a powerful and thought-provoking film that continues to resonate with audiences to this day.
Conclusion
The Red Badge of Courage is a timeless classic that has captivated audiences for decades. With its compelling storyline, exceptional performances, and thought-provoking themes, the film continues to resonate with viewers of all ages. From its historical significance to the impact it has had on the world of cinema, The Red Badge of Courage is a movie that will always be remembered and celebrated.
FAQs
Q: Who directed The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The Red Badge of Courage was directed by John Huston.
Q: When was The Red Badge of Courage released?
A: The movie was released on March 28, 1951.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage based on a book?
A: Yes, the film is based on the novel of the same name by Stephen Crane.
Q: Who are the main actors in the movie?
A: The film stars Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, and John Dierkes.
Q: What is the runtime of The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The film has a runtime of approximately 69 minutes.
Q: What is the genre of The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The movie falls under the genres of war, drama, and action.
Q: Has The Red Badge of Courage won any awards?
A: The film received an Academy Award nomination for Best Film Editing in 1952.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage a color or black and white film?
A: The movie was originally shot in color, but it was released in black and white.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage a historically accurate portrayal of the Civil War?
A: While the film takes place during the Civil War, it is a fictional story and should not be considered a documentary.
Q: Where can I watch The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The movie is available on various streaming platforms and can also be purchased or rented on DVD.
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The War Movie Buff: CLASSIC? The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
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In 1930, Lewis Milestone took the greatest war novel and made possibly the greatest war movie. In 1951, John Huston took the greatest American war novel and thought he had done the same. Huston decided to make a film based on The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane. He felt that he had achieved his finest movie up till then, but then the studio intervened. Louis B. Mayer (the head of MGM) hated the production. He did not think a war film that questioned war would be successful during the Korean War. He did not think Audie Murphy was a big enough star. He did not like the fact that there were no women in the film. And the test screenings seemed to back him up. (He may have rigged them.) As a result of his belligerence and Huston being distracted by his next project which was “The African Queen”, the studio drastically cut the film down to 70 minutes (from an original two hours) and added a narrator. To pile on, the studio released the movie as a B-picture and it bombed. We’ll never know how good the movie could have been because the cut footage was lost in the 1967 MGM vault fire of 1967. What about the movie we are left with?
*** SPOILER ALERT: Because the story is so famous, I’m going to analyze the whole plot. (You’re welcome, high school students who do not want to read the book.) The movie starts off with James Whitmore (the narrator) telling us what we should be able to figure out for ourselves. Plus, we are dealing with a pretty famous novel. The pompous narration (some of which comes directly from the novel) puts us in Henry Fleming’s (Murphy) head. The Army of the Potomac is camped on the Rappahannock River in Sept., 1862. (That would coincide with the Battle of Antietam. The book is unclear about the battle, but is more likely the Battle of Chancellorsville.) The soldiers are sick of all the drilling and want to get into their first battle. Tom Wilson a/k/a the Loud Soldier (Bill Maudlin) hears a rumor that they are going to march up river and come in behind the Rebels. Everyone hopes this is true, but Henry Fleming is nervous about how he will respond to combat. He feels out his tentmate Jim (John Dierkes) who tells him he reckons he will stand and fight as long as everyone else does, but if everyone else runs, well… This does not really comfort Henry because he thinks he might lead the stampede. On sentry duty that night, a Reb warns him to avoid getting a “little red badge”.
Wilson takes a lot of ribbing about his prediction, but it turns out to be true and the 304th Regiment marches toward the sounds of battle. The men are enthusiastic, but sober up upon sight of the first corpses. They are positioned behind breastworks and a Yankee unit retreats through their position, but even Henry sticks round for the show. Through the smoke comes the Rebel Yell and the rebels yelling it. The opposing units exchange volleys for a while until the Johnnies retreat. Henry and his mates have "seen the elephant" and have acquitted themselves honorably. Now let’s go have a beer. Wait. Those pesky rebels haven’t learned their lesson and come again. This time Henry has his self-fulfilled prophecy and he runs. He runs like the dickens in a long tracking shot. He encounters a line of wounded soldiers and slides in. One of the wounded is Jim, who describes the battle as “law, what a circus, by jiminy”. Jim runs off to have one of the great death scenes in war movie history. Henry goes on to get his “red badge” when he is cold-cocked by a soldier doing what Henry had done. He is roused from unconsciousness by the Cheery Soldier (Andy Devine) who escorts him back to his unit while spouting homespun about the fog of war and accepting death. Henry lies to Tom about his wound and no one questions his bravery what with all the chaos of the battle. He wakes the next morning more blustery than contrite.
Surprisingly, he backs up the bluster by charging out in front of their line in their next battle. He is scolded by his lieutenant for taking on the hull durn Reb army. During a lull in the fighting, Henry and Tom overhear a general describing their regiment as a bunch of “mule drivers” who he is going to send in because he’s got nothing else. The men are excited about taking it to the Rebs for a change and Henry is incensed about the general’s aspersion. In the climactic charge, Henry grabs the flag and leads the unit to victory. The cherry on top is his capturing a Rebel flag. They march off abandoning the hard-won ground. One of the men opines: “After all the trouble we went to getting that wall, I’d like to set by it for a while.” A sentiment that Vietnam War veterans can relate to.
Considering the tortured back-story, you would expect to see what the test audiences apparently shit all over. In fact, the movie that opened for Esther Williams’ “Texas Carnival” is quite good. We can assume that Huston’s uncut version would have been better, but what we ended up with a classic anyway. It’s hard to imagine what was cut because the movie covers all the important scenes in the book and even adds some. We do know for sure that the scene after Jim’s death where Henry continues on with the Tattered Soldier (Royal Dano) ended up on the cutting room floor. Trust me, no big loss. Perhaps the combat scenes were fleshed out more, but they are already some of the best from a 1950s Civil War movie perspective. Huston uses plenty of smoke and lots of pyrotechnics. It’s not “Glory” or “Gettysburg”, but it’s pretty visceral. The actors load their muskets properly and the tactics are fine (although Huston is big on two-line volley firing). You feel the confusion and trepidation Henry faces. You can see why he runs. Unfortunately, the weakness of the movie is it’s hard to believe he completely changes overnight. But that’s the novel’s fault. (I’ll discuss the novel versus the movie in a later post.)
It’s hard to fathom what a 1951 audience would have found to loathe in this movie. The acting is not the problem unless you are requiring all-stars. Maudlin, Dierkes, and Dano were making their debuts. Maudlin is amazingly good for a cartoonist. He was a natural in the role as the “Loud Soldier”. He made only one more movie. The key is clearly Murphy’s performance. It was his first significant role and first non-Western. Most critics consider it his best performance. He got the role because Hedda Hopper pushed Huston to give him a chance. The role is difficult because the character in the novel goes through so many moods. He does as well as anyone could have (and much better than Richard Thomas from the 1974 version). The dialogue should not have been a problem. It’s less hokey than you would expect for 1951. A lot of it is from the novel and if you haven’t read the book, you might shake your head. There’s a lot of dialect, but it’s realistic for soldier banter. The very first line starts with “well, I reckon…” There are some memorable lines and some of them are quite witty. Normally in a war movie from the 1950s I might comment on how sanitized the language is compared to a modern script. Here is the rare exception. One of the soldiers tells the following joke: “A woman, a dog, and a walnut tree – the more you beat em’, the better they be.” (That line does not appear in the 1974 version.) The big caveat to the dialogue is the terrible narration. It may be mostly quotes from the novel, but it insults the audience.
Supposedly, Mayer sabotaged the test screenings by implying the movie was a comedy. That is hard to believe, but the movie is not without humor. After Wilson spreads his rumor, but before it comes to fruition, his mates rag him mercilessly in formation. In another scene, a general passes by several units boosting morale by promising to come by and eat “hard tack and sowbellies” with them. When he passes the 304th one of the men yells: “Having supper tonite with us, General?” He responds with “go to blazes, corporal!” That exchange wittily tells you a lot about command in the Civil War.
“The Red Badge of Courage” deserves a reassessment. It is not even out on DVD. You can see it on You Tube and I encourage American History teachers to show it in class. After all, it’s only 70 minutes long. Just check with the English teachers first. They may be assigning the book.
GRADE = B+
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New Lesson for The Red Badge of Courage
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I wanted to introduce my students to literary impressionism by noticing Stephen Crane's use of color and by creating a collaborative visual representation of the The Red Badge of Courage.
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ELA Brave and True by Marilyn Yung
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https://elabraveandtrue.com/2021/07/12/a-new-lesson-for-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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Explore literary impressionism in Stephen Crane’s classic
Need a new angle for teaching The Red Badge of Courage? This spring I taught the Civil War classic for the second time. And while I wanted to incorporate the changes I discussed in My first attempt at teaching The Red Badge of Courage, things were definitely different this year.
Like no kidding, right?!
Besides the obvious differences — COVID-19, remote learning, etcetera — my students in my novels class this year shared a totally different mindset. Last year, the majority of the students in my class were non-readers with a major case of senioritis. Their primary goal: just to pass the class, get the credit, and graduate.
However, this year, it was totally different. The majority of the students in the class were proficient readers and writers. Yes, they also suffered from senioritis, but they were intent on finishing strong in their final semester. So because I knew I could trust them to work hard and take the project seriously, I knew I wanted to try something new and creative.
It’s a good feeling when you know you’re working with students who are willing to experiment with a new approach to a novel. #creativeteacher
And I did have a new approach that I wanted to experiment with using The Red Badge of Courage and here it is: I wanted to introduce my students to literary impressionism by helping them notice Crane’s use of color and by creating a collaborative visual representation of the novel.
And why would I want to do this, you ask? What would be the educational goal? There are several:
To enable students to make cross-curricular connections among fine arts, history, and English Language Arts. We build relevance for the texts we read when we know their effects have impact and importance outside the English classroom.
To avoid yet another traditional literary analysis essay. Students write at least one analysis essay (both high stakes and low-stakes) every two to four weeks in my classes, plus others throughout the year. That’s plenty.
To help students notice the literary moves an author makes in order to convey meaning.
To introduce seniors to something new. Students are more engaged when they encounter an idea they haven’t considered before. (Sounds a little obvious, right? But I really think many students have heard about things like tone, characterization, and plot so many times by their junior and senior years, that they largely just zone out and disengage. Literary impressionism should be a new topic.)
Creating a visual representation of the colors used in a novel sounds like an attainable goal, right? Well, let’s just say — like so many areas of the most unpredictable school year ever — I’m not totally happy with the results of the project. (For a quick reflection of what I would do differently next time, look for the bulleted list at the bottom of this post.)
I am happy to report, however, that the results of our colorful literary impressionism project did mirror the assessment made by a scholar on the subject, but more on that later.
Some background to start
Stephen Crane was a big fan of color, including how it could be used in a story for various effects. Even some popular Crane titles show his interest in transferring color onto the written page. Think of not only The Red Badge of Courage, but also The Blue Hotel and The Bride Comes to Yellow Sky. He was also influenced by certain techniques of painting. In fact, he adopted the methods of well-known French impressionists into his writings.
Without further ado, let’s start at the end. Here’s a look at the final product: the visual representation of The Red Badge of Courage.
The assignment in detail
After reading the book independently over the course of three weeks, answering some text-based questions, and discussing it briefly as a class, I first showed students an example composition I made at home in my kitchen. I figured before I assigned this project to students, I should try it myself.
Here’s a photo of my “trial run” with the sticky note that tallied the colors used in the chapters I chose. (I ended making another one at school alongside the students at school.)
I then asked students to choose two consecutive chapters and make a list of all the color words they encountered. They could do this on a sheet of paper or a sticky note (as I did in the photo above), just so they could keep track of the words.
The rest of the directions were given to students on a handout that I also uploaded as a Google Doc on Google Classroom. For a free PDF of this sheet, click below.
In brief, I asked each student to analyze two consecutive chapters of the novel to notice the colors used and then create a collage to reflect those colors. Then, using their lists, I asked students to create a collage, approximating the same proportion that they occurred within the two chapters of their text.
In other words, if they had six mentions of black, two of red, two of orange, three blues and one gray, obviously black would dominate. In fact, there would be three times the amount of black as there would be each of red and orange, twice as much black as blue, and six times as much black as gray.
It was a rather loosely prescribed process and I allowed students to use whatever they wanted for their materials. They could use markers, colored pencils, magazine cut-outs, or crayons. I had even purchased some acrylic paint available, but no one used it. Students also had free reign for how they wanted to arrange their compositions.
I supplied each student with a 11″ x 14″ canvas-covered board on which to work. I also had glue sticks and liquid glue for them to use.
This was key:
I told the students that since this was a first-time project and one that I had never known to be done before, I was totally open to their ideas and suggestions for how to proceed. I also told them were few rules other than those outlined on the sparse assignment.
When arranged on the bulletin board, each student’s collage was a loose representation of the colors in their two chapters. I also asked students to include brief passages of text to support the tone of each chapter. Their text passages did not have to include color words; I left the choosing of their text passage up to them.
And then I let them work. And work they did.
This collaborative collage project illustrates how Crane author utilized color in a very conscious way to add meaning to his novel. I think that’s a worthwhile concept to show to students and it did require some extra time to explore on my own before presenting the assignment to my class. (And obviously, I’m no expert on literary impressionism or Stephen Crane. I’m learning, too!)
How I prepared for this project
If you do a little reading up on Crane, you find out quite a bit about his purpose and approach to the novel using literary impressionism. This handout printed from A Handbook to Literature outlines some basics about literary impressionism. Download this sheet here.
There’s a bits-and-pieces feel to The Red Badge of Courage. Students feel it as they read vivid and brief accounts and descriptions of battles, fallen soldiers, and misunderstood orders. Those bits and pieces are part of Crane’s literary impressionism.
It can be said that Crane used color to demonstrate a detachment from Fleming’s civilian life, his family, and even his personal worth that the soldiers felt as he entered the new world of soldiering. One way these detachments can be seen is in the seeming indifference that the natural world holds for man. I feel that Crane revealed this indifference to heighten the fear and apprehension that permeates the story as Fleming continually doubts his capacity for courage.
Scholars have noted this separation between nature and man in the novel as well. “(Crane) uses devices of flatness of his own (literary devices)… to express the human subject has no more significance or import than the nonhuman subject,” writes Iris Ralph in “Stephen Crane and the Green Place of Paint.” It’s that kind of detachment that adds to the fear Fleming feels as he begins his journey as a soldier.
Note: Citations for articles appear at the end of this post.
This idea of flatness, of independent planes of color, is central to impressionistic painting; subsequently, it paved the way for Cubism. Below is an example by the neo-impressionist painter Georges Seurat that you may be familiar with. Seurat used “pointillism” (small dots) to show this concept. At left is the entire picture, “A Sunday on La Grande Jatte.” At right is a detail that shows the dots that together create the impression of the image.
One scholar sees a direct connection between pointillism and Crane. In a journal article “Stephen Crane and Impressionism,” Rodney O. Rogers writes:
To further prepare for this project, I located the following online articles to learn more about literary impressionism and Stephen Crane.
Another article below, “The Color of War: A Computer Analysis of Color in The Red Badge of Courage” by William E. Newmiller, builds on Wogan’s article. However, by using up-to-date software programs, Newmiller was able to assess in greater detail Crane’s use of color words throughout the novel. Where Wogan noted a mere eleven uses of the color white, for example, Newmiller was able to include additional words that conveyed whiteness, such as whiter, whitest, whitish. Being able to account for these variations of the word white allowed Newmiller to get a broader picture of Crane’s color use in The Red Badge of Courage.
In this article, Newmiller makes some interesting points about color symbolism that have the potential to get students thinking about the irony present in the story. For example, “The heavy use of red early in the book and culminating in chapter 13 — the “reddest” chapter in the book — sets off the central irony upon which the book hinges: that Henry’s red badge represents courage only to those who don’t know the true nature of the wound.” Some students detected this irony on their own and we briefly discussed it, but if my scheduling had been better, we would have been able to process it (and other color associations) more deeply. Unexpected uses of gray and yellow in the book also sparked some comments, as well as black, which exerts the strongest presence in chapters 15-16.
Besides articles, I also watched several videos and settled on this one as being one to use in class the day I passed out the directions sheet. This video was a good one to better familiarize my students with impressionism.
While it’s debatable whether we totally hit the mark on this project, overall I think my students’ work accurately reflects Crane’s use of color in the novel. For example, in his journal article, Newmiller writes, “The resulting color map shows a fairly even use of color words throughout the book, but slightly more color words appear in the second half than in the first half. Interestingly, the last tenth of the book contains 16.9 percent of the color words, suggesting that color grows in importance as the novel reaches its conclusion.” My students’ color compositions, when viewed as a whole on the bulletin board, sufficiently captured Newmiller’s observation. As one’s eye proceeds across and down the board, colors grow in vibrancy and darkness as Henry Fleming’s tour of duty reaches its climax.
To reflect
I think this was a good first attempt at teaching color symbolism and literary impressionism. I’m not sure if I’ll have a whole class read of the novel again next year. I may offer a lit circle option instead.
Regardless, noticing and reflecting on color and literary impressionism provides a great way to provide reading purpose. When students read, consciously keeping an eye out for colors and how those colors influence or reflect the story, their reading is more intentional.
Close-up photos of some of the compositions follow below:
Things I’ll change for next time
Reflecting helps me to clarify my practice. Here’s what I plan to do differently the next time I approach this project.
Utilize the William Newmiller article more. Perhaps have students reflect on Newmiller’s ideas as they pertain to their two chapters.
Spend more time talking about color symbolism and how those expected symbols (red for courage, black for death) were either supported or refuted by Crane.
Collaborate with the art teacher to make more cross-curricular connections. This project could coincide with an art unit on color or collage.
Ask that text passages blend in with the composition and allow no more than two quotations, so they don’t overpower the color composition.
Allow more reflection after the project with students. A written reflection could serve as a final assessment.
Suggest that students not use recognizable objects as colors. For example, don’t cut out red lips from a magazine when you need the color red. Just find a solid red shape. The lips convey too much meaning and are distracting.
This is definitely a project to do early in the semester when Christmas break or summer break isn’t right around the corner. Tackle this unit early in the semester.
In summary
Overall, I’m happy with how this project turned out. While I know I missed the mark in a few areas, I think students learned more about literary impressionism and how writers use color to convey meaning. I also think they gained a greater understanding of how visual art can influence other realms of knowledge.
In addition, I think this project could translate to other books. (Great Gatsby, anyone?!) After all, there are many ways you can approach and analyze any novel. Creating a visual representation like this one is just one of them.
WORKS CITED
Newmiller, William E. “The Color of War: A Computer Analysis of Color in The Red Badge of Courage.” “Stephen Crane in War and Peace,” a special issue of War, Literature, and the Arts: An International Journal of the Humanities (1999):141-46.
Ralph, Iris. “Stephen Crane and the Green Place of Paint.” Concentric: Literary and Cultural Studies, vol. 37, no. 1, March 2011, pp. 201-230.
Rogers, Rodney O. “Stephen Crane and Impressionism.” Nineteenth-Century Fiction, vol. 24, no. 3, 1969, pp. 292–304. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2932859. Accessed 12 July 2021.
Wogan, Claudia C. “Crane’s Use of Color in ‘THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE.’” Modern Fiction Studies, vol. 6, no. 2, 1960, pp. 168–172. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26277201. Accessed 12 July 2021.
Need a new poetry idea?
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JSYK…
I’ll be taking a break here and there from my weekly posting during the the month of July.
Be on the lookout am updated posts on my 9/11 poetry project titled “The Stories the Artifacts Tell.” This will be the twentieth anniversary of the attacks that changed contemporary American and global life in innumerable ways. Never forget.
Thanks for reading!
Love teaching. Make it memorable.
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https://naxosaudiobooks.com/red-badge-of-courage-the-abridged/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage
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2016-01-27T14:41:39+00:00
|
Naxos AudioBooks - Red Badge of Courage, The (abridged)
|
Naxos AudioBooks
|
https://naxosaudiobooks.com/red-badge-of-courage-the-abridged/
|
Read by Walter Lewis
abridged
This great classic of the American Civil War is one of the most important accounts of the reality of war and its aftermath. It deals with the effects of the war on one man but it speaks for a generation.
Running Time: 5 h 16 m
Download PDF booklet
More product details
Digital ISBN:978-962-954-483-6 Cat. no.:NA439112 Download size:77 MB BISAC:FIC004000 Released:October 2006
Listen to this title at Audible.de↗
Listen to this title at the Naxos Spoken Word Library↗
Due to copyright, this title is not currently available in your region.
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428
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dbpedia
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https://www.amazon.com/Red-Badge-Courage-Audie-Murphy/dp/B00007G1ZO
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https://robinmigdol.com/2013/02/18/the-red-badge-of-courage-the-novel-movie-and-lillian-rosss-picture/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage: The Novel, Movie and Lillian Ross’s “Picture”
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2013-02-18T00:00:00
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A bad film is disappointing. An average film with the potential to be great is even worse. Viewers who have never read the classic Stephen Crane novel The Red Badge of Courage (1895) or Lillian Ross’s book Picture (1952) may be spared the sinking feeling the rest of us may feel upon watching John Huston’s…
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Robin Migdol
|
https://robinmigdol.com/2013/02/18/the-red-badge-of-courage-the-novel-movie-and-lillian-rosss-picture/
|
A bad film is disappointing. An average film with the potential to be great is even worse.
Viewers who have never read the classic Stephen Crane novel The Red Badge of Courage (1895) or Lillian Ross’s book Picture (1952) may be spared the sinking feeling the rest of us may feel upon watching John Huston’s MGM film The Red Badge of Courage (1951). The film clearly does not measure up to the great war films of the period, but it’s not terrible, either. It’s the kind of film that might make such uninitiated viewers, when the lights go up in the movie theater, turn to their friends with a shrug and say, “It was O.K.”
But for the rest of us, we can’t un-read Crane’s beautifully imperfect novel. We can’t un-read Ross’s mesmerizing first-person account of watching The Red Badge of Courage fall apart before her eyes. And we can’t help but grieve a little for the film that is, and the film that might have been.
The film began with the finest of pedigrees. Crane’s The Red Badge of Courage remains one of the great works of war literature, and for good reason, though the slim novel’s stream-of-consciousness style narration and intense focus on a period of a few days in a young soldier’s life feels counter-intuitive at first. Where’s the epic theater of war, the months spent on the battlefield, the brave “everyman” protagonist through which the entire meaning of war is projected? Not here. Our protagonist is Henry Fleming, mostly referred to as the Youth, a painfully green Yankee soldier who acts cowardly and cruelly when confronted with his own fear and the pain of those around him. Our time and place is a few days during which the Youth fights in his first battle – a battle in which he and his regiment ultimately play a helpful role but that is not even won or lost by the novel’s end. Crane does not attempt to convey the entirety of the Civil War or even the entirety of the Youth. Instead, he offers a snapshot of the everyday mental struggle that must get carried out in any young man forced to confront his own failings in one of the most hellish situations on Earth.
As such, Crane’s work succeeds admirably. The Youth’s anguish over his own bravery begs each reader’s introspection: “Would I run away from battle?” Though at times the Youth’s selfishness is irritating and his concerns become repetitive, Crane’s narration remains honest, and the Youth’s ultimate change of heart is realistic. The journey may not be a long one, but it is deep and feels needed among a canon of war novels that take for granted the courage of their soldier protagonists.
Yet the aspects of introspection and mental turmoil that make Crane’s work so affecting are the same that ultimately led to the near complete failure of Huston’s film adaptation, as documented by Ross in Picture. Ross’s work here is formidable in its detail, brutal honesty and knack for turning every person mentioned into a full-bodied character who is more intriguing than half those portrayed on the silver screen. Through Ross’s almost unbelievable access to director Huston, producer Gottfried Reinhardt, and MGM executives including Louis B. Mayer, the saga of turning Crane’s work into a movie becomes one of literature versus film, art versus profit, director versus executive.
Ross’s interviews and correspondence she obtains among the various players reveal the basic problem facing Huston and Reinhardt: how to portray the Youth’s thoughts, which make up over half the novel, on film, and how to turn the somewhat thin plot into a Hollywood-style narrative. In the beginning, because Huston and Reinhardt are confident, so are we. Huston’s verve and Reinhardt’s practicality combine to create a first cut of the film that they are proud of and that other executives and team members praise as moving, incredible, even great. How we wish we could see that film.
It is not to be. The film gets chipped away, motivated by poor previews and executives worried that the film is too artistic and meandering for average audiences to appreciate. In the end, Ross describes a version of The Red Badge of Courage that is ostensibly saved from being a total flop but left a shadow of its brief glory as a piece of art that Huston at one point called “the greatest film” he’d ever made. Still, because Ross has painted the long-suffering Reinhardt and dynamic Huston with such rich, sympathetic strokes, it is possible to maintain the belief that the final film must be good. After everything its creators went through, it simply has to be.
Only after watching the film can one have a true appreciation for Ross’s perceptive and accurate storytelling. The Red Badge of Courage is, amazingly, exactly as Ross had described it all along. The editing and various narrative devices – completed, changed, and then changed again with such dogged determination – have exactly the effect we now know the executives and Reinhardt wanted, from the opening narration explaining that the film is based on a great work of literature to the obvious cuts made to create a more coherent narrative. Watching the film, you finally understand what made The Red Badge of Courage so difficult to film and edit, and the intention behind each choice is obvious.
However, even more poignant is the realization that MGM destroyed the film in its attempt to cure an illness that probably never existed. Picture allows us to understand the executives’ thought process, but it also reveals how little the finished product resembles the ambitious film it was meant to be. The Red Badge of Courage reeks of the unhappy fact that the studio chose to be average and safe over truly great. The film has no passion, no desire to challenge its viewers, and any sense of innovation has been wiped out. Flashes of brilliance still remain, making the experience all the more frustrating; the Tall Soldier’s death, for example, is just as startling and memorable as Reinhardt and Huston always said it was, and visual effects add to the film’s realism. The film’s most affecting scenes come directly from the novel, but most of it feels truncated and rushed. In the end, MGM’s The Red Badge of Courage fails not only to live up to its source material, but also Ross’s account of the drama behind its creation. Both stories could make better movies than the one we have.
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428
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dbpedia
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0
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https://almostchosenpeople.wordpress.com/tag/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
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en
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Almost Chosen People
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Posts about The Red Badge of Courage (1951) written by Donald R. McClarey
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/feef086cfa0f976e76550927738aef1bf096defc31f2dfe7ae65b22c858ae605?s=32
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Almost Chosen People
|
https://almostchosenpeople.wordpress.com/tag/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
|
Any understanding of this nation has to be based, and I mean really based, on an understanding of the Civil War. I believe that firmly. It defined us. The Revolution did what it did. Our involvement in European wars, beginning with the First World War, did what it did. But the Civil War defined us as what we are and it opened us to being what we became, good and bad things. And it is very necessary, if you are going to understand the American character in the twentieth century, to learn about this enormous catastrophe of the mid-nineteenth century. It was the crossroads of our being, and it was a hell of a crossroads.
Shelby Foote
It is fitting that Memorial Day arose out of our bloodiest war, our war without an enemy. Films to watch over the weekend:
10. Abe Lincoln in Illinois (1940)-The showcase of this film biopic of Lincoln is the above depiction of one of the Lincoln-Douglas debates. The debate portrayed has remarks culled from all the debates, is an excellent recreation of the main arguments made by each of the men, and is evocative of their speaking styles.
Ironically neither of the actors portraying Lincoln and Douglas were Americans. The actor portraying Douglas was Gene Lockhart, a Canadian. If his voice sounds vaguely familiar to you, it is probably because you recall him as the judge in Miracle on 34th Street. His daughter June Lockhart, of Lassie and Lost in Space fame, carried on the thespian tradition of the family.
Lincoln was portrayed by Raymond Massey, also a Canadian. Massey was one of the great actors of his day and bore a strong physical resemblance to Lincoln. Massey served in the Canadian Army in both World War I, where he saw combat on the Western Front as an artillery officer, and World War II, becoming a naturalized American citizen after World War II. Like Lincoln he was a Republican and made a TV ad for Goldwater in the 1964 campaign.
The film helps explain why the Civil War happened. A nation like America could not endure forever denying freedom to millions of Americans on the basis of race. That we did not free the slaves peacefully led to the most terrible war in our history.
9. Friendly Persuasion (1956)-Starring Gary Cooper as Jess Birdwell, the head of a Quaker family in southern Indiana during the Civil War, the film is a superb mix of drama and comedy as the Quakers have to determine whether to continue to embrace their pacifist beliefs or to take up arms against General John Hunt Morgan’s Confederate cavalry during his Great Raid of the North in June-July of 1863. When the oldest son of the Birdwell family, portrayed by Anthony Perkins in his pre-Psycho days, takes up arms, his mother, played by Dorothy McGuire is aghast, but Cooper, as Jess Birdwell, defends him. Although he remains true to his pacifist convictions, Birdwell understands that his son is acting in obedience to his conscience, and, as he tells his wife, “A man’s life ain’t worth a hill of beans except he lives up to his own conscience.”
8. Major Dundee (1965)-Sam Pekinpah’s flawed, unfinished masterpiece, the film tells the fictional account of a mixed force of Union soldiers, and Confederate prisoners, who join forces to hunt and ultimately defeat an Apache raider, Sierra Charriba, in 1864-65. Charlton Heston gives an outstanding performance as Major Amos Dundee, a man battling his own personal demons of a failed military career, as he commands this Union-Confederate force through northern Mexico on the trail of the Apache, with fighting often threatening to break out between the Union and Confederate soldiers. Use of Confederate prisoners as Union soldiers in the West was not uncommon. Six Union infantry regiments of Confederate prisoners, called “Galvanized Yankees”, served in the West. The final section of the film involving a battle between Major Dundee’s force and French Lancers, the French occupying Mexico at the time, has always struck me as one of the best filmed combat sequences in any movie.
7. The Horse Soldiers (1959)-In 1959 John Ford and John Wayne, in the last of their “cavalry collaborations”, made The Horse Soldiers, a film based on Harold Sinclair’s novel of the same name published in 1956, which is a wonderful fictionalized account of Grierson’s Raid.
Perhaps the most daring and successful Union cavalry raid of the war, Colonel Benjamin Grierson, a former music teacher and band leader from Jacksonville, Illinois, who, after being bitten by a horse at a young age, hated horses, led from April 17-May 2, 1863 1700 Illinois and Iowa troopers through 600 miles of Confederate territory from southern Tennessee to the Union held Baton Rouge in Louisiana. Grierson and his men ripped up railroads, burned Confederate supplies and tied down many times their number of Confederate troops and succeeded in giving Grant a valuable diversion as he began his movement against Vicksburg.
John Wayne gives a fine, if surly, performance as Colonel Marlowe, the leader of the Union cavalry brigade. William Holden as a Union surgeon serves as a foil for Wayne. Constance Towers, as a captured Southern belle, supplies the obligatory Hollywood love interest.
Overall the film isn’t a bad treatment of the raid, and the period. I especially appreciated two scenes. John Wayne refers to his pre-war activities as “Before this present insanity” and Constance Towers gives the following impassioned speech:
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428
|
dbpedia
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0
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https://trailersfromhell.com/the-red-badge-of-courage/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage
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2023-07-08T14:00:15+00:00
|
Audie Murphy goes back to war and doesn't like it. Still the best film version of Stephen Crane's classic Civil War saga despite being metaphorically dragged from the back of a truck by MGM. Murphy reportedly offered to buy the picture back from MGM and let Huston re-edit it, but it was not to be.Lillian Ross's devastating, essential reportage on the unmaking of this film can be ordered here, and Richard Brody's New Yorker article about Ross's book can be read here.
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|
Trailers From Hell
|
https://trailersfromhell.com/the-red-badge-of-courage/
|
Audie Murphy goes back to war and doesn’t like it. Still the best film version of Stephen Crane’s classic Civil War saga despite being metaphorically dragged from the back of a truck by MGM. Murphy reportedly offered to buy the picture back from MGM and let Huston re-edit it, but it was not to be.
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dbpedia
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https://noscoopsclub.com/2024/05/04/captain-america-brave-new-world-happy-meal-red-hulk/
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en
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I Bought CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD Happy Meals – A Closer Look!
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2024-05-04T00:00:00
|
PLUS... What Did I Learn About Diamondback, Sabra, and Red Hulk? And a Mobile Game! Captain America and Falcon have arrived at my local McDonalds here in San Diego... CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD (originally titled CAPTAIN AMERICA: NEW WORLD ORDER when announced in May of 2021) was supposed to be released yesterday, May 3rd,…
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en
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No Scoops Club
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https://noscoopsclub.com/2024/05/04/captain-america-brave-new-world-happy-meal-red-hulk/
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PLUS… What Did I Learn About Diamondback, Sabra, and Red Hulk? And a Mobile Game!
CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD (originally titled CAPTAIN AMERICA: NEW WORLD ORDER when announced in May of 2021) was supposed to be released yesterday, May 3rd, 2024 but, due to extensive reshoots that had to be scheduled amidst last year’s dual Hollywood strikes, has since been postponed to next February 14th. That’s right – we get a date with Captain America on Valentine’s Day in 2025!
But even though we’ll have to wait till next Valentine’s Day to actually see the film, McDonalds Happy Meals and accompanying toys have already landed. I went to TWO DIFFERENT McDonalds today and picked up two meals (6 piece Chicken McNuggets and a Hamburger – no diced onions) today to see the toy prizes up close, review the packaging, and take a look at anything else that I might glean for this highly anticipated four-quel (is that a word? – I’m making it one).
OK – SO WHAT PRIZES DID I GET (and why I am so excited about RED HULK)…
Well let’s cut straight to the chase. I hit the jackpot this morning and I got both Captain America/Sam Wilson AND Red Hulk. That’s right – I got RED HULK. Honestly, and I know it has been rumored that Harrison Ford as Thaddeus “Thunderbolt” Ross will be playing Ross’ ultimate alter ego, the Red Hulk. But the inclusion of this toy confirms it. And to see the damn toy in front of me just got me so darn giddy. I JUMPED up in my car when I opened up the box at the drive through. You see, I have been a HULK fan for decades – DECADES.
And I have not been a big fan of the Mark Ruffalo’s portrayal of Hulk in the MCU AVENGERS films. Now I’m no bandwagon opinion on this, I know this sentiment began to bubble up with a contingent of people in RAGNAROK and an even greater number did not like his “Professor Hulk” turn in ENDGAME – but my apathy towards that performance dates back to AVENGERS (2012) when the Ruffalo version first appeared. I just never really bought either the brilliance or the tragedy of Banner in that performance – and I frankly found the powers of that Hulk a bit neutered as well.
But with Red Hulk entering the MCU, we now have the opportunity for a truer, different, angrier version of a Hulk. If he is a bad guy, which he starts out as in the comics, so be it. If anything that will give the MCU license to do more HULK type things with the character that they might have been afraid to do with the Avengers version.
And by HULK type things, I mean I want to see Hulk at full power just tearing things up – the way that Ang Lee and even Louis Letterier’s Hulks did in their respective films. I want to see a DANGEROUS Hulk. Remember in Ang Lee’s Hulk when he threw a tank like a shot put and bounced from the Mojave desert to San Francisco? That’s what I want to see. And if they can somehow imbue Thaddeus Ross with some form of pathos or even tragedy as well within the character than all the better.
Now the really cool thing about Red Hulk is that he does NOT revert to his human-self. So hypothetically Harrison Ford is going to be giving a CG performance through most of the film allowing Ford’s visage onto a CG body for action sequences which could be really cool. It will be Red Hulk but the face will still sound and look like Harrison Ford. Now I know this could also go bad in a lot of ways but hear me out. I kind of liked INDIANA JONES: DIAL OF DESTINY (which I blogged about HERE) but Ford did not have much to do in terms of action set pieces and using this “cheat” would be a cool way to bring Harrison Ford back into the action movie game. Also Red Hulk is able to shoot energy bursts from his eyes in the comics and I really hope that is used in this film (although if the Happy Meal mini-game is any indication, maybe not – but more on that in a few paragraphs) because it would just be so comic-booky and neat – that’s it.
One small note – the toy is not branded as Thaddeus Ross/Red Hulk but rather as just Red Hulk. I have wondered whether or not the MCU might be gearing up for a left-turn with Red Hulk and having someone else manifest the character. Something to keep an eye (see what I did there) on…
WHAT DOES THE PACKAGING TELL US??
I love the CAPTAIN AMERICA series because it feels the way that I think of Marvel Comics: heroic players in emotional, character-based, and grounded stories. I liked CAPTAIN AMERICA (2011). I loved WINTER SOLDIER (2014) and have come to love CIVIL WAR (2016) over time. In a way I think CIVIL WAR is the best version of the crossover-type film that the MCU does (a sometimes not so great job with) all-too often now. It resolves older story lines (Bucky) and opens up new ones (Wakanda) while telling a full and complete tale that had far reaching ramifications. And I have high hopes that BRAVE NEW WORLD might do the same for this new era of the MCU. This is largely pedigree-based as this is essentially the first in a new series of Captain America films, with Sam Wilson just taking the mantle in the final episode of FALCON AND THE WINTER SOLDIER. But the Happy Meal packaging (I know this could be a reach) gives me hope (but we know how that goes).
Why? I love the characters that the writers have chosen for the movie. Happy Meal toys basically feature all of the principal characters. Remember when THE MARVELS Happy Meal dropped months in advance (I discussed that HERE) and we got Nick Fury, Photon, Ms. Marvel, Goose the Flerken and Prince Yan (remember Prince Yan, the guy who lived on the musicals planet that Carol danced with?). And honestly after reciting those characters, I am already feeling better about the BRAVE NEW WORLD cast. See the line-up below:
The group for CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD is not too big but not too small. A real story could be told with them and unlike the Marvels – all feel like they could be germane to the TONE of the story – or more succinctly the TONE of a Captain America story in the MCU.
The group featured in the prizes includes Danny Ramirez/Falcon, Diamondback, and “Ruth”. We all know Danny Ramirez from FALCON AND THE WINTER SOLDIER (an MCU show that I liked a lot – mostly for US Agent and his story – though I wish some of its B-stories had been allowed to develop a bit more). But who are these others?
DIAMONDBACK
Not to be confused with the Luke Cage character Willis Stryker, this film will feature Marvel’s Rachel Leighton/Diamondback. In the comics, Leighton begins as a villain and part of the Serpent Society in CAPTAIN AMERICA #310. She later begins to have feelings for Cap and is swayed to his side for the CIVIL WAR comics storyline. Leighton is rumored to be played by Rosa Salazar (the actress who portrayed BATTLE ANGEL: ALITA).
Diamondback is a very grounded hero that is a gymnastics specialist and is skilled at throwing sharp objects. She is well-versed in spy-craft and espionage and fits well as a compliment for a Captain America storyline.
RUTH
This character is a little more secretive and nuanced in the world of CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD for reasons both within the story and (possibly) reasons that exist in our world. Ruth’s alter ego is Sabra in the comics. In the comics, Sabra is an agent of Israeli secret service known as Mossad in our real world. This could be part of the reason that Marvel is just referring to her as Ruth as they may or may not be incorporating that (potentially controversial) part of her identity into the storyline.
That being said, Ruth’s Jewish heritage is very much a part of her character in the comics – so I really hope it isn’t just given lip service or overwritten altogether. The character is being played by Israeli actress Shira Haas – so this bodes well (I hope) for incorporating that important heritage into the character. Her costume is definitely different and it looks like she is wearing tactical gear and converse. Hmmm… Well, I might do a larger deep dive into this character later so that’s all I will say for now.
Ruth/Sabra is also a mutant in the comics and although her powers are less grounded that the other heroes like Cap, Falcon, and Diamondback, her character is grounded in a world of espionage that fits in well with Captain America.
Ruth/Sabra can transfer energy, has augmented strength and speed, and can even give others super powers for a limited time. But due to her affiliation with Mossad she has the same espionage skills that Cap, Falcon and Diamondback do. So she makes a great teammate for them. And she also might give further insight into how mutants will be portrayed in the MCU.
WHAT ABOUT THAT “GAME” ON THE BOX?
So I used the QR code on the side of the box, seen above, to get a link to “play” the CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD game or “Mission: Save The Day!”. This sort of mini-game was not really anything player-controlled, at least by default, but rather a series of chibi-style animated Captain America mini-adventures. In the first adventure, Sam and Danny save a plane. In the second, the pair stops Red Hulk from destroying a dam. In the third, Captain America and his drone Redwing stop a fire at a fireworks factory. In a fourth, Danny foils a bank robbery. In the fifth and final episode, the pair are being honored with a parade in the city which is attacked by Red Hulk.
I’m not sure if each of these episodes is reflective of the film. Probably not to be fair. But it’s fun to speculate. And honestly you never know. Curiously the bank robber in the fourth episode is a woman and could easily have been repurposed from Diamondback or Sabra to look differently. Maybe Diamondback or Sabra rob a bank in the film and that is how they first get on Sam and Danny’s radar? Well if that happens, I’ll definitely look back at this “mini-game” with a smile. Like I said, it’s fun to speculate.
In conclusion, everything about the packaging and prizes for the CAPTAIN AMERICA: BRAVE NEW WORLD Happy Meals at McDonalds has gotten me a lot more excited for the film. I am thrilled that Red Hulk is more than a rumor and I love the additions of Danny Ramirez, Diamondback, and Ruth/Sabra. I think all of this combined at least lays the groundwork for what could be a great beginning to a new era for the Sam Wilson/Captain America character while still having a thematic connection to the stories that Steve Rodgers was featured in for over a decade.
See you next Valentine’s Day!
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https://www.afi.com/history/
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American Film Institute
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https://www.afi.com/history/
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With Beginnings in the White House Rose Garden
The American Film Institute began as a presidential mandate to establish film as essential to American identity, to elevate the nation’s greatest art form to its deserving place in history. AFI grew from the seeds planted in the White House Rose Garden by President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1965 to a fully rounded Institute that has defined American film for more than half a century — with the mission to educate and inspire.
AFI began in 1967, with Gregory Peck named first chair of the Board of Trustees and George Stevens, Jr., its director and CEO, and a board that featured film luminaries including Francis Ford Coppola, Sidney Poitier, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., and Jack Valenti. Today, the Board continues to be comprised of such artists and icons as Halle Berry, James L. Brooks, Kathleen Kennedy, Eva Longoria, Shonda Rhimes, Steven Spielberg and Ed Zwick.
Until the creation of AFI — well before the days of IMDb — there was no comprehensive index of motion pictures. AFI began, in 1968, recording the first 100 years of American film with the AFI Catalog of Feature Films— the first-ever scholarly listing of films, with vetted information about the existence, availability and sources of films already produced, spanning the entirety of the art form since 1893.
The AFI Catalog marked the beginning of the Institute’s efforts to preserve the heritage of American film. Sparking the movement for film preservation in the U.S., AFI began its first restoration in 1973, with director Frank Capra’s 1937 classic LOST HORIZON. Today, the Library of Congress houses the AFI Collection of more than 60,000 films gathered by the Institute throughout the past five decades.
In 1969, AFI established the AFI Conservatory, a graduate-level program to train narrative filmmakers. The hands-on, learn-by-doing program offers training to future storytellers from a dedicated faculty from the film and television communities, all currently working in the industry, and including masters of the art form. The world-renowned AFI Conservatory continues to train storytellers who work at award-winning levels.
In 1974, AFI founded the AFI Directing Workshop for Women — one of the very first programs of its kind anywhere in the world, now known as DWW+. This free filmmaker training program is committed to increasing the number of underrepresented directors working professionally in film and television.
The highest honor for a career in American film, the AFI Life Achievement Award began in 1973 as a celebration of an individual who has greatly enriched the art form, and American culture. Following inaugural honoree John Ford, annual recipients of this highest honor for a career in film have included Orson Welles, Alfred Hitchcock, John Huston, Billy Wilder, Sidney Poitier, Elizabeth Taylor, Steven Spielberg, Martin Scorsese, Meryl Streep, Morgan Freeman, Shirley MacLaine, John Williams, Diane Keaton, George Clooney and Denzel Washington, and many more icons.
In 1987, AFI held the first AFI Los Angeles International Film Festival in Hollywood — now AFI FEST — to further celebrate artists and audiences, bringing films new and classic, global and domestic, to audiences in the heart of Hollywood.
Across the country, the AFI Silver Theatre and Cultural Center in Silver Spring, MD, offers year-round retrospective and cutting-edge, curated programming.
In DC, AFI established its documentary film festival in 1999, now known as AFI DOCS. The festival celebrates the highest standards in documentary filmmaking, convening U.S. policymakers with filmmakers from all over the world in the heart of our nation’s capital and at the AFI Silver.
AFI, in 1998, unveiled a national celebration of the cinema centennial with AFI’s 100 Years…100 Movies, a definitive selection of the greatest 100 films of all time. Following an updated 10th Anniversary of the list in 2007, the Institute then created AFI’s 10 Top 10, raising a necessary spotlight on genres ranging from Fantasy to Gangster, Courtroom Drama to Epic.
In 2000, AFI hosted the first AFI AWARDS, celebrating the year’s most outstanding films and TV series, and the creative ensembles behind them, both in front of and behind the camera.
In the new millennium, AFI partnered with the White House Student Film Festival, inviting K-12 students to screen their films in the East Room of the White House. The Institute has also worked to increase diversity in the storytelling community, including with such renowned programs as the Young Women in Film Intensive and the Cinematography Intensive for Women.
In 2020, AFI launched the AFI Movie Club, a global, virtual gathering of those who love the movies.
The American Film Institute champions the moving image as an art from. We believe in the revolutionary power of visual storytelling to share perspectives, inspire empathy and drive culture forward.
AFI membership is open to the public and relies on the generous financial support from people like you to provide funding for AFI programs and initiatives. Visit our membership page here to learn more.
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/investing/markets/markets-news/GetNews/27222556/lion-heart-film-works-is-bringing-stephen-cranes-iconic-novel-the-red-badge-of-courage-to-life/
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The Globe and Mail
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The Globe and Mail
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/investing/markets/markets-news/GetNews/27222556/lion-heart-film-works-is-bringing-stephen-cranes-iconic-novel-the-red-badge-of-courage-to-life/
|
Lion Heart Film Works has launched a new Kickstarter campaign with the aim of continuing funding the cinematic adaptation of Stephen Crane's renowned novel "The Red Badge of Courage.” Kevin R. Hershberger, an Emmy-nominated director, is leading this project and is committed to crafting a compelling and realistic American Civil War film.
Experts Speak
In the words of Stanley Wertheim, a renowned Crane scholar, "The Red Badge of Courage" is "unquestionably the most realistic novel about the American Civil War" and is a literary masterpiece. The aim of this cinematic adaptation is to commemorate the experiences of Civil War warriors and provide an unparalleled degree of historical realism while properly recreating the novel's profound study of terror, bravery, and personal growth.
A Campaign for All Ages
Hershberger aims to involve the audience as investors to ensure the film’s production remains uncompromised and true to its source material. He recognizes the risks but is fully committed to completing the film within the next year. The funds raised will directly impact the number of shooting days, allowing for a more thorough and detailed production process.
Support the Campaign
Supporting this campaign means contributing to a once-in-a-generation motion picture that will stand the test of time. People who have long enjoyed Hershberger's previous historical projects are bound to love this one. Project backers can help create a film that everyone can be proud of- a film that excites future generations of Civil War enthusiasts.
Become a Backer
Starting at the $45 level, backers will be among the first to see the final film and gain exclusive access to weekly video updates on Kickstarter featuring edited completed scenes. Backers will receive frequent updates on the production’s progress, including behind-the-scenes content and shoot dates. Becoming a backer means becoming an integral part of the production.
Realizing a Long-Held Dream
Bringing “The Red Badge of Courage” to the screen has been a long-term dream for Hershberger. After completing his first film, “Wicked Spring,” in 2003, he wrote the script for this project but initially found it too ambitious. With over 20 years in the industry, directing nearly 100 hours of prime-time television, and armed with the latest CGI and digital film technology, Hershberger is ready to realize this dream without compromise.
Shooting Commences in Virginia
Recently, the cast and crew gathered at locations west of Richmond, Virginia, to begin filming. They completed 15 scenes and 38 pages of the script, coinciding with the dates and events depicted in Crane’s novel from 1863. The film will use a handheld, intimate viewpoint, presenting the story from the perspective of Henry Fleming and his comrades.
Meet the Talent
The role of Henry Fleming, “The Youth,” is played by Aidan M. Close, an accomplished actor with a background in Shakespeare and notable roles in new plays and major tours. The production will be handled by Kevin R. Hershberger, an Emmy-nominated filmmaker who has won over 70 national and international awards. Hershberger also has a rich background in military history and filmmaking, having worked on numerous museum projects, series, docu-dramas, and features for national and international distribution.
Support The Kickstarter campaign at https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/lionheartfilmworks/the-red-badge-of-courage-motion-picture
Get the latest updates about the movie at: http://www.redbadgemovie.com
Please like & follow at: https://www.facebook.com/lionheartfilmworks/
Watch “The Red Badge of Courage" (2026) Teaser Trailer” on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fK4NbOlR98g
Media Contact
Company Name:Lion Heart Film Works
Contact Person: Kevin R. Hershberger
Email:Send Email
Phone: (804) 683-0937
City: Richmond
State: Virginia
Country: United States
Website:www.lionheart-filmworks.com
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https://www.fandango.com/the-red-badge-of-courage-28991/movie-overview
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A Message To Our Fans
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Sorry, Fandango is not available outside the United States.
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A Rediscovered Cancer Film of the Silent Era
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By David Cantor, PhD The Reward of Courage sought to transform public ideas about cancer by encouraging people to seek help from a recognized physician at the first sign of the disease or its possibility: early detection and treatment being the ASCC’s main approach to cancer control. READ ESSAY | VIEW FILM
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en
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Medicine on Screen
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https://medicineonscreen.nlm.nih.gov/2013/08/02/the-reward-of-courage/
|
By David Cantor, PhD (Office of History, National Institutes of Health)
Bibliography
Cancer education films in the 1920s
Cantor, David. “Uncertain Enthusiasm: The American Cancer Society, Public Education, and the Problems of the Movie, 1921-1960.” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 81 (2007): 39-69.
Cantor, David. “Choosing to Live: Cancer Education, Movies, and the Conversion Narrative in America, 1921-1960.” Literature and Medicine 28 (2009): 278-332.
Cantor, David. “Between Movies, Markets, and Medicine: The Eastern Film Corporation, Frank A. Tichenor, and Medical and Health Films in the 1920s.” Paper presented at the conference Communicating Good Health: Movies, Medicine, and the Cultures of Risk in the Twentieth Century, Fondation Brocher, Hermance, Switzerland, May 26-27, 2011.
History of U.S. cancer control in the 1910s and 1920s
Aronowitz, Robert A. Unnatural History: Breast Cancer and American Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Cantor, David, ed. Cancer in the Twentieth Century. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008.
Gardner, Kirsten E. Early Detection: Women, Cancer, and Awareness Campaigns in the Twentieth-Century United States. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.
Leopold, Ellen. A Darker Ribbon: Breast Cancer, Women, and their Doctors in the Twentieth Century. Boston: Beacon Press, 1999.
Lerner, Barron H. The Breast Cancer Wars: Hope, Fear, and the Pursuit of a Cure in Twentieth-Century America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Löwy, Ilana. Preventive Strikes: Women, Precancer, and Prophylactic Surgery. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009.
Patterson, James T. The Dread Disease: Cancer and Modern American Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987.
Wailoo, Keith. How Cancer Crossed the Color Line. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
More Medicine on Screen
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https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043961/reviews
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Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille (1951)
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Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille (1951) on IMDb: Movies, TV, Celebs, and more...
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https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043961/reviews
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https://us.blastingnews.com/opinion/2020/05/five-great-american-civil-war-films-003145761.html
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en
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From 'The Red Badge of Courage' to 'The Free State of Jones,' Five Great American Civil War Films
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2020-05-26T10:51:26-04:00
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Fighting America's bloodiest war on the silver screen through the ages.
|
en
|
Blasting News
|
https://us.blastingnews.com/opinion/2020/05/five-great-american-civil-war-films-003145761.html
|
America's bloodiest war was one that it fought against itself between 1861 and 1865 over the question as to whether it would be one single free nation or two countries, one free and one that still permitted the ancient evil of slavery. The American Civil War did not create as many films like did World War II, the conflict that drenched the planet in blood and saved the world from fascism. But the Civil War did create some cinematic gems that attempted to create some understanding about why Americans decided, over 150 years ago, to march off to war to try to kill one another.
Some. like Gettysburg, are sweeping epics. Some, like The Red Badge of Courage, are character studies. And some films, like Glory and The Free State of Jones, educate about formerly unknown aspects of the American Civil War.
The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
A classic film version of the story by Stephen Crane about a young Union soldier who struggles to find his courage in the midst of a Civil War battle. A real-life war hero, Audie Murphy, stars as Henry Fleming, the young man, and Bill Mauldin, a World War II-era cartoonist, appears as one of his comrades. The movie shows how a boy becomes a man under the fire of battle.
The Horse Soldiers (1959)
A film by the incomparable John Ford stars John Wayne as a hard-charging Union cavalry colonel who clashes with a regimental surgeon played by William Holden during a raid behind Confederate lines during a crucial campaign during the Civil War.
Constance Towers plays a fiery southern belle who is forced to accompany the Union brigade as it rides through southern territory.
Glory (1989)
This film depicts the exploits of one of the first entirely African-American regiments during the Civil War. Morgan Freeman and Denzel Washington play two of the black soldiers. Matthew Broderick plays their white colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, who grows to understand the courage and dedication of his black troops and leads them heroically into battle.
Gettysburg (1993)
An all-star cast including Martin Sheen, Stephen Lang, Jeff Daniels, and Sam Elliot, fights the epic battle of the Civil War that proved to be the turning point of the conflict. The movie was filmed with thousands of reenactors on the same ground where the original battle took place. One of the most sweeping, cinematic war films of modern times.
The Free State of Jones (2016)
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https://www.insp.com/movies/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951) - INSP TV
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2023-11-03T13:53:19+00:00
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INSP fans: Audie Murphy in one of his finest performances! A young soldier must find the courage to be a hero in this riveting Civil War movie.
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en
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https://www.insp.com/content/themes/insp2017/assets/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.insp.com/movies/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
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The most decorated veteran of WWII—and in American history—is Audie Murphy. His incredible heroism was chronicled in the movie, To Hell and Back, in which he played the starring role. In this riveting Civil War movie, adapted from Stephen Crane’s great American novel, Murphy plays a less-than- courageous soldier who faces hard truths about war, loyalty, bravery, and himself.
In 1862, a starry-eyed teenager named Henry Fleming enlists in the Union army. He’s a romantic young man with dreams of being a hero, having adventures, and beating the enemy with ease.
When Henry is about to take part in his first battle, he tells his fellow soldiers that he isn’t afraid. While on patrol, he exchanges words with a Confederate soldier stationed across the river who tells Henry to be careful of getting “the red badge,” which is another way of saying getting wounded in battle.
When the fight begins, Henry starts to panic. Cold hard fear wells up within him, and he realizes that maybe being a hero isn’t for him after all. Overwhelmed and terrified by the devastation and confusion raging around him, Henry deserts his unit.
As he flees, he is knocked unconscious. Once Henry awakens, he learns that the Union won the battle. He falls in line with his unit and tells them that he was hurt during the fighting.
Henry watches the other soldiers coming back with their “red badges,” and he feels terrible about his cowardice. How could he abandon his regiment when they needed him? And if he ran away once—will he run away again when the next battle rages?
This once dreamy and romantic young boy still has a lot to learn about what it means to be a soldier and a man. But he’ll have to dig deep to overcome his own regrets and fears.
Does Henry Fleming have what it takes to stay true to his convictions, act courageously…and be a hero after all?
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https://www.cineaste.com/winter2013/from-the-archives-the-red-badge-of-courage
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From the Archives: The Red Badge of Courage — Cineaste Magazine
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https://assets.squarespace.com/universal/default-favicon.ico
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Cineaste Magazine
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https://www.cineaste.com/winter2013/from-the-archives-the-red-badge-of-courage
|
Produced by Gottfried Reinhardt; directed by John Huston; screenplay by John Huston, adapted by Albert Band from the novel by Stephen Crane; music by Bronislau Kaper; cinematography by Harold Rosson, edited by Ben Lewis; set decoration by Fred MacLean and Erwin Willis; starring Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, and Douglas Dick, DVD, B&W, 70 min., 1951, a Warner Archive Collection release, www.wbshop.com.
The Red Badge of Courage is often cited as a film that could have been a masterpiece if the director’s vision had not been destroyed by studio executives. This line of thinking is mainly based on Lillian Ross’s account of the making of the film in Picture. Ross not only offers details on how the film was altered but also a discussion reflecting changes going on in the studio system at that time. Informative as Ross’s work is, evaluating a film that might have been by focusing mainly on the cuts and additions demanded by the studio is only half the story. Much of what director/coscriptwriter John Huston wanted remains on the screen. These reveal problems in the film’s basic conception, acting, and dialogue. There is little remaining evidence of a mangled film, as in the case of Orson Welles’s The Magnificent Ambersons (1942).
What is most striking to a contemporary viewer is that a film about the Civil War has no reference to slavery and depicts individual courage as fighting with near-suicidal bravado for an undefined cause. Some of these problems arise from the Stephen Crane novel of the same name, but Huston’s own sensibility seems to be in much the same mode. The red badge of the title refers to physical wounds suffered in battle, but also may be taken as a metaphor for the psychological wounds of war.
Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy), the main character, sometimes just referred to as the Youth, is a young Union soldier facing his first battle. Although he is terrified of being a coward and fleeing, none of his companions seem to share his anxiety. In fact, they state that they are eager to fight. Fleming will indeed panic at his first battle and run from the field. Much of the film follows him wandering behind the front lines, seeing wounded soldiers, and observing officers, until he is reunited with his unit in an almost accidental manner. In the next battle, although still frightened, his shame compels him to lead a counterattack in which the Union casualties are high. Fleming and his best friend Tom Wilson (Bill Mauldin), also known as the Loud Soldier, are subsequently honored as heroes who have turned a possible defeat into victory. Fleming learns only after the battle that Wilson also had run in the first conflict, as had many of their colleagues. Fleming and Wilson now feel confident of their manliness and the film ends with their looking forward to the next battle. In short, this is not the kind of film that would soon emerge about the Korean War, much less later films concerning Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The definition of courage offered is questionable and perhaps even juvenile, and that view stems from Huston rather than being imposed on him by the studio bosses.
Huston’s view of the Civil War is typical of most Hollywood films before the civil rights movement of the 1950s and of too many since. The emphasis is not on slavery, competing regional economies, or territorial expansion, but a tragedy in which the combatants are more alike than different and just happen to be fighting on different sides. Early in Red Badge, a Confederate soldier yells to Fleming, who is filling canteens in a stream, to get out of the moonlight. The reb shouts that they will fight tomorrow, but tonight he will not take an easy kill. At the end of the film’s main battle, Fleming holds the Union flag and looks sadly at a fallen reb with his flag spread on the ground. Being a “winner” or “loser” seems a matter of meaningless happenstance, just like being a “coward” or a “hero” in any given conflict. In another scene, a captured Confederate asks where his captors come from. The answer is Ohio and the reb replies that, “I never met no one from Ohio before.” The Union soldier responds that this is the first time he has ever met anyone from Tennessee. Viewers are left feeling that, under different circumstances, the two men would have been friends. What is missing in such scenes is the sensibility of Ulysses S. Grant, who wrote of the Confederates that no force ever fought more gallantly for such an unworthy cause.
A surprising disappointment is the quality of the dialogue between the men. Casual chatter that is meant to illuminate character and the reality of war is mainly contrived and unconvincing Hollywood Ruralspeak. When the Union soldiers talk with one another as they march, their comments come across as individual set-pieces rather than genuine exchanges. Such stilted dialogue appears throughout the film, rarely showing any humor or concern of who or why the men are fighting. The single memorable sequences involving dialogue occur when a Union general rides from company to company, preparing them for a charge, and promising each unit to come back and have dinner with them after the battle. The officer is not necessarily cynical, as the soldiers probably know he will not actually return to eat with them, and that he is simply expressing solidarity and admiration for their valor. Such ambiguity and complexity is absent from most of the film.
Huston believed his battle scenes would set new cinematic standards of authenticity. He is quite successful in setting up panoramic shots of two armies taking their positions. That credibility fades when the battle begins. Although the field is empty of soldiers, there are random picturesque explosions, as if the artillery had an endless store of ammunition. When the Confederates charge, there is no sense of momentum. The big open field with large distances to cover is not typical of Civil War encounters but does resemble Pickett’s disastrous charge at Gettysburg. The Union counterattack is no more credible. Huston’s extensive use of close-ups robs the viewers of the sense of an entire division advancing and there is little sense of the fierce resistance. Similar scenes in subsequent Civil War films, such as Glory (l989) and Gettysburg (1993), are far superior in capturing the tempo, sounds, and mayhem of such warfare. A bombastic score by Bronislau Kaper, which was imposed by the studio, virtually transforms the film into a patriotic operetta.
One of the risks taken by Huston was casting Audie Murphy, one of America’s most decorated soldiers of World War II, in the lead role. Murphy’s boyish looks are a welcome change from the typical macho man, such as that era’s John Wayne or a later era’s Sylvester Stallone. Murphy, however, has limited range as an actor. At some moments, he is totally credible as a terrified youth running from battle or even as a slightly crazed youth leading a charge. Mostly, however, Murphy fails to capture the complex emotions of his character, much less his transformation from fear to daring.
Bill Mauldin is credible as Murphy’s best friend, but not memorable. That he is a famed editorial cartoonist of World War II whose images were mainly of “grunts” is mostly important for the studio press releases. More gifted actors might have given the film the edge Huston desired. That said, a host of studio stalwarts such as Douglas Dick (the Lieutenant), Andy Devine (the Cheery Soldier), Royal Dano (the Tattered Man), and John Dierkes (the Tall Soldier), are not very convincing, either.
The major obvious studio intervention was the addition of a voice-over (by James Whitmore, a Marine in World War II) reading passages from Crane’s novel. This was added after indifferent preview screenings and was heartily opposed by Huston. Direct quotations from the novel amount to telling the audience that it can’t understand what is going on without a guidebook. Viewers of this DVD who turn off the soundtrack with the voice-overs will find them superfluous and distracting. Another extreme studio action was to cut twenty minutes from the film. The single longest cut was of a speech by one of the soldiers. Given the poor nature of most of the dialogue, that cut may have helped the film, which seems overly long even at seventy minutes.
Adapting a famous novel to the screen is always problematic. Huston and Albert Band (the adapter) can be credited for being faithful to the original. The problem with such an adaption is that the sensibilities of a nineteenth-century author writing about a recent war may not resonate with later audiences. The Huston who made The Red Badge of Courage seems to be looking backwards toward values associated with World War II and definitely not forward to the changes in traditional concepts of courage and manliness that would begin to emerge later in the decade.
Dan Georgakas is co-editor of The Encyclopedia of the American Left (Oxford University Press, 1999).
To purchase The Red Badge of Courage, click here.
Copyright © 2013 by Cineaste Magazine
Cineaste, Vol. XXXIX, No. 1
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https://www.netflix.com/tudum/articles/colors-of-evil-red-release-date-news
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Colors of Evil Red: Cast, Book, and Plot of the Crime Thriller - Netflix Tudum
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Ingrid Ostby"
] |
2024-05-31T21:35:00+00:00
|
The dark thriller Colors of Evil: Red directed by Adrian Panek is based on the book by Małgorzata Oliwia-Sobczak.
|
en
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https://assets.nflxext.com/ffe/siteui/common/icons/nficon2023.ico
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Netflix Tudum
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https://www.netflix.com/tudum/articles/colors-of-evil-red-release-date-news
|
What to Know About the Crime Thriller Colors of Evil: Red
A prosecutor and a victim’s mother band together to solve two murders in Poland.
By Ingrid Ostby
May 31, 2024
When the body of a young woman washes ashore on a beach, a prosecutor is determined to prove her murder is connected to a 20-year-old cold case. Directed by Adrian Panek (Werewolf), the Polish film Colors of Evil: Red is based on the book Czerwień by Małgorzata Oliwia Sobczak and stars Jakub Gierszał, Maja Ostaszewska, and Zofia Jastrzębska. The screenplay was written by Panek and Łukasz M. Maciejewski (The Getaway King).
Popular Now
Deep Dive
Aug. 7
New on Netflix
July 31
When will Colors of Evil: Red be released?
Stream it now.
Maja Ostaszewska and Jakub Gierszał in Colors of Red: Evil
Przemo Paczkowski/Netflix
Who’s in the cast of Colors of Evil: Red?
Zofia Jastrzębska (A Girl and an Astronaut) as Monika Bogucka, the murder victim, who worked as a bartender
Jakub Gierszał (White Courage) as Leopold Bilski, a prosecutor
Maja Ostaszewska (Green Border) as Helena Bogucka, a judge and Monika’s mother
Wojciech Zieliński (Tonight You’re Sleeping with Me) as Waldemar Mila, who was Monika’s boss
Andrzej Zieliński (Egregor) as Roman Bogucki, Monika’s father
Andrzej Konopka (Chrzciny) as Tadeusz Dubiela, a medical examiner
Jan Wieteska (Zadra) as Mario Dubiela, Tadeusz’s son
Przemysław Bluszcz (Lesniczówka) as Kazar, a gangster
Jakub Gierszał in Colors of Evil: Red
Przemo Paczkowski/Netflix
What happens in Colors of Evil: Red?
When officers discover the body of a murdered young woman, Monika Bogucka (Jastrzębska), washed up on one of Poland’s Tricity beaches, ambitious prosecutor Leopold Bilski (Gierszał), aka Bilski, is put on the case. After tracking down clues, he notices the circumstances of Monika’s death are similar to a case he saw over a decade ago — but his boss won’t let him reopen the old homicide investigation. In his pursuit for justice, Bilski teams up with Monika’s grieving mother, Helena (Ostaszewska), a judge struggling to put the pieces of her life back together — not only is she mourning her daughter, but her marriage to Roman (Andrzej Zieliński) is falling apart at the seams. United by their determination to discover the truth, Bilski and Helena begin a perilous investigation that leads them to a murky underworld operating out of one of the beaches’ seaside nightclubs.
Zofia Jastrzębska (right) in Colors of Evil: Red
Przemo Paczkowski/Netflix
Is Colors of Evil: Red based on a book?
Yes, it’s based on author Małgorzata Oliwia Sobczak’s book of the same name, Colors of Evil: Red (Kolory Zła: Czerwień).
Is Colors of Evil: Red based on a true story?
No, it’s fictional.
Where does Colors of Evil: Red take place?
The film takes place in and around Tricity, Poland.
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When a girl's body is found on a beach in Poland's Tricity, a prosecutor teams up with the victim's mother on an impassioned quest for the truth.
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dbpedia
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https://civilwar.vt.edu/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951) – Virginia Center for Civil War Studies
|
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https://civilwar.vt.edu/the-red-badge-of-courage-1951/
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The Red Badge of Courage is based on the novel of the same name. The film tells the story of a Union soldier who is thrust into battle without proper preparation. He initially flees from the battle but desires to redeem himself and prove his courage.
The director, John Huston, used the film noir style that was popular at the time. In the post-World War II era, United States citizens were interested in reexamining their understanding of war and conflict. The issues of courage and desertion also reflect the era’s gendered values and definition of what it meant to be a brave, male soldier.
The film received modest acclaim and has been remembered as one of the first films seeking to show the experience of a Union soldier in the Civil War. While some film critics were unhappy with the muted display of war and battle, others found it to be a faithful adaptation of the novel.
FURTHER READING
Books
Stephen Crane, The Red Badge of Courage, Cambridge: W.W. Norton & Company, 1999.
Lillian Ross, Picture, Cambridge: Da Capo Press, 1951.
Lee Clark Mitchell, New Essays on the Red Badge of Courage, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Articles
Joseph Meyer, “Henry’s Quest for Narrative in ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’” The Midwest Quarterly 59, no. 1 (Autumn 2017).
Brian Croxall, “‘Becoming Another Thing:’ Traumatic and Technological Transformation in The Red Badge of Courage,” American Imago 72, no. 1, (Spring 2015).
Film Reviews
Bosley Crowther, “The Screen in Review; ‘Red Badge of Courage’ Based on Stephen Crane’s Novel, at Trans-Lux 52nd Street,” The New York Times, October 19, 1951.
Lillian Ross, “John Huston and ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’” The New Yorker, May 24, 1952.
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https://www.vulture.com/article/best-war-movies-ranked.html
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en
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The 50 Greatest War Movies Ever Made
|
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2020-01-10T10:30:15.494000-05:00
|
Great war movies ask viewers to consider and understand the actual experience of war. Here, we rank the 50 best.
|
en
|
Vulture
|
https://www.vulture.com/article/best-war-movies-ranked.html
|
This article originally ran on January 11, 2020. It has been updated with the addition of Napoleon and other films and is being republished for Memorial Day.
Speaking to Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune in 1973, François Truffaut made an observation that’s cast a shadow over war movies ever since, even those seemingly opposed to war. Asked why there’s little killing in his films, Truffaut replied, “I find that violence is very ambiguous in movies. For example, some films claim to be antiwar, but I don’t think I’ve really seen an antiwar film. Every film about war ends up being pro-war.” The evidence often bears him out. In Anthony Swofford’s Gulf War memoir Jarhead, Swofford recalls joining fellow recruits in getting pumped up while watching Apocalypse Now and Full Metal Jacket, two of the most famous films about the horrors of war. (On the occasion of the death of R. Lee Ermey, the real-life drill instructor who played the same in Full Metal Jacket, Swofford offered a remembrance in the New York Times with the headline “Full Metal Jacket Seduced My Generation and Sent Us to War.”)
Is it true that movies glamorize whatever they touch, no matter how horrific? And if a war movie isn’t to sound a warning against war, what purpose does it serve? Even if Truffaut’s wrong — and it’s hard to see his observation applying to at least some of the movies on this list — it might be best to remove the burden of making the world a better place from war movies. It’s a lot to ask, especially since war seems to be baked into human existence.
So, like other inescapable elements of the human experience, we tell stories about war, stories that reflect our attitudes toward it, and how they shift over time. War movies reflect the artistic impulses of their creators, but they also reflect the attitudes of the times and places in which they were created. A World War II film made in the midst of the war, for instance, might serve a propagandist purpose than one made after the war ends, when there’s more room for nuance and complexity, but it also might not.
Maybe the ultimate purpose of a war movie is to let others hear the force of these stories. Another director, Sam Fuller, once offered a quote that doesn’t necessarily contradict Truffaut’s observation but better explains the impulse to make war movies: “A war film’s objective, no matter how personal or emotional, is to make a viewer feel war.” The films selected for this list of the genre’s most essential entries often have little in common, but they do share that. Each offers a vision that asks viewers to consider and understand the experience of war, be it in the trenches of World War I, the wilderness skirmishes of Civil War militias, or the still-ongoing conflicts that have helped define 21st-century warfare.
This list opts for a somewhat narrow definition of a war movie, focusing on films that deal with the experiences of soldiers during wartime. That means no films about the experience of returning from war (Coming Home, The Best Years of Our Lives, First Blood) or of civilian life during wartime (Mrs. Miniver, Forbidden Games, Hope and Glory) or of wartime stories whose action rests far away from the battlefield (Casablanca). It also leaves films primarily about the Holocaust out of consideration, as they seem substantively different from other sorts of war films. Also excluded are films that blur genres, like the military science fiction of Starship Troopers and Aliens (even if the latter does have a lot to say about the Vietnam War). That eliminates many great movies, but it leaves room for many others, starting with a film made at the height of World War II in an attempt to help rally a nation with a story of an operation whose success required secrecy, extensive training, and beating overwhelming odds.
50.
Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo (1944)
War movies released during wartime rarely have time to reflect. If bolstering the morale of a country in the thick of World War II isn’t the sole purpose of Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo, it’s certainly one of the primary reasons it exists, retelling the story of the first air raid on Japan after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Men head bravely into battle. Women accept their separation and sacrifices with a brave face. And everyone understands it’s for the greater good. However, the film, directed by Mervyn LeRoy from a script by Dalton Trumbo, easily transcends propaganda by focusing on the details of the raid’s preparation and aftermath. LeRoy depicts the attack with chilling intensity, but it’s the time spent with the crew, led by Van Johnson, that makes the movie memorable. (This is as good a point as any to note that Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo makes frequent, unapologetic use of a widespread wartime anti-Japanese racial slur, a warning that applies to virtually every World War II film set in the Pacific and made in the decades after the war.)
49.
War Horse (2011)
Steven Spielberg’s adaptation of a 1982 novel that found a second life as a much-loved play in the aughts follows a young soldier named Albert (Jeremy Irvine) and his horse Joey on an episodic journey across World War I Europe. There they find no glory in fighting, just cruelty, absurdity, and horror. Albert finds moments of grace and hope in the midst of the bloodshed, thanks to Joey’s unlikely survival. Yet, in a film that draws heavily on the imagery and attitudes of John Ford, Spielberg always emphasizes such moments’ fragility. It’s a hard world for hoofed things, and those who love them.
48.
Napoleon (2023)
Ridley Scott’s Napoleon Bonaparte biopic deserves a place on this list if only for the meticulousness with which Scott stages its battle scenes. The Siege of Toulon, the Battle of Austerlitz, Waterloo, and other clashes (think of the film as a kind of Napoleon’s Greatest Hits) all coherently depict the battle strategies of their commanders and the workings of the weaponry. Beyond this, Scott invests each with a distinct atmosphere and an unsettling intensity. (An early shot of a horse getting ripped apart by a cannonball sets the tone.) Here, war is a terrifying venture in which death can arrive quickly and mercilessly, sometimes by fire, sometimes by ice. Despite Joaquin Phoenix’s glowering, knowing performance as Bonaparte, the movie’s sense of the man himself seems less deeply considered, at least in the film’s shorter theatrical cut. But perhaps that’s the point: Anyone capable of seizing and grasping power on this scale may not be entirely human.
47.
Courage Under Fire (1996)
The first Hollywood film about the Gulf War, the Edward Zwick–directed Courage Under Fire was also one of the first to address the then-hot-button issue of women in combat. But it’s not primarily about either thing. Instead, this Rashomon-inspired drama explores what it takes to act honorably under the most trying circumstances imaginable. Denzel Washington plays Lieutenant Colonel Serling, who’s charged with uncovering the truth about an incident that may lead to the late Captain Karen Walden (played in flashbacks by Meg Ryan) to becoming the first woman to receive a Medal of Honor. The deeper he dives into the story, however, the more contradictions he finds — all while struggling with a secret of his own. The film works both as a mystery and a character study, and Washington’s performance beautifully conveys the unspoken pain of a man who comes to realize that he’ll never be able to shake off the burden of the past.
46.
Overlord (1975)
Blending new, narrative scenes with documentary footage, Stuart Cooper’s Overlord follows a sensitive young soldier named Tom (Brian Stirner) from his enlistment through the D-Day Invasion. A sense of inevitability hangs over the film, both because Tom keeps imagining his death and because the documentary scenes make him feel like a part of a story that’s already been written. The mix of dreamlike asides and historical footage gives the film a feeling like no other as it mourns, and honors, the many lost in the war by focusing on the life of a single soldier.
45.
Sergeant York (1941)
A film about the hero of one American war, made as another loomed on the horizon, Howard Hawks’s biopic of Alvin York (Gary Cooper) depicts its protagonist’s military service as the final part of his evolution from a backwoods Tennessee hell-raiser into a self-sacrificing warrior willing to put the good of others above his own. Along the way, York wrestles first with his anger then with his religious beliefs, which he believes forbid him from fighting. The film’s version of the Army — a caring institution deeply concerned with the happiness and well-being of its soldiers and willing to allow time for reflection for those who doubt the rightness of its mission — may be pure fiction, but Cooper’s unerring sincerity and Hawks’s firm command of the transformative story make this a moving depiction of one man’s moral development.
44.
Black Hawk Down (2001)
This violent account of an ill-fated 1993 raid in Mogadishu that left 19 American soldiers dead found a receptive audience in the first winter after 9/11, and its politics very much remain a matter of debate. At least on a technical level it’s a remarkable achievement, one in which Ridley Scott brings the full force of his directorial skills to bear on an often chaotic story with a sprawling cast of characters (made up of virtually every up-and-coming male star of the late-’90s). Scott’s never been associated with documentary-like realism, but here he uses his talent for capturing the intensity of a single moment to create a collection of fragments that cohere into a fully developed story. Criticized by some for glorifying combat, it has lately started to seem more about the perils of believing American force alone can fix a troubled country.
43.
The Train (1964)
Inspired by a real incident, this John Frankenheimer film stars Burt Lancaster as Labiche, a no-nonsense French resistance fighter who reluctantly matches wits with the German Colonel von Waldheim (Paul Scofield), a murderous aesthete intent on returning to Germany with a train filled with priceless art. Labiche’s plan involves a mix of deception and brute force, and Frankenheimer ramps up the tension as Labiche’s determination mounts. The tension comes both from the battle of wits between von Waldheim and Labiche, which Frankenheimer stages as a series of escalating conflicts that unfold over the length of the train’s journey, but also from Frankenheimer’s depiction of how the cost of war extends far beyond the battlefield. Labiche doesn’t care for art, but he comes to recognize what the stolen treasures mean for a country struggling to hold on to its soul.
42.
Jarhead (2005)
Adapted from Anthony Swofford’s memoir of his time in the Marines during the Persian Gulf War, Sam Mendes’s Jarhead is a war movie in which the soldiers never quite reach the war itself. Instead, Swofford (Jake Gyllenhaal) and his unit (which includes characters played by Peter Sarsgaard and Jamie Foxx) experience the madness of war from the sidelines, first via their time in basic training, then in the borderline surreal desert of Kuwait (memorably captured by cinematographer Roger Deakins). Where other war movies focus on combat, Jarhead focuses on what it means to be a soldier, from the bonds formed serving side by side to the ways life outside the military can start to feel less real than the world created within the ranks.
41.
The Last of the Mohicans (1992)
A reverence for history and a love for the material gives shape to Michael Mann’s moody adaptation of James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans, starring Daniel Day-Lewis as Hawkeye, the adopted son of the Mohican chief Chingachgook (Russell Means). Mann brings a typically obsessive attention to detail to the extensively researched film, set at the height of the French and Indian War when the war had extended to terrain not far removed from wilderness, but he also allows displays of open emotion — and unabashedly sweeping filmmaking — rarely seen in his other movies. Mann has said that he saw the 1936 adaptation at the age of 3 and it had been “rattling around” in his brain ever since. His Mohicans plays like the work of a director trying to figure out what in all those images of combat and doomed love moved him so much then and how he could use his own voice to have the same effect on others.
40.
An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge (1962)
Winner of short subject awards at Cannes and the Oscars, French director Robert Enrico’s adaptation of an Ambrose Bierce story offers a succinct, haunting depiction of a second chance that’s not what it first appears. Roger Jacquet plays a Confederate saboteur on the verge of being executed by hanging as the film begins. Then the rope snaps, allowing him to make a desperate attempt to return to the life he left behind until … Well, there’s a good chance you know what happens next, but let’s not spoil it. Enrico’s film became the only outside production to air as part of The Twilight Zone. That’s where most viewers encountered the virtually dialogue-free film, a depiction of a final chance to consider what really matters even in the midst of war.
39.
Merry Christmas, Mr. Lawrence (1983)
The work of a director never afraid to court controversy, Nagisa Oshima’s Merry Christmas, Mr. Lawrence explores the abusive excesses — and barely concealed desire — running through a Japanese prisoner-of-war camp in Indonesia. There, a British Lieutenant Colonel John Lawrence (Tom Conti), previously stationed in Japan and fluent in the language, tries to maintain some semblance of civility by communicating with the mercurial Sergeant Hara (Takeshi Kitano, then best known as a comic on Japanese television). The introduction of the charismatic and seemingly unflappable British Major Jack Celliers (David Bowie) complicates an already tense situation, particularly once it becomes clear that Celliers has become an object of obsession for the camp’s captain (Ryuichi Sakamoto, who also provides the score). Oshima’s film teases out the homoeroticism coursing beneath the environment (and coursing through many a war movie, for that matter), in the process commenting on two different cultures that express such feelings through denial and brutality. Some seeds of hope slip through, but Oshima suggests they’ll struggle to survive in such arid terrain.
38.
Run Silent, Run Deep (1958)
A different sort of power struggle lies at the heart of Run Silent, Run Deep, Robert Wise’s adaptation of a best-selling novel following one U.S. sub crew’s troubled mission through the South Pacific. Clark Gable stars as Commander Richardson, a commander with a chip on his shoulder, and possibly a death wish, after losing a ship and much of his crew to a Japanese destroyer. One year later, Richardson gets a shot at revenge, but only by assuming control of a sub from its apparent next commander, the popular Lieutenant Colonel Bledsoe (Burt Lancaster). They keep it professional even though the crew chooses sides as Richardson puts them through an exhausting barrage of drills; however, tensions mount when it becomes apparent that Richardson is pursuing a vendetta outside the parameters of his official order. The submarine movie is practically a genre unto itself, and Wise’s contribution is one of the best, capturing the pressure and barely suppressed hostility of a job that’s dangerous even before the torpedoes start flying — and one in which indecisiveness and divided loyalties can mean death for everyone aboard.
37.
Three Kings (1999)
David O. Russell’s Three Kings begins as a darkly comic heist film in which three soldiers (George Clooney, Mark Wahlberg, and Ice Cube) try to make an easy score in the chaos at the end of the Persian Gulf War. It develops into a tour of the human costs and unfinished business of that conflict as the three get drawn into the plight of refugees trying to avoid the wrath of the Iraqi Republican Guard. The film both captures and questions the spirit of the moment — in which patriotism embraced a quick, decisive Gulf victory — and previews the century to come, one that would erase the distance between the Middle East and the United States. The heroes try to get in and out without really getting involved or inviting any consequences. They find that’s impossible.
36.
Stalag 17 (1953)
Donald Bevan and Edmund Trzcinski’s play drawing from their POW experiences provide Billy Wilder with a chance to bring a touch of black comedy to a World War II story that opens with a narrator complaining that prisoners of war like him never get movies of their own. (That was true up to a point at the time; Bridge on the River Kwai and The Great Escape wouldn’t show up for a few years.) Opening with a failed escape attempt, the film finds tensions running high as a group of American prisoners come to realize that they have an informer in their midst. Suspicions quickly fall on Sefton (William Holden), a cynical operator who’s cornered the prison’s black market and holds regular “horse races” in which men bet on mice named after famous racehorses. Sefton insists on his innocence, however, and attempts to find the real informant while turning the tables on the camp’s officious commandant (Otto Preminger). Wilder’s the last filmmaker to indulge in sentiment or knee-jerk patriotism, but this sharp, tense, funny film allows him to depict American perseverance against cruelty and authoritarianism in a style that suits him.
35.
Ride With the Devil (1999)
An adaptation of Daniel Woodrell’s 1987 novel Woe to Live On, Ang Lee’s Ride With the Devil drops viewers into the chaotic world of Civil War guerrilla fighting. Tobey Maguire and Skeet Ulrich star as a pair of Missouri Bushwhackers who tangle with pro-Union Jayhawkers in conflicts far removed from the war’s front lines. Their war becomes a bloody journey of discovery, particularly after they make the acquaintance of a former slave named Holt (Jeffrey Wright). Lee’s film doesn’t go out of its way to explain its context, which proved off-putting to some critics in 1999 (and apparently to moviegoers, who largely ignored it). While it helps to bring some Civil War knowledge to the film, the confusion suits a story that’s ultimately about the many tangled reasons we go to war, and the much clearer reasons the experience of war makes us strive to leave it behind.
34.
Che (2008)
Steven Soderbergh’s two-part Che is at once biopic and war movie, telling the story of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara (Benicio del Toro) by way of his participation in a successful revolution in Cuba and his participation in a failed attempt at the same in Bolivia. Soderbergh brings a distinctive look and filmmaking style to each half, both of which offer a nuts-and-bolts depiction of how guerrilla warfare works — in success and failure. The thrilling door-to-door urban combat of the first half gives way to the chaos and failure of the second. Anchored by del Toro’s enigmatic performance, they combine to form a portrait of a complex man that gets beyond the T-shirt iconography of would-be revolutionaries.
33.
The Story of G.I. Joe (1945)
Journalist Ernie Pyle earned a Pulitzer Prize in 1944 for his on-the-ground reporting covering World War II from the perspective of an ordinary soldier. Released a few months after Pyle’s death in the Battle of Okinawa, this William Wellman film stars Burgess Meredith as Pyle, who joins the 18th Infantry and befriends the men fighting on the front line, including Robert Mitchum (who earned a Best Supporting Actor nomination for his work) as a commander whose apparent standoffishness can’t mask the toll exacted by his job. No stranger to combat, or films about it, Wellman’s direction matches Pyle’s no-nonsense style, paying tribute to the men it depicts by letting them speak in their own voices.
32.
The Deer Hunter (1978)
The subject of controversy since its release, Michael Cimino’s The Deer Hunter offered almost unbearably intense scenes of the Vietnam War at a time when mainstream movies were just beginning to touch on the still-fresh subject. Robert De Niro, Christopher Walken, John Savage, and John Cazale star as a group of Polish-Americans from Pennsylvania’s Rust Belt whose lives are reshaped in different ways by the war. Cimino’s films drew criticism for its depictions of the Vietnamese, and its sensationalized scenes of Russian roulette, but the heart of the film belongs to its depiction of small-town America. The nearly hour-long wedding scene that opens the film captures a sense of warmth and tradition that has all but vanished by the film’s final moments, lost somewhere overseas.
31.
Da 5 Bloods (2020)
A searing indictment of American cultural imperialism and an unsparing depiction of the experiences of Black soldiers during the Vietnam War in the form of an adventure film, Spike Lee’s Da 5 Bloods follows veterans Paul, Otis, Eddie, and Melvin (played respectively by Delroy Lindo, Clarke Peters, Norm Lewis, and Isiah Whitlock Jr.) as they return to Vietnam in search of a treasure they had to abandon during a battle that took the life of their idealistic leader, Norman (Chadwick Boseman). Over the course of their journey, the film flashes back to their wartime experiences, forcing each of the men to reflect on where the years have taken him. From a scene set at a (real-life) nightclub named after Apocalypse Now to the decision to have the older actors play themselves in flashback, Lee keeps finding ingenious ways to blur the line between Vietnam’s past, its present, and the films about the war. In Lindo’s wrenching performance as a morally adrift powder keg wearing a MAGA cap, he has found the embodiment of the conflict’s lingering trauma.
30.
They Were Expendable (1945)
Though star John Wayne famously never served in the military, many of those involved in making John Ford’s They Were Expendable had seen World War II firsthand in one form or another. That helps account for the dutiful but often grim tone of the film, in which a pair of Navy men (Wayne, Robert Montgomery) try to convince the higher-ups that their small, maneuverable PT boats have a place in battles others believe will be dominated by larger vessels. Set in the early days of America’s involvement in World War II, when one setback followed another, the film never lets viewers forget the human costs of war, how soldiers’ lives become means to an end, and how service means living with that knowledge at every moment. Naturally, the “they” of the title refers to more than boats.
29.
From Here to Eternity (1953)
Based in part on his own experiences serving in the Army in Hawaii in the days before the Pearl Harbor attack, James Jones’s 1951 novel From Here to Eternity won scandal and acclaim for its often unflattering depiction of military life. Even though it tones down some elements of the book, Fred Zinnemann’s adaptation met with a similar reception thanks to its unvarnished depiction of abuse, extramarital passion, and boozy off-hours — a far cry from the unabashedly heroic portrayals of the American military that preceded it during the war. Montgomery Clift plays a principled bugler who suffers abuse for his unwillingness to join the camp’s boxing team, starring opposite Burt Lancaster as a world-weary desk sergeant whose affair with his commanding officer’s wife (Deborah Kerr) threatens to undo his career. The cast of complicated characters extends to Donna Reed, Ernest Borgnine, and Frank Sinatra. Cast, like Kerr, against type, Reed picked up a Best Supporting Actress Oscar and Sinatra won the corresponding prize for his work as a self-destructive private, two of seven trophies earned by the film, including Best Picture and Best Director. Lancaster and Kerr’s heated beach embrace helped make Hollywood films safe for franker depictions of sex, and the awards suggested that America was again ready to see its soldiers as human beings, flaws and all.
28.
Paisan (1946)
Between 1945 and 1946, Roberto Rossellini released three movies depicting various phases of World War II. Surrounded by Rome, Open City and Germany Year One — both excellent in their own right — Paisan moves up through the Italian peninsula via six episodic stories about the Italian campaign. Made not long after the events depicted, Rossellini uses his neorealist style to great effect, filming on location and mixing professional and nonprofessional actors to capture the perils and ugliness of the war — both for those who fight it and for the everyday people they liberate. To capture the devastation of the war on Italy (and, in a later episode, Germany), Rossellini had to do little but pick up a camera and film. Created in part via on-the-spot improvisations by his cast, Paisan has the immediacy of lived experience.
27.
Gallipoli (1981)
Named for the long, bloody World War I campaign to capture the Gallipoli Peninsula, Peter Weir’s Gallipoli at first seems misnamed. It doesn’t even reach Gallipoli until deep into its running time, and doesn’t depict much combat until its final scenes anyway. Yet the film owes much of its effectiveness to Weir’s slow march to a bloody finale, following a pair of sprinters of contrasting temperaments (Mark Lee and Mel Gibson) from their homes in Western Australia through a long journey that spans enlistment, training against the backdrop of Egypt’s pyramids, and finally to the beachside trenches of Gallipoli. Along the way, they encounter increasing skepticism about why Australians should fight the war as the film around them attempts to convey the futility and loss of fighting any war, and the stolen promise of lives that become just another body on the battlefield.
26.
The Steel Helmet (1951)
Sometimes dubbed the Forgotten War, the Korean War has only inspired a handful of American films, most made when it was still in progress. Sam Fuller directed two of them, the quite good Fixed Bayonets! and the even better The Steel Helmet. Gene Evans stars in both, in the latter playing Sergeant Zack, a cigar-chomping, seen-it-all veteran with little time for inexperienced officers or anyone else who gets in his way. After befriending a young Korean boy he dubs Short Round (a name Steven Spielberg and George Lucas would later borrow), Zack finds himself holed up in a Buddhist temple with a handful of soldiers who may not be powerful enough to fight off the encroaching enemy. Drawing on his own military experience, Fuller uses the claustrophobic setup — and a limited budget — to stage a psychologically intense story that finds every character considering their limits. That includes African-American and Japanese-American soldiers needled by a North Korean prisoner about their country’s hypocrisy. For Fuller, the best sort of patriotism meant not looking away from your country’s flaws, even while fighting for it.
25.
1917 (2019)
Drawing inspiration from his grandfather’s war stories, Sam Mendes’s World War I tale follows two British lance corporals (George McKay and Dean Charles-Chapman) tasked with delivering a message that a planned attack needs to be called off. This essentially leads to a one-day tour of World War I experiences, including a trip through the enemy trenches, an encounter with a downed pilot, a visit with a civilian caught in a war zone, and, ultimately, a charge along the front lines — all shot as one continuous scene. The result is immersive and often terrifying, each moment serving as a reminder of the chaos and horror of combat and of the individual human lives so easily lost when casualties get reduced to mere numbers.
24.
Patton (1970)
General George S. Patton believed himself to be the reincarnation of soldiers serving the Roman Empire and Napoleon, among other past lives. While this belief and others made those around him view him as eccentric (or worse), it also captured the temperament of a man who saw himself as a soldier first and couldn’t picture himself serving any other function in life. Co-written by Edmund H. North and Francis Ford Coppola, Franklin J. Schaffner’s epic-scaled biopic focuses on Patton’s World War II experience. That’s more than enough to fill a film, and more than enough to offer a complex, nuanced, often unflattering depiction of the hard-charging general whose victories in North Africa, Sicily, and elsewhere could be overshadowed by diplomatic gaffes, a megalomaniacal temperament, and abusive incidents, like the assault of shell-shocked soldiers he labeled cowards. The film reduces two such incidents into one, but it otherwise doesn’t let Patton off easy, giving room for George C. Scott’s full-bodied performance to capture the complexity of a born soldier for whom glory and ugliness often went hand in hand.
23.
The Battle of Algiers (1966)
Shot on location and filled with nonprofessional actors, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers chronicles the clash between forces of the French government and rebels in the Algerian capital during the Algerian War. The film has the look and feel of a documentary, but its commitment to realism doesn’t end with its style. Pontecorvo details the often horrific methods used in both sides of the conflict, from torture to bombings targeting civilians. The director claimed he set out to make an objective, politically neutral account of the conflict. If its sympathies can’t help but tilt a little toward the colonized, the film still plays like a nightmare in which every escalation kills more innocents and every victory comes at a horrible cost.
22.
Platoon (1986)
Oliver Stone drew on his own experiences in Vietnam for this tale of a privileged Army private Chris Taylor (Charlie Sheen) who enlists out of a desire to serve his country but finds himself overwhelmed by the on-the-ground moral compromises that service seems to require. Platoon won acclaim — and multiple Oscars, including Best Picture and Best Director — in part because of its realistic battle scenes and attention to the everyday details of fighting in the war. Beneath those elements, Stone stages an almost operatic struggle for Chris’s soul with the hardened Sergeant Barnes (Tom Berenger) and the more compassionate Sergeant Grodin (Willem Dafoe). Platoon’s most memorable achievement, however, is the way it captures the cloudiness and confusion of fighting a war in which the demands of his superiors, and the desire to survive, can blur the divide between good and evil.
21.
The Dirty Dozen (1967)
With a few notable exceptions, like The Great Escape, by the mid-’60s American World War II films had started to feel pretty square. Robert Aldrich’s violent, high-spirited The Dirty Dozen tapped into the spirit of the era, bringing in a remarkable cast (Charles Bronson, Jim Brown, John Cassavetes, Telly Savalas, and Donald Sutherland among them) to play a band of military convicts gathered by an OSS officer (Lee Marvin) to perform a dangerous behind-enemy-lines mission in the lead-up to D-Day. Aldrich brings a light touch to the film’s opening acts, as the characters meet, take a dislike to one another, but bond as a team anyway. But the unsparing final stretch leads to a sobering body count and some unavoidable acts of violence that look far from heroic. War can be a romp until the bloodshed starts.
20.
Letters From Iwo Jima (2006)
After depicting the Battle of Iwo Jima and its aftermath from the American side with Flags of Our Fathers, Clint Eastwood revisited the event from the perspective of Japanese soldiers with its companion piece, Letters From Iwo Jima. Eastwood unrelentingly depicts the desperation of the Japanese soldiers’ last stand, defending their position from tunnels as they ran out of resources and succumb to disease. But it’s the time spent with the soldiers, particularly a private and a general (played, respectively, by Kazunari Ninomiya and Ken Watanabe), that makes the film unforgettable. By the film’s end, viewers understand everything that led the men to this moment — from those drawn by a sense of honor to those compelled by the inescapable edicts of the Japanese government — putting human faces on one of the war’s pivotal moments.
19.
All Quiet on the Western Front (1930)
Lewis Milestone’s adaptation of Erich Maria Remarque’s landmark novel focuses on the experiences of a handful of German schoolboys inspired to serve in World War I by a teacher’s patriotic propaganda, after which they enjoy a few moments of glory before being thrust into the hell of war itself. Milestone depicts the awfulness of a World War I soldier’s life, one in which there’s never enough food, exploding shells make sleep impossible, and virtually any injury can turn fatal. The film’s elaborate battle scenes make extensive use of sound, an only recently introduced cinematic innovation that Milestone uses to assault viewers. (Some of the performances, on the other hand, haven’t quite figured out how to adjust to the sound era.) Though told from the perspective of German soldiers, the film works less as a critique of one country’s approach to war than war in general, leading to a set of devastating final shots that capture what it means to send a whole generation off to fight, and what’s lost when they don’t return. A Best Picture winner, its inspiration — from its intense battle scenes to the suggestion that war goes against nature — can be seen in virtually every war film that followed.
18.
Full Metal Jacket (1987)
The first half of Stanley Kubrick’s contribution to the wave of ’80s Vietnam movies tends to get more praise than the second, but they ultimately tell two parts of the same story. The first follows J.T. “Joker” Davis (Matthew Modine) through basic training, a dehumanizing process designed to turn young men into killing machines — unless, like Vincent D’Onofrio’s “Private Pyle,” they break in the process. In the second, Joker tries to hold on to the shreds of his humanity that he’s been able to preserve in the midst of the war, which Kubrick stages as a surreal swirl of violence and confusion in which nothing delicate and meaningful can survive. D’Onofrio conjures the look of a man who’s died on the inside. It’s echoed in the second half by the Vietnamese prostitutes unconvincingly asserting their sexual desire (a scene famously sampled in 2 Live Crew’s “Me So Horny”), unable to hide their boredom as they sell their bodies. Even those who survive war end up hollowed out on the inside, one way or another.
17.
The Great Escape (1963)
The ideal to which many subsequent star-packed World War II films aspired, John Sturges’s The Great Escape fills a German POW camp with James Garner, Richard Attenborough, Charles Bronson, Donald Pleasence, James Coburn, and, most memorable of all, Steve McQueen as allied prisoners determined to break out. Each brings his own skill to the endeavor, which Sturges shows in meticulous detail. McQueen embodied an anti-authoritarian spirit set to catch fire a few years later in the ’60s, and the film plays like a lighthearted heist film until a violent climax reminds us we’ve been watching a war film all along.
16.
The Bridge on the River Kwai (1957)
This list doesn’t want for Best Picture winners, among them David Lean’s The Bridge on the River Kwai, which also took the prizes for Best Director, Best Actor (for Alec Guinness), and Best Adapted Screenplay (though blacklisted writers Michael Wilson and Carl Foreman wouldn’t receive credit until years later). It’s easy for the Academy to get behind great war movies, which tend to use a spectacle and a grand scope to address weighty themes. Kwai contains all of the above, but it feels remarkably intimate thanks to its focus on a handful of characters played by Sessue Hayakawa, William Holden, Alec Guinness, and others. The product of contrasting cultures, the film finds each figure responding to his experiences as part of a Japanese prison camp in Burma differently — yet none is more fascinating than Guinness’s Lieutenant Colonel Nicholson, who comes to treat the forced construction of the eponymous railway bridge as a test of British gumption. The film treats his obsession as both an admirable manifestation of national spirit and a kind of war-stoked madness whose contradictions remain tangled to the end.
15.
The Chimes at Midnight (1965)
Orson Welles’s long-in-the-works (and long-hard-to-see) adaptation of Shakespeare’s plays featuring the high-living John Falstaff is a great war movie for two reasons. Working on an extremely limited budget, Welles created the illusion of sweeping battle scenes that captured the intensity of medieval combat. But it’s also a film about how war and duty can shut down the better, more joyful parts of our nature. Welles plays Falstaff as an unrepentant rogue, but also as a good man in the ways that truly matter. His estrangement from Prince Hal (Keith Baxter), the man destined to become Henry V, plays as both inevitable and tragic, and the closing observation that Hal became a prudent, humane king who “left no offense unpunished nor friendship unrewarded” rings with both truth and regret.
14.
Inglourious Basterds (2009)
Quentin Tarantino’s sprawling, episodic Inglourious Basterds is a World War II movie informed by the decades of war movies that preceded it and is fully aware of fiction’s ability to reshape history. The film pits, indirectly at first, the pitiless but ingratiating SS Colonel Hans Landa (Christoph Waltz) against a troop of Jewish-American soldiers under the command of the honey-accented Lieutenant Aldo Raine (Brad Pitt). As his film makes its way toward a final confrontation in Paris, Tarantino touches on everything from the racial subtext of King Kong to the power of propaganda to the ways different eras and subgenres of war films have interpreted World War II — until, finally, Basterds reveals itself as a revenge movie on a historical scale. It’s funny and audacious, but also shot through with a sense of sadness and loss, thanks in large part to Mélanie Laurent’s turn as the sole survivor of an opening scene in which Landa hunts for a Jewish family in hiding. It’s a reminder that while movies might get to rewrite history and even offer a shot at revenge, they can’t really undo it.
13.
Das Boot (1981)
A look at life aboard a World War II U-boat, Das Boot adapts a best-selling German novel by Lothar-Günther Buchheim, drawn from his experiences as a war correspondent embedded with a submarine crew during the Battle of the Atlantic. Jürgen Prochnow stars as the experienced and disillusioned unnamed captain whose sense of military duty and commitment to his men overwhelms open distaste for Hitler, Nazism, and the execution of the war. The title, which translates as “The Boat,” captures the spirit of the film. The movie’s opening sets up the force of the military at the height of the war, but the focus soon becomes what it’s like to live underwater in alternately dull and terrifying (and increasingly disgusting) close quarters. Wolfgang Petersen brilliantly uses cramped spaces, the sounds of underwater combat, and the intense performances of a bedraggled cast to create an immersive depiction of submarine service that’s jaundiced about the practice of war even as it captures the bonds needed to stay alive in the midst of it.
12.
The Burmese Harp (1956)
Kon Ishikawa didn’t plan to make The Burmese Harp and Fires on the Plain as companion pieces, but his two films about Japanese soldiers in the last days of World War II fit together well. Programmed as a double feature, it’s best to watch Fires on the Plain first to avoid ending in despair. Eiji Funakoshi stars as Tamura, a soldier who begins the film with tuberculosis and whose life only gets worse from there. Denied admission to a field hospital, he’s forced to wander a hellish landscape of the dead, the desperate, and the starving. Ichikawa depicts war as a relentless assault of horror via a story in which survival doesn’t always seem preferable to death. Released three years earlier, The Burmese Harp sounds faint notes of hopefulness in a similar environment via the story of a Japanese private (Shoji Yasui) who comes to realize a higher duty when he disguises himself as a monk in order to survive. The film doesn’t shy away from war’s grimness, but it also depicts the possibility of a hard-won spiritual awakening and some tenuous connections between wartime enemies that could grow stronger now that the fighting’s done. They’re slivers of optimism, but the film suggests they could spread and that maybe, someday, war might end.
11.
Dunkirk (2017)
Christopher Nolan’s daring account of the Dunkirk evacuation — a humiliating 1940 setback that advanced the German cause — attempts to capture the full scope of the event by depicting it via three differently paced timelines at once. One, the story of some stranded soldiers, unfolds over a week. The second, following civilians attempting to rescue soldiers by boat, is set over the course of a day. A third, in which a pilot storms the beach by air, covers a mere hour. What could have been a cerebral exercise carefully builds the tension on three fronts. A deeply emotional climax and stirring denouement captures the spirit of a nation desperately trying to find sparks of hope under grim circumstances.
10.
The Hurt Locker (2008)
The moviegoing public has largely proved resistant to films about the Iraq War, maybe because it remained the subject of heated controversy even as the films started to appear (and remains so today). One exception: Kathryn Bigelow’s Best Picture– and Best Director–winning The Hurt Locker, which doesn’t ignore the politics of the conflict but also focuses on the terrifying experiences of an Explosive Ordnance Disposal team led by William James (Jeremy Renner). Bigelow captures the intensity of a job in which the slightest mistake means death, and how the experience becomes so enveloping that any other way of life starts to feel impossible.
9.
The Big Red One (1980)
Sam Fuller had already been a crime reporter, pulp novelist, screenwriter, and soldier before he became a director. While he brought his World War II experiences to many of his films, Fuller wrote most of his autobiographical elements into this project, a sprawling war film based on his experiences in the Army’s 1st Infantry Division. He had first tried to film The Big Red One in the 1950s but couldn’t make it happen. Its realization looked increasingly less likely as the years went on, but the always intrepid Fuller persisted. Used to working on small budgets, he barely left Israel to create a war-spanning story that follows a 1st Infantry squad from North Africa, through Italy, D-Day, and finally to a Czech concentration camp. Playing a Fuller surrogate, Robert Carradine co-stars alongside Mark Hamill and Lee Marvin, the latter playing a hardened veteran of both World Wars. Fuller finds creative ways to stage the war on a budget — making particularly ingenious use of a watch during the Normandy sequence — and its limitations ultimately serve the film, keeping the focus on the experiences of a tight band of soldiers as they make their way from continent to continent and, ultimately, to the dark heart of the war itself. In the process, Fuller captures the ravages of war on both soldiers and civilians while also depicting why sometimes fighting becomes the only choice.
8.
Come and See (1985)
Russian director Elem Klimov’s harrowing Come and See opens with a Belarusian teen named Flyora (Aleksey Kravchenko) imitating a soldier as he and a friend dig through a trench looking for guns. In the process, he seems to summon war to his village, first in the form of a partisan militia who enlists him to fight the German invaders, then in the form of the Germans themselves, who arrive not just as conquerors but as gleeful sadists with no regard for human life. An end title notes that 628 Belarusian villages were destroyed in the war “along with all their inhabitants” and that Klimov co-wrote the script with Ales Adamovich, adapting a book based on Adamovich’s experiences in a Belarusian militia. To capture that horror, Klimov uses both a restless camera and heavy use of a Steadicam, gliding through a devastated, perpetually overcast countryside and depicting one disturbing incident after another. Over the course of the film, Flyora’s face becomes a map of trauma (an effect the then-13-year-old Kravchenko achieved partly through hypnotism). It’s a stark, haunting depiction of innocence lost that’s built around unblinking re-creations of World War II atrocities. But it’s mesmerizing, too — a cinematic tour of hell filled with surreal images (see: a Nazi officer carrying a lemur on his shoulder) and overwhelming scenes of chaos. It captures the worst aspects of war in a manner that denies us the ability to look away.
7.
The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp (1943)
Debuting in the Evening Standard in 1934, cartoonist David Low’s aging, walrus-mustached, potbellied Colonel Blimp came to embody all that was out of touch and out-of-date in a certain type of British military man. Released in the thick of World War II, Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburger’s The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp serves as a kind of origin story for the character but also, and above all, as a defense of his place in history and in shaping the national character. Roger Livesey stars as Clive Candy, a lifelong British soldier first seen losing a war-games exercise after his young opponent chooses not to play by the rules. The film then flashes back to Candy’s younger days when those rules still applied. It follows him from an attempt to defend Britain from German propaganda at the turn of the century through the ups and downs that followed. Along the way he falls in love with a series of women played by Deborah Kerr and befriends a German officer (Anton Walbrook) whose attitudes change with the shifting circumstances of his nation. At once comic and elegiac, it’s clear-eyed about the changing times that have made Candy’s notions about the proper way to fight dangerously out-of-date. But it also admires the way he embodies the best traits of an England that prides itself on civility and fair play even in battle — a vision of itself that’s in the process of being forcibly changed by the demands of an enemy that finds no virtue in such values.
6.
Apocalypse Now (1979)
Francis Ford Coppola’s loose adaptation of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness keeps true to Conrad’s use of a river journey as a trip into the most forbidding reaches of the human psyche while transposing the action to the still-fresh Vietnam War. Martin Sheen stars as Captain Willard, a special-ops soldier charged with ending the career of the insane, abusive, charismatic Colonel Kurtz (Marlon Brando) with “extreme prejudice.” Doing so means making a dangerous journey to a camp that Kurtz rules over like a god, with stops along the way that include time with a battle-happy surf-enthusiast commander of a helicopter unit (Robert Duvall), a USO appearance from some Playboy Playmates that stirs madness, and encounters with locals made tragic by the fog of war. (The extended versions released in 2001 and 2019 include even more episodes, including a French plantation sequence that provides an even stronger connection to the colonialism of Conrad’s book and the colonialist roots of the war.)
Coppola famously had a difficult time making the film, so difficult that his experiences inspired the great making-of doc Hearts of Darkness: A Filmmaker’s Apocalypse. That chaos may not have been necessary to create the sense of a world spinning out of control, but maybe it didn’t hurt. Sheen plays Willard as a man always on the verge of giving into the madness of the world around him, a world that grows less explicable and crueler the closer he draws to Kurtz. Coppola’s film is disorienting and disturbing, using Vietnam to capture the insanity of all war and drawing on Conrad to suggest that war might just be an outgrowth of an awfulness at the core of humanity itself.
5.
Saving Private Ryan (1998)
The end of the 20th century stirred a great deal of reflection about what happened in the middle of it, particularly during World War II. The passing of time had done little to make the Second World War look any less like a struggle for the very soul of the planet, one that could easily have been lost at several turning points — the D-Day Invasion of Normandy among them. Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan opens with a harrowing re-creation of that attack, offering a grunts’-eye view of the chaos and a zombie movie’s emphasis on gore. (If a movie could end war just by depicting the horrors of battle, this scene alone would have brought peace on earth.) It’s such an extraordinary sequence that it often overshadows the film that follows, which masterfully depicts the experiences of a handful of soldiers led by Tom Hanks’s tough Captain Miller. The results are wartime experiences without a hint of romance or nostalgia. It’s clear-eyed about the realities of warfare and even questions the group’s mission — the search for a single soldier in order to prevent his mother from losing all four of her sons in war — that’s less a crucial operation than a PR exercise. It never questions the importance of the fight, however, and emerges as a stirring tribute to those who died saving the world in which we now live.
4.
Grand Illusion (1937)
To gauge the effect of this Jean Renoir masterpiece about French WWI POWs and their German captors, it’s worth considering who didn’t want it to be seen. Joseph Goebbels hated it, particularly the way its criticisms of World War I reflected badly on the Germany that initiated World War II, declaring it “Cinematic Public Enemy No. 1.” But it wasn’t just Germany that came to find the film troublesome. Rereleased in France in 1946, the film didn’t sit as well with many French critics, who found its depiction of connections between French and German officers and its pacifist attitude out of step with the times. That reaction makes sense in the immediate aftermath of a war filled with atrocities on a scale never previously seen. But, years later, the mournful quality baked into the film overwhelms those concerns. Renoir fills Grand Illusion with hopeful suggestions that a common humanity can overwhelm nationalism, but also a sense that the possibility for that sort of connection is slipping into the past — along with any sense that war can be a noble exercise. It’s a stunning expression of humanism, but one filled with warnings about how little it takes for such values to fall away.
3.
The Thin Red Line (1998)
Terrence Malick’s adaptation of James Jones’s 1962 novel based on his World War II experiences fighting in the Guadalcanal campaign changed shape significantly as it made its way to the screen. Malick’s first film in 20 years, The Thin Red Line attracted the attention of established and rising stars alike, some of whom saw their roles reduced, or even deleted, from the final cut. Somewhere there’s an alternate version of the film in which Bill Pullman, Mickey Rourke, and Lukas Haas appear and Adrien Brody plays a key role rather than popping up for a few minutes of screen time. Malick’s editors, in an interview included in the Criterion Collection’s editions of the film, offer the best explanation for his decision-making. Malick cut the film not to service the plot but to make room for the film’s voice-overs. Paired with stunning images of war in the Pacific, they provide lyrical reflections on the characters’ wartime experiences and the loss of innocence that comes with those experiences. Malick returned from his moviemaking absence in full command of his signature ability to capture wonder, but in depicting a kind of hell on earth, he uses that ability to disorienting effect. Here, war spoils all it touches, from those who partake in it to those swept up in it to the land itself. To Malick, it’s an act of awful defiance against creation.
2.
Paths of Glory (1957)
It’s worth keeping Truffaut’s famous quote (told to the Chicago Tribune in 1973) in mind when thinking about Paths of Glory. If even the most pacifist-minded war films often end up glamorizing war — and Truffaut specifically suggested they did later in the same interview — Stanley Kubrick’s 1957 adaptation of Humphrey Cobb’s World War I novel comes closest to slipping through that trap. Beyond depicting the sheer brutality of trench warfare, it serves as an indictment of the act of war itself. Over the course of the film, officers order soldiers to their death in a battle they know they can’t win, one soldier betrays another to cover up a crime, and the film treats self-sacrifice less as a noble virtue than a value extolled because of its military usefulness. Heroism never enters the picture, apart from the willingness of Kirk Douglas’s Colonel Dax to try to expose the hypocrisy and wrongdoing of executing three men for cowardice.
Kubrick immerses viewers in trench life and drains scenes of recon missions and battle of any glamor. Only the terror remains. But it’s his ability to depict the human cost — on the condemned soldiers, on Dax, and on those who evade justice — that makes the film so haunting as it builds to an extraordinary final scene. Its final moments feature a moving rendition of a song by a German singer (played by an actress credited as Susanne Christian but soon to be known as Christiane Kubrick after marrying the director), leading to a moment of connection and vulnerability for those compelling her to sing. The differences melt away, if only for the length of the song. Then the war begins again.
1.
Ran (1985)
When Akira Kurosawa made Ran, he knew he had one last chance to make a grand statement. He’d spent years developing the project, a stretch in which he had difficulty securing financing for any sort of film, much less a sweeping epic that would become the most expensive Japanese film made at that point. His eyesight was faltering and the prospect of death never seemed far away. (Indeed, he’d lose his wife of many years while shooting the film.) So he put everything he had into the film, weaving Shakespeare’s King Lear into a story inspired by the life of the 16th-century feudal ruler Mori Motonari. Tatsuya Nakadai plays Ichimonji Hidetora, an aging daimyo determined to split his kingdom among his three sons, one of whom rejects the offer as foolish. The other two bring war to the land via bloody conflicts depicted largely as the result of the ruthlessness with which Hidetora ruled the land.
Ran, which translates as “Chaos,” is both a mammoth film and a tiny one. Kurosawa employed armies of extras — and burned massive sets to the ground — to depict the strife. Simply as a technical accomplishment, it should be on any list of the greatest war films ever made. But it’s also the story of one man’s tragic end and of his horrifying rush of reflection and regret. As Hidetora watches the destruction of everything he’s built, he realizes too late how little his accomplishments matter, how much virtue he’s cast aside to achieve them, and how time humbles even the proudest. All that fighting and death has accomplished nothing. Maybe, as the title suggests, war affronts the natural order and the blood we spill poisons the land for which we fight.
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https://therealnews.com/how-cold-war-era-hollywood-movies-rotted-our-brains
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How Cold War-era Hollywood movies rotted our brains
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2022-03-15T20:03:36+00:00
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Cold War-era Hollywood movies in the ‘80s were fun and entertaining as hell, but they really did a number on the American psyche.
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en
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The Real News Network
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https://therealnews.com/how-cold-war-era-hollywood-movies-rotted-our-brains
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As the horrific Russian invasion of Ukraine continues and anti-Russian sentiments are boiling over, Americans have found themselves hearkening back to the moral and narrative frames that defined Cold War-era cinema to make sense of this moment and our role in it. From Red Dawn to Rocky IV, Hollywood depictions of the pitched battle between the scrappy, freedom-loving West and the cold, monstrous Other in the East made for great movie watching, but it also had curious and long-lasting effects on the American psyche.
In the latest installment of Art for the End Times, Lyta speaks with writer and media critic Adam Johnson about some of their favorite ‘80s Cold War action movies, how they shaped the ways we think, how they’re problematic, and how sometimes we like them anyway. Adam Johnson is the cohost of Citations Needed, “a podcast on the media, power, PR and the history of bullshit,” and author of The Column on Substack.
Pre-Production/Studio/Post-Production: Dwayne Gladden
Transcript
Lyta Gold: Hello, and welcome to Art for the End Times. As always, I’m your host Lyta Gold. So, a lot of things have happened since our last episode. There were pretty important news events. Russia invaded Ukraine, unexpectedly for everyone. And that’s been very awful of course. There have been some really awful reactions to it as well. On the culture front, there’s been this sudden boycott of all things Russian in the name of helping Ukraine, but it’s weird and has had weird and terrible effects. There have been so-called Russian restaurants boycotted even though a lot of them are owned by Ukrainians. And there’s been silly things like dumping vodka out or pulling Tchaikovsky from classical concerts. And what this has put me in mind of is Cold War hysteria.
But it’s turbocharged Cold War hysteria and it’s different in some respects. But it did get me thinking about Cold War era action movies. Because these giant blockbusters, especially the ’80s blockbusters, I think they really shaped the way that a lot of Americans thought about the Soviet Union at the time and the way that they still think about Russia now, because there was a survey recently that a lot of Americans still think that Russia is communist. So that’s obviously still very affected by the Cold War era propaganda. So to talk about these very interesting and very influential and often very bad but also really fun action movies, I have a very, very special guest. He is a writer, journalist, a co-host of the amazing podcast, Citations Needed, one of the czars of left culture studies. It’s Adam Johnson.
Adam Johnson: I do make a point of saying I’m not a journalist. Journalists uncover new information and wake up before noon, and I’m a podcaster and a media critic. So I do neither of those things.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. We really are in a much sillier, lazier group.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Yeah. Journalism is such a noble label. I don’t use that term, because to me journalism will call and get quotes and do new [inaudible] and meet people in parking garages in Foggy Bottom. I like saying media analyst. It sounds more high brow or less ideological in the mean spirit of the media critic.
Lyta Gold: I like that. Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Anyway, just to be clear, I’m definitely not a journalist.
Lyta Gold: I’m just imagining a scenario in which you would do a Deep Throat meeting in a garage to talk about Rambo [crosstalk] –
Adam Johnson: Well, pursuant media criticism, I have done a touch of journalism here and there. For example, we had someone who was an MSNBC producer come on our show to criticize MSNBC, and we did the voice distortion thing like the kidnappers from Ransom, you know like [imitates distortion noise]. So I’ve done a touch of that here and there, followed up and gotten quotes, but mostly no. But anyway, that’s the category error thing. It’s not really that important.
Lyta Gold: I apologize for calling you a journalist.
Adam Johnson: No, no, it’s more about I don’t want to give people the false impression that I’m a journalist, but I appreciate it though.
Lyta Gold: So to begin, I wanted to get your opinion as an expert on these kinds of action movies. Just to start off with, what do you feel is different? Do you think it’s the same or different, the sudden anti-Russia hysteria, compared to how Russian art, I guess, was regarded during the Cold War?
Adam Johnson: Cold War hysteria always had a tinge or an element of, I don’t want to say anti-Russia racism, but maybe anti-Slavic or anti-Orient orientation. That was always a large part of it, but obviously they were manifestly white, but also they were very much Asiatic in terms of how they were perceived and how they were positioned against the “West.” So there was always an element of that, but I think it was overwhelmingly ideological. This obviously doesn’t quite have that, although it does for 40-some-odd percent who somehow still think Russia is communist. And you can’t blame them when BBC and MSNBC had multiple graphics with Putin and the hammer and sickle and such. It’s maybe understandable why people would think that. Whereas this recent surge is a little bit more ethnic in orientation, but I also understand why because, again, it borrows many other cultural or economic boycotts one would see called for against South Africa.
Obviously the context is totally different. The implementation has been totally different. Turns out BDS can work if you have the full support of all Western corporations, the CIA, the DOD, the entirety of NATO, and the pulpit of the WTO, and other such organizations. Turns out all you need for boycotts to work is to have a lot of power and target an economy smaller than Italy’s, although it is of course a major petroleum and natural gas producer. So it’s different in that sense. It also takes the form of a social media pile on, for want of a better term. I think someone made some comment about how Russia was the first country to be canceled. And people dunked on it, I think rightfully, but a part of me was also like, I see what he was getting at. It has a similar kind of –
Lyta Gold: It is like complete ostracism.
Adam Johnson: It has a vibe that it is unprecedented. I think there was a half-assed attempt in 2018 to “cancel Saudi Arabia” after they bone sawed Jamal Khashoggi, the Washington Post columnist, but then everyone quickly realized that there was way too much Saudi integration to the think tank world and the policy world and the Cohen Group, Albright Stonebridge Democratic consultant laundromat, bipartisan consultant laundromat world, that that wasn’t really possible in terms of Saudi investments in Uber and other big Silicon Valley companies through their sovereign wealth fund. And of course they vest heavily in VICE. That just blew over because it’s much harder to disintegrate Saudi money from much of the media and consulting world.
Lyta Gold: I just saw an article about how sad MBS is over the Khashoggi thing. He’s got a lot of feelings.
Adam Johnson: I believe he said it hurt his feelings personally. And it’s like, well, sorry that we upset you by just slapping you on the wrist for bone sawing a columnist of The Washington Post. But this is different because there’s obviously also an element of… I mean the invasion itself is objectively horrific by any objective measure. So it’s like it’s not as if this is something that’s been invented. It is an unconscionable act of aggression that was completely unjustified, and Putin himself is using a pre revolutionary imperial justification. He’s saying, oh, I’m restoring the borders of czarist Russia. And it’s like, oh, okay. So it’s hard to even have any sympathy in that regard. And then you combine it with, I think, the mass psychology of the fact that we have basically half the population that believes Putin installed Trump and beat Hilary Clinton in 2016.
So there’s this kind of, I don’t want to put pathologize it, but there’s a kind of processing of trauma with respect to that and desire for having revenge around that. Again, I think maybe even somewhat justifiably so. So it’s this kind of perfect storm. And then you mix all this together with the broader fact that the absolute worst lanyard NATO people on earth had, this is their big moment, where they’re paranoid and weapons contractor-funded worldview becomes vindicated. So it’s this perfect shit storm of a lot of bad actors. And of course, Ukrainians are the ones that are stuck in the middle suffering from all this. And so it’s a little bit of a different dimension, but I think, culturally speaking, the enemies have changed a little bit, but the interchangeable Slavic bad guy never really went away.
I mean, you heard the Russian mobsters were a very popular bad guy in the 2000s because you want to have a ethnic bad guy, but if it’s not a white person it gets a little dicey. And so movies like routinely John Wick and such, Russian mob’s a good go-to. I think maybe occasionally they’d throw in a Serbian mobster or whatever. But as long as it was vaguely Oriental but also white, then it fell into this sweet spot. So I think that never really left us. So looking at the ’80s war movies, it definitely seems more ideological and less about Russians per se.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. That’s something I found when I was looking back at some of these Cold War movies is they… Actually a place I really see it, I don’t know if you watched the third season of Stranger Things.
Adam Johnson: I never watched Stranger Things.
Lyta Gold: The first season I think is actually fun, but so the idea of Stranger Things is in the ’80s. It’s in the spirit of –
Adam Johnson: Oh, pastiche, right?
Lyta Gold: Yeah. It’s a pastiche. It’s in the spirit of… And the first season I think is actually a good story in its own right and then it gets increasingly pastichey. And by the third season, the Russians come in as villains and they are cartoon villains. They’re actually quite different than they appear in ’80s movies. And I think it’s actually interesting to look back at ’80s movies and the creation of the enemy because… Well, so, I guess when we’re talking about ideological portrayals and the portrayal of ideology as the enemy, I look at these movies and I see, okay, it seems like they portray the Soviets as very mechanistic, as brainwashed, but ultimately good people if they can get past it. Do you see that? What else do you see in that?
Adam Johnson: It really depends. It’s almost hard to generalize these movies we’ve watched, and maybe we should go movie by movie, but specifically in Red Heat, it’s a Walter Hill buddy comedy at the last throes of the Soviet Union, which came out in 1988. And internally I guess there was some conflict, he’s portrayed as a patriot. He’s a man of principle. They’re both fighting this war on drugs. So it’s this kind of thing that the Soviets and Americans can both agree on, which is we should just throw the book at drug dealers and kill them all. But at the same time, the movie’s loaded with ideological slights about how there’s no due process in the Soviet Union versus where they are in America where everything’s tied up by a bunch of goddamn ACLU lawyers.
So in a weird way, the fascistic cops look longingly at the Soviet Union. And there’s all kinds of throwaway lines about how this isn’t the Soviet Union. They have rights here. You can’t torture them. Now, ironically enough, the Jim Belushi police, the Chicago Police Department officer… But anyone who lives in Chicago and knows something about the history of the Chicago Police notice that John Burge ran a torture regime from 1972 to about 1991. He tortured over a hundred people using his midnight crew that involved everything from burning, suffocation, and electrical shock on the genitals. And so there’s this great projection where the Soviet has to come in and teach them how to torture, and meanwhile the actual police department being represented was subject of a huge federal lawsuit in the 2000s that found that the police department routinely tortured scores of suspects. So there’s a little touch of irony there, historical irony for anyone watching that movie.
And that’s always the way you play it. It’s like, oh, the Soviet Union, they just rip people’s balls off and call it a day. And that may be true to some extent, but obviously there’s a touch of projection there. Whereas I think in other films, which I’m sure we’ll go into, there’s the ideological reinforcement that has varying degrees of subtlety, but it almost feels like towards the ’87, ’88, and ’89, there’s just fatigue, people were just getting tired of it. And so we saw it coming to an end eventually, although I don’t think anyone saw it coming to an end that quickly. Because I think the psychology is that the Soviet Union is always going to be here, because it had been there for 70 years and so there was an assumption that it was going to be there forever, and then one day it wasn’t.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah, there’s a sense in a lot of these ’80s movies, even if they get very jingoistic, that there’s this kind of, oh, why can’t we all get along?
Adam Johnson: Well, it’s done in this very patronizing way, like Rocky IV does this.
Lyta Gold: Oh yeah. Let’s start there. That’s a great one.
Adam Johnson: It’s done in this patronizing, why don’t we all get along, but you guys really need to reform yourself and become more capitalist? So it’s vaguely peaceful, but it’s done in the similar way of why can’t Palestinians and Israelis get along, but Hamas needs to give up all their weapons and sign up for some nonprofit? And it’s like, well, so on our terms we’re all going to get along, which is why Reagan loved Rocky IV so much. Because Reagan would speak in the language of reconciliation very often. So it was a combination of the language of reconciliation and mutual understanding and diplomatic high-level meetings, which now are something you’re not allowed to do even though back in the ’80s, the Cold War, we did it all the time.
But at the same time, it was also clearly we’re superior, clearly our way of life’s superior. It’s just a matter of time before they come around to us. So it wasn’t cartoonish. It felt in that way of let’s understand, but understand that eventually we’re going to open McDonald’s in Moscow. And then in 2022 we’re going to take it away because the president we helped install is going to invade Ukraine.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. It’s really remarkable that it’s, let’s all get along on our terms. Let’s all get along… We can have peace if you become just like us. The other way that this works, and Rocky IV, I think has this. The crowd cheers on Rocky. They’re very hostile to him at first, but then they’re very excited about him because he’s so tough and proves through his humanity and humanizes them. It’s kind of a mess. But it’s often portrayed as that the Americans are weaker or threatened by the Russians, like Drago. Huge.
Adam Johnson: The ultimate American pathology is faked underdogism. We always want to be the underdog. It doesn’t matter whether or not we’re completely unipolar world domination, 800 military [bases]. We always have to be the underdog, which is what made the post 9/11 film framework so interesting. You had Jack Bauer. There were these enemies that were everywhere and they were going to kill us and we were always a step behind. And you see that very much in Rocky IV when he is doing the training montage and he’s like, the Soviet has the latest technology and is in this slick training, ’80s coked out training palace. And Rocky’s pushing a log up a… That’s why Reagan loved it, because Reagan always wanted to view them as the empire and the US as the scrappy underdogs, which there’s nothing to shake a stick at.
The Soviet Union at one point had 10,000 nukes and had a very large military, but they were certainly never as remotely as close as the United States was, which is why Kennedy had to make up the missile cap thing. You always have to look like you’re behind otherwise you can’t justify the constant defense spending. It’s one of the great gimmicks of American “foreign policy writing” is that no matter what, we’re always behind. ISIS is beating us on Twitter, the Russians are beating us on Facebook. And it’s like, well –
Lyta Gold: China’s beating us economically.
Adam Johnson: China’s beating us economically. You always have to constantly have neurosis because that’s how you justify keeping the funding going. And one of the things that a lot of these movies do very well, especially the completely absurd John Milius movie Red Dawn, is that we are the scrappy underdogs, we’re the freedom fighters, and the Soviets are the occupiers.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Let’s talk about Red Dawn.
Adam Johnson: In most contexts, of course, the US was funding the colonialists and the Soviets were funding the revolutionaries, but that doesn’t work for us. So we had to messy it up. We’re funding a bunch of mercenary fighters in Nicaragua and so forth. You always have to be projecting. Alex Jones is constantly projecting this paranoid vision of the future where jack-booted thugs come in and do to white people what he already wants them to do to immigrants and Black people. The constant projection is a huge feature of these movies because you don’t want to be the overdog, nobody [crosstalk] for Goliath.
Lyta Gold: Right. And in Rocky IV, it’s explicitly said it’s a battle of David versus Goliath.
Adam Johnson: Which is ridiculous.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. And they cast the actors in this way. It’s a shorter Sylvester Stallone and gigantic Dolph Lundgren.
Adam Johnson: Yeah, which is funny because the original Rocky was this similar dynamic with white reactionary race grievance politics where you had this very, very thinly veiled Muhammad Ali who was uppity and loud. And it was 1975, 1976, when the movie came out and the white athlete had been marginalized and sidelined, and Rocky was going to punch him in the mouth and show him that we still had it in us. And you had this white working class perception that “the Black radicals had taken over, that everybody had gotten too uppity. What happened to the white baseball player? What happened to the white basketball player?” And this was a manifestation of that and one of the frameworks of the original movie. They tried to rectify it later by making Apollo Creed more nuanced and making him a friend and stuff, and having homoerotic montages of him running on the beach in Rocky III. But that was obviously the political orientation of the first film. And a similar dynamic plays out in part four because you need your main guy to be an underdog.
So one of the difficult things with sequels, especially sports sequels, is having them win the championship but then recast them as the underdog in the next sequel. So it’s just the same with the US. Reagan would always talk about how we’re the underdog, and of course it flies in the face of any basic understanding of power.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. Apollo is killed in the fourth one. Drago kills him, so [crosstalk] and it’s this revenge plot line.
Adam Johnson: If he dies, he dies.
Lyta Gold: Yeah, [crosstalk].
Adam Johnson: Which he did.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. There’s some iconic lines in the movie. I mean, these movies are fun. Rocky IV is insane, but it’s like there’s a weird robot. There’s a lot of weird stuff.
Adam Johnson: I think the robot’s in III, if I’m not mistaken.
Lyta Gold: Maybe also in III, but it’s definitely in IV.
Adam Johnson: Is it also in IV?
Lyta Gold: Yeah. It’s definitely in IV.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. I think Sylvester Stallone apologized for the robot.
Lyta Gold: It would make sense, because it’s very bizarre.
Adam Johnson: Sylvester Stallone released a director’s cut of Rocky IV.
Lyta Gold: Of IV?
Adam Johnson: Yeah.
Lyta Gold: I didn’t know that.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. During COVID he got bored I think and re edited it. So [crosstalk]. It has 45 more minutes of plot
Lyta Gold: Is it more montage? Because there’s so much montage.
Adam Johnson: I don’t know. I didn’t see it, but I wouldn’t be surprised if there was an additional montage.
Lyta Gold: That’s incredible. Yeah. I mean, and that’s the thing. These movies were blockbusters, they were popular, they were fun. But you’re right. The necessity of portraying as the underdog because nobody likes to root for Goliath. And then Red Dawn, which came out in ’84, I believe. And critics panned it, but it was very popular. People really enjoyed it. And that is a pretty classic invasion fantasy. It’s funny I didn’t think of comparing it to Jack Bauer, but I can really see some parallels, the almost eroticized vulnerability of the heartland.
Adam Johnson: Well, John Milius, I mean, he’s pretty clear that he thought that it was a plausible scenario. He’s basically a John Bircher and he thought communists were everywhere. Obviously he went on to be a huge right-wing lunatic. But that movie is… I mean the thing with Red Dawn, it’s a good movie. It’s actually a very good movie. It’s a very good thriller. It’s very well done. There’s moments of poignancy, but it really did play out a fantasy that the most fringe elements of the emerging neoconservative consensus in this country really needed people to believe and provided a pop culture framework for that, which again is all this imperial neurosis because you have to recast yourself as the underdog in this scenario where, for the most part, whether it be Nicaragua, Guatemala, South Africa, the US was obviously not the underdog, obviously funding and arming the overdog, and that’s of course what drew Stallone to Afghanistan for Rocky III in 19… Gosh, when was that?
Lyta Gold: ’88 I believe.
Adam Johnson: Was that… Yeah, [crosstalk].
Lyta Gold: I think it’s pretty late. Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Rocky III… No, Rambo IV was ’88. No, Rambo IV was… Sorry, I’m saying Rocky IV. Sorry, we made a lot of Cold War movies.
Lyta Gold: I know. He was very busy in ’80s.
Adam Johnson: I know Red Heat was ’88. Yeah, Red Heat was ’88.
Lyta Gold: Yeah, Rambo III was ’88 and I guess Red Heat also. And then Rocky IV is ’85.
Adam Johnson: Rocky IV was ’85. Right.
Lyta Gold: Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Okay. So yeah, Rambo III was probably the closest you would get to some kind of approximation of at least a symmetrical relationship with the Afghan communists and then Mujahideen.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. What I thought was funny about Red Dawn is that like Rambo III, it’s actually dedicated to the brave fighters of the Mujahideen. It’s explicitly stated.
Adam Johnson: So that screen cap is fake by the way.
Lyta Gold: I know. I know, but it’s just still funny.
Adam Johnson: So everyone knows. I know you know. I just want to be clear. It always goes viral and I’m like, this is not real. This never happened. No one could ever find evidence that it happened. It’s to the brave freedom fighters of Afghanistan, which isn’t much better, effectively. It does not say Mujahideen.
Lyta Gold: It doesn’t literally say Mujahideen.
Adam Johnson: Which has a scary Arabic flavor to it.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. But I mean, the Red Dawn it’s, interestingly, for all that it’s a paranoia movie and it’s very afraid of communists and the Nicaraguans and the Cubans have teamed up with the Russians and they’ve snuck people in [crosstalk] workers –
Adam Johnson: Oh, it’s got it all. Yeah.
Lyta Gold: Yeah, it’s got all that. But at the same time, it’s very much in favor of insurgents and the idea of insurgency. And you’ve got this complicated figure, Colonel Bella, who’s a Cuban, he’s a bad guy, but he used to be an insurgent and he has complicated feelings that he doesn’t like [crosstalk] police and –
Adam Johnson: Cuba’s occupying United States, that would be indeed quite complicated. Also completely fly in the face of their entire philosophy and government. Would literally never happen. Yeah. It’s like I think when they did one of the Call of Duty games and the thinly veiled Hugo Chavez teams up with I think North Korea or something to invade the United States, and I’m like, this is not part of their ideological doctrine, to go invade California. That’s not on their to-do list.
Lyta Gold: Invade and occupy and –
Adam Johnson: Invade and occupy. Yeah.
Lyta Gold: …It’s like be the mindset of the occupiers.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. But no, Red Dawn was the ultimate right-wing fantasy for a number of reasons, not the least of which being is that it’s not a coincidence that it’s the Wolverines, it’s the most scrappy teenagers all handsomely fighting the Soviet oppressors, because you need to convince the young kids, the Alex P. Keaton crowd to be [right wing].
Lyta Gold: Yeah. They even put Jennifer Grey in it. They’re really trying to appeal to the ’80s kid.
Adam Johnson: It reminded me a lot of this fantasy, a film that came out in 1993. Did you see Toy Soldiers?
Lyta Gold: I didn’t see that one.
Adam Johnson: So it’s the ultimate teenage boy fantasy where terrorists take over their private school and the kids have to do a die hard thing.
Lyta Gold: That’s awesome.
Adam Johnson: And it’s actually really, it’s a banger. I rewatched it recently. And it’s a version of that. It’s like here’s this ultimate teen fantasy. A bunch of Soviets who are going to take over and a bunch of scrappy 19-year-old terrorists have to save America from the big, bad Soviets.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. What’s interesting about Red Dawn, too, is that violence isn’t presented… There’s a lot of violence, extremely violent movie for its time, especially, was usually violent, but it’s not presented –
Adam Johnson: I think it was the first PG-13 movie. Was that its claim to fame? Or one of the first?
Lyta Gold: It might have been. I did see something that it was just whatever ranking [crosstalk] violence in movies. They were like, this is crazy violence.
Adam Johnson: They didn’t want it to be R because they were trying to market to teenagers, but it was definitely not PG. So I think –
Lyta Gold: Was that what they invented it for?
Adam Johnson: Was it ’87 it came out or something? I think it was one of the first –
Lyta Gold: ’84, I think.
Adam Johnson: ’84. I think it was one of the first PG-13 movies. I could be wrong. [crosstalk] –
Lyta Gold: Interesting to hit that.
Adam Johnson: …For that reason.
Lyta Gold: But the violence is not romantic really. It’s actually tragic and terrible a lot of the time. And there’s a lot of talk about how, for the kids, having to be a child soldier is a terrible thing, and they have to give up their innocence. And it’s still right-wing fantasy about invasion and forced giving up of innocence, et cetera.
Adam Johnson: Yeah, it’s a very military academy kind of… People think fascist films glorify violence. And I think historically they don’t. They actually operate within this hell of war muddiness because… Saving Private Ryan is basically an army recruiting commercial. And it’s a wonderful movie, don’t get me wrong, but it’s an army recruiting commercial, as was Band of Brothers. And people are like, oh, it actually shows the horrors of war. And I’m like, yeah, because every 17-year-old who you want to recruit to the army watching this says, I’m not going to be the guy that gets aced in the head. I’m going to be the badass who goes and kills a bunch of Nazis and goes home and gets a blonde. Because that’s the general [crosstalk] of that kind of war movie. I forget who it was.
I think it may have been Kurt Vonnegut who said, there’s no such thing as an antiwar film, for that reason, or antiwar book I think is what he said, because it’s like no matter how horrible they make it look, every adolescent or post adolescent who’s watching is going to say, oh, that looks really fucking badass. Because what [Orin] said in an ideological position is that they’re fighting for the good cause. They’re the good guys. And I think the horrors of war thing has always been a given for any post 19th, post Hays Code war movie, they’re all going to be the horrors of war. And there are some exceptions. That’s why I think one of the few actually antiwar movies is The Thin Red Line because it’s so fucking boring.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. That’s true. It doesn’t make it fun at all.
Adam Johnson: It doesn’t look fun at all. It looks boring. It’s a lot of sitting around, it’s a lot of whispering into tree lines. Jarhead I think was similar too, a very boring war movie. And I think to an extent, the only way you can make war movies “antiwar” or “non jingoistic” is to either make the US explicitly the bad guys or make it boring. That’s why Rambo is interesting, because the first Rambo has some reactionary window dressing with respect to the whole spitting on soldiers thing, but also is mysteriously very left wing, the first one, because it first off positions cops as a bunch of asshole hotheads, and two, it has us sympathized with what was very thinly veiled Vietcong type character with a war comes home or whatever. So I would maybe even put that in the ambiguous category.
But yeah, I mean, war is hell is part of the selling point. I mean, it’s why when the DOD partners with Activision to make those video games, they’re all like, oh, this is like hell, man. But you will survive. You will not be the guy who gets the bullet through his head in the first five seconds of Saving Private Ryan. You’re going to be, I don’t know, Matt Damon or whatever.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. It’s where the depiction versus endorsement debate I think gets more complicated sometimes than people want it to because –
Adam Johnson: Yeah, it does.
Lyta Gold: …This is something that really just bugs me in general, is there’s depiction of intense sexual violence or there’ll be a depiction of a racist character. And it’s very clear that this person is supposed to be bad or this action is supposed to be bad, but when things are portrayed in graphic and loving detail, then you start to…. Movies or works of art in general try to have it both ways with those things, because it’s still portraying this huge [crosstalk] –
Adam Johnson: Well, I think a good way to tell if something is war propaganda is if… I remember when Band of Brothers… Band of Brothers came out on Sept. 9, 2001.
Lyta Gold: Wow, I didn’t realize.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. So its timing for jingoism was… It was going to be –
Lyta Gold: Do you think Spielberg did 9/11?
Adam Johnson: No. I mean, the point is the timing of it meant it was going to take on a certain form whether it wanted to or not. But then the premier that previous July… Dreamworks and HBO had a bunch of partnerships with the military and did premieres at military bases. And they did some behind the scenes documentary stuff with World War II veterans and Spielberg would go on interviews and say this is a love letter to the veterans and that all sounds good, but it’s like you can’t have it both ways. Then you can’t then say, oh, well this is not a pro-war show. And it’s like, look, Band of Brothers is probably the best mini series ever made. It’s amazing. It’s just very well done. It’s very, very good. But it’s also a recruiting commercial for the army.
People get where they think that by saying something is jingoistic you can’t also say it’s good. We have this weird thing where we can’t occupy those two thoughts in our heads at once. In fact, a lot of pro-war or pro-America propaganda is very good, otherwise it wouldn’t be very effective. And people get weirdly defensive about that when they’re like, oh no, it’s not. It’s like I mean, come on, Spielberg in interviews will tell you that this is like, oh, this is for the troops or whatever and for the sacrifices they made. It’s the good war or whatever. And, I don’t know, it seems very precious to be like, I don’t know. It’s about the ambiguities. No it’s not. Come on.
Lyta Gold: Arguably it’s about all of those things. It’s ambiguous and it still has a point and still has a purpose, if that makes sense.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. I mean, that makes it look pretty badass. A bunch of dudes doing dude stuff. I mean, I forget who it was. Someone said the reason why middle aged men love mafia movies is because it’s the only time that male friends hang out together.
Lyta Gold: Oh shit.
Adam Johnson: And I was like, yeah, that’s true.
Lyta Gold: God damn it. Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Forgive me, I can’t remember who said that. But it’s similar to war movies. It’s just dudes doing dudes stuff, smoking cigarettes and busting each other’s chops and killing Nazis. I don’t know. It’s a recruiting commercial. I mean, which is something you can empirically show. The reason why I brought up the 9/11 in Band of Brothers was because you can’t show Band of Brothers led to an increase in military recruitment when it came out because obviously there is another factor there, but you can with Top Gun.
Lyta Gold: Oh interesting. I didn’t know that.
Adam Johnson: Top Gun, when it came out in 1986, David reported this for The Washington Post 10 years ago. There’s different indicators, but recruitment increased for the Navy that year by like 400%. It was huge. I mean, it was unreal. Everybody wanted to go to the Navy and be a fighter pilot. Similar to how the KKK was dormant for 50 years until Birth of a Nation came out in 1915. Whenever someone says, oh, media doesn’t really influence people, I’m like, okay. Look, I have a conflict of interest. I have a direct incentive to believe media influences people, that’s what I do for a living. So you take it with a grain of salt.
But clearly people are very susceptible to these kinds of jingoistic messages. And Top Gun is an example where I don’t even know if the Soviets are mentioned, but there’s obviously a Soviet or Soviet adjacent bad guy in the last 10 minutes, but Top Gun is very clearly a recruiting commercial for the Navy. And it was by design, it was set up that way. Because originally they had asked Oliver Stone to direct it and he was like, well, I’m going to make it this gritty nuance. And they were like, no, no, no.
Lyta Gold: [crosstalk].
Adam Johnson: First off, I don’t know why the fuck you would ask Oliver Stone to make Top Gun, because Platoon came out the same year as Top Gun, which was –
Lyta Gold: I would love to see the Oliver Stone Top Gun actually. That sounds weird.
Adam Johnson: I would as well. Yeah, because I guess he was approached to direct it, I guess it would’ve been before he directed Platoon, which was a semi autobiographical Vietnam film, because he was in Vietnam, and was after he had written Scarface, a very violent and racist movie that I think he’s since distanced himself from.
Lyta Gold: Oliver Stone’s a mixed bag. I’ve seen Alexander. So still a [crosstalk] take him seriously.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. No, it’s a total mixed bag. But Top Gun would be an example of a Cold War ’80s film that’s maybe not even remotely nuanced, just a total rock out with your cock out, a [inaudible] America movie.
Lyta Gold: Right. With the enemy essentially absent. The thread [inaudible] is essential.
Adam Johnson: It’s about making being in the military fucking cool as hell. I mean really that’s what it is, which is really what you need to do.
Lyta Gold: So I was curious where you’d put War Games into this discussion, because this is another movie –
Adam Johnson: War Games is a liberal movie. And I don’t mean that as a pejorative. I mean that as a compliment.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. It’s very much is.
Adam Johnson: It’s a liberal anti-nuclear movie, which was very much in vogue at the time.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. It’s one where the Russians are still very absent, which I find interesting.
Adam Johnson: Yeah, because it’s not a right-wing movie. It’s a movie about the objective insanity of building massive nuclear arsenals. And I think it’s a very good movie. The “left” in the United States from the mid ’70s when everyone burned out or joined a cult or went to prison, to the WTO in the mid ’90s, there was a huge gap. Basically they all did anti-nuke stuff. That and save the whales and the ozone layer were the center of the left for a good 15, 20 years. And this movie is very much in the vein of, hey, why don’t we reduce our nuclear arsenal from 20,000, to 10,000?
Lyta Gold: And it’s also, let’s not rely on AI, on technology, and take the human element out of things.
Adam Johnson: Because there were anti-Cold War movies. I would put War Games in that camp. I would put Real Genius in that camp. The politics of Real Genius are actually quite antiwar.
Lyta Gold: Tell us about Real Genius, because I think people know War Games. I’m not sure they know this one
Adam Johnson: Real Genius was, gosh, what year did that come out?
Lyta Gold: I will point out that War Games rests upon the premise that nerds are attractive, and so it is slightly outdated.
Adam Johnson: It’s very outdated. Yeah.
Lyta Gold: In that respect.
Adam Johnson: Then all the nerds became Nazis and then we…
Lyta Gold: Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Real Genius came out in 1985. It’s got Val Kilmer. Basically it takes place at a thinly veiled Caltech. And they’re set up to build this weapon, this space laser Star Wars-esque weapon. And then the military-industrial complex were the bad guys and they subvert it. So it’s an anti-Cold War…
Lyta Gold: Yeah.
Adam Johnson: There were quite a few of those. I mean there’s always going to be lefties in Hollywood, although I don’t think you would see that movie now.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. That’s something I think that’s changed in ways that are very interesting, that it’s hard to imagine. I’m trying to think of anything that’s remotely left wing that’s been made [crosstalk], just like Sorry to Bother You. I mean, in terms of Rick really left wing.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Sorry to Bother You. But in terms of our relationship with the military-industrial complex, I’m trying to think… Anything I’ve seen recently. Speaking of the Cold War, I feel it’d be remiss to not talk about The Americans.
Lyta Gold: Yes. Oh, I did want to talk about that, because that’s an incredible show.
Adam Johnson: A show that I think avoids every single stupid Cold War cliche deliberately. And in fact, I think for a good arc of season two and three, the Soviets are the good guys, because it had South Africa as a major plot, where they obviously were the good guys and the US was obviously the bad guys. And what’s interesting is it’s not till the final season, which I think they filmed on or around June 2016 around the time that Russia did all the DNC hacking and such. And then it finally gets into the stupid Anne Applebaumy Cold War stuff in the last season, where it’s very head patty, the evil Soviets.
Whereas in the first five seasons, it’s like, oh yeah, they’re shitheads, we’re shitheads. They’re right sometimes, we’re right sometimes. It makes it a more interesting show. Because if they just beat over your head with the Soviets being a bunch of zombie, evil empire automatons, then it’s not very interesting. But if they’re like, oh they’re actually ideological and sometimes they fall on the right side of history, this is a far more interesting show than if they’re just a bunch of zombies.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. Well, and there’s so few stories that come from the point of view of Russian characters. You don’t see a lot of this, certainly during the Cold War, but even now. It’s not very commonly done. You see this time period represented through a non-American lens.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Or you get the golden eye Air Force One, post Soviet, they’re kind of good now because they’re capitalists. Here’s these Leninist holdouts who are terrorizing such and such. But yeah, no, generally I mean, I guess that’s true. You generally don’t get many foreign characters. But I thought The Americans was in the… Forgive me, I forget the filmmaker’s name, the creator’s name of The Americans. Gosh, I can’t remember.
Lyta Gold: That’s okay.
Adam Johnson: But he wrote an op-ed a year ago I think in The Hollywood Reporter or Vanity Fair or something, Washington Post, I forget, where he was basically like, hey, why don’t we not have a new Cold War? We should have some kind of de-escalation with Russia. And people lost their minds over it. They were like, oh, I knew that show was too soft on the Russians. And they were basically accusing him of being a fifth columnist and I was like…
Lyta Gold: Oh my God.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. I couldn’t imagine making that show without being that dogmatic today versus 2013.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. I think we’re going to see a huge rise and it’ll be Russians back as the villains.
Adam Johnson: Well, Red Sparrow was very much a cartoon depiction of Russians, because it had every cliche in the book. They’re all a bunch of sociopaths. I mean, that’s the stuff I assume we’re going to… Ever since 2016, ever since the WikiLeaks, we’re going to get a nice heaping pile of that kind of bullshit. Which is like you said, with rare exception, would be far less nuanced than what we got in the ’80s.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. I mean, Dolph Lundgren’s character is a victim of a system. He’s portrayed sympathetically. I mean, again, it’s still ideological. It’s still a system that is evil.
Adam Johnson: Well yeah, it’s a neoconservative framing, where good people are often hostage by this regime that we have to overthrow.
Lyta Gold: But that’s very different than cartoon-like mustache twirling.
Adam Johnson: Yeah, it is. Which is also probably true for some, but not for others. And one of the things I thought The Americans did well is they were like, no, Keri Russell, she’s a hardcore communist. This is what she believes. This is not an act where it’s obviously a husband, I forget his name. It’s a little more nuanced or a little bit more complicated, because you have to have a mix of both or it’s not very interesting. You can’t just have everyone be a fucking hardcore patriot or a total cynic.
Lyta Gold: Yeah.
Adam Johnson: But anyway.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah, in the early seasons of The Americans, there’s lots of interesting characters and their different handlers have different approaches and different beliefs, and some are harsher than others and yeah, it’s [crosstalk] –
Adam Johnson: They suspiciously avoid ideology in the first season.
Lyta Gold: Yeah, a little bit.
Adam Johnson: And then in season two, three, four, five, it’s a huge part of the show. I thought maybe they were scared to start off with it.
Lyta Gold: It’s a risky premise and it wasn’t that popular a show. I mean, it’s critically acclaimed and people who have seen it love it, but it never got particularly good ratings.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Well, none of the shows people on Twitter talk about ever have a good rating. If you ever look at the top ratings, people talk about Euphoria or something and then you look with total viewership and it’s 900,000 people versus Navy NCIS which gets like 15 million. No, the shit left liberals talk about on Twitter, nobody watches except for liberals on Twitter, because you look at actual ratings, you’re like, oh this is like Yellowstone.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. People love – What is Yellowstone? I don’t know what this is.
Adam Johnson: I indulged. I watched it.
Lyta Gold: Is it good?
Adam Johnson: The first season is complete soap operatic mess. And it’s written like a 14-year-old views women. Every woman character is this total… But then it gets better and then it becomes the definition of a guilty pleasure. It gets way better. The first season’s horrible. Then seasons two and three, you’re like, oh, that’s actually pretty good. Because they got rid of all the dumb stuff and kept the good stuff, which seems obvious, but a lot of shows don’t do that.
Lyta Gold: For all that journalists, yeah they wake up early and they do the actual hard reporting and all that, a media analyst like yourself has to slog through terrible TV. And who’s the real hero here?
Adam Johnson: I think basically, they should give a Pulitzer and a Peabody to people who provide any commentary on shows from the ’80s. And they told me I couldn’t use my film degree. I actually don’t have a degree, but I would’ve had I finished.
Lyta Gold: I just want to talk about these real quick before we have to go, but I slogged through one and a half seasons of the new Jack Ryan show.
Adam Johnson: Oh yeah. We did a whole thing on that.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah. I thought –
Adam Johnson: Season two is definitely outright State Department propaganda. It could have been written by Marco Rubio. I mean, it’s a parody of Venezuela politics.
Lyta Gold: Season two I actually found unwatchable. I couldn’t. It was silly
Adam Johnson: Season one is also bad and the fact that –
Lyta Gold: It’s quite bad too.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. It’s like, oh, it’s a Shia-Sunni Alliance and I’m like, yeah. Not a thing that we would ever oppose. He’s like super Bin Laden. He’s uniting Shias and Sunnis. I’m like, do you know how Wahhabism works? Do you know how… No? Okay.
Lyta Gold: There is the lack of, and I think it’s something that we see post 9/11 and the shift to Muslims and Arabs as villains more so than Russians, of course we’ve got resurgence with that, is this completely cartoonish over the top. It’s a very inhuman way of portraying. Although strangely enough, in season one of Jack Ryan I’d say that the Muslim characters often were more human than the extremely boring, flat, American characters who seem to have no life whatsoever. They just move through empty spaces.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Well, they always have the good Muslim, because there’s only two Muslims you’re allowed to have. You’re allowed to have the… Well, three. You’re allowed to have a snitch, a victim, and a terrorist. You can be the good one who speaks Arabic and works with the FBI. In this case of Jack Ryan, it was his partner. He was a Black Muslim. And then two, you can be a terrorist, and then three, you can just have a hijab and be screaming as your child dies and you’re a victim. Those are the only three acceptable positions. You’re not allowed to be an anti-imperialist or a communist or anything that’s not those three caricatures
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Although the villain in the first season, the terrorist villain, they do show his backstory.
Adam Johnson: Well, they do. Yeah, he’s blowing up in Beirut. They’ve been doing that one for a few years to make it look like he’s not a total psychopath. I think it was some US drone strike or bombing at Beirut or something.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Yeah.
Adam Johnson: They have some of that bleeding heart liberal. They do. I think they even do that in 24 a few times just to make the [inaudible] Muslim seem somewhat non one-dimensional.
Lyta Gold: Right. So they checked off a box.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. They checked a liberal box. So they’re not just mindlessly racist. No, they didn’t even bother doing that in season two. They were just like, here’s this Nicholas Maduro, who we’re going to call Nicholish Mamoro. And he’s this right-wing dictator and America just goes in there and funds the… It’s the CIA’s basically human rights watch with guns. And we care deeply about freedom of the press, and also we’re going to fund this left-wing character, which is also not a thing the CIA does, unless it’s the nominally left, but mysteriously supports the first thing they want to do when they get in office is move the embassy to Jerusalem and take out a bunch of IMF loans.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Well, so one of the things that I love very much about Citations Needed is I think you guys are really good at talking about… Some of these shows that we are forced to watch are very terrible, but a lot of the stuff is very lovable and is very fun. And people like it because it’s enjoyable even if it’s problematic, and it’s getting at the way that this propaganda works, and it works because things are very… Even though the propaganda and the ideology is really troubling, the movies or the TV shows are often really well made.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. I think there’s a weird thing where people act like you can’t like bad things, that I think doesn’t reflect the human condition. Nima and I were talking, we did a whole episode on anti-Muslim racism. And Nima’s like, God, True Lies is just a horribly racist movie full of awful caricatures, but it’s my favorite movie. You can have both of those things. You don’t want to be too glib about it because obviously there are stakes here and there is a limit to that. We’re not going to go on talking about how great the latest Richard Spencer article is, how well written it’s been. I mean, there are limits. But generally speaking, yes you can hold those two ideas in your head at one time. Otherwise, I don’t think anyone takes you seriously. Anyone’s going to go like, oh, I don’t watch 24. It’s like it’s [inaudible]. It’s not. 24 is the most entertaining show ever. It’s also horrible.
It just doesn’t seem honest to me. People get very defensive too, because they’ll be like, oh, no, no. They’ll say, oh well, Band of Brothers is an army recruiting commercial. Or, Saving Private Ryan is an army recruiting commercial. Oh, you didn’t like it? It’s great. I love it. It’s just also an army recruiting commercial.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. That’s what it is.
Adam Johnson: It’s okay to be honest about the political effects of the art we consume without viewing any of these moral binaries, because I think that that’s just not a human way of interpreting art. For example, we did a whole episode on the way that the CIA influenced literature, and we kept stopping every five seconds being like, that doesn’t mean you can’t enjoy literature. It’s just there are greater forces at work. Just as you can enjoy Soviet art. I mean, there’s tons of great Soviet films. It doesn’t mean you’re endorsing the ideology or whatever. And once you accept those two things in your head at once, it makes it a lot more, I think, honest when you talk about this stuff.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. I don’t want people to come away from this episode thinking that it’s wrong to enjoy ’80s movies, it’s wrong to enjoy a Tom Clancy novel. Enjoy, just be aware of what’s there.
Adam Johnson: Right. That’s the idea. You want to read it critically. Theoretically, that’s what you want to do. You want to understand that these things don’t just emerge out of nowhere.
Lyta Gold: So that being said, what one recommendation would you have for an, it doesn’t have to necessarily be an ’80s classic, but a really good classic Cold War propaganda. Again, doesn’t have to be made exactly during the Cold War, but what’s your go-to that you think people really ought to watch?
Adam Johnson: That is not right-wing [propaganda]?
Lyta Gold: Or that is, but people will like it. That’s something that you just love [inaudible] True Lives.
Adam Johnson: Funnily enough, in World War II Hollywood produced two pro Soviet films because they were an ally in World War II, one of which is called the North Star which is worth watching.
Lyta Gold: Oh, interesting. Haven’t seen that one.
Adam Johnson: It’s straight up pro Soviet propaganda. In fact, it’s a little problematic, but it’s a weird glimpse of the relationship that existed for a very brief time. But I mean, obviously the most subversive mainstream is Dr. Strangelove.
Lyta Gold: Yes.
Adam Johnson: The themes of which I think… I mean, it’s basically just a complete skewering of the military-industrial complex and the Cold War mindset. It’s done within a liberal milieu, but I think it’s even more subversive than that, would be my recommendation. I mean, it’s a little obvious, I guess.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. Often people haven’t seen classics because they think oh, this is a serious movie. It’s an important film.
Adam Johnson: No, it is legitimately still funny. It’s still funny. It doesn’t feel dated at all. So I re-watched it, I think, last year. I was like, this is still very… I mean, maybe it seems obvious, but sometimes comedies can become stale. It’s not at all. It’s definitely worth watching if you haven’t seen it.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. My recommendation, and it’s a problematic fave, but I’m probably going to do a whole episode on it because I’m obsessed with it. It’s Enemy at the Gates, which came out in 2001, I think.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. That’s a very cartoonishly anti-Soviet film in many ways, because it’s reinforces –
Lyta Gold: In many ways. Yeah.
Adam Johnson: Well, it reinforced the idea that the only reason the Soviets beat the Nazis is because they just mindlessly threw people at the Soviets, which is some weird. I think Chris [Hayes] said this once, and it’s a way we say, okay, clearly the Soviets lost 20 million people and killed probably 90% of the Nazis, but we can’t let them have the win so they cheated. It’s like they cheated by throwing –
Lyta Gold: Yeah. They just threw bodies in the [crosstalk].
Adam Johnson: And it’s like, well yeah, I mean, when your city’s under siege and people are starving for six months and your children are eating other children to survive, you’re probably not going to be too precious about arming everyone. No shit. I mean, it’s a weird revisionist thing people are obsessed with, because we have to make it look like they won, but they cheated. It’s a very American pathology. Whereas we played the game the right way. And that movie I thought reinforced a lot of those.
Lyta Gold: Oh yeah. It’s again –
Adam Johnson: Those tropes that are goofy when you stop and think about them.
Lyta Gold: One of the hardcore communist characters at one point gives a speech about how communism can’t work. I mean, it is cartoonishly anti-Soviet in a lot of ways.
Adam Johnson: Yeah, it’s a very cynical interpretation of the great patriotic war.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. But it’s also –
Adam Johnson: I don’t know. In my mind if you lose 20 million people, you get a pass. It’s like do we really need to go back and revise that they didn’t do it the right way? Were they supposed to stop everyone and read their fucking Miranda rights? What was the right way to persecute the war against the Nazis in the Eastern front? Please tell us.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. And it does portray it as a very desperate situation. I mean, but even the duel between the snipers is portrayed as a propaganda battle rather than an honest, that kind thing.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. That’s true. I mean, I don’t think it was all bad, but they did the whole they like, oh, they were cheating. And it’s like, okay. I don’t know.
Lyta Gold: But Rachel Weisz is gorgeous. It’s just a great movie.
Adam Johnson: The Soviets lost more people in Leningrad in one year than the US lost in the entire war. So I feel like they [crosstalk].
Lyta Gold: Yeah, the context definitely matters.
Adam Johnson: Yeah.
Lyta Gold: Obviously people should watch The Americans, but if you want a problematic fave I’d say Enemy at the Gates is something.
Adam Johnson: It’s a good movie. It’s a problematic fave.
Lyta Gold: Oh yeah [crosstalk].
Adam Johnson: It’s a very subtle form of liberal revisionism that I find curious, because there has to be some moral distinction between the US [inaudible] Nazis. Versus how they did it, which they did. They did it badly. They did it the wrong way. They just threw people at them and it’s like, okay, sorry, the Nazis didn’t invade Canada and invade Michigan.
Lyta Gold: Yeah, exactly. The scenario’s very different.
Adam Johnson: Yeah. Anyway.
Lyta Gold: But yeah. So yeah, go ahead, go forth people and watch these great movies, these great problematic faves, some of them. And everybody should listen to Citations Needed, because it is great. It is, for whatever reason, my go-to dirty chores podcast if I ever have to do something really difficult. I’m gross. I clean out the fridge or something.
Adam Johnson: We’ve gotten that before.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. I find [crosstalk].
Adam Johnson: It’s better than when people tell us they use this to fall asleep. I always get offended by that.
Lyta Gold: No, you keep me at a good level of anger. I think that’s why you’re great for these kinds of chores. I never thought about it this way. That’s so infuriating.
Adam Johnson: Honestly, as a podcaster, the highest compliment you can get is, you make my tedious task slightly less tedious. And I’m like, you know what? That’s pretty much my job. I’m okay with that.
Lyta Gold: Yeah. The job for which you wake up at noon and watch terrible television.
Adam Johnson: True.
Lyta Gold: It’s pretty great.
Adam Johnson: It’s tough work.
Lyta Gold: All right. Well, thanks everybody for listening. If you are hearing this, you’re probably subscribed to Real News Network, but if not, you should subscribe to it. We’ve got lots and lots of fabulous shows. And we’ll see you next time. Thanks.
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In the spring of 1862, volunteer soldiers in the Union army's 304th Regiment have become restless and bored with training and are anxious to see their first battle. As his comrades boast, The Youth, Henry Fleming, is troubled and unsure of his courage. He discusses courage with his tentmates, The Tall Soldier, Jim Conklin, and The Loud Soldier, Tom Wilson, but finds no solace. On guard duty that night, Henry hears the voice of a Confederate soldier from across the river. The friendly voice warns him to stay out of the moonlight and take care not to get a "little red badge" pinned on him. The next day, Tom goes through camp spreading a rumor he has heard that the regiment will be moving up river for a battle. Henry feels isolated from the other soldiers as they march toward the battlefield. When the men take positions in a trench at the edge of an open field, Tom rushes to Henry and asks him to give some letters to his parents if this is his first and last battle. In the first w
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The opening title cards reads: "Stephen Crane's Great Novel of the Civil War The Red Badge of Courage." The end credits differ from the opening cast credits, which are listed as follows: Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Douglas Dick, Royal Dano, Arthur Hunnicutt and Tim Durant. The end credits, which are in a different order and include added cast names, are presented with moving images of the principle cast, with their names and roles superimposed. The actor billed onscreen as Robert Easton Burke was more commonly known as Robert Easton. This was the only feature film in which he was used the name Burke.
Prior to the start of the action, a picture of author Stephen Crane, with his name printed below, is shown. After the photograph appears, the following words are spoken by the narrator, actor James Whitmore: "The Red Badge of Courage was written by Stephen Crane in 1894. From the moment it was published, it was accepted by critics and public alike, as a classic story of war,..." Whitmore provides intermittent narration throughout the film. The text of the narration was taken directly from Crane's novel, as was much of the film's dialogue. When the film ends, the book's final page is shown and Whitmore recites the penultimate line of the novel, "tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks--an existence of soft and eternal peace--".
Crane's novel, which was serialized in the Philadelphia Press (3 Dec--8 Dec 1894), was his second, and was written when the author was twenty-four years old. As noted in the film's narration, it was highly praised by contemporary critics. Its reputation as one of the greatest American novels has continued and it is often cited as the first modern war novel. The released film is close to the novel in style and content. Some critics have speculated that the novel's central battle is based on Chancellorsville (1863), but no specific battle is named, either in the book or the film.
News items, feature articles, reviews and press releases reveal the following information about the production: On 29 Aug 1947, a news item in LAT reported that Michael Kraike and Monte Brice were going to produce a film adaptation of Crane's novel, with a script by Robert D. Andrews , but that production apparently did not advance beyond initial planning. Audie Murphy, who portrayed "The Youth," the central character of the story, was the most decorated soldier of World War II prior to becoming an actor. Although Murphy had appeared in several earlier films, The Red Badge of Courage was his most important film to date, and considered by some modern critics to have been his best. Some contemporary reviewers pointed out the irony of the famous war hero portraying a young man grappling with worries of personal courage. Murphy received good notices for the film, including the Time magazine review, which praised his "boyishly eloquent" performance. Although some modern sources indicate that Montgomery Cliff was considered for the film's lead, in his autobiography, director John Huston indicated that Murphy was his only serious candidate, partially because of a rapport that existed between the two men, who both had been greatly affected by their own experiences during the war. Bill Mauldin, "The Loud Soldier," was a Pulitzer Prize-winning World War II cartoonist for the U.S. Army magazine Stars and Stripes. Mauldin, who had made his motion picture debut in M-G-M's Teresa, released a few weeks prior to The Red Badge of Courage, provided cartoon sketches of the production to accompany a feature article on the film in Life.
Portions of the film, which had no interior scenes, were shot in Chico, CA. Additional location shooting took place in Southern California on Huston's Calabasas ranch and on an adjacent ranch that belonged to director Clarence Brown. Various news items recounted that the production was utilizing a new technique called "leapfrog" directing. According to reports, the method required director Andrew Marton to set up a scene until Huston was ready to take over. As soon as Huston began direction of one scene, Marton would then immediately go on to set up the next. Although the process was intended to reduce a proposed eighty-day shoot to forty, thus saving money, the production ultimately ran about $50,000 over its proposed $1,500,000 budget.
Writer Lillian Ross wrote a series of four lengthy articles on the film's production. Ross, who became a lifelong friend of Huston's, wrote what was considered to be the most significant production history of any film to that time. Her articles, which appeared in The New Yorker from 24 May to 14 Jun 1952, were published in book form later in 1952, and was reprinted in book form with a foreword by Huston's daughter Anjelica in 1993. Much of the information that has been included in modern sources about the production was based on the essays written by Ross. In her articles, which included extensive interviews with the filmmakers, Ross offers a detailed history of the troubled production: After producer Gottfried Reinhardt proposed a screen adaptation of Crane's novel to Huston, they were given enthusiastic support by M-G-M production chief Dore Schary. At the same time, M-G-M studio head Louis B. Mayer opposed the project, feeling that it was not an interesting story and would not be successful. In Huston's autobiography, and in documentaries on his career, he stated that he offered to drop the project when Mayer voiced strong reservations, but Mayer told him to "fight for it" if he really wanted to make it. Throughout the pre-production and filming of The Red Badge of Courage, relations between Mayer and Schary, which had been strained since Schary assumed his position at the studio in 1948, became increasingly hostile. Ultimately, Nicholas Schenck, chairman of M-G-M's parent company, Loew's Inc., sided with Schary, and Mayer was forced to resign from the studio in Jun 1951.
Both Huston and Reinhardt, as reported by Ross and in Huston's autobiography, wanted to maintain the lyricism of Crane's book and stay as close as possible to the original text. According to modern sources, Huston had originally wanted author Norman Mailer to write the screenplay. Huston and Albert Band, credited onscreen with "Adaptation," but acknowledged in several contemporary sources as Huston's production assistant, both wanted the film to emulate the look of actual photographs taken by Civil War photographer Mathew Brady. In modern interviews, Band has claimed that both he and Huston wrote versions of the screenplay but that Huston preferred, and used, most of what Band had written.
The completed film ran more than 130 minutes and received numerous highly negative response cards from audiences members at previews held in Feb 1951. Huston stated in his autobiography and elsewhere that the audiences started leaving one hour after the picture began. As recounted in Ross's articles, Schary, Reinhardt and Huston were shocked by the reaction. Prior to the public previews, a private screening of the film was held and the filmmakers had been told by industry friends that the film was excellent. Huston was quoted in the Ross articles as saying that director William Wyler, who was usually highly critical, told Huston that the picture was "wonderful," and one of the greatest pictures he had ever seen.
Shortly after the public preview, Huston left to begin pre-production in Europe on his next film, The African Queen, and left final editing of The Red Badge of Courage to Reinhardt and Schary. Although Schary initially maintained that the film did not need significant changes, eventually, with the assistance of veteran M-G-M film editor Margaret Booth, Schary cut the picture to 69 minutes by removing several sequences, including the death of "The Tattered Man." In addition to removing considerable footage, Schary decided to add the narration that was spoken by Whitmore and to use an actual copy of the book as a framing device in the opening and ending credits.
Although the film had some excellent notices, it did not do well at the box office. When Ross's articles ran in The New Yorker, the studio hoped to capitalize on them by re-releasing the film in spring 1952, but it still failed to garner the public's attention. According to a 23 Sep 1952 news item in HR, the film became the basis of a motion picture analysis course at New York University, for which Huston himself was a guest lecturer. Many modern sources have called the film one of Huston's best and Huston himself stated that it was his personal favorite among his own films. A television adaptation of Crane's novel was made in 1974, starring Richard Thomas.
Less
In the spring of 1862, volunteer soldiers in the Union army's 304th Regiment have become restless and bored with training and are anxious to see their first battle. As his comrades boast, The Youth, Henry Fleming, is troubled and unsure of his courage. He discusses courage with his tentmates, The Tall Soldier, Jim Conklin, and The Loud Soldier, Tom Wilson, but finds no solace. On guard duty that night, Henry hears the voice of a Confederate soldier from across the river. The friendly voice warns him to stay out of the moonlight and take care not to get a "little red badge" pinned on him. The next day, Tom goes through camp spreading a rumor he has heard that the regiment will be moving up river for a battle. Henry feels isolated from the other soldiers as they march toward the battlefield. When the men take positions in a trench at the edge of an open field, Tom rushes to Henry and asks him to give some letters to his parents if this is his first and last battle. In the first wave of the attack, few of the Union soldiers are wounded or killed before the Confederates retreat. During a brief ceasefire, the soldiers discuss their fears and the experience of seeing a man killed. Henry now feels that he has passed the test of courage and is a fine fellow of high ideals. When the Confederate soldiers begin a new charge, the fighting is more fierce, causing many Union soldiers to run away, including Henry. A few minutes later, in the woods, Henry overhears Union Cavalry officers proclaim victory. Now feeling that he has betrayed his comrades, Henry looks upon the wounded and wishes that he, too, had a red badge of courage. Henry is able to slip into the ranks without notice and shamefully says nothing when The Tattered Man asks him where he was shot. Among the marching soldiers is Jim, who is badly wounded and dazed. Jim begs Henry to move him out of the road if he falls, and as he stumbles, Henry and The Tattered Man grab his arm. Jim breaks free and runs up a hill, then falls dead as Henry and The Tattered Man catch up to him. A short time later, Henry is caught in the middle of some running soldiers and is knocked on the head by the butt of a rifle. The Cheerful Soldier finds Henry on the ground that night, helps him up and returns him to his regiment. At camp, Tom, who is happy to see Henry, thinks that he has been wounded. Henry says that his head wound was from a bullet, then asks if the Lieutenant has said anything about him being gone. Tom tells Henry that many of the soldiers were separated from their units during the battle and have been wandering into camp all night. The next morning the men walk toward the battlefield and Henry brags of his courage the previous day. When the battle starts, Henry suddenly jumps from his trench and advances against the enemy. The Lieutenant calls him back, then compliments Henry as the bravest of all. During a respite, Tom and Henry go for water for the men and overhear the officers say that the 304th will be sent to charge the enemy. When Henry and Tom report the news, the soldiers are elated at their importance. The men procede slowly at first, but as the pace quickens, Henry yells to his comrades to come along and leads the charge. When the standard bearer is killed, Henry grabs the flag and continues to lead the charge toward the Confederates. Upon seeing the Confederate flag, Henry chases after the standard bearer and when he falls, Henry grabs the Confederate flag as well. After the successful charge, the Union soldiers talk with their defeated counterparts, many of whom wish that they had died in the battle. Later, Thompson, one of the soldiers in Henry's unit, relates that the colonel was greatly impressed by the bravery of the man carrying the flag. As his comrades praise him, Henry, still ashamed of his earlier cowardice, quietly goes off from the group. When Tom joins him, Henry confesses having run from battle the previous day, and Tom reveals that he, too, had "skeedaddled," but the Lieutenant had caught him and made him stay. Now relieved, Henry and Tom join ranks with the others. Although they hear that the victory will be credited to a general other than their own, the men shrug off the news and talk about being home in time for spring planting.
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War Classics: The Red Badge of Courage – The Past
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Just over 30 years after the Battle of Chancellorsville in 1863, a young reporter who had never heard a shot fired in anger managed to produce a literary classic that not only captured the intensity and confusion of the bitter fighting, but also explored for the first time the huge psychological pressures faced by men…
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https://the-past.com/comment/war-classics-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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Just over 30 years after the Battle of Chancellorsville in 1863, a young reporter who had never heard a shot fired in anger managed to produce a literary classic that not only captured the intensity and confusion of the bitter fighting, but also explored for the first time the huge psychological pressures faced by men in battle.
All of this is captured in the tale of one man, Henry Fleming, who to his shame and humiliation finds himself fleeing the battlefield. Gaining his ‘red badge’ – a wound accidentally inflicted by another panicked soldier – he re-enters the fighting the next day, to be hailed as a hero, having found, in the words of American writer Adam Gopnik, ‘a kind of courage that is indistinguishable from insanity’.
Stephen Crane was a writer from an early age, publishing his first novel, Maggie: a girl of the streets, in 1893, a debut that signalled his focus on realistic social issues.
Serialised in newspapers in 1894 and published fully the following year, his most famous novel, The Red Badge of Courage, took the world by storm, going through ten editions in its first year and drawing favourable comparisons with the works of Zola, Tolstoy, and Victor Hugo. Conversely, at least one critic took exception to its portrayal of desertion in battle, calling it ‘a vicious satire upon American soldiers and American armies’.
The protagonist, Henry Fleming, enters the book on the approach to battle, musing anxiously on how he will perform in action, and reflecting on how he had impetuously enlisted against the wishes of his mother. Referred to through most of the book as ‘the youth’, Henry stands for anybody who finds themselves suddenly catapulted from a peaceful life with family into the violent world of conflict.
Unlike many military writers, Crane does not offer a panoramic view of the battle, swooping from one viewpoint to another and exploring the problems of command. It is instead very much a soldiers’ view, confined to Henry and his immediate comrades. Officers appear, galloping up and issuing orders that are frequently confused and agitated, and serve to fuel anxious speculation on the part of the men:
A hatless general pulled his dripping horse to a stand near the colonel of the 304th. He shook his fist in the other’s face. ‘You’ve got to hold ’em back!’ he shouted, savagely; ‘you’ve got to hold ’em back!’ In his agitation the colonel began to stammer, ‘A-all r-right, General, all right, by Gawd!’
The regiment opens fire at a half-seen enemy, and the youth throws himself into firing and reloading with the rest. ‘He became not a man but a member… welded into a common personality.’ The enemy pulls back, and Henry feels the exultation of passing the test of battle.
But his relief is short-lived – the Confederates resume their attack, and men who moments before were resolute and firm begin to falter. ‘A man near him who up to this time had been working feverishly at his rifle suddenly stopped and ran with howls.’ More follow, and suddenly Henry has joined them:
Directly he began to speed toward the rear in great leaps. His rifle and cap were gone. His unbuttoned coat bulged in the wind. The flap of his cartridge box bobbed wildly, and his canteen, by its slender cord, swung out behind. On his face was all the horror of all those things he imagined.
Crane’s observation of human behaviour is remarkably astute: men are not simply classified as heroes or cowards, the instinct for self-preservation in the face of extreme danger is the most natural one imaginable, and the remarkable thing is that men can overcome this for even short periods. Much of modern military training is focused on dealing with the fear response and working with it to create resilience in stress.
Henry’s flight is halted when he hears cheering and a general commenting that the line held. Immediately, his justification for running is gone. He was not betrayed into a doomed mission, and his action, which seemed part of a collective response, is exposed as an individual failure. He feels deep shame and also self-pity.
In the chaos and confusion of the battlefield, Henry meets many men without their units, but he is most affected by the wounded soldiers he falls in with. One asks ‘Where yeh hit?’, and we are told ‘He wished that he, too, had a wound, a red badge of courage.’
He encounters another panic-stricken body of men, and, in trying to detain one of them, is hit on the head with a rifle-butt. It is the central irony of this book that Henry’s own ‘red badge of courage’ is not received in battle but from an accidental collision with a fellow soldier in the same plight as his own. This leads directly to his return to his unit’s encampment, and their unquestioning acceptance of him as a fighter who has received an honourable wound.
The following day, the battle resumes. The unit is ordered forward, and a rejuvenated Henry Fleming fights like a ‘war devil’, blazing away with his rifle and eventually taking over the regiment’s battle standard when the colour bearer is shot down. This transformation ‘from zero to hero’ may strike modern readers as forced and artificial. But Crane’s narrative doesn’t play to conventional tropes of heroism and cowardice.
First, there is extraordinary, graphic detail of the horrors of battle:
The regiment bled extravagantly. Grunting bundles of blue began to drop. The orderly sergeant of the youth’s company was shot through the cheeks. Its supports being injured, his jaw hung afar down, disclosing in the wide cavern of his mouth a pulsing mass of blood and teeth.
Second, it appears that the youth’s courage takes a form of mania that robs him of reason almost as much as his earlier panic. Shooting at empty ground after all others have stopped, he is recalled to his senses: ‘He looked bewildered for a moment. Then there appeared upon the glazed vacancy of his eyes a diamond point of intelligence. “Oh,” he said, comprehending.’
Finally, although Crane refers to Henry reaching manhood as part of his experience, the closing lines of the book portray war as a grotesque aberration:
He had rid himself of the red sickness of battle. The sultry nightmare was in the past. He had been an animal blistered and sweating in the heat and pain of war. He turned now with a lover’s thirst to images of tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks – an existence of soft and eternal peace.
It is assumed that Crane’s novel is based on the events of the Battle of Chancellorsville, which took place from 30 April to 6 May 1863. Certainly, he was exposed to stories told by veterans of the battle from the 124th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and the extended and confused progress of the conflict in the book matches what we know about Chancellorsville.
In spite of the tactical Union success described in the book, the engagement saw an inferior Confederate force run circles around a much larger enemy force, with more than 17,000 Union soldiers killed, wounded, captured, or missing, against 12,764 Confederates.
The loss of Confederate General Thomas ‘Stonewall’ Jackson to a friendly fire incident was a grievous blow, however, and directly contributed to the Confederate defeat at Gettysburg two months later.
It is no surprise that The Red Badge of Courage, often described as ‘cinematic’, has inspired two films, released in 1951 and 1974 respectively. But it is Crane’s novel itself that remains one of the most vivid and extraordinary accounts of the American Civil War.
Stephen Crane
Born: 1 November 1871 – Died: 5 June 1900
Nationality: American
Born in Newark, New Jersey, Stephen Crane was the 14th child of a Methodist minister and a mother who campaigned for temperance and women’s suffrage. He worked as a journalist from an early age. The year after the publication of The Red Badge of Courage, Crane appeared as a witness in the trial of a suspected prostitute, which caused a scandal. He later accepted an offer to work in Cuba as a war correspondent. The vessel he travelled on, SS Commodore, sank off the coast of Florida, an ordeal he survived and later wrote about in an 1897 short story, ‘The Open Boat’. Poor health plagued him, however, as he worked in Greece and England, with his partner Cora Taylor. He died of tuberculosis in a sanatorium in Germany’s Black Forest.
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The red badge of courage
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John Huston adapts and directs this tale of fear and bravery from Stephen Crane's novella, patterned by cinematographer Harold Rosson after Civil War photos of Matthew Brady. Audie Murphy, America's most decorated World War II hero, plays the untested youth first running from and later facing his fears, and G.I. cartoonist Bill Mauldin is his wise, easygoing pal. Pin a badge of honor on this overlooked classic.
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The Red Badge of Courage
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The Red Badge of CourageStephen Crane INTRODUCTIONPRINCIPAL WORKSCRITICISMFURTHER READING(Full name Stephen Townley Crane; also wrote under the pseudonym Johnston Smith) American short-story writer, novelist, poet, and journalist. Source for information on The Red Badge of Courage: Children's Literature Review dictionary.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/children/academic-and-educational-journals/red-badge-courage
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Stephen Crane
INTRODUCTION
PRINCIPAL WORKS
CRITICISM
FURTHER READING
(Full name Stephen Townley Crane; also wrote under the pseudonym Johnston Smith) American short-story writer, novelist, poet, and journalist.
The following entry presents criticism of Crane's novel The Red Badge of Courage (1895) through 2006.
INTRODUCTION
Crane's The Red Badge of Courage (1895) offers a vivid portrait of American Civil War combat through its account of a young Union soldier's first days on the battlefield. Embraced as a hallmark of American literature, the novel is a study of heroism and the complex psychology of the common foot soldier during wartime. Remarkably, Crane's knowledge of the Civil War was culled solely from historical texts and autobiographical accounts, as he had not witnessed military action prior to writing the work. The Red Badge of Courage is commonly approached from two different critical perspectives. One school views it as an essentially realist text documenting an unromanticized account of warfare and a soldier's maturation; proponents of the naturalist school, on the other hand, focus on the social, biological, and psychological forces that shape the youth's experiences. Other critics have examined the novel within the context of several major literary trends of the nineteenth century. A meditation on pride, fear, bravery, humility, and mortality, The Red Badge of Courage is widely regarded as Crane's masterpiece. Given its accessible length, relatable narrative voice, and applicable themes about identity, violence, and the amorphous definition of courage, Crane's novel remains a fixture on school reading lists, enabling Crane's literary influence to affect large segments of adolescent readers.
BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION
Crane was born on November 1, 1871, in Newark, New Jersey, the youngest in a family of fourteen children. His desire to write was inspired by his family—his father, a Methodist minister, and his mother, a devout woman dedicated to social concerns, were writers of religious articles, and two of his brothers were journalists. Crane began his higher education in 1888 at the Hudson River Institute and later enrolled at Claverack College, a military school that nurtured his interest in Civil War studies and military training—knowledge he later used in writing The Red Badge of Courage. During two subsequent and respective semesters at Lafayette College and Syracuse University, Crane was distinguished more for his prowess on the baseball diamond and football field than for his ability in the classroom. During his college years, however, Crane also began his writing career. He worked as a "stringer" for a news service managed by one of his brothers. In 1891, deciding that "humanity was a more interesting study" than the college curriculum, Crane quit school to work full time as a reporter with his brother and part-time for the New York Tribune. In 1893, after several publishers had rejected his manuscript of Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893) on the grounds that his grim descriptions of slum realities would shock readers, Crane privately published this first novel under a pseudonym. His second novel, The Red Badge of Courage, won him international fame following its publication in 1895. During the mid-1890s, Crane continued to work as a journalist, traveling throughout the American West and Mexico writing for a news syndicate. He later used his experiences as the basis for fictional works, including the stories in his early short fiction collections The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War (1896) and The Open Boat and Other Tales of Adventure (1898). In 1897 Crane met Cora Taylor, proprietor of the dubiously named Hotel de Dream, a combination hotel, nightclub, and brothel. Living together as common-law husband and wife, the couple moved to England, where Crane formed literary friendships with Joseph Conrad, H. G. Wells, and Henry James. By 1900 Crane's health had rapidly deteriorated due to his own general disregard for his physical well-being. After several respiratory attacks, Crane died of tuberculosis at the age of twenty-eight on June 5, 1900.
PLOT AND MAJOR CHARACTERS
The Red Badge of Courage presents a series of episodes that trace the experiences and conflicting emotions of a new Civil War Union Army recruit, Private Henry Fleming, who is referred to as "the youth" throughout the narrative. As the novel opens, the young soldier's regiment is camped along a riverbank, where they have been awaiting orders for several weeks. The narrator describes the young soldier's reminiscences about his departure from home. Though the youth had felt daring and confident upon enlisting, he worries about remaining courageous during his first engagement. Marching orders eventually arrive, and the young soldier's regiment advances to the front line. As the Confederate Army charges toward him, Fleming readies himself and manages to fire a shot as rival troops rush by in pursuit. Yet, when the enemy reappears unexpectedly for another skirmish, Fleming is overtaken with fear and runs away. He thinks his fellow soldiers foolish for not having retreated until he overhears a Union general declare that the enemy has been repulsed. Fleming feels angry and cheated out of his opportunity for valor. He decides to flee into the woods, imagining Nature as a protective goddess. While rationalizing his continued retreat, he stumbles upon the rotting corpse of a Union soldier. Shrieking, he runs back toward the front. Fleming falls in with a group of wounded soldiers and encounters "the tattered man," a mortally wounded compatriot who questions Fleming about his nonexistent injury. Deeply ashamed of his cowardice, Fleming escapes from the tattered man and drifts into the crowd of injured men. Fleming is embarrassed and envious of their wounds and wishes for his own "red badge of courage." Among the crowd, Fleming recognizes his friend, Jim Conklin, "the tall soldier," who is near death. With the help of the tattered man, Fleming carries Conklin to a nearby field where he can rest without being trampled by the artillery. The youth and the tattered man watch as Conklin dies. Enraged by what he has witnessed and agitated by the tattered man's inquiries, Fleming leaves the dying tattered man wandering aimlessly in the field. Contemplating whether to rejoin his regiment, Fleming notices groups of Union infantry retreating in mass confusion from combat. One of the fleeing soldiers hits Fleming on the head with his rifle. Dazed and bleeding, Fleming is led back to his regiment by an anonymous soldier. The youth's injury is misidentified as a battle wound, which his companions interpret as the reason for his absence. Fleming's comrade, Wilson, who early in the novel is the belligerent "loud soldier," dresses his wound. The next day, Fleming demonstrates the skills of a fine, upstanding soldier, fighting bravely alongside Wilson and rescuing the regimental flag. Displaying camaraderie and leadership, Fleming wins the praise of officers. In the final battle charge, Fleming accompanies Wilson as he captures the enemy flag, which signals the regiment's victory. The novel concludes with Fleming's reflections on the past days' events. Though haunted by his abandonment of the tattered man, he is proud of his accomplishments in battle and celebrates his entrance into manhood.
MAJOR THEMES
The Red Badge of Courage explores notions of bravery and cowardice through the thoughts and actions of an inexperienced soldier on the verge of maturity. The novel contemplates the definition of heroism, illustrating how Fleming's romantic conception of courage evolves into a mature, complex assessment as he transitions from adolescence to adulthood. Critics have analyzed coming-of-age themes in the novel, underscoring the symbolic function of Conklin and Wilson—both of whom exhibit self-assurance and leadership as well as vulnerability—as authentic representations of masculinity. Crane incorporated motifs of noise and silence to signal the maturity of his characters. The sounds of artillery and male bravado that permeate the early chapters turn to quiet reflection at the novel's end. The author also utilized irony to demonstrate the complicated nature of heroism, as evidenced by Fleming's so-called "red badge of courage," which he receives when a retreating Union soldier strikes him on the head with his weapon. In addition to themes concerning valor and maturation, the novel addresses the power and indifference of Nature, emphasizing the relative insignificance of man. By referring to his characters as "the youth," "the loud soldier," "the tattered man," and "the tall soldier," Crane imbued the narrative with allegorical significance reminiscent of the Everyman parable. Scholars have highlighted religious imagery in the book, such as the gathering of foliage which Fleming designates as a "chapel" during his respite in the woods. Fleming's sense of sanctuary, however, is quickly shattered by the discovery of the decomposing Union soldier, which suggests a fatalistic counterpoint to the character's inarticulate spirituality. Other significant motifs include the symbolic use of color, such as Crane's description of the sun at the time of Conklin's death as "a fierce red wafer," and the use of mechanical imagery to depict combat.
CRITICAL RECEPTION
A major critical debate surrounding The Red Badge of Courage concerns the textual alterations made by Crane just prior to the book's publication. Some scholars have contended that the abrupt changes in Fleming's character at the end of the novel are the result of unwise deletions from the original manuscript, and that these cuts deprive the text of its ironic thrust. Others have viewed these modifications as integral to the streamlined nature of the narrative. The coexistence of naturalism and symbolism throughout the novel has been cited by critics as a significant development in American fiction. Moreover, the basic plot and structure of Crane's book has been frequently analyzed according to Joseph Campbell's concept of the archetypal hero-quest. Though The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded as a masterpiece in its own right, reviewers have favorably compared it to such works as Homer's Iliad and Ambrose Bierce's "An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge," noting its influence upon such renowned authors as Joseph Conrad. Furthermore, the novel has been read by some critics as an indication of prevailing attitudes towards masculinity in late nineteenth-century America. Praised for its narrative technique, artful characterization, and honest depiction of combat, The Red Badge of Courage has been consistently celebrated as a seminal work of war literature.
PRINCIPAL WORKS
Maggie: A Girl of the Streets—A Story of New York [as Johnston Smith] (novella) 1893
The Black Riders and Other Lines (poetry) 1895
The Red Badge of Courage: An Episode of the American Civil War (novel) 1895
George's Mother (novel) 1896
The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War (short stories) 1896
The Third Violet (novel) 1897
The Open Boat, and Other Tales of Adventure (short stories) 1898
Active Service (novel) 1897
The Monster and Other Stories (short stories) 1899
War Is Kind (poetry) 1899
Whilomville Stories (short stories) 1900
Wounds in the Rain: A Collection of Stories Relating to the Spanish-American War of 1898 (short stories) 1900
Last Words (short stories and journalism) 1902
The O'Ruddy: A Romance [with Robert Barr] (unfinished novel) 1903
The Work of Stephen Crane. 12 vols. [edited by Wilson Follett] (novellas, short stories, poetry, and journalism) 1925-1926
The Collected Poems of Stephen Crane [edited by Wilson Follett] (poetry) 1930
The Correspondence of Stephen Crane. 2 vols. [edited by Stanley Wertheim and Paul Sorrentino] (letters) 1988
CRITICISM
Harold Frederic (review date 26 January 1896)
SOURCE: Frederic, Harold. "Stephen Crane's Triumph." In Critical Essays on Stephen's Crane's "The Red Badge of Courage," edited by Donald Pizer, pp. 35-41. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co., 1990.
[In the following review, originally published in the January 26, 1896 issue of the New York Times, Frederic hails The Red Badge of Courage as among the finest American novels of his generation.]
London, Jan. 15—Who in London knows about Stephen Crane? The question is one of genuine interest here. It happens, annoyingly enough, that the one publishing person who might throw some light on the answer is for the moment absent from town. Other sources yield only the meagre information that the name is believed to be a real, and not an assumed, one, and that its owner is understood to be a very young man, indeed. That he is an American, or, at least, learned to read and write in America, is obvious enough. The mere presence in his vocabulary of the verb "loan" would settle that, if the proof were not otherwise blazoned on every page of his extraordinary book. For this mysteriously unknown youth has really written an extraordinary book.
The Red Badge of Courage appeared a couple of months ago, unheralded and unnoticed, in a series which, under the distinctive label of "Pioneer," is popularly supposed to present fiction more or less after the order of The Green Carnation,1 which was also of that lot. The first one who mentioned in my hearing that this Red Badge was well worth reading happened to be a person whose literary admirations serve me generally as warnings what to avoid, and I remembered the title languidly from that standpoint of self-protection. A little later others began to speak of it. All at once, every bookish person had it at his tongue's end. It was clearly a book to read, and I read it. Even as I did so, reviews burst forth in a dozen different quarters, hailing it as extraordinary. Some were naturally more excited and voluble than others, but all the critics showed, and continue to show, their sense of being in the presence of something not like other things. George Wyndham, M. P., has already written of it in The New Review as "a remarkable book." Other magazine editors have articles about it in preparation, and it is evident that for the next few months it is to be more talked about than anything else in current literature. It seems almost equally certain that it will be kept alive, as one of the deathless books which must be read by everybody who desires to be, or to seem, a connoisseur of modern fiction.
If there were in existence any books of a similar character, one could start confidently by saying that it was the best of its kind. But it has no fellows. It is a book outside of all classification. So unlike anything else is it, that the temptation rises to deny that it is a book at all. When one searches for comparisons, they can only be found by culling out selected portions from the trunks of masterpieces, and considering these detached fragments, one by one, with reference to the Red Badge, which is itself a fragment, and yet is complete. Thus one lifts the best battle pictures from Tolstoï's great War and Peace, from Balzac's Chouans, from Hugo's Les Misérables, and the forest fight in '93, from Prosper Mérimée's assault of the redoubt, from Zola's La Débâcle and Attack on the Mill, (it is strange enough that equivalents in the literature of our own language do not suggest themselves,) and studies them side by side with this tremendously effective battle painting by the unknown youngster. Positively they are cold and ineffectual beside it. The praise may sound exaggerated, but really it is inadequate. These renowned battle descriptions of the big men are made to seem all wrong. The Red Badge impels the feeling that the actual truth about a battle has never been guessed before.
In construction the book is as original as in its unique grasp of a new grouping of old materials. All the historic and prescribed machinery of the romance is thrust aside. One barely knows the name of the hero; it is only dimly sketched in that he was a farm boy and had a mother when he enlisted. These facts recur to him once or twice; they play no larger part in the reader's mind. Only two other characters are mentioned by name—Jim Conklin and Wilson; more often even they are spoken of as the tall soldier and the loud soldier. Not a word is expended on telling where they come from, or who they are. They pass across the picture, or shift from one posture to another in its moving composition, with the impersonality of one's chance fellow-passengers in a railroad car. There is a lieutenant who swears new oaths all the while, another officer with a red beard, and two or three still vaguer figures, revealed here and there through the smoke. We do not know, or seek to know, their names, or anything about them except what, staring through the eyes of Henry Fleming, we are permitted to see. The regiment itself, the refugees from other regiments in the crowded flight, and the enemy on the other side of the fence, are differentiated only as they wear blue or gray. We never get their color out of our mind's eye. This exhausts the dramatis personae of the book, and yet it is more vehemently alive and heaving with dramatic human action than any other book of our time. The people are all strangers to us, but the sight of them stirs the profoundest emotions of interest in our breasts. What they do appeals as vividly to our consciousness as if we had known them all our life.
The central idea of the book is of less importance than the magnificent graft of externals upon it. We begin with the young raw recruit, hearing that at last his regiment is going to see some fighting, and brooding over the problem of his own behavior under fire. We follow his perturbed meditations through thirty pages, which cover a week or so of this menace of action. Then suddenly, with one gray morning, the ordeal breaks abruptly over the youngster's head. We go with him, so close that he is never out of sight, for two terribly crowded days, and then the book is at an end. This cross-section of his experience is made a part of our own. We see with his eyes, think with his mind, quail or thrill with his nerves. He strives to argue himself into the conventional soldier's bravery; he runs ingloriously away; he excuses, defends, and abhors himself in turn; he tremblingly yields to the sinister fascination of creeping near the battle; he basely allows his comrades to ascribe to heroism the wound he received in the frenzied "sauve qui peut" of the fight, he gets at last the fire of combat in his veins, and blindly rushing in, deports himself with such hardy and temerarious valor that even the Colonel notes him, and admits that he is a "jimhickey." These sequent processes, observed with relentless minutiae, are so powerfully and speakingly portrayed that they seem the veritable actions of our own minds. To produce this effect is a notable triumph, but it is commonplace by comparison with the other triumph of making us realize what Henry saw and heard as well as what he felt. The value of the former feat has the limitations of the individual. No two people are absolutely alike; any other young farm boy would have passed through the trial with something different somewhere. Where Henry fluttered, he might have been obtuse; neither the early panic nor the later irrational ferocity would necessarily have been just the same. But the picture of the trial itself seems to me never to have been painted as well before.
Oddly enough, The Saturday Review and some other of the commentators take it for granted that the writer of the Red Badge must have seen real warfare. "The extremely vivid touches of detail convince us," says The Review, "that he has had personal experience of the scenes he depicts. Certainly, if his book were altogether a work of imagination, unbased on personal experience, his realism would be nothing short of a miracle." This may strike the reader who has not thought much about it as reasonable, but I believe it to be wholly fallacious. Some years ago I had before me the task of writing some battle chapters in a book I was at work upon. The novel naturally led up to the climax of a battle, and I was excusably anxious that when I finally got to this battle, I should be as fit to handle it as it was possible to make myself. A very considerable literature existed about the actual struggle, which was the Revolutionary battle of Oriskany, fought only a few miles from where I was born.2 This literature was in part the narratives of survivors of the fight, in part imaginative accounts based on these by later writers. I found to my surprise that the people who were really in the fight gave one much less of an idea of a desperate forest combat than did those who pictured it in fancy. Of course, here it might be that the veterans were inferior in powers of narration to the professional writer. Then I extended the test to writers themselves. I compared the best accounts of Franco-German battles, written for the London newspapers by trained correspondents of distinction who were on the spot, with the choicest imaginative work of novelists, some of them mentioned above, who had never seen a gun fired in anger. There was literally no comparison between the two. The line between journalism and literature obtruded itself steadily. Nor were cases lacking in which some of these war correspondents had in other departments of work showed themselves capable of true literature. I have the instance of David Christie Murray in mind. He saw some of the stiffest fighting that was done in his time, and that, too, at an early stage of his career, but he never tried to put a great battle chapter into one of his subsequent novels, and if he had I don't believe it would have been great.3
Our own writers of the elder generation illustrate this same truth. Gen. Lew Wallace, Judge Tourgée, Dr. Weir Mitchell, and numbers of others saw tremendous struggles on the battlefield, but to put the reality into type baffles them. The four huge volumes of The Century's Battles and Leaders of the Civil War are written almost exclusively by men who took an active part in the war, and many of them were in addition men of high education and considerable literary talent, but there is not a really moving story of a fight in the whole work. When Warren Lee Goss began his Personal Recollections of a Private, his study of the enlistment, the early marching and drilling, and the new experiences of camp life was so piquant and fresh that I grew quite excited in anticipation. But when he came to the fighting, he fell flat. The same may be said, with more reservations, about the first parts of Judge Tourgée's more recent Story of a Thousand. It seems as if the actual sight of a battle has some dynamic quality in it which overwhelms and crushes the literary faculty in the observer. At best, he gives us a conventional account of what happened; but on analysis you find that this is not what he really saw, but what all his reading has taught him that he must have seen. In the same way battle painters depict horses in motion, not as they actually move, but as it has been agreed by numberless generations of draughtsmen to say that they move. At last, along comes a Muybridge, with his instantaneous camera, and shows that the real motion is entirely different.4
It is this effect of a photographic revelation which startles and fascinates one in The Red Badge of Courage. The product is breathlessly interesting, but still more so is the suggestion behind it that a novel force has been disclosed, which may do all sorts of other remarkable things. Prophecy is known of old as a tricky and thankless hag, but all the same I cannot close my ears to her hint that a young man who can write such a first book as that will make us all sit up in good time.
Notes
1. Robert Hichens's The Green Carnation (1894), a popular novel of fashionable London life.
2. Frederic, the London correspondent of the New York Times, was himself a major novelist, with a number of his works set in the upstate New York area where he was born and raised. He refers here to his Revolutionary War novel In the Valley (1890).
3. Murray was a popular British novelist and travel writer. Early in his career he had reported on the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-78.
4. Earweard Muybridge, a photographer and naturalist, had in the 1870s demonstrated through photography that all four of a running horse's hooves are at times simultaneously off the ground.
Donald B. Gibson (essay date 1988)
SOURCE: Gibson, Donald B. "Heroism." In The Red Badge of Courage: Redefining the Hero, pp. 45-59. Boston, Mass.: Twayne Publishers, 1988.
[In the following essay, Gibson examines how The Red Badge of Courage offers nontraditional reflections on the nature of heroism and how the protagonist's sense of bravery towards the novel's conclusion are not necessarily reflective of Crane's own opinions.]
One of the implications of the traditional view of heroism is that its chief motivation is internal, that it springs from resources within the psyche. It is generally believed that the relationship between courage and character is such that the two are not separable. Cowardice, most feel, stems from bad or weak character, and courage from strength of character. These are the assumptions with which we are likely to start reading The Red Badge of Courage, and they underlie the meaning of courage in the culture. Certainly the heroism as defined by implication in Western mythology and fairy tale is of this kind, and Henry Fleming's reference to fairy tale and mythology suggests that his view of the issue is not a different one. It would seem, however, that Crane in his novel calls these assumptions into question. The advocate of the nontraditional reading of the novel would argue that readers who see Henry as the traditional hero are not distinguishing between Henry's perspective and Crane's. Henry is the unknowing, unaware traditionalist, not Crane.
The implication of the foregoing is that Henry's sense of heroism is a false sense because, having its roots in myth and fairy tale, it does not derive from experience, but from knowledge transmitted through tradition. He need merely have the model of the courageous actor in order to emulate it. Little does he know that he absolutely cannot act in any way contrary to or unrelated to his personality and his own peculiar history. Heroism does not exist in a vacuum, apart from other aspects of personality. Hence Henry's conviction that heroism is defined by fairy tale and mythology is false, for it does not consider the social nor specifically psychological elements of heroism. Henry does not wish to be a hero for heroism's sake but because he does not want his fellows to regard him scornfully. On the contrary, he sorely desires their respect and high regard. Therefore his character is no better nor worse at the beginning of the novel than at the end because courage, at least the kind of courage brought under scrutiny by Crane's novel, has nothing to do with character. One need not be good in order not to flee from the line of battle. For that reason Henry's moral lapses—as when he conceals the origin of his wound and allows his comrades to infer its source—have no relation to his behavior in battle. His having run from battle can be concealed, for it is, though relevant in Henry's eyes, irrelevant in Crane's eyes and in the eyes of the careful reader.
Because he believes that there is a relation between courage and character, Henry's perception of himself is modified. He believes that a conflict exists between his heroism and his flight during the first encounter, for if the exhibition of courage is a manifestation of good character, then exhibition of cowardice manifests bad or weak character. By the same token he believes that his desertion of the tattered man may diminish the significance of his heroism if that act should become known. The text establishes clearly these associations. Immediately after the passage quoted above where Henry refers to his "public deeds" as "performances which … marched now in wide purple and gold," the narrator observes: "He saw that he was good. He recalled with a thrill of joy the respectful comments of his fellows upon his conduct" (131). Undoubtedly Henry feels he is good because he feels himself a hero and that feeling is confirmed by the responses of his comrades. By implication, the lines mean that Henry saw that he was good and they too saw that he was good. Immediately following the passage last quoted, Henry thinks of his flight: "Nevertheless, the ghost of his flight from the first engagement appeared to him and danced…. For a moment he blushed, and the light of his soul flickered with shame" (131-132). The very next line reads: "A specter of reproach came to him. There loomed the dogging memory of the tattered soldier." Clearly the association of these thoughts reveals a connection of some kind among them.
But how do we know how to read these lines? How do we know that Henry does not deserve credit for true guilt and remorse for past actions that are less than creditable? There is, first of all, the juxtaposition of ideas that shows that Henry is looking at the question of heroism from a rather unsophisticated perspective, that he thinks it some kind of fairy-tale affair. Beyond that Crane makes clear that the source of any sense of guilt or remorse is Henry's fear that his less-worthwhile deeds will be discovered by his comrades. Henry will go to any length not to be laughed at. There is also the clear irony of the final paragraphs pointed out above.
In addition, there is one line appearing in the novel's final chapter, quoted above for other purposes, whose ironic intent cannot be mistaken. The line is: "He saw that he was good." Recall in the account in the Old Testament of Genesis the line that recurs as one of a series of patterned refrains as the creation, step by step, is described: "And God saw that it was good." The rhythm and syntactical structure of the two sentences are nearly identical. Crane, the son of a deeply religious Methodist minister (who was raised as a strict Presbyterian), could not possibly have missed the parallel or created it by chance, especially since the creation myth was probably drilled into his head in Sunday school if not at home as well. Note that Henry Fleming does not speak the sentence. Rather, the narrator attributes the sentiment to Henry. The implication is, then, that the line becomes a comment on Henry, a critical comment suggesting that Henry's pride at this point is so overweening that he would compare himself with God. If so, then we certainly may see him as deluded and his whole assessment of himself and his situation at this crucial juncture in the novel, a few paragraphs from the end, is called into question. This ironic thrust supports the view that though Henry is in a different place, he is not in a better place at the conclusion of the novel than he was at the beginning.
An enormous amount of further evidence suggests that Crane is not in sympathy with Henry during the final pages of the novel and that Henry is not seeing things as they are, but since this evidence is external evidence, i.e., excluded from the final version of the text as Crane presented it for publication, it does not have the same standing as evidence drawn from the text as he presented it to his publisher. The material referred to here comes from two manuscript versions of the novel, a shorter version, the first version of the novel as it was serialized in December 1894 for use by the Bacheller syndicate of newspapers, and the expanded version of that manuscript that became after further alteration the novel we know. Crane changed the manuscript version when it was in galley proof and produced the final text. Whether he changed his intentions between the preparation of the final manuscript and the version as printed in 1895 or whether changes in the text were made for some other reason, the expunged passages will give us some sense of how Crane was looking at his materials and will perhaps offer a clue as to how to read the text as it finally emerged.
The textual changes were in general made for different reasons. Some were made to sharpen the focus of the narrative, especially in cases where Crane's impressionistic style produced extended vagueness or misdirection of the reader's attention. Most of the names were deleted and the characters identified by attributes, for example, the "tall" soldier, the "loud" soldier, the "youth." A great deal of the change has to do with economy of style. The most significant changes, however, are extremely important changes that are intended to effect the very basic meaning of the novel; these are the ones with which we are primarily concerned. Interestingly enough, they appear in the final chapter where Crane attempts by careful manipulation of his words to handle his closure in such a way as to make the novel mean exactly what he intends it to mean. The modulations of style and meaning occurring there are most carefully wielded.
In the paragraph referred to above, where Henry thinks of himself as good, the final sentence, apparently expunged by Crane reads: "It was a little coronation" (131). The reference is to Henry's memory of the lieutenant's compliment to him after his performance during the third encounter: "By heavens, if I had ten thousand wild cats like you, I could tear the stomach outa this war in less'n a week!" (100). The "coronation" reference echoes an earlier passage in the text, also expunged by Crane, that clearly in its context indicates that Henry is not seeing things as they truly are. This passage occurs in chapter 15 after Henry has returned to his regiment and before the third engagement: "He returned to his old belief in the ultimate, astounding success of his life…. It was ordained because he was a fine creation. He saw plainly that he was the chosen of some gods. By fearful and wonderful roads he was to be led to a crown" (90-91). Clearly and severely ironic, this passage suggests that Henry is deluding himself. So does the "coronation" line in the final paragraphs of the text also suggest that Crane wants us to see Henry as deluded, especially as it stood before deletion, juxtaposed against "He saw that he was good."
Henry thinks back to his flight during the second encounter and in a heavily ironic passage he attempts to justify his past actions in obviously unintelligent and self-serving ways. For a moment after he recalls his flight, "his soul flickered with shame." The next line reads: "However, he presently procured an explanation and an apology" (132). This makes no literal sense, for there is no agency allowed for in the world of the novel to proffer such explanation or apology. The implication is that the universe explains his flight and apologizes to him for its necessity. Henry is being stringently ridiculed. The expunged passage continues: "He said those tempestuous movements [his flight] were of the wild mistakes and ravings of a novice who did not comprehend. He had been a mere man railing at a condition, but now he was out of it and could see that it had been very proper and just." The suffering occasioned by his fear of death and his fear of discovery are neither proper nor improper, neither just nor unjust; they simply are.
But Henry attempts at the novel's end, as he had earlier with fairy tale and mythology, to place his experience within a larger framework in order better to comprehend it. In this case he tries to see things in terms of a partially conceived conception of the relation of his experience to universal process. Thus: "It had been necessary for him to swallow swords that he might have a better throat for grapes" (132). There is nothing in the universe of the novel to account for such a necessity, and Henry is being foolish to account for his experience in such fashion. He simply seems more foolish, as the novel concludes, in his understanding: "Fate had in truth been kind to him; she had stabbed him with benign purpose and diligently cudgelled him for his own sake" (132)—again clearly ironic. When has anyone ever been "benignly" stabbed or "diligently cudgelled" out of kindness? The passage continues: "It was suddenly clear to him that he had been wrong not to kiss the knife and bow to the cudgel."
Crane seems here to intimate several things about Henry in this deleted passage. We see Henry structuring the universe as though the process is an exercise in the composition of fiction. He knows nothing about Fate yet in his egotism he is able to imagine that there is such a thing as Fate and that she (note the personalization) takes particular interest in his life. His thinking here probably derives from classical mythology just as his earlier thinking about war and heroism did. On another level, Crane is saying that even if the universe is structured as Henry implies, then he is still foolish to respond as he does. If there is an agency responsible for his fate, he is foolish indeed to see that agency as in any sense whatsoever benevolent. The irony is biting, and Henry seems the butt of sardonic humor. Is it possible to take the person seriously who so understands his experience when he sums it up as Henry does?
He is not through philosophizing, and the quality of the thought does not improve: "He was emerged from his struggles with a large sympathy for the machinery of the universe. With his new eyes he could see that the secret and open blows which were being dealt about the world with such heavenly lavishness were in truth blessings. It was a deity laying about him with the bludgeon of correction" (134). The implication here is that whatever misery, pain, and suffering are in the world exist for a purpose, for the purpose of correcting human error. They are blessings in disguise and should be welcomed. He feels in total sympathy with the processes of nature and the universe, and as such, "He could no more stand upon places high and false, and denounce the distant planets" (134). There is nothing obvious in his experience that would justify his conclusions. In fact, his experience should have shown him a quite different universe from that he creates. His belief seems also to express a religious fundamentalism, though we do not know its source. The notion that mankind are sinners and adversity is a sign of God's displeasure and intent to correct behavior and therefore a blessing is hardly enlightened theology. The deleted passage goes on: "He beheld that he was tiny but not inconsequent to the sun. In the spacewide whirl of events no grain like him would be lost" (134). What he learns is that "His [God's] eye is on the sparrow"; what he should have learned is that he is alone in an alien universe, entirely on his own.
Crane wrote a poem, which appeared in his volume of poetry, The Black Riders, whose meaning expresses the exact opposite of Henry's thinking. The poem's epigraph, the occasion of the poem, is a biblical quotation:
"And the sins of the fathers shall be visited upon the heads of the children, even unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me."
Well, then, I hate Thee, unrighteous picture;
Wicked image, I hate thee;
So, strike with Thy vengeance
The heads of those little men
Who come blindly.
It will be a brave thing.
If we assume, without entering the labyrinth of critical theory that might legislate against it, that the poem (published the same year as The Red Badge, 1895) expresses ideas that Crane held when he wrote it, then that would suggest he uses the ideas professed by Henry to express his own thinking in an obverse way. In other words, we need merely turn Henry's thinking upside down in order to know what Crane thinks. Is, then, Henry "tiny but not inconsequent to the sun?" No. He is tiny but inconsequent to the sun. "In the spacewide whirl of events" would a "grain like him … be lost?" Yes, a grain like him (and like all of us) would be lost.
The irony is on the verge of bitterness, and the final excised phrase is no less severe in its tone than the passages so far discussed. Let me put the expunged passage in its context, even though I have quoted the following passage before without the deleted passage, which is placed in brackets below: "He felt a quiet manhood, nonassertive but of sturdy and strong blood. He knew that he would no more quail before his guides wherever they should point. He had been to touch the great death, and found that, after all, it was but the great death [and was for others]. He was a man" (134). The phrase, "and was for others," is a mighty phrase, for it indicates that Henry's vision is so entirely warped that he has come to the point of believing that he cannot die. What is the effect of the irony of the bracketed phrase on the sentence that follows? "He was a man" becomes itself ironic and reflective of a deluded man. Without doubt, Henry is perceiving faultily; his psychological orientation dictates entirely what he sees. He is incapable of the least objectivity because his sense of actuality is governed by an idealism whose force is so great as to prevent him from understanding his experience even on the most basic level.
Given the context we have just examined, the final line of the novel cannot but be ironic: "Over the river a golden ray of sun came through the hosts of leaden rain clouds," especially in view of the lines preceding it in the penultimate paragraph: "Yet the youth smiled, for he saw that the world was a world for him, though many discovered it to be made of oaths and walking sticks." And of course, if the final line is ironic, then that means the novel has a completely different meaning than it has if the line is not.
Most of the material deleted by Crane from the novel has to do with controlling how we are seeing Henry Fleming. It would seem that Crane expunges for the most part material that is heavily ironic and makes Henry appear to be a fool or deluded. He did not attempt to remove all such signals, but he wanted to alter the effect of the ironic substance on the reader's judgment of Henry. Had Crane left in the text all those deleted passages, the novel would be a different novel indeed. It would have been a confused text; as it is, however, Crane's sense of reality and actuality has left us a far more meaningful piece of work. The deleted material had to be removed in order to prevent our dismissing Henry out of hand. As it is, there are two major perspectives in the novel, the narrator's (Crane's—since there is no evidence that any disparity exists between the narrator's perspective and the author's) and Henry Fleming's. There is no question about which is the more authoritative. The narrator constantly judges Henry, from the moment we meet him until the close of the narration. Henry has no access to the narrator. He does not even know that the narrator exists. The narrator has a far more embracing consciousness than Henry, a far broader capacity to judge. A great deal of the difficulty surrounding the question of how to interpret the novel arises because the narrator's judgment of Henry is variable (not inconsistent), and that is one of the most realistic elements of the novel. Henry can be sympathetic, heroic, and sensitive; he nonetheless is quite capable of being selfish, stupid, and immeasurably cloddish.
In other words, we see Henry throughout the novel at his best and at his worst. We have discussed Henry at his best, at those times when the narrator is most sympathetic toward him and less censorious, and we have discussed him when he was not entirely good. We have yet to discuss him at his worst, when he is at his most dreadful, insensitive, and prideful moment. We can forgive Henry for running in the face of what he sees as imminent destruction, for the response is not conscious and intentional, but, rather, as he says, instinctive. It is less easy to forgive him for his handling of the letters of his friend, the loud soldier, Wilson (all one and the same person though the fact is obscured because he is referred to alternately by these appellations). Wilson gives the letters to Henry at the end of the third chapter in anticipation of his death during the forthcoming battle. It is an act of trust and faith. There is about the act an aura of self-pity and there exists something of a desire to have Henry commiserate with him in his fear and trembling. "‘It's my first and last battle, old boy,’ said the latter, with intense gloom. He was quite pale, and his girlish lip was trembling" (35). When Henry returns to his regiment after his flight during the second encounter, the first person he meets is Wilson who is most solicitous toward him. Wilson gives him coffee, binds up his wound, acting toward him as a nurse. "Well, come, now … come on. I must put yeh to bed an' see that yeh git a good night's rest" (83). Finally he covers Henry with his own blankets, leaving himself no covers to sleep on or under. Henry objects. "The loud soldier snarled: ‘Shet up an' go on t' sleep. Don't be makin' a fool 'a yerself,’ he said severely." (83).
Crane delivers a strong judgment against Henry in having him decide to use the letters as a potential weapon against Wilson should he raise questions about Henry's whereabouts on the previous day after his running from battle. "He now rejoiced in the possession of a small weapon with which he could prostrate his comrade at the first signs of a cross-examination" (89). The same stringent irony leveled at Henry earlier is directed toward him again. Unlike the loud soldier, "He had performed his mistakes in the dark, so he was still a man. Indeed, when he remembered his fortunes of yesterday, and looked at them from a distance, he began to see something fine there. He had license to be pompous and veteranlike" (89). Henry uses the occasion of the letters and Wilson's shame at having to ask for them back as a means to make him feel superior to Wilson and to justify his atrocious conduct: "As he contemplated him, the youth felt his heart grow more strong and stout. He had never been compelled to blush in such manner for his acts; he was an individual of extraordinary virtues" (92). Chapter 15 concludes with Henry imagining that he is relating heroic tales of war to his mother and the young lady at the seminary who he believes (perhaps ironically because we cannot tell whether his perception of her reaction to him is true) has some romantic interest in him.
Between this chapter and the concluding paragraphs of the novel the irony slows somewhat and what there is is comparatively mild. This is an interesting phenomenon, for the question arises, what is happening here? Why does Crane no longer subject Henry to the same degree of ironic treatment, and why does he subject him any longer to ironic treatment at all? Let us first of all identify the irony occurring between the fifteenth chapter and the final paragraphs of the final chapter, the twenty-fourth, and then try to answer the other questions.
Henry, after he has found his way back to his regiment, begins to imagine that he has not run from battle and that he may judge his superiors as one might who had been an active participant in the preceding day's battle events. The "sarcastic man," unknown to himself, reminds him of his true role in the events of late: "Mebbe yeh think yeh fit th' hull battle yestirday, Fleming" (95). The effect of the words is chastening: "The significance of the sarcastic man's words took from him all loud moods that would make him appear prominent. He became suddenly a modest person" (95). Thereafter Henry is not treated ironically until the conclusion of the next (the third) encounter with opposing troops.
His response after that encounter, during which he fights and is commended by the lieutenant ("If I had ten thousand wildcats like you …"), is markedly similar to his response after the very first encounter where he holds his ground. The manner of his fighting is the same too. In both instances he seems in a trancelike state ("The youth in his battle sleep heard this [the comments of another soldier] as one who dozes hears" (42) and he is enraged. During the first encounter "A burning roar filled his ears. Following this came a red rage. He developed the acute exasperation of a pestered animal, a well-meaning cow worried by dogs" (42). His response during the third encounter is quite the same. "He began to fume with rage and exasperation…. He had a wild hate for the relentless foe…. He was not going to be badgered of his life, like a kitten chased by boys, he said" (98). Many verbal parallels exist between the two scenes, e.g., "His impotency appeared to him, and made his rage into that of a driven beast" (42). This parallels a sentence describing the third encounter: "His knowledge of his inability to take vengeance for it [his feeling that he is taunted] made his rage into a dark and stormy specter" (98).
As the first encounter ends, Henry returns to consciousness as one waking from a deep sleep. "The youth awakened slowly. He came gradually back to a position from which he could regard himself. For moments he had been scrutinizing his person in a dazed way as if he had never before seen himself" (45). As he regards the meaning of his experience, he concludes: "So it was all over at last! The supreme trial had been passed. The red, formidable difficulties of war had been vanquished. He went into an ecstasy of self-satisfaction" (45). Henry's conclusion is retrospectively ironic because we know that during the next encounter, shortly after this moment, he flees.
At the end of the third encounter, again Henry considers the meaning of his battle experience and his conclusions are essentially the same as after the first. "These incidents made the youth ponder. It was revealed to him that he had been a barbarian, a beast. He had fought like a pagan who defends his religion…. He had been a tremendous figure no doubt…. He had overcome obstacles…. They had fallen like paper peaks and he was now what he called a hero. He had slept, and, awakening, found himself a knight. He lay and basked in the occasional stares of his comrades" (100).
The irony of the parallels between the earlier encounter and the later one is multifaceted. First of all, there is irony in the fact that Henry does not recognize that his responses in the two cases have been nearly identical, for if he did, he would not on the second occasion announce to himself that his problem is solved. He would have remembered that, after his first encounter when he believed "the difficulties of war have been vanquished," he fled. He therefore should recognize that the real test is in the next encounter, when he will see how he acts; whether he will run as in the encounter following the first occasion when he felt he was no longer afraid.
There is also irony in Henry's casting his inferences in the particular terms he chooses. That "he had slept and, awakening, found himself a knight" finds him using those terms of fairy tale and mythology that he had used when he first began thinking about himself in war. Those terms reflected his innocence and naïveté, and his use of them brings up the possibility that he is deceiving himself once again, not seeing things in a mature and reasonably objective way. We might also wonder whether he is seeing things as they are when he thinks, "He had been a tremendous figure, no doubt." We have seen him time and time again express a warped sense of self, and we may well wonder whether he is doing the same thing again.
It seems difficult to tell whether some passages after the fourth encounter and before the fifth should be read as ironic. How, for example, should the following passage be interpreted: "He [Henry] had had very little time previously in which to appreciate himself, so that there was now much satisfaction in quietly thinking of his own actions" (117). Again, before the fifth encounter, when a soldier reports to Henry and his friend that he has overheard the colonel and the lieutenant complimenting them on their courageousness in battle we are told: "They speedily forgot many things. The past held no pictures of error or disappointment. They were happy and their hearts swelled with grateful affection for the colonel and the youthful lieutenant" (120). Is it simply human nature that makes Henry forget that shortly before he was extremely irritated with both officers, or is it that his interpretation and judgment of the world alters with the wind?
Whether Crane intends these particular passages to be read ironically, the point remains the same. By his deletions (we have yet to consider his deletion of the whole of an original manuscript chapter 12) and his varying the existence or the intensity of the irony throughout, Crane intends to maintain control of the reader's response to the character of Henry Fleming. Irony serves well in Crane's attempt to modulate the reader's response, for he may withdraw the irony entirely, apply it heavily, or modulate its application through infinitely variable degrees between the two extremes. And this is what Crane, to the consternation of the reader who would have things one way or another, does. Throughout the text Henry appears more or less sympathetic, more or less deserving of blame or censure. This modulation of the reader's response is carefully and intentionally managed, largely through irony—and, as well, through editing of the irony when the negative or positive response elicited toward Henry seems too great or too little. The answer to the questions raised earlier, (why does Crane no longer subject Henry to the same degree of ironic treatment between the chapter in which he proposes to use Wilson's letters as emotional blackmail against him, and why does he subject him any longer to ironic treatment at all) is implicitly answered here. After Henry is at his most despicable moment, during the "letters" episode, he threatens to take over the text, to control the meaning and values expressed therein. It is not Henry alone who threatens to take over the text but a whole complex of values, the values contained within Henry's metaphors describing his own situation and condition. Tradition, the tradition that surrounds Henry on all sides, the iron laws of tradition, of which Henry thinks in chapter 3, also threatens Crane. Crane's counteraction is primarily through irony. That is why Henry is subjected to irony at the same time that he appears most sympathetic, when he seems most heroic and when his activity and behavior seem most acceptable. The irony is intended to counteract other textual movement. During the period when Henry is most positively presented, Crane must make sure that we do not misunderstand his intention. His irony is intended to insure that we interpret other things rightly. We need to see, for example, Henry's quite positive relation to Wilson, his friend, the loud soldier (all one and the same person, as pointed out before), in proper perspective. The irony allows this.
John Conder (essay date 1989)
SOURCE: Conder, John. "The Red Badge of Courage: Form and Function." In Modern American Fiction: Formand Function, edited by Thomas Daniel Young, pp. 28-38. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 1989.
[In the following essay, Conder argues that the figure of Henry Fleming in The Red Badge of Courage is less of a literary character and more of a representation of Crane's interest in determinism and freedom of will.]
The function of the form of The Red Badge of Courage remains an especially significant issue because some recent criticism ignores the compelling conclusions that follow from the novel's subject. Those conclusions affect our understanding not only of this novel but of two of the three other crucial works in the Crane canon as well. This criticism might be seen as a continuation of the second of the two stages that criticism of Crane has gone through in the past: an avowal that determinism is a central presence in his work and a denial that it is a central presence or a presence at all. ("The Open Boat" is an exception to Crane's determinism because the story treats a primitive society whose very simplicity permits the existence of freedom.)1
The basic materials of the novel are the same as those of "The Blue Hotel" and Maggie. They are the conditions that generate the thoughts, emotions, and actions of the characters. This emphasis on conditions governing character, as opposed to an emphasis on character as autonomous agent, emerges because the characters are not individuals. Certainly the youth Henry Fleming is not an individual. What little history we learn of him from the flashback hardly individualizes him. What Bergson would have called "lived time," the growth and development of the inner life of a human being, is not a concern in The Red Badge, because Henry Fleming is not really a person.2 He is in fact a case study, a psychological type—the complex type called adolescence—and the novel is about the psychological type called adolescence meeting the congeries of conditions called war.
If the history of Henry in the flashback does not point to him as an individual, it does point to him as a social type. Though his adolescence is of primary concern in the novel, he is also a farm boy, a hick, and thus a social type recalling the treatment of character as social type in Maggie. (The distinction between social and psychological type in Maggie is not a hard and fast one, of course, but is a matter of emphasis.) The understated treatment of Henry as a social type also forecasts the various social types who constitute the world of "The Blue Hotel" —an Easterner, a cowboy, a hotel keeper, a ne'er-do-well, a gambler, and a host of nameless people of the small town who represent the average person writ large: the community. In these shorter works as well as within the novel, conditions emerge as the dominant basic material precisely because the characters are not individuals, then, but types. And this emphasis on types permits us to see characters as governed rather than as autonomous agents, either because the line between the type and the environment producing it is impossible to draw or because character is treated idiosyncratically so that it acts as condition for behavior.
This view of character in general in Crane's world is reinforced by an understanding of the form of The Red Badge. By its form, I mean the nature of the narrator, the special arrangement of materials that produces irony, and the use of the device of a sharp shift in perspective to emphasize the function of the irony. The point of view is third-person limited, and the narrator presents the conditions giving rise to Henry's changing thoughts, emotions, and actions in such minute detail that the clear effect is to see the narrator studying the youth as though this youth were a rabbit or a chicken being put through a series of behavioral tests. The narrator, in other words, is detached, and his is the voice of the behavioral scientist, the voice that says: "The youth cringed as if discovered at a crime."3
The character of that voice is best captured by a line used in "The Blue Hotel" to describe the Easterner: "The Easterner's mind, like a film, took lasting impressions of three men." It is the voice that opens "The Blue Hotel" with the words, "The Palace Hotel at Fort Romper was painted a light blue, a shade that is on the legs of a kind of heron." It is the voice in Maggie that says, "The girl, Maggie, blossomed in a mud puddle."4 Such detachment does not deny that a human being is different from other creatures in nature, any more than it denies that there is a difference between a chicken and a heron or between a heron and a panther. So this fact should be kept in mind when objecting that there is a separation between two worlds, the human and the natural, in The Red Badge. The human world is viewed in the same way as the natural world in the novel, and the same narrative angle of vision prevails in these other works as well.
The second aspect of form, the internal arrangement of materials producing irony, in fact produces two types of irony. The first, dramatic irony, surfaces when a character, or what passes as a character, is thoroughly ignorant of facts or aspects of reality known to the audience or reader. Both the narrator and the reader are spectators of Henry Fleming's thoughts, feelings, and actions, and through Crane's adroit juxtaposition of details, they see dramatic irony everywhere—in Henry's failing to recognize that a creature pouncing on a fish, for example, does not support his recently adopted view that nature is "a woman with a deep aversion to tragedy" (46).
In The Red Badge Henry's failure of recognition is a function of an overwhelming emotional state, guilt, and therefore he is beyond judgment. Likewise, in Maggie, Pete, Jimmie, and Mrs. Johnson are beyond judgment for their ignorance of their behavior as a factor in Maggie's downfall. The reader who has finished Chapter 4 of the novella knows that these characters are types, that as types they are products of an environment, and that these products are incapable of serious or prolonged introspection.
If dramatic irony does not imply moral censure but instead exposes ignorance, much the same can be said of the second kind of irony operative in Crane's world: situational irony, in which an event gives birth to an unexpected outcome. Several examples appear in The Red Badge, one of which is at the heart of the action: a deserting soldier gives a wound to a deserter (Henry) that permits Henry to return to his unit with honor. There are other such ironies. The tattered man's expression of concern leads not to Henry's social reinstatement but to his further flight and alienation. Henry's actual reinstatement in his unit leads to his feeling of superiority over Wilson. Henry's uncontrolled, blind fighting earns him the commendation of "wildcat" and leads to his regarding himself as a hero. The sun appears through the clouds as if to confirm Henry's view of benign nature. Like dramatic irony, this second kind exposes ignorance, though in this case the reader must be included among the ranks of the ignorant. Neither reader nor character can foresee the unexpected consequence of an act. Neither dramatic irony nor situational irony, therefore, implies moral censure. Each does imply the weakness of man's mental machinery, so this fact should take care of the view that irony is necessarily moral in its thrust.
In The Red Badge of Courage a spatial retreat to a distance appears in references to the sun, but a pronounced shift in perspective of a different kind also appears in the last chapter of the novel. I will reserve full discussion of that chapter till later because I wish to discuss its special change in perspective in tandem with another major point, the novel's determinism. Here I note that the novel's various references to the sun issue collectively in the meaning of the novel's dramatic irony in the most comprehensive way possible. The youth may be astonished "that nature had gone tranquilly on with her golden processes in the midst of so much devilment" (38) when he first sees the sun, and his astonishment may very well change to gratitude that the appearance of the sun, at the end of the Appleton manuscript, confirms his view of a friendly nature, a view appearing in both endings of the novel.5 But the reader witnesses Henry's (and man's) relation to nature from the true perspective of the sun—that is, from the eye of nature's cosmic indifference, a sight that shows man's place in nature to be pretty much the one exposed by the spatial retreat to a distance found in "The Open Boat."
Critics who object to the view that The Red Badge is deterministic fail to see that the novel's form—in this case, the arrangement of those governing conditions that constitute the basic materials of the novel—functions to meet a definition of determinism because they never offer such a definition. I stress this fact because a failure to define determinism handicaps critics of the novel, whether they deny or affirm its determinism or whether they simply ignore the issue by assuming the existence of freedom. Bernard Berofsky has issued a warning to philosophers that should be issued to literary critics as well: "In discussions of human freedom it is not uncommon to omit a definition or clarification of the thesis of determinism, although reference to it may be made. This is quite serious if one considers … the fact that this thesis often plays a fundamental role in conceptions of human freedom."6 I hasten therefore to offer this definition of determinism, one that in fact is not my own but that seems to me pertinent to discussions of literary naturalism: "Determinism is the general philosophical thesis which states that for everything that ever happens there are conditions such that, given them, nothing else could happen."7
Traditional novelists assumed human freedom within obvious limitations. Crane's distinctiveness as a novelist depends on his fashioning his work into a coherent vision that forces the reflective reader to question the authenticity of man's freedom. The novel's form forces the reader to see that it advances the definition of determinism I have just provided, and the same form makes the appearance of freedom an illusion.
Of the innumerable ways of classifying novels, one can divide them into two groups according to the kind of axis they possess. A nondeterministic novel usually has a moral axis. It rests on the assumption that at some point or other characters could have acted in a way different from the one they did under the same conditions, an assumption that permits moral judgment because it grants freedom to the individual. Crane's novel has what one might call a would-have-been axis. It rests on the assumption that the youth would have behaved differently if—if conditions had been different. And its basic material, the conditions generating the youth's thoughts, emotions, and actions, suggests that given these conditions, he could not behave other than as he does behave, a fact that undermines the possibility of moral judgment because it denies man's freedom.
The first skirmish in which the youth participates can demonstrate what I mean about the novel's axis. It divides into two parts that the reader inevitably juxtaposes in his mind. In the first, the youth does not run from battle because conditions permit him to be sustained by his consciousness of "the subtle battle-brotherhood" (35). He would have run from battle if conditions had been different, if he had not been conscious of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." That fact seems the whole point of Crane's having the youth initially hold fast in the first part of this skirmish and then run in the second part. And in the second part, run he does. He would not have run if he had still been conscious of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." But conditions have changed, the youth now sees panic-stricken faces among the brotherhood, and he also sees some men who seem to be running from the brotherhood. Thus he becomes the pawn of that overwhelming fear that earlier had been subdued by his sense of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." These two battle scenes, with their contrasting outcomes, emphasize the dominance of conditions governing thought, emotion, and action throughout the novel. The youth's discovery that his regiment had in fact held fast while he ran then becomes the condition for his guilt and subsequent rationalizations—feelings and thoughts which he would not have been bombarded with if conditions had not changed to induce his uncontrollable panic.
This would-have-been axis continues throughout the novel and challenges recent readings that dismiss the issue of the novel's naturalism (or determinism) with a flat, unsupported denial that it belongs in that camp and offer an analysis that simply assumes the existence of freedom in The Red Badge. Since both Donald Pease and William Wasserstrom treat Henry's first blind, wild fighting in battle (Chapter 17) as an expression of rage, it will be useful to focus on their treatment of the way that rage develops in order to illustrate my point. Pease locates the beginning of the rage with Henry's aborted philippic, whereas Wasserstrom locates it later, after Henry's learning "the lesson of yesterday" about retribution.8 Despite this disparity, the forms of their arguments show the same deficiency, and so they can be treated as types of the same argument.
Pease argues that Henry deliberately and freely manipulates his emotions—especially fear and shame—for two related reasons: first, to create an identity for himself based on a rereading of conventional war narratives, though with significant variations to accommodate his own experience; and second, to give coherence to the incoherent. The literal experience of battle, that is, is incoherent, but Henry replaces this incoherence with narratives that by their very nature as narrative possess coherence. Through a "personal act of choice" he develops "an ethos of fear as his basis for a unique personality." By becoming a "‘mental outcast,’" for example, he becomes the star of the show through his special way of handling his fear. The coherence that he gives his experience in this way, breaks down with Jim Conklin's death (and is symbolized by the sun imaged as a wafer). Thereafter, Henry essentially reacts "with rage against the inadequacy of all rationales," and his blind fighting is a part of his waging "war on the discourses" that he used earlier to give coherence to his experience.9
I cannot go into all the steps in Pease's complicated argument but quote enough to show that he endows Henry with a good deal of self-control. The fact that Pease largely ignores the narrative voice that renders Henry's thoughts and instead makes Henry appear to be creating his own narrative reinforces this impression of autonomy.10
William Wasserstrom also gives Henry a good deal of autonomy. Reading the book in the light of William James's theory of human behavior in extraordinary situations, he finds Henry's instincts suppressed by a genteel civilization symbolized by his mother, and he thinks Henry escapes such suppression when he discovers that "the lessons of yesterday had been that retribution was a laggard and blind" and that "he could leave much to chance" (86). According to this argument, Henry comes to see through the ethics of an America that promised sure and swift retribution for sin, an America represented by the mother who said, "Don't think of anything 'cept what's right" (7). Seeing the fraud, Wasserstrom writes, Henry "plans to replace this muddle of morals with plain fury." Like Pease, but for a different reason, Wasserstrom gives Henry a good deal of control by seeing his enraged fighting as a response to a lesson in fraud autonomously absorbed by a now-educated Henry. Wasserstrom writes: "Yesterday when his world had buckled he'd ‘imagined the universe to be against him.’ Today he knows that the universe is neutral, that his sole adversary is ‘the army of the foe,’ an enemy against which he now feels a ‘wild hate.’"11
Both arguments miss the novel's would-have-been axis, the compelling relation between condition and perception or condition and action. Although the novel traces a thorough network of causal conditions leading from Henry's initial fear to his blind fighting, the details that I choose here will be governed by my attempt to show that the arguments that I have just summed up are but variants of Marston LaFrance's treatment of his selection of events leading to Henry Fleming's fighting successfully in battle; that a refutation of LaFrance's treatment can show that determinism is a presence in this sequence of events, as it is throughout the major action of the novel; and that a proper understanding of this sequence of events shows that determinism comes to embrace the novel's controversial ending, which does not initially appear to be deterministic and which Pease treats within a context of will.12
Marston LaFrance called attention to a "carefully wrought sequence" of "silly illusions," which he says collapse and lead to what he calls Henry's "willed commitment" to fight after his return to his regiment.13 He had in mind those illusions that make Henry seem so obnoxious when he confronts the "formerly loud soldier" and that are represented by the ironic statement: "He had performed his mistakes in the dark, so he was still a man" (86). Wasserstrom ignores these illusions, and Pease alludes to them in a context of Henry's anticipating and neutralizing judgment against himself.14 But those illusions are germane here both because they lead to Henry's blind fighting and because Crane treats them in a way that makes conditions of primary importance here as elsewhere. Henry's obnoxiousness, his feeling of superiority to Wilson, it should be stressed, has its condition: his release from his intense fear of exposure as a deserter. Such relief manifests itself through an exaggerated sense of superiority, and that sense in turn acts as the condition for Henry's lesson about retribution, a lesson that is only partly true. If "the lesson of yesterday" was accurate in teaching that "he could leave much to chance," nonetheless chance does not always see to it that "retribution was a laggard and blind." But this illusion is of great importance as a link in the chain of causation leading to Henry's fighting. The illusion permits the youth to gain sufficient confidence, through a chain of psychological causes and effects, to fight the enemy, a chain that terminates in these words: "He had a wild hate for the relentless foe. Yesterday, when he had imagined the universe to be against him, he had hated it, little gods and big gods; to-day he hated the army of the foe with the same great hatred" (94). Crane thereby shows that he understood the meaning of the psychological phenomenon called transference even if he was not aware of the term. For he stresses the youth's unconscious transference of hatred from hatred for a nonhuman universe that threatened him because it would not support his rationalizations for having run, to hatred for a human enemy that now threatens him. The confidence generated by the youth's unwarranted feeling of superiority, though momentarily deflated by the sarcastic man, remains sufficiently strong in his psyche to permit him to redirect his hate.15
The careful reader thus can see that these illusions in fact are parts of a causal network permitting Henry to fight, and thus the view that they lead to Henry's "willed commitment" to fight is undermined. So, too, is the assumption of freedom and autonomy underlying treatments of Henry's perceptions and thoughts prior to his enraged fighting. Conditions create Henry's fear and shame, conditions permit his reinstatement into his unit, conditions create his illusions, conditions induce his (partly false) education about the nature of retribution, conditions inspire Henry's hatred, his rage against the enemy, and conditions thus permit him to fight.
Were the adolescent to have that authentic freedom asserted or implied by all these treatments, one must find somewhere in the novel some evidence that conditions do not dictate, that under the same conditions, this adolescent could behave in a way different from the way he does. To accommodate free-will readings of the novel, in other words, one must find a free-will axis in the work, for its existence implies that a character could act differently under the same conditions.
The emphasis on conditions in the major action of the novel seems to me to undermine any free-will axis there, but there does seem to be one in the flashback and in the ending of the novel, both in the version by Henry Binder and in the one that I choose as aesthetically superior, the edition of Fredson Bowers.16 In this discussion of form and function, my emphasis on the events leading to Henry's enraged fighting makes it pertinent that I discuss the ending rather than the flashback, which is also part of the causal chain of mental and physical events constituting the career of that psychological type named Henry Fleming.17 In both versions of the ending, we find that Henry is released from "the condition" of the "animal blistered" in war and can now activate his hitherto idle "machines of reflection" to reflect on, among other things, his "sin," and the very word sin thus suggests the presence of a free-will axis, here a moral axis that presupposes freedom (133, 135). Of course the reader knows that when Henry committed his "sin," that sin had no moral status, because it was impelled by his overpowering fear of social censure. Yet that Henry thinks in terms like sin suggests that he has entered a realm in which he can act other than as he does under the same conditions. But in fact the chain of causation that seems clearly deterministic in the major part of the work is related to the ending. In the conclusion, the reflective reader sees that a release from battle becomes the "new condition" (133) that makes the youth feel "that the world was a world for him" (135), and nature now seems distinctly friendly, not indifferent. The reader becomes conscious of conditions existing off the battlefield as well as on, in other words, and he becomes aware that off the battlefield they breed illusions just as they do on it. The major part of the novel and the novel's ending thus share an emphasis on a causal link between condition and illusion, and this shared emphasis deprives the reader of any certainty that the youth has entered the world of could-have-been. The reader is certain only of the existence of a would-have-been axis. And that axis is perfectly consistent with, in fact is an expression of, the thesis of determinism, the thesis that states that "for everything that ever happens there are conditions such that, given them, nothing else could happen."18
But there is even more to the matter of this novel's form because of what I have tried to show earlier. If the form of The Red Badge of Courage undermines current assumptions about freedom in its pages, then the fact that The Red Badge is a paradigm of two of Crane's three other major works makes it clear that such assumptions cannot be made about those works either.
Notes
1. John Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction: The Classic Phase (Lexington, Ky., 1984), 1-2. On "The Open Boat," see pp. 22-30.
2. In describing duration, Bergson called it "the form which the succession of our conscious states assumes when our ego lets itself live." Henri Bergson, Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness, trans. F. L. Pogson (London, 1910), 100.
3. Stephen Crane, The Red Badge of Courage, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1975), 45. Vol. II of The Works of Stephen Crane. Subsequent references to The Red Badge are to this edition and will appear in the text.
4. Stephen Crane, "The Blue Hotel," in Crane, Tales of Adventure, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1970), 159, 155. Vol. V of The Works of Stephen Crane; Stephen Crane, Maggie, in Crane, Bowery Tales, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1969), 24. Vol. I of The Works of Stephen Crane.
5. For a discussion of the endings, see the bibliographical essay in Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 213-15.
6. Bernard Berofsky, "General Introduction: Determinism," in Berofsky (ed.), Free Will and Determinism (New York, 1966), 1.
7. Richard Taylor, "Determinism," in Paul Edwards (ed.), Encyclopedia of Philosophy (8 vols.; New York, 1967), II, 359.
8. See Donald Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation in The Red Badge of Courage," in Eric J. Sundquist (ed.), American Realism: New Essays (Baltimore, 1982), 155-75. For his denial of Crane's naturalism and also for his analysis of the beginning of Henry's rage, see p. 169. See also William Wasserstrom, "Hydraulics and Heroics: William James, Stephen Crane," in Wasserstrom, The Ironies of Progress: Henry Adams and the American Dream (Carbondale, Ill., 1984), 77-99. For his rejection of Crane's naturalism, see p. 86; for his treatment of the beginning of Henry's rage, see p. 93.
9. Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation," 162-63, 171, 173.
10. For Henry as creating his own narrative, see Ibid., 160, 161, 162, 169. For other examples of emphasis on Henry's will see pp. 163, 165, 174.
11. Wasserstrom, "Hydraulics and Heroics," 93.
12. Marston LaFrance, A Reading of Stephen Crane (London, 1971), 112-17. For will in the ending, see Pease, "Fear, Rage and the Mistrials of Representation," 174.
13. LaFrance, A Reading of Stephen Crane, 116-17.
14. Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation," 172-73.
15. For a fuller discussion of the sequence of events between Henry's meeting Wilson again after his return to camp and the period when he develops his hatred, see Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 58-61.
16. See note 5 above.
17. For a discussion of the flashback, see Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 53-56.
18. See note 7 above.
Karl E. Avery (essay date 1990)
SOURCE: Avery, Karl E. "The Red Badge of Courage." In Beacham's Guide to Literature for Young Adults, Volume 3, edited by Kirk H. Beetz and Suzanne Niemeyer, pp. 1095-103. Washington, D.C.: Beacham Publishing, Inc., 1990.
[In the following essay, Avery offers a bio-critical reading of The Red Badge of Courage, emphasizing Crane's intense distaste for war and his belief that war "holds no redemptive qualities."]
About the Author
Stephen Crane was born on November 1, 1871, in Newark, New Jersey, the youngest child of the Reverend Dr. Jonathan Townley Crane and Mary Helen Peck Crane. The Cranes dated their roots in New Jersey back to 1665, when an ancestor also named Stephen Crane had settled in the area. The Reverend Crane died on February 16, 1880, after a brief illness. After her husband's death, Mrs. Crane moved her family to the nearby town of Roseville. In 1882 the Cranes moved to Asbury Park, a seaside town on the Jersey shore where Crane attended school for the next six years.
In 1888 Crane enrolled at Hudson River Institute (also called Claverack College), a semi-military academy. Crane entered Hudson with a less than stellar academic background, but although he failed to post an impressive academic record here, too, he did enjoy the cadet life at the academy. He stayed at Hudson for two years, working summers at his brother's news service in Asbury Park, and it was during these years that he began his lifelong rebellion against religious dogmatism. In 1890 Crane entered Lafayette College, which, like Hudson, was a Methodist school.
He rarely attended classes, failed his courses, and dropped out at the end of the semester. His next school was Syracuse University, where again he lasted for only one semester. While there, in 1891, Crane wrote the first draft of Maggie: A Girl of the Streets. After returning to New Jersey, he met Hamlin Garland, an established writer of realistic fiction who exerted a strong influence on Crane's writing.
In the fall of 1891 Crane moved to New York City, where he lived with art students in a boarding house and explored the slums of the city, particularly the Bowery. Following the advice of his mentor, Garland—who maintained that in order to depict slum life realistically, a writer must experience the pain endured by slum dwellers—Crane visited soup kitchens and other places where poor people congregated. Crane knew genuine deprivation during this period, and his health, never robust, was weakened. For the rest of his life he had a racking cough and a low resistance to disease. The Bowery became the fictional locale for Maggie: A Girl of the Streets, which was privately printed in 1893. The novel won the praise of William Dean Howells, an important writer whom Crane met through Garland.
In 1894 an abridged version of The Red Badge of Courage, which Crane had started writing the previous year, was published by the Bacheller Syndicate in its newspapers. Crane traveled in the West and Mexico from January to May 1895, and returned to see a book version of The Red Badge of Courage published by D. Appleton and Company in October. Before going West, Crane had become infatuated with a beautiful young society girl, Nellie Crouse. Some of his most revealing letters were written to her. Largely uninterested in social status, which was very important to Crouse, Crane knew his infatuation was hopeless. Their relationship was limited to the seven letters he sent her.
George's Mother, another novel set in the New York slums, and a revised version of Maggie were both published in June 1896. That December, The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War was published. These stories capitalized on the success of The Red Badge of Courage, and Crane was now obsessed with the wish to see a war firsthand. An attempt to reach revolution-torn Cuba failed when his ship sank off the coast of Florida on January 2, 1897. "The Open Boat," published in June, is a fictionalized account of Crane's experiences as he and three others rowed through high seas to shore.
Having failed to reach Cuba, Crane decided to go to Greece to cover the Greco-Turkish War. He was accompanied by Cora Taylor, whom he had met while waiting for passage to Cuba in Jacksonville, Florida, where she ran a bordello. Both Crane and Taylor worked as war correspondents in Greece. Twice divorced and five years older than Crane, Taylor was still legally married to an Englishman who refused to grant her a divorce. Nonetheless, Crane and Taylor were married on August 25, 1898. After covering the war in Greece, the couple settled in England, where Crane made friends with many leading writers of the time, including Joseph Conrad, H. G. Wells, Ford Madox Ford, and Henry James. Always short of funds, the Cranes nonetheless entertained lavishly at their elegant house in Ravensbrook. Crane wrote constantly, but could not become solvent. When the United States and Spain went to war in Cuba in 1898, he sailed for New York, having borrowed money from Conrad and other friends. The U.S. Navy would not accept Crane as a seaman, but he was hired by Joseph Pulitzer's New York World as a war correspondent. In Cuba, fellow correspondents were impressed by his courage.
In 1897 Crane had been diagnosed with tuberculosis, but the disease seemed to be in remission. While in Cuba, however, he fell ill with malaria, an event that possibly reactivated his tuberculosis. His health deteriorating, Crane still managed to get out his dispatches, some of which rank among his best work as a reporter. Fired by Pulitzer as the result of a misunderstanding, he returned to New York and was hired by William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal as a war correspondent. In all, Crane covered the war from April to November 1898. Meanwhile, several of his better stories had been published, including "The Monster," "The Bride Comes to Yellow Sky," and "The Blue Hotel."
Crane returned home to England in 1898, and he and Taylor moved to Brede Manor, Sussex. As their extravagance continued, Crane, gravely ill, turned his hand to any kind of writing to pay his debts. He published a novel, Active Service, in 1899, its quality far below his usual standard. A volume of poems, War Is Kind, also appeared in 1899.
During a large Christmas week party at Brede, on December 29, 1899, Crane collapsed with a severe pulmonary hemorrhage. He died on June 5, 1900, at a sanatorium in Badenweiler, Germany. The Whilomville Stories and Wounds in the Rain were published posthumously the same year.
Overview
The Red Badge of Courage attempts to recreate the combat experiences of a young, frightened soldier in the American Civil War. Henry Fleming, the protagonist, has never seen a real battle and worries about how he will behave under pressure. Crane's novel has been praised ever since it first appeared in print as highly realistic in its presentation of the psychology of a young man facing injury and possible death. One of the best American short novels, Crane's work vividly presents some of the horrors, both physical and psychological, that soldiers encounter in battle.
Setting
The battle of Chancellorsville in northern Virginia, waged from May 1 to May 3, 1863, seems to have been Crane's model for the fictional battle in The Red Badge of Courage. The action of the novel follows that of the original conflict—a Confederate victory—quite closely. Chancellorsville is not mentioned in the novel, nor is General Joseph "Fighting Joe" Hooker, the leader of the Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville. At one point in the novel, though, Crane does name the Rappahannock River, which separates the two armies. The real setting of The Red Badge of Courage, however, is the consciousness of Henry Fleming. The battle, his fellow Union soldiers, and the landscape are all seen through his eyes. His attitudes, which change frequently, determine what he and the reader see.
Themes and Characters
War, for Crane, was a favorite metaphor for human life, equally applicable to coal miners ("In the Depths of Coal Mine," 1894) or to the people living in the slums of New York (Maggie: A Girl of the Streets ). Courage and heroism come under Crane's scrutiny in his classic book about wartime, The Red Badge of Courage. Henry has read classical tales of heroism, and dreams of performing brave deeds on the battlefield, but he is deeply worried about what will happen when the regiment finally goes into action. He and his regiment have marched into northern Virginia, but since then have done nothing but wait. His concern is not "How will we men of the 304th New York Regiment do when we go into battle" but "How will I do?" In the course of his self-questioning, he has been "forced to admit that as far as war was concerned he knew nothing of himself." Of course, although Henry does not consider it, all the men around him are also worried about the coming battle and how they will behave under fire.
Henry, more often referred to as "the youth," has a small circle of friends that includes Jim Conklin, "the tall soldier," whom he has known all his life, and Wilson, "the loud soldier," who constantly struts and brags. Most characters in the novel remain unnamed except for epithets such as these. Henry's identification with his companions is not strong enough to give him a sense of community with them. The regiment is often pictured as a powerful organism breathing, snorting, and shooting flames like a dragon.
The regiment goes into action after its long period of inactivity, and although Henry is relieved in a sense, his anxieties soon increase. When the enemy forces make their first charge, Henry's training helps him perform in the accepted manner; he and the regiment stand their ground, and the enemy is repelled. But all too soon a second charge is under way. The tired men of the 304th Regiment resume firing, but soon many of them throw down their rifles and run. Panic-stricken, Henry also heads for the rear, running "like a blindman" and crashing into trees.
As his panic subsides, Henry rationalizes his desertion: he has behaved in a highly reasonable fashion; he has saved the U.S. government a piece of valuable equipment, himself; and he has followed the dictate of nature, which bids every creature to protect itself. Guilt-ridden despite his rationalizations, Henry falls in with some wounded men who have been forced to seek shelter in the rear. He finds the company of the wounded preferable to that of his own regiment, which he hopes has been soundly defeated, for its defeat would vindicate him completely.
But Henry's conscience undergoes further assault when he notices a man referred to as a "spectral soldier," walking as if he were a dead man looking for a grave. Henry suddenly realizes that this mortally wounded soldier is Jim Conklin, his best friend. Henry, hysterical with grief, promises to take care of his friend, but Jim recognizes Henry only for a moment before he shakes off Henry's hand. In a fit of panic, Jim runs from the road into a field, where he convulses and dies as Henry looks on helplessly.
Henry later suffers a head wound when a frightened deserter unexpectedly hits him with the butt of his rifle. An unnamed friendly soldier leads Henry back to his regiment, where Wilson, previously known as the "loud soldier," is on sentinel duty. Henry finds that Wilson has matured from a swaggering braggart to a quietly confident soldier. Wilson and the corporal who examine Henry assume that he has been shot.
The wound is Henry's means of entry back into the military society, and he realizes that this is the only society available to him.
After Henry's cover story has been accepted, his remorse practically disappears. He still worries that his cowardice will be exposed, but his ego has been restored. No longer an isolated wanderer in the company of the wounded and dying, Henry learns to take pride in his regiment and in his own ability to contribute to the war effort. Going into battle he fights like a madman, firing so furiously that he wins the admiration of his fellow soldiers. Henry becomes less self-centered as he begins to identify with Wilson and the other soldiers, and he finds the strength of purpose to atone for his earlier cowardice.
Throughout Henry's transformation, Crane emphasizes that coming of age involves an awareness of and concern for others. Henry learns that he is a person of contradictory impulses and actions, at times brave, at times cowardly, and this knowledge allows him to identify with the society around him. He thinks of others as well as himself; his is no longer an egocentric universe.
But Crane is careful not to present war as a simple rite of passage; he emphasizes that war brings out the most horrible aspects of life. War indeed tests souls, but in the process it ruins more men than it converts to higher ideals. Although the survivors of war were sometimes stronger, more compassionate men, Crane could never reconcile this phenomenon with the horror and the suffering of innocent creatures everywhere. Henry is able to change, but Crane himself never came to terms with a God who could tolerate wars.
Literary Qualities
In preparation for writing The Red Badge of Courage, Crane studied the Civil War photographs of Matthew Brady and illustrations by painter Winslow Homer and drew on his own highly empathic imagination. The writers Joseph Conrad and Ford Madox Ford, Crane's good friends in England, claimed that Crane subscribed to the impressionistic literary movement and strictly observed the canon of impressionism: "render; never report." By means of his sharply etched and poetic images, Crane hoped to help his readers feel as if they were actually on a battlefield. For example, Crane describes the wounded enemy standard-bearer behaving as if he had "invisible ghouls fastened greedily upon his limbs" as he tries to escape with his flag; Crane also renders a vivid image of the dirt and smoke assaulting the regiment: "Wallowing in the fight, they were in an astonishingly short time besmudged…. Moving to and fro with strained exertion, jabbering the while they were, with their swaying bodies, black faces, and glowing eyes, like strange and ugly fiends jigging heavily in the smoke."
Ending The Red Badge of Courage was difficult for Crane. The professional writers among his friends marveled at how rapidly he produced his work, whether prose or poetry, and how rarely he revised what he had written. But three attempts to bring his second novel to a close were required, and even then he probably was not satisfied. Although he wrote the first draft of The Red Badge of Courage in nine days, he told Willa Cather that "he had been unconsciously working the detail of the story through most of his boyhood."
"It was essential that I should make my battle a type and name no names," Crane said when explaining the overall plan of his book. As several critics have noted, this choice makes The Red Badge of Courage resemble an allegory. What makes it different from typical allegories such as John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (1678) or William Langland's Piers Plowman (c. 1395) is Crane's attitude toward conventional Christianity. Raised in a family of ministers and religious workers, he himself became an agnostic. Some of the imagery of the novel is drawn from religion, such as "the chapel," where Henry hopes to escape from the battle. But throughout the novel, everybody curses, nobody prays, and Crane uses imagery from his religious training to show that, for him, war is demonic; demons and devils abound in his poetic metaphors. Critic R. W. Stallman sees the death of Jim Conklin as a crucifixion and notes that the soldier's initials are the same as those of Jesus Christ. Critic Bettina L. Knapp sees the battle as an initiation similar to the one religious devotees experience before they receive illumination, the knowledge that God is with them and that they are one with him. The novel may well invite such interpretations because of its stark simplicity.
The best-drawn characters in Crane's books are usually those from low socioeconomic backgrounds—inner-city residents, soldiers, coal miners, seamen, and farmers. Crane did not romanticize his characters because he recognized that poverty-stricken people are quite capable of making their have-not status a basis for conceit. Crane found this attitude quite prevalent in the Bowery, and he made it as much the target of his ironic barbs as he did the conceit of the rich.
Social Sensitivity
Crane's novels reflect his basic beliefs about humanity. The chronic misery of the poor aroused his sympathy, as did the plight of common soldiers in wars. Having rejected traditional theological explanations as a boy, Crane never found a philosophy that adequately explained the hardships inherent in the human condition.
Because Crane's theme in The Red Badge of Courage is the fear and isolation common to all war, he deliberately avoids all specific references to the Civil War itself. The battle is presumed to be Chancellorsville, but neither its name nor the names of commanding generals are mentioned. Few characters have names or identities, and even Henry is usually referred to simply as "the youth." Crane is not concerned with the causes of the war, the implications of slavery, the tactics of the armies, or even the outcome of his battle. For the purposes of the story, it makes no difference that this is the American Civil War, or that in the real battle of Chancellorsville thirty thousand men were killed.
The novel vividly depicts the ravaging emotions that lead Henry to abandon his idealism, reevaluate his conception of bravery, recognize nature as a malevolent force, and repudiate the existence of God. The violence that he experiences holds no redemptive qualities. What he has learned in war—the indifference of death, the folly of valor and patriotism, and the illusion of God—becomes distorted and tangled in his memory by the novel's end, so that even the reality is lost and everything becomes a lie. There is no glory in war, not even for the heroes. There is only death for the victims and confusion for the survivors.
James Cox (essay d
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THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE (John Huston, 1951)
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2007-02-08T00:00:00
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Tubercular Stephen Crane died in 1900, falling short of his twenty-ninth birthday. Although it isn’t quite in the league of masterpieces by Herman Melville (Moby-Dick, The Confidence Man, Pierre) and Mark Twain (The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Pudd’nhead Wilson), his Red Badge of Courage is a great American novel, easily the finest ever written about…
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Dennis Grunes
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https://grunes.wordpress.com/2007/02/08/the-red-badge-of-courage-john-huston-1951/
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Tubercular Stephen Crane died in 1900, falling short of his twenty-ninth birthday. Although it isn’t quite in the league of masterpieces by Herman Melville (Moby-Dick, The Confidence Man, Pierre) and Mark Twain (The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Pudd’nhead Wilson), his Red Badge of Courage is a great American novel, easily the finest ever written about the American Civil War. Blending naturalism and impressionism, objective realism and psychological realism, it owes something to the fiction of Edgar Allan Poe. Yet it is also startlingly original. British author H. G. Wells called Crane “the first expression of the opening mind of a new period.”
The son of a Methodist minister, Crane could not maintain religious faith in the face of the poverty that he witnessed—see his first novel, Maggie: A Girl of the Streets, written in his teens—and (at the time of Red Badge) the horrors of war that he imagined. (Later, as a war correspondent, he covered the Spanish-American and Greco-Turkish Wars.) He took reality on the chin. He “was almost illusionless,” according to biographer and poet John Berryman.
American filmmaker John Huston wasn’t one to harbor illusions either. The Red Badge of Courage, which he hoped would be his masterpiece, concluded a two-picture deal with M-G-M, which had blithely butchered Erich von Stroheim’s Greed (1924) from 9½ to 2¼ hours in order to satisfy the studio’s own greed and its antagonism to art as distinct from commercial entertainment. Studio head Louis B. Mayer had been skeptical about Huston’s project from the get-go but acquiesced to the go-ahead given by Dore Schary, the new vice president in charge of production. Nevertheless, the project saw a succession of budget cuts, and when a preview audience populated by adolescents—a group for whom the film was never intended—derided the result, the studio slashed the film by thirty minutes, all but deleting a major character (the Tattered Soldier) and conflating two separate battles into a single, confusing event. However, M-G-M’s worst “improvement” came in a different form, and more than the other changes this one got to the heart of the studio’s disapproval of the project. A voiceover narration—to his eternal disgrace, spoken by James Whitmore—was added.* Its opening commentary stakes out what it wants audiences to embrace as the movie’s unifying theme: the passage of Henry Fielding, a Union recruit, from boyhood to manhood as he is tested by the experience of war.
Indeed, this is how the novel is commonly taught in American high schools in an effort to make it “relevant” in particular to adolescent boys. In truth, those teaching English at this level, trained in education rather than (to any degree of rigor) literature, probably think this is what the novel is about. Only, it isn’t. War doesn’t “make a man” of Henry, although he himself may think it does. War isn’t background in Crane’s book for a coming-of-age story; nor is the novel in any way endorsing war as a means for boys to feel their oats and get on to the meat of manhood. The Red Badge of Courage is a stinging indictment of war, which it sees as a false god that is, in fact, the other face of the Christian god to whom soldiers pray to steel themselves for killing and being killed. It is an exquisite and withering piece of irony, and Huston, who documented combat during the Second World War, wanted his film to match the author’s intentions. It is his allegiance to those intentions that had made him want to make the film in the first place. This made M-G-M very nervous. At the time, the United States itself was at war, in Korea, and at home a reactionary atmosphere had set in—McCarthyism—that equated the expression of certain sentiments, especially in Hollywood (because of its cultural influence) and government, with dangerous disloyalty. There might be grim repercussions for a studio that made an antiwar film at a time of war; it could be seen as giving aid and comfort to the Communist enemy and as undermining support for American combat troops. Charles Chaplin’s intended antiwar satire Shoulder Arms (1918) had also been unmercifully altered upon the U.S.’s belated engagement in the First World War.
M-G-M, then, was afraid of losing more than its shirt.
But why then is Huston’s film as good as it is?
Following the ridiculous opening comment, the narration draws verbatim from the book. While this practice may reduce somewhat the resonance of some of the film’s imagery, it corroborates Huston’s point of view. Without realizing it, probably because they misgauged Crane’s intent, the studio has assembled a film that is largely true to this intent! (“Scars faded like flowers,” at the last Whitmore reads from the book, missing the irony but in no way obstructing our more intelligent ability to restore it.) Meanwhile, Huston was off in Africa shooting The African Queen (1951) with Bogey and Kate.
The “plot” of the film adheres to the coming-of-age story that American schoolteachers routinely mistake the novel to be. Henry is fearful that he will prove a sissy in combat and even bolts at the first sign of battle; but shame emboldens his behavior once he has returned to his unit. The narrative counts for little, though. It is the way in which a story is told that is decisive to its meaning, for ten persons might tell the same story, more or less following the same or similar details of plot, and come up with ten different meanings—in effect, ten different stories. Crane’s treatment of Conklin’s—the Tall Soldier’s—sudden death from a battle wound is ripe with the pointed irony young Crane could beautifully muster. Jim Conklin’s death—note his initials—is a parody of the crucified Jesus. You need to listen closely as well as read closely; with literature, speedreading doesn’t work:
Suddenly, his form stiffened and straightened. Then it was shaken by a prolonged ague. He stared into
space. . . .
He was invaded by a creeping strangeness that slowly enveloped him. For a moment the tremor of his legs caused him to dance a hideous hornpipe. . . .
His tall figure stretched itself to its full height. There was a slight rending sound. Then it began to swing forward, slow and straight, in the manner of a falling tree. A swift muscular contortion made the left shoulder strike the ground first.
The body seemed to bounce a little way from the earth. “God!” said the tattered soldier.
The youth [Henry] had watched, spellbound, this ceremony at the place of meeting. His face had been twisted into an expression of every agony he had imagined for his friend.
He now sprang to his feet and, going closer, gazed upon the pastelike face. The mouth was opened and the teeth showed in a laugh.
. . . he could see that that the [corpse’s] side looked as if it had been chewed by wolves.
The youth turned, with sudden, livid rage, toward the battle-field. He shook his fist. . . .
“Hell—”
The red sun was pasted in the sky like a wafer.
Crane’s presentation of Conklin, to whom Henry looks up, as a mock-Christ figure is typical of his ironical strategies in the book. The accumulation of these composes a portrait of war, however sincerely fought, as a pseudo-religious event. To be blunt, Crane’s description of Conklin’s death is at once horrifying and hilarious, the latter principally due to the Christian symbolism that Crane turns on its ear. Ear is right. The attentive reader hears the explosion of wit in the final line of Chapter IX, “The red sun was pasted in the sky like a wafer,” wherein “pasted” picks up on Conklin’s death mask, his “pastelike face,” and the parody of his heavenward spiritual ascension, as the last image takes us to the sky, enjoins and pointedly confuses the blood-red god of Christian sacrifice and the blood-red god of war, the sun’s pastiness and wafer-likeness exposing the falseness of both in their mockery of sacrament.
Huston’s own atheism imparts to the corresponding scene in the film something of the same incongruous spirit. (This atheism of his also helped him make the most perceptive film ever about the role of religion in the American cultural landscape, Wise Blood, 1979, from Flannery O’Connor.) However, we are talking Hollywood here, and the boldest limit of sacrilege that Crane impishly pursued is pretty much off-limits to Huston and everyone else in Tinseltown. Huston’s Red Badge is a considerable achievement, but it falls considerably short of Crane’s. Still, Huston, assisted by black-and-white cinematographer Harold Rosson, devises a pair of shots that elsewhere intimates Crane’s courage. The first time that Henry feels he has proven himself in war, he looks up to see radiant sunlight from the sky showering down on him through branches and leaves of a tree. It is a beauteous spectacle—but one the dappled character of which suggests Henry’s religious misinterpretation of a purely natural phenomenon. Later, when he feels reconfirmed in this self-confidence, he looks up again, and sunlight and tree again provide the same visual effect, only this time less gorgeously, more mutedly. The second instance, then, ironically undercuts the first; but even on its own, the film’s first breathtakingly tranquil instance of the effect brilliantly mocks the whole idea that success in combat wins God’s approbation. To Huston, as with Crane, such an idea is egotistical and perhaps even solipsistic—rather than a spiritual revelation, an exposure of the human need to justify participation in killing people.
Commentators routinely note that Huston based the visual style of his film on Matthew Brady’s Civil War photographs. But it is what he does with this objective, realistic style that one needs to consider to grasp better Huston’s artistic intent. Huston has punctuated his film with closeups, especially of Fielding, that undercut the film’s pseudo-photographic realism, shifting its tenor to a largely subjective domain. Point-of-view shots, like the ones described in the previous paragraph, assist in this procedure. Finally, an hallucinatory quality to much of the film, in its portrayal of the impact of war on the war’s participants, completes the task of undercutting. Huston counters objectivity, then, with subjectivity, thus implying that warriors will make of their warfare what they will, assigning whatever meanings to it they must in order to stabilize themselves and redeem themselves from whatever shame or guilt might proceed from participation in murder.
Huston assembled a great cast. The most highly decorated soldier of World War II, diminutive, obstreperous Audie Murphy beautifully plays Henry Fielding, giving so transparent a rendering of the youth’s volatile and conflicted emotions as to render much of the voiceover narration unnecessary and all the more intrusive. (After first meeting Murphy, who had killed nearly 250 Germans during the war, Huston described him as a born killer!) Bill Mauldin, World War II’s American cartoon laureate, is vivid as Tom Wilson, the Loud Soldier, who hides fear of combat behind bravado but, after tasting combat, relaxes into honest, open reflection. Arthur Hunnicutt is a hoot as Bill Porter, another of the soldiers. And so on.
What with the studio’s meddling, the film did not turn out as Huston had hoped. It isn’t among his greatest works,** although the first movement—the entire film is now 69 minutes long—is amazing, and the summary shot of Fielding confusedly carrying two flags, his Union Jack and the flag of a fallen Confederate soldier, is exceptionally powerful.
* Lillian Ross’s book Picture (1952) famously chronicles the film’s troubled history.
** While it amazes me how much better Key Largo (1948) and The Misfits (1961) have become with the passage of time, here are my ten favorite Huston films in order of preference:
1. San Pietro (1945)
2. The Dead (1987)
3. The Maltese Falcon (1941)
4. Wise Blood (1979)
5. Fat City (1972)
6. Treasure of the Sierra Madre (1948)
7. The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
8. Let There Be Light (1946)
9. The Asphalt Jungle (1950)
10. Beat the Devil (1953)
B(U)Y THE BOOK
MY BOOK, A Short Chronology of World Cinema, IS CURRENTLY AVAILABLE FROM THE SANDS FILMS CINEMA CLUB IN LONDON. USING EITHER OF THE LINKS BELOW, ACCESS THE ADVERTISEMENT FOR THIS BOOK, FROM WHICH YOU CAN ORDER ONE OR MORE COPIES OF IT. THANKS.
http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field-keywords=Dennis+Grunes&x=14&y=16
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Critic’s Picks: The 10 Best Civil War Films
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As Matthew McConaughey starrer 'Free State of Jones' hits theaters, THR's film critic ranks the top movies about the bloodiest battle in U.
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en
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The Hollywood Reporter
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https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/lists/critics-picks-10-best-civil-905713/
|
The Birth of a Nation
D.W. Griffiths' hugely controversial silent movie landmark follows the fortunes of two rival families on opposing sides during the Civil War and Reconstruction. The use of blackface, racist stereotypes and heroic Klansmen grates horribly today, teaching modern audiences an uncomfortable but necessary history lesson. With heavy irony, actor-director Nate Parker recently reclaimed the title for his acclaimed slave rebellion drama.
Ride With The Devil
Future Brokeback Mountain director Ang Lee probed the complex, contradictory racial politics of America's bloodiest conflict with this handsomely shot epic about a youthful band of Missouri outlaws fighting for the Confederate cause. Tobey Maguire, Jeffrey Wright and folk singer Jewel lead an attractive young cast.
Cold Mountain
Aspiring to the grand historical sweep of Gone With The Wind, Anthony Minghella's Civil War romance is a flawed but sumptuous saga featuring an all-star cast and some brilliantly orchestrated set-piece battles. Jude Law stars as a wounded Confederate soldier struggling to make it back home to his sweetheart, played by Nicole Kidman. Renee Zellweger won an Oscar for her rambunctious supporting role.
Gettysburg
Originally planned as a TV miniseries for Ted Turner's TNT network, director Ronald Maxwell's painstaking adaptation of Michael Shaara's Pulitzer Prize-winning book about the 1863 battle of Gettysburg eventually became a forensically detailed cinematic epic spanning more than four hours. The huge ensemble cast includes Martin Sheen, Jeff Daniels and Tom Berenger, plus cameos by Civil War documentarian Ken Burns and Turner himself.
The Outlaw Josey Wales
Clint Eastwood directs and stars in this elegiac revisionist Civil War western, playing a Missouri farmer who joins a Confederate guerrilla group after his family is murdered by Union militias. Ironically, Clint's pacifist allegory for the national trauma of Vietnam was based on a novel by Asa Earl Carter, a Ku Klux Klan supporter and violent white supremacist.
The Red Badge of Courage
Adapted from Stephen Crane's definitive Civil War novella, director John Huston's visually striking battlefield drama stars real-life WWII hero Audie Murphy as Henry Fleming, a Union private desperate to prove he is no coward after deserting his regiment. Huston's darker, longer edit was notoriously cut to ribbons by MGM, but even the mutilated version remains a flawed classic.
The Civil War
Ken Burns set a new high bar for historical documentary with this record-breaking PBS series, drawing 40 million viewers with his densely layered tapestry of expert commentary, poetry, music, paintings and vintage photos. Not strictly a feature film, but richer than most documentaries, this nine-hour audio-visual symphony features a starry vocal cast including Sam Waterston, Morgan Freeman, Jeremy Irons and Arthur Miller.
Glory
An Oscar-winning Denzel Washington portrays a volunteer soldier in Edward Zwick's stirring paean to heroism and brotherhood, partly based on the letters of Colonel Robert Gould Shaw, played here by Matthew Broderick. Glory pays overdue tribute to the 37,000 African-Americans who died fighting for the Yankee cause, but does not shy from showing the racism and inequality that existed in the Union ranks.
Lincoln
Daniel Day Lewis won an Academy Award for his Mount Rushmore-sized depiction of Abraham Lincoln in Spielberg's brainy historical epic, which deftly unravels the President's fraught maneuvers to push through the emancipation of slaves at the end of the Civil War. Though a talk-heavy political drama at heart, Lincoln features a spectacular recreation of the battlefield at Petersburg, Virginia.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Red_Badge_of_Courage_(1951_film)
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951 film)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Red_Badge_of_Courage_(1951_film)
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1951 film
The Red Badge of CourageDirected byJohn HustonScreenplay byJohn Huston
Albert BandBased onThe Red Badge of Courage
1895 novel
by Stephen CraneProduced byGottfried Reinhardt
Dore ScharyStarringAudie Murphy
Bill Mauldin
Andy Devine
Robert Easton
Douglas Dick
Tim DurantNarrated byJames WhitmoreCinematographyHarold RossonEdited byBen LewisMusic byBronislau Kaper
Production
company
Distributed byLoew's Inc.
Release date
Running time
120 min (lost original version)
69 min (edited and current version)CountryUnited StatesLanguageEnglishBudget$1,673,000[1][2]Box office$1,080,000[1]
The Red Badge of Courage is a 1951 American war film made by MGM. Directed by John Huston, it was produced by Gottfried Reinhardt with Dore Schary as executive producer. The screenplay is by John Huston, adapted by Albert Band from Stephen Crane's 1895 novel of the same name. The cinematography is by Harold Rosson, and the music score by Bronislau Kaper. The making of this film is the subject of Lillian Ross's 1952 book Picture, originally in The New Yorker.
The American Civil War film is a sparse but faithful retelling of the story, incorporating narration from the text to move the plot forward. Audie Murphy, a hero of World War II who later went into acting, played the lead role of Henry Fleming. Other actors include cartoonist Bill Mauldin, Andy Devine, Arthur Hunnicutt and Royal Dano.
Plot
[edit]
In 1862, a regiment of the Union Army, the 304th New York Infantry, is encamped near the Rappahannock River in Virginia. Orders direct the 304th to move upriver and engage a large Confederate force. Private Henry Fleming tells his comrades he is not afraid of dying. While on sentry duty, Henry exchanges words with an unseen Confederate soldier stationed across the river who tells Henry to watch out for the "red badge," meaning a battle wound. The regiment confidently sets out, but Henry becomes increasingly pensive as the hour of battle approaches. His friend, Tom Wilson, tells Henry to give his watch to his parents if he is killed. During the battle, Henry is overcome with fear and deserts. He learns his outfit won the battle, but fears derision if he returns.
Henry sees his wounded comrades, and wishes he, too, had a "red badge of courage." Henry slips back into the regiment as they march. One of his comrades, Jim Conklin, is delusional from his injuries and dies from blood loss. Henry becomes separated from his unit when they run into a Union column attempting a hasty, disorganized retreat. A soldier becomes panic-stricken when Henry tries to calm him down and strikes him in the head with the stock of his rifle. Regaining consciousness, Henry meets a fellow soldier who escorts him back to the 304th. Henry falsely tells Tom his head injury was received in battle, and that their friend Jim is dead. Tom tells Henry his absence was not noticed due to the heavy casualties suffered. Confident in his lie, Henry is able to talk with the rest of his unit as if he too fought in the battle.
The 304th are sent back into battle to support a Union offensive. This time, Henry wildly charges toward the enemy with passion until he is ordered back into ranks. Henry and Tom fetch water at a creek and overhear an unnamed General plotting to sacrifice the 304th in a suicide attack. They report the news back to their regiment, but the soldiers chose to honor their duty and fight regardless. As men die around him, Henry sees the color sergeant get shot down, takes up the flag, and tries to rally his comrades. Henry meets the flag bearer for the Confederate troops, who falls dead. Henry briefly holds both flags as the 304th secures the defeated rebels. A soldier tells Henry and the regiment that he overheard their commanding officers lauding Henry's bravery. Henry admits to Tom that he deserted the day before, and that his shame made him return. Tom admits he deserted, too, but was caught and forced back into the battle. The 304th marches on as Henry contemplates the hope of a peaceful future.
Cast
[edit]
Audie Murphy as Henry Fleming (aka The Youth)
Bill Mauldin as Tom Wilson (aka The Loud Soldier)
Douglas Dick as The Lieutenant
Royal Dano as The Tattered Man
John Dierkes as Jim Conklin (aka The Tall Soldier)
Arthur Hunnicutt as Bill Porter
Tim Durant as The General
Andy Devine as The Cheery Soldier
Robert Easton as Thompson
Whit Bissell as Wounded Officer (uncredited)
John Huston as Grizzled Union Veteran (uncredited)
William Phipps as Union Soldier (uncredited)
William Schallert as Union Soldier (uncredited)
James Whitmore as Narrator (voice, uncredited)
Production
[edit]
Director John Huston used unusual compositions and camera angles drawn from film noir to create an alienating battlefield environment. He became frustrated when the studio cut the film's length to 70 minutes and added narration taken from the original novel following supposedly poor audience test screenings.[3]
Much of the history of the making of this film, considered by some a mutilated masterpiece, is found in Lillian Ross' critically acclaimed book Picture.[4] Of the stars who appear in the film, three served in World War II: Bill Mauldin the editorial cartoonist who created "Up Front", Audie Murphy served with the U.S. Army in Europe, and narrator James Whitmore served with the U.S. Marine Corps.[3]
John Huston had high hopes for this movie, and even considered the original two-hour cut of the film as the best he had ever made as a director. After a power struggle at the top of MGM management, the film was cut from a two-hour epic to the 69-minute version released to theaters in response to its alleged universally disastrous previews. It never was released as an "A" feature but was instead shown as a second-feature "B" picture. Both Huston and star Audie Murphy tried unsuccessfully to purchase the film so that it could be re-edited to its original length. Huston did not waste any time fighting over it because he was focused on the pre-production of his next picture, The African Queen. The studio claimed that the cut footage was destroyed, probably in the 1965 MGM vault fire. Huston later was asked by MGM in 1975 if he had an original cut because the studio wanted to re-release it. Huston told them he didn't have one, and that it didn't exist. However, after this he instructed his agent Paul Kohner to include in all his future contracts a stipulation that he receive a 16 mm print of the first cut of any film he made.[5]
Reception
[edit]
According to MGM records, the film earned $789,000 in the US and Canada and $291,000 in other countries, resulting in a loss of $1,018,000. This made it one of the studio's least successful films of the year although it did not lose as much money as Calling Bulldog Drummond, Mr Imperium or Inside Straight.[1]
Comic book adaptation
[edit]
Fawcett Motion Picture Comics #105 (July 1951)[6]
See also
[edit]
The Red Badge of Courage
List of films cut over the director's opposition
List of incomplete or partially lost films
References
[edit]
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428
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dbpedia
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1
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https://www.smh-hq.org/gazette/ryan3.html
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en
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The Society for Military History
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https://www.smh-hq.org/resources/favicon.ico
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https://www.smh-hq.org/resources/favicon.ico
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en
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The Society for Military History
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https://www.smh-hq.org///gazette/ryan3.html
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Private Ryan's Celluloid War
by Frank J. Wetta
Dean, Arts & Sciences, Daytona Beach Community College.
Author with Stephen J. Curley, Celluloid Wars: A Guide to Film and the American Experience of War (Greenwood, 1992)
Saving Private Ryan, Steven Spielberg's summer 1998 "blockbuster," is noteworthy for at least three reasons: its recreation of the experience of combat, its imitation of combat photography, and its reception by critics.
There is one thing that all audiences will surely remember about Spielberg's film - his attention to the realities of battle. "Battle scenes in films often make people who have been in battles restless," General Sir John Hackett stated in The Times (London) in 1983. "On the screen there are particular conventions to be observed. Men blown up by high explosives in real war, for example, are often torn apart quite hideously; in films, there is a big bang and bodies, intact, fly through the air with the greatest of ease. If they are shot...they fall down like children in a game to lie motionless." (quoted in Jay M. Shafritz's Words on War, 1990) Not any more. Private Ryan is the culmination of a trend in movie making since the end of the Vietnam conflict to portray the experience of battle in the most graphic terms.
The director and his technical crew went to considerable effort to ensure that the actors acted like real soldiers. The filmmakers also studiously avoided the "particular conventions" of Hollywood movie-making. Retired Marine Captain Dale Dye (Warriors, Inc.) provided expert advice (as he did for other movies about real or imagined wars, including Platoon, 84 Charlie Mopic, The Last of the Mohicans, and Starship Troopers) by putting the players through "boot camp" and keeping Spielberg focused on the elements of realism. "Every time I wanted a large fireball or explosion," the director stated in American Cinematographer (August, 1998), "Dale would ask me what round was fired to create the effect and he would invariably say, 'go half that size, they were never that big.' He was a really good person to have around, because he was able to scale the reality down to what he was accustomed to in Vietnam just as the World War II veterans we talked to or had on the set could tell us what they were accustomed to." In addition to the authentic sounds and feel of war, what most movie goers will not be accustomed to (except, perhaps, younger audiences who have grown up watching The Texas Chainsaw Massacre and other fare) is the detailed look of death and dying (a radioman with his face blown in, a soldier looking about in dumb shock for his severed left arm, a young Ranger with his intestines exposed, another with the bottom half of his torso blown away) as created by Spielberg's special effects team.
The remarkable photography by Janusz Kaminski (Schindler's List, The Lost World, Amistad) enhances the horror. To create the illusion of real battle, Spielberg's cameraman went to extraordinary lengths to replicate World War II combat footage (as well as the images from Frank Capra's still photographs of the Normandy landings). "We wanted to create the illusion that there were several combat cameramen landing with the troops at Normandy." He studied, for example, the lenses used by wartime photographers and employed devices to force the camera to react to explosions. Additionally, they employed handheld cameras to record the action. (Some editing techniques in Saving Private Ryan will be familiar to fans of MTV.) Thus, the battle scenes have a raw, uneven look.
But something besides graphic violence and innovative camera work explains the extraordinary reception that the film has generated in the media (National Public Radio, The New Yorker; The New York Times, The Village Voice, and a Newsweek cover story) beyond the standard reviews that any film by Spielberg generates. No one today expects Hollywood to be enslaved to the conventions regarding violence (or sex for that matter) of the 1940s. But the first 25 or 26 minutes of Spielberg's movie are truly unique, although anticipated by other films (Platoon in particular). Previous movies used graphic violence (Full Metal Jacket, for example) to carry an anti-war message. Private Ryan is not anti-war; rather, it is a bloody memorial to the veterans of the crusade against Hitler. The director's message is this: War is a horrible, wasteful thing. See what horrors these men endured to destroy the Nazis. Point and counterpoint pull the viewer back and forth between the sentimental and the hard-edged. The old vet in the cemetery at the beginning and ending of the film, General Marshall's reading (twice) of the Bixby Letter, and Tom Hank's last words to Private Ryan convey half the message; the other half is found in the three major action scenes of the film - the landing at Omaha Beach, the attack on the German machine gun position, and the defense of the bridgehead.
We may leave the film with the conviction that war is hell, but not the belief that this war was unworthy of sacrifice. George Will emphasized this in his column in Newsweek (August 17, 1998), using the occasion to lament the decline of military history as an academic subject and to take a gratuitous swipe at Bill Clinton: "Viewers leave the theaters shaken, sometimes in tears, with their patriotism enriched by a quickened sense of the pain that brought contemporary pleasures." He sees the film, despite Spielberg's well-known support for the President, as an unintended admonition to the man in the White House. "The men who fought in World War II were drawn from the vast reservoir of American decency.... When next we need their like, we will find some of them among those who have recoiled from the indecent example of today's commander-in-chief,'' he asserts. Hendrik Hertzberg (New Yorker, July 27, 1998) declared Private Ryan to be a landmark film that takes moral and commercial risks to tell the true story of World War II. Unlike other violent movies, he observes, this one does not seek to excite the viewer or to convey any conventional patriotic message: "It is closer to in spirit to Maya Lin's Vietnam Veterans memorial on the Mall in Washington than the flag-planting Iwo Jima statue across the Potomac."
Poor John Wayne. Some commentators have taken the opportunity to denigrate the images he created on film (The Sands of Iwo Jima) as a way of praising the honesty of Private Ryan and distinguishing it from earlier war pictures ("No John Wayne Soldiers in Movie," Richard Cohen, Washington Post). They miss the point. Wayne's characters were mythical figures representing the values of American culture not real soldiers or real Marines in real combat. But a myth is not a lie. Just because John Wayne made movies with a different agenda does not mean his films are without value or less honest in their intent than recent, more realistic motion pictures about war. There is more than one way to tell the story about men in war.
For his part, Steven Ambrose has been effusive and uncritical in his praise for Private Ryan. As an historical consultant during production and a media promoter afterwards, he has appeared on public radio and in the press extolling the virtues of Spielberg's movie and the generation that won the last great war. This is not surprising; the picture seems to be the film adaptation of Ambrose's two histories of the Normandy campaign (D-Day, June 6, 1944 and Citizen Soldiers). The story of the Ryans is based, apparently, on a brief passage in D-Day about the four Niland brothers.
Not all, however, have been as impressed with Spielberg's opus as Ambrose. After what has become the now obligatory compliments about the first battle scene, Amy Taubin, writing for The Village Voice web-site (July 21, 1998), took a few irreverent shots at Ryan. It is, in her estimation, a "high-minded horror" flick that lacks the courage of its convictions. The sniper in the unit reminds her of the kind of oddball who massacres people from atop the University of Texas bell tower. The family that accompanies the elderly Private Ryan to the Normandy cemetery looks like "a cross between a Saturday Evening Post cover and Dawn of the Dead". Writing for the National Review (August 17, 1998), John Simon was critical of the shallow characters: "Authenticity ... must not be an end in itself. It has to be transcended, in this case by making (Captain) Miller and his men absorbing and memorable human beings." Although technically masterful, "Private Ryan is a great exercise in gratuitousness. Paul Fussell observed, in an interview on NPR, that after the initial engagement the film becomes a boy's adventure story. Others hold that the horrors distract the audience and thereby entirely overwhelm any other messages in the film.
The scene in which Private Ryan's mother sees the priest emerge from the car and she realizes that someone has been killed (she does not yet know that three of her sons are dead) is as powerful as any of the action scenes: She steps out onto the porch and in silent agony slowly sits down to await the news - carefully she reaches down and adjusts her skirt over her knees. It says as much, perhaps more, about the tragedy of war as all the fake blood thrown at the camera.
Whether a masterpiece of American cinema or something less, Saving Private Ryan takes the history of combat seriously. It may not be the greatest war film ever made, but military historians, at least, owe Spielberg a debt. And for those who never saw a battle, Spielberg has enriched the imagination. With a new production of James Jones's The Thin Red Line due in movie theaters this December, we will have another opportunity to compare a celluloid war with the real thing.
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https://showtimedtgreenville.com/event/audie-murphy-day-film-the-red-badge-of-courage-at-texan-theater/2023-05-26/2/
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en
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Audie Murphy Day Film "The Red Badge of Courage" at Texan Theater
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2023-05-26T00:00:00
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In conjunction with the Audie Murphy/American Cotton Museum’s annual celebration of Audie Murphy, the most decorated soldier in WWII, and a native of Hunt County, the Texan Theater offers a […]
|
Showtime - Downtown Greenville, Texas
|
https://showtimedtgreenville.com/event/audie-murphy-day-film-the-red-badge-of-courage-at-texan-theater/2023-05-26/2/
|
In conjunction with the Audie Murphy/American Cotton Museum’s annual celebration of Audie Murphy, the most decorated soldier in WWII, and a native of Hunt County, the Texan Theater offers a free screening of one of Murphy’s most famous movies, “The Red Badge of Courage.” The Red Badge of Courage is based on the novel of the same name. The film tells the story of a Union soldier who is thrust into battle without proper preparation. He initially flees from the battle but desires to redeem himself and prove his courage.The director, John Huston, used the film noir style that was popular at the time. In the post-World War II era, United States citizens were interested in reexamining their understanding of war and conflict. The issues of courage and desertion also reflect the era’s gendered values and definition of what it meant to be a brave, male soldier.
The film received modest acclaim and has been remembered as one of the first films seeking to show the experience of a Union soldier in the Civil War. While some film critics were unhappy with the muted display of war and battle, others found it to be a faithful adaptation of the novel.
Come out and enjoy this classic film with friends and family. Food & drinks will be available to purchase separately and brought to your seat.
First showing at 2pm and second showing at 7pm.
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428
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dbpedia
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0
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https://letterboxd.com/film/the-red-badge-of-courage/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
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Henry Fleming is a young Union soldier in the American Civil War. During his unit's first engagement, Henry flees the battlefield in fear. When he learns that the Union actually won the battle, shame over his cowardice leads him to lie to his friend Tom and the other soldiers, saying that he had been injured in battle. However, when he learns that his unit will be leading a charge against the enemy, Henry takes the opportunity to face his fears and redeem himself.
|
en
|
https://letterboxd.com/film/the-red-badge-of-courage/
|
Audie Murphy stars in John Huston’s war drama, based on Stephen Crane’s novel about a young soldier during the Civil War who has to confront his cowardice.
Huston shoots the film in a really distinctive way, using extreme close-ups and strange angles to bring us into the mindset of the soldier, and the techniques are striking even today. The battle sequences, especially towards the end, are superbly done, creating a more immersive experience than was usual at the time, and long before Dunkirk or 1917. I found the last sequence moving, with lots of striking imagery and a sensitive, measured performance from real life war hero Murphy.
However, due to a major edit by the studio, 50 minutes were left…
Stephen Crane’s The Red Badge of Courage is a novel of contradictions. Its protagonist, Union soldier Henry Fleming, runs away from one battlefield in fright only to lead the charge forward on another just hours later. The novel itself is routinely regarded as the greatest of all fictional accounts of the U.S. Civil War and one of the best depictions of battle ever written, yet its author was born six years after the war ended and had not seen conflict firsthand up to that point. (One of the reasons I love literary realism so much is that it puts paid to the cliched advice to “write what you know.” Crane and other realists demonstrated that one can write about whatever is…
Stephen Crane’s The Red Badge of Courage is the great American war novel, and a precursor of modernism in his inventive use of narrative tools to convey subjectivity and the thin membrane separating cowardice from courage.
John Huston intended to use cinematic tools, Matthew Brady’s camera and film noir camera moves, to convey subjectivity as Crane had, to show what it felt like to be on that battlefield, fighting fear and blinded by cannon smoke. He didn’t want to portraying a battle of North vs South, but of one soldier fighting with himself. Huston hoped to convey psychological action matching the armed conflict, and to build on the poignant irony of awarding Audie Murphy, the most decorated soldier of WWII,…
Adapted from the famous Civil War novel by Stephen Crane, John Huston's film was radically cut by a third (!) by MGM after bad previews which infuriated Huston who'd considered it his best work. There are still some very impressive parts and he coaxed excellent performances on untested actors. I kept trying to figure out whether it's an anti-war or pro-war film (it has features of both). But its strength lies is in its portrayal of the psychological conflicts that confront soldiers facing violence and life/death struggles.
The two young leads (WWII war hero Audie Murphy and WWII newspaper cartoonist Bill Maudlin) portray young men barely out of boyhood who are both overly excited and deathly afraid of combat. Their…
____________________________________________________________________________
Film #22 of 25 in the Exploring My Birth Year challenge
____________________________________________________________________________
Stephen Crane's 1894 novella about the Civil War is a classic in American literature, and John Huston's adaptation (albeit severely edited by the studio) is absolutely faithful to the book. What's more, the lead role is played by Audie Murphy, the most decorated U.S. war hero of World War II, and he gives a totally convincing performance as new recruit Henry "The Boy" Fleming, who learns to overcome his deepest fears and discover bravery in the face of possible death.
"You ought to write your folks a letter, and tell them you ain't killed." ~ The Cheerful Soldier
I was especially impressed by the casting. Murphy is…
It wasn't the first time, nor the last time, that a studio virtually ruined a movie by sticking its nose where it didn't belong. The only version of this Civil War tale, based on the book by Stephen Crane, is a little over an hour long, despite the fact that director John Huston delivered a two-hour-long motion picture.
It's told and shot in a "you are there" style, as we tightly follow the experiences of one soldier, played by highly decorated WWII veteran Audie Murphy, before, during and after a battle that appears to be Chancellorsville. And it's all quite compelling in a life-and-death fashion, as far as that goes. This is how the best war movies have always been…
Excellent examination of men under the stresses of combat, a subject matter tailor-made for John Huston. His camerawork here is fluid and eloquent, the framing of his subjects in the tight Academy ratio adroit. He is helped immeasurably by the beautiful black and white photography of Harold Rossen, whose battlefield scenes are distinguished by figures emerging from or being consumed by swirling smoke.
Huston sensibly casts his picture with 'everyman' actors and no stars, although Audie Murphy, concentrated and credible, was fast becoming one. All of his actors exude a sense of authenticity as they face fear and mostly overcome it, and the director himself pops up in an uncredited irascible cameo. The film doesn't hammer home an anti-war message…
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428
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https://www.commonsensemedia.org/book-reviews/the-red-badge-of-courage
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage Book Review
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Kyle Jackson"
] |
2016-06-01T00:00:00
|
Compelling Civil War novel questions morality of battle. Read Common Sense Media's The Red Badge of Courage review, age rating, and parents guide.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/common_sense/images/favicons/favicon-16x16.png
|
Common Sense Media
|
https://www.commonsensemedia.org/book-reviews/the-red-badge-of-courage
|
Crane's evocative, stream-of-conscious descriptions of the emotional turbulence and all-around mayhem of battle is incredibly compelling. Henry is a dynamic main character capable of moments of laudable bravery as well as detestable egotism. The hazy morality of combat is a central theme, with Crane almost mocking the soldiers who continuously pat themselves on the back and assure themselves that they are becoming "men" by confronting the terror of the front lines. In reality, Crane is skewering these foolhardy notions of honor and courage, highlighting just how fickle and contradictory such characteristics can be. While The Red Badge of Courage does provide an illuminating depiction of the experience of a massive 19th-century battle, the true focus is on the internal conflicts people must face when swept up into the desperate and deadly maelstrom of war. This book is a must-read for anyone interested in the Civil War, military history, or the development of American literature.
|
||||
428
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dbpedia
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0
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https://watch.plex.tv/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage
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] |
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[
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1951-10-11T00:00:00
|
Where to watch The Red Badge of Courage (1951) starring Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Douglas Dick and directed by John Huston.
|
en
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/icons/favicon.ico
|
https://watch.plex.tv/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage
|
Dennis Schwartz Movie ReviewsDennis Schwartz
What's truly amazing is how good the film is despite MGM slicing it up in the re-editing process.
The Retro SetNathanael Hood
But, if anything, I feel sympathy for Huston. His true sin was merely biting off more than he could chew.
Movie MetropolisJohn J. Puccio
Through Henry, The Red Badge of Courage allows us to face the chaos and confusion, the terror and futility, of both large-scale, national strife and inner, personal turmoil.
CinemaniaDan Jardine
The fall and redemption of the protagonist, while clearly predictable, is still intelligently and effectively executed
New YorkerRichard Brody
Ross's portrait of cinematic conflict and compromise yields, in passing, a portrait of true artistry in movies that stands untarnished to this day.
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428
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dbpedia
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1
| 86
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https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/wings-of-courage-1996
|
en
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Wings of Courage movie review (1996)
|
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"Roger Ebert"
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If “Wings of Courage” had not been filmed in the 3-D IMAX process, and projected onto a five-story screen--if it had been, in short, an ordinary movie--there wouldn't have been much in the acting or screenplay to recommend it. But the dramatic credits are beside the point. The only reason to see the movie is to experience the process, and that's reason enough.
I've been watching 3-D movies since my father took me to the first one, “Bwana Devil,” in 1952. I've seen “Amityville 3-D,” “Jaws 3-D,” and even “The Stewardesses in 3-D,” a soft-core porn film with stars whose body parts loomed alarmingly over the audience. All of them had one thing in common: The 3-D wasn't very good.
Now IMAX has developed 3-D to be projected on the world's largest screens, with a process that uses a wider film gauge, more intense light and a brighter screen (covered with five coats of silver). And instead of those flimsy little glasses with the red-and-green lenses, you get space-age goggles that wrap around your head and make you look like Tom Corbett, Space Cadet.
The goggles are high-tech; they have liquid crystal lenses that are controlled by radio waves, and each lens blinks 48 times a second, in sync with the projected image. The result is breathtakingly good: The picture at last looks truly three-dimensional. Because the screen is so large, the illusion isn’t constantly being shattered when an object touches the edge of the screen.
And because the light source is so strong, the picture isn't dim and washed out.
The movie is showing at the IMAX Theater at Navy Pier, which recently shut down to install the new projectors necessary for the process. It's one of only four theaters in the country capable of showing IMAX 3-D (another is the Sony flagship theater on Broadway in New York City).
IMAX movies are more or less limited to a 40-minute running time because of the huge size of their film reels (you need a block and pulley to lift one).
“Wings of Courage” finds that more than long enough for its thin story, which involves the early days of commercial aviation in South America. A company is established by aviation pioneer Antoine Saint-Exupery (Tom Hulce) to extend airmail service over the Andes, and Henri Guillaumet (Craig Sheffer) is the brave pilot who flies his flimsy little craft into mountain storms. Elizabeth McGovern plays his wife, Noelle Guillaumet; and Val Kilmer is Jean Mermoz, the heroic pilot who is his inspiration.
The story: Guillaumet takes off, crashes and spends several days trekking back through breathtaking mountain scenery to civilization. Meanwhile, Saint-Exupery searches for him, and Guillaumet's wife waits fearfully at home.
That's it, but it's enough. Because IMAX screens are so large, quick cutting between closeups can actually cause disorientation and even nausea in an audience. Outdoor scenes with lots of long shots are best. The director, Jean-Jacques Annaud, captures the vastness and beauty of the mountains (actually, the Canadian Rockies) in shots of incredibly clarity, which allow us to see for miles.
The film's opening shots, in which a plane seems to hover in the center of the theater space, are far beyond anything 3-D has achieved before. Other shots, of the biplane in a storm, are not quite as impressive, because it’s pretty clear that a model is being used.
There are a few straight dramatic scenes--in a nightclub, in the airline headquarters and with the wife at home--and they're so detailed and realistic, they’re almost distracting. There's so much in each scene to look at that I found it hard to focus on the characters because I was checking out other details.
One subtle touch I enjoyed was the effect of an “inner voice” on the soundtrack. In addition to the giant IMAX theater speakers, the process builds tiny individual speakers into each headset, right next to the viewer's ears. In “Wings of Courage,” Annaud uses those speakers to allow Sheffer's private thoughts to be whispered into our ears.
“Wings of Courage” is a technical, rather than an artistic achievement, but then so was “The Jazz Singer”--which wasn't a great film, but by golly, you sure could hear Al Jolson singing. Because of its 3-D process, its amazing scenery and its simple story thrillingly shown, it's worth experiencing.
Younger viewers probably will find it especially entertaining.
|
en
|
/assets/fav/apple-touch-icon-57x57-9e12b6d6d15bfb3e86f09c3fc7d58a6f8a2d808cb856df9c1ada23480cda1dae.png
|
https://www.rogerebert.com/
|
https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/wings-of-courage-1996
|
If “Wings of Courage” had not been filmed in the 3-D IMAX process, and projected onto a five-story screen--if it had been, in short, an ordinary movie--there wouldn't have been much in the acting or screenplay to recommend it. But the dramatic credits are beside the point. The only reason to see the movie is to experience the process, and that's reason enough.
I've been watching 3-D movies since my father took me to the first one, “Bwana Devil,” in 1952. I've seen “Amityville 3-D,” “Jaws 3-D,” and even “The Stewardesses in 3-D,” a soft-core porn film with stars whose body parts loomed alarmingly over the audience. All of them had one thing in common: The 3-D wasn't very good.
Now IMAX has developed 3-D to be projected on the world's largest screens, with a process that uses a wider film gauge, more intense light and a brighter screen (covered with five coats of silver). And instead of those flimsy little glasses with the red-and-green lenses, you get space-age goggles that wrap around your head and make you look like Tom Corbett, Space Cadet.
The goggles are high-tech; they have liquid crystal lenses that are controlled by radio waves, and each lens blinks 48 times a second, in sync with the projected image. The result is breathtakingly good: The picture at last looks truly three-dimensional. Because the screen is so large, the illusion isn’t constantly being shattered when an object touches the edge of the screen.
And because the light source is so strong, the picture isn't dim and washed out.
The movie is showing at the IMAX Theater at Navy Pier, which recently shut down to install the new projectors necessary for the process. It's one of only four theaters in the country capable of showing IMAX 3-D (another is the Sony flagship theater on Broadway in New York City).
IMAX movies are more or less limited to a 40-minute running time because of the huge size of their film reels (you need a block and pulley to lift one).
“Wings of Courage” finds that more than long enough for its thin story, which involves the early days of commercial aviation in South America. A company is established by aviation pioneer Antoine Saint-Exupery (Tom Hulce) to extend airmail service over the Andes, and Henri Guillaumet (Craig Sheffer) is the brave pilot who flies his flimsy little craft into mountain storms. Elizabeth McGovern plays his wife, Noelle Guillaumet; and Val Kilmer is Jean Mermoz, the heroic pilot who is his inspiration.
The story: Guillaumet takes off, crashes and spends several days trekking back through breathtaking mountain scenery to civilization. Meanwhile, Saint-Exupery searches for him, and Guillaumet's wife waits fearfully at home.
That's it, but it's enough. Because IMAX screens are so large, quick cutting between closeups can actually cause disorientation and even nausea in an audience. Outdoor scenes with lots of long shots are best. The director, Jean-Jacques Annaud, captures the vastness and beauty of the mountains (actually, the Canadian Rockies) in shots of incredibly clarity, which allow us to see for miles.
The film's opening shots, in which a plane seems to hover in the center of the theater space, are far beyond anything 3-D has achieved before. Other shots, of the biplane in a storm, are not quite as impressive, because it’s pretty clear that a model is being used.
There are a few straight dramatic scenes--in a nightclub, in the airline headquarters and with the wife at home--and they're so detailed and realistic, they’re almost distracting. There's so much in each scene to look at that I found it hard to focus on the characters because I was checking out other details.
One subtle touch I enjoyed was the effect of an “inner voice” on the soundtrack. In addition to the giant IMAX theater speakers, the process builds tiny individual speakers into each headset, right next to the viewer's ears. In “Wings of Courage,” Annaud uses those speakers to allow Sheffer's private thoughts to be whispered into our ears.
“Wings of Courage” is a technical, rather than an artistic achievement, but then so was “The Jazz Singer”--which wasn't a great film, but by golly, you sure could hear Al Jolson singing. Because of its 3-D process, its amazing scenery and its simple story thrillingly shown, it's worth experiencing.
Younger viewers probably will find it especially entertaining.
|
||||
428
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 25
|
https://tv.apple.com/us/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage/umc.cmc.6ol8hgb7mavvl669iwj1dlpmr
|
en
|
The Red Badge of Courage
|
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1951-03-16T00:00:00+00:00
|
Real war hero Audie Murphy ("To Hell and Back") stars as a young Union soldier who fights to atone for a moment of cowardice during the Civil War. Actâ¦
|
en
|
/assets/favicon/apple-touch-icon-9a18d92f405f4cba68b503b186df5f5b.png
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Apple TV
|
https://tv.apple.com/us/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage/umc.cmc.6ol8hgb7mavvl669iwj1dlpmr
|
Studio
Released
Run Time
Rated
Region of Origin
|
||||
428
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 72
|
https://www.gettyimages.com/photos/the-red-badge-of-courage
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en
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Getty Images
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Getty Images Deutschland. Finden Sie hochauflösende lizenzfreie Bilder, Bilder zur redaktionellen Verwendung, Vektorgrafiken, Videoclips und Musik zur Lizenzierung in der umfangreichsten Fotobibliothek online.
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de
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428
|
dbpedia
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1
| 7
|
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1952/05/24/no-1512-throw-the-little-old-lady-down-the-stairs
|
en
|
John Huston and “The Red Badge of Courage”
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[
"Lillian Ross",
"Jessica Winter",
"Barbara F. Walter",
"Condé Nast"
] |
1952-05-24T00:00:00
|
Lillian Ross on the making of the classic film about the Civil War.
|
en
|
https://www.newyorker.com/verso/static/the-new-yorker/assets/favicon.ico
|
The New Yorker
|
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1952/05/24/no-1512-throw-the-little-old-lady-down-the-stairs
|
This is the first part of a series of articles. Read the second part.
The making of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer movie “The Red Badge of Courage,” based on the Stephen Crane novel about the Civil War, was preceded by routine disclosures about its production plans from Louella Parsons (“John Huston is writing a screen treatment of Stephen Crane’s classic, ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’ as a possibility for an M-G-M picture.”); from Hedda Hopper (“Metro has an option on ‘The Red Badge of Courage’ and John Huston’s working up a budget for it. But there’s no green light yet.”); and from Variety (“Pre-production work on ‘Red Badge of Courage’ commenced at Metro with thesp-tests for top roles in drama.”), and it was preceded, in the spring of 1950, by a routine visit by John Huston, who is both a screen writer and a director, to New York, the headquarters of Loew’s, Inc., the company that produces and distributes M-G-M pictures. On the occasion of his visit, I decided to follow the history of that particular movie from beginning to end, in order to learn whatever I might learn about the American motion-picture industry.
Huston, at forty-three, was one of the most admired, rebellious, and shadowy figures in the world of motion pictures. I had seen him a year before, when he came here to accept an award of a trip around the world for his film contributions to world unity. He had talked of an idea he had for making a motion picture about the nature of the world while he was going around it. Then he had flown back to Hollywood, and to the demands of his employers, Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, and had made “The Asphalt Jungle,” a picture about a band of criminals engaged in pursuits that Huston described somewhere in the dialogue of the movie as “a left-handed form of human endeavor.” Now, on this visit, shortly after the sudden death, in Hollywood, of his father, Walter Huston, he telephoned me from his Waldorf Tower suite and said he was having a terrible time trying to make “The Red Badge of Courage.” Louis B. Mayer and most of the other top executives at M-G-M, he said, were opposed to the entire project. “You know something?” he said, over the telephone. He has a theatrical way of inflecting his voice that can give a commonplace query a rich and melodramatic intensity. “They don’t want me to make this picture. And I want to make this picture.” He made the most of every syllable, so that it seemed at that moment to lie under his patent and have some special urgency. “Come on over, kid, and I’ll tell you all about the hassle,” he said.
The door of Huston’s suite was opened by a conservatively attired young man with a round face and pink cheeks. He introduced himself as Arthur Fellows. “John is in the next room getting dressed,” he said. “Imagine getting a layout like this all to yourself! That’s the way the big studios do things.” He nodded with approval at the Waldorf’s trappings. “Not that I care for the big studios,” he said. “I believe in being independent. I work for David Selznick. I’ve worked for David for fifteen years. David is independent. I look at the picture business as a career. Same as banking, or medicine, or law. You’ve got to learn it from the ground up. I learned it from the ground up with David. I was an assistant director on ‘Duel in the Sun.’ I directed the scene of the fight between two horses. Right now, I’m here temporarily on publicity and promotion. David—” He broke off as Huston strode into the room. Huston made his entrance in the manner of an actor who is determined to win the immediate attention of his audience.
“Hello, kid,” Huston said as we shook hands. He took a step back, then put his hands in his trouser pockets and leaned forward intently. “Well!” he said. He made the word expand into a major pronouncement.
Huston is a lean, rangy man, two inches over six feet tall, with long arms and long hands, long legs and long feet. He has thick black hair, which had been slicked down with water, but some of the front strands fell raffishly over his forehead. He has a deeply creased, leathery face, high cheekbones, and slanting, reddish-brown eyes. His ears are flattened against the sides of his head, and the bridge of his nose is bashed in. His eyes looked watchful, and yet strangely empty of all feeling, in weird contrast to the heartiness of his manner. He took his hands out of his pockets and yanked at his hair. “Well!” he said, again as though he were making a major pronouncement. He turned to Fellows. “Art, order some Martinis, will you, kid?”
Huston sat down on the arm of a chair, fixed a long brown cigarette in one corner of his mouth, took a kitchen match from his trouser pocket, and scraped the head of the match into flame with his thumbnail. He lit the cigarette and drew deeply on it, half closing his eyes against the smoke, which seemed to make them slant still more. Then he rested his elbows on his knees, holding the cigarette to his mouth with two long fingers of one hand, and looked out the window. The sun had gone down and the light coming into the suite, high in the Tower, was beginning to dull. Huston looked as though he might be waiting—having set up a Huston scene—for the cameras to roll. But, as I gradually grew to realize, life was not imitating art, Huston was not imitating himself, when he set up such a scene; on the contrary, the style of the Huston pictures, Huston being one of the few Hollywood directors who manage to leave their personal mark on the films they make, was the style of the man. In appearance, in gestures, in manner of speech, in the selection of the people and objects he surrounded himself with, and in the way he composed them into individual “shots” (the abrupt closeup of the thumbnail scraping the head of a kitchen match) and then arranged his shots into dramatic sequence, he was simply the raw material of his own art; that is, the man whose personality left its imprint, unmistakably, on what had come to be known as a Huston picture.
“I just love the light at this time of the day,” Huston said as Fellows returned from the phone. “Art, don’t you just love the light at this time of the day?”
Fellows said it was all right.
Huston gave a chuckle. “Well, now,” he said, “here I am, spending the studio’s money on this trip, and I don’t even know whether I’m going to make the picture I’m here for. I’m auditioning actors at the Loew’s office and talking production up there and doing all the publicity things they tell me to do. I’ve got the ‘Red Badge’ script O.K.’d, and I’m going down South to pick locations for the picture, but nothing is moving. We can’t make this picture unless we have six hundred Confederate uniforms and six hundred Union uniforms. And the studio is just not making those uniforms for us. I’m beginning to think they don’t want the picture!”
“It’s an offbeat picture,” Fellows said politely. “The public wants pictures like ‘Ma and Pa Kettle.’ I say make pictures the public wants. Over here,” he said to a waiter who had entered with a tray holding six Martinis in champagne glasses. “No getting away from it, John,” Fellows went on, handing Huston a drink. “Biggest box-office draws are pictures catering to the intelligence of the twelve-year-old.”
People underestimated the intelligence of the twelve-year-old, Huston said. He said he had an adopted son in his early teens, a Mexican-Indian orphan, Pablo, whom he had found while making “Treasure of Sierra Madre” in Mexico a few years ago, and his boy had excellent taste in pictures. “Why, my boy Pablo reads Shakespeare,” he said. “Do you read Shakespeare, Art?”
“Television, John,” said Fellows. “The junk they go for on television.”
Huston asked him vaguely what the talk was in New York about television.
Television was booming, Fellows said, and all the actors, singers, dancers, directors, producers, and writers who hadn’t been able to get work in Hollywood were going into television in New York. On the other hand, all the actors, singers, dancers, directors, producers, and writers who had gone into television in New York were starving and wanted to go back to Hollywood. “Nobody really knows what’s happening,” said Fellows. “All I know is television can never do what pictures can do.”
“We’ll just make pictures and release them on television, that’s all. The hell with television,” Huston said. “Do you kids want the lights on?” The room was murky. It made a fine tableau, Huston said. Fellows and I agreed that it was pleasant with the lights off. There was a brief silence. Huston moved like a shadow to a chair opposite mine and lit another brown cigarette, the quick glow from the match lighting up his face. “Been to the races out here, Art?” he asked.
A few times, Fellows said, but David Selznick had been keeping him so busy he hadn’t had much time for horses.
“The ponies have me broke all the time,” Huston said. “You know, I can’t write a check for five hundred dollars. I am always broke. I can’t even take an ordinary vacation. But there’s nothing I’d rather spend my money on than a horse, especially when the horse is one of my own. There’s nothing like breeding and raising a horse of your own. I’ve got four horses racing under my colors right now, and in a couple of years I’ll have more, even if I have to go into hock to support them. All I want is one good winner of my own. Everybody I know is conspiring to take my horses away from me. Someday I’ll have one good winner, and then I’ll be able to say, ‘Well, you bastards, this is what it was all about!’ ”
Financial problems, Huston said, had prevented him from taking the trip around the world. Although his M-G-M salary was four thousand dollars a week while he was making a picture, he had had to get the company to advance him a hundred and fifty thousand dollars, which he was paying off in installments. He was bound by his contract to make at least one picture a year for the next three years for M-G-M. He was a partner in an independent company, Horizon Pictures, which he had started a couple of years before with a man named Sam Spiegel, whom he had met in the early thirties in London. Huston had directed one picture, “We Were Strangers,” for Horizon, but it had lost money. He was scheduled to direct another—“The African Queen,” based on the novel by C. S. Forester—as soon as he had completed “The Red Badge of Courage” for M-G-M. Huston said he thought “The African Queen” would make money, and if it did, he could then make some pictures on his own that he wanted to make as much as he did “The Red Badge of Courage.” The reason L. B. Mayer and the other M-G-M executives did not think that “The Red Badge of Courage” could be a commercial success, Huston said, was that it had no standard plot, no romance, and no leading female characters, and, if Huston had his way in casting it, would have no stars. It was simply the story of a youth who ran away from his first battle in the Civil War, and then returned to the front and distinguished himself by performing several heroic acts. Huston, like Stephen Crane, wanted to show something of the emotions of men in war, and the ironically thin line between cowardice and heroism. A few months earlier, Huston and an M-G-M producer named Gottfried Reinhardt, the son of the late Max Reinhardt, had suggested to Dore Schary, the studio’s vice-president in charge of production, that they make the picture.
“Dore loved the idea,” Huston said. “And Dore said he would read the novel.” A couple of weeks later, Schary had asked Huston to write a screen treatment—a rough outline for the detailed script. “I did my treatment in four days,” Huston said. “I was going down to Mexico to get married, so I took my secretary along and dictated part of it on the plane going down, got married, dictated some more after the ceremony, and dictated the rest on the plane trip back.” Schary approved the treatment, and the cost of making the picture was estimated at a million and a half dollars. Huston wrote the screenplay in five weeks, and Schary approved it. “Then the strangest things began to happen,” Huston said. “Dore is called vice-president in charge of production. L. B. is called vice-president in charge of the studio. Nobody knows which is boss.” His voice rose dramatically. “We were told Dore had to O.K. everything. We got his O.K., but nothing moved. And we know that L. B. hates the idea of making this picture.” His voice sank to a confidential whisper. “He just hates it!”
For the role of the Youth, Huston said, he wanted twenty-six-year-old Audie Murphy, the most-decorated hero of the Second World War, whose film career had been limited to minor roles. Huston said he was having some difficulty persuading both Schary and Reinhardt to let Murphy have the part. “They’d rather have a star,” he said indignantly. “They just don’t see Audie the way I do. This little, gentle-eyed creature. Why, in the war he’d literally go out of his way to find Germans to kill. He’s a gentle little killer.”
“Another Martini?” Fellows asked.
“I hate stars,” Huston said, exchanging his empty glass for a full one. “They’re not actors. I’ve been around actors all my life, and I like them, and yet I never had an actor as a friend. Except Dad. And Dad never thought of himself as an actor. But the best actor I ever worked with was Dad. All I had to tell Dad about his part of the old man in ‘Treasure’ was to talk fast. Just talk fast.” Huston talked rapidly, in a startling and accurate imitation of his father. “A man who talks fast never listens to himself. Dad talked like this. Man talking fast is an honest man. Dad was a man who never tried to sell anybody anything.”
It was now quite dark in the room. We sat in the darkness for a while without talking, and then Huston got up and went over to the light switch. He asked if we were ready for light, and then snapped the switch. He was revealed in the sudden yellow brightness, standing motionless, a look of bewilderment on his face. “I hate this scene,” he said. “Let’s go out and get something to eat.”
Huston finished his drink in a gulp, set the glass down, and put a gray Homburg on his head, and the three of us rode down in the elevator. It was a warm, drizzly evening. The Waldorf doorman got us a cab, and Huston told the driver to take us to “21.” He raised one of the jump seats and rested his knees against it. “You know, I just love New York when summer is coming in,” he said, emphasizing each word possessively. “Everything begins to slow down a little. And later on, the clatter and hassling sort of comes to a stop. And the city is quiet. And you can take walks!” he said in a tone of amazement. “And you pass bars!” he said, as though this were even more astonishing. “And the doors of the bars are open,” he said, holding up his hands, palms toward each other, framing a picture of an open door. “You can go anywhere alone, and yet you’re never alone in the summer in New York,” he said, and dropped his hands to his lap.
Huston first came to New York in 1919, when he was thirteen, to spend the summer with his father, who had been divorced from his mother several years before. John was born in the town of Nevada, Missouri, and had spent the better part of his childhood with his mother, first in Weatherford, Texas, and then in Los Angeles. His mother, who died in 1938, had been a newspaperwoman. For three years before coming to New York, Huston had been bedridden with what was called an enlarged heart, and he also suffered from an obscure kidney ailment. When he recovered, he went to visit his father. He had a marvellous birthday in New York the summer he turned eighteen, he said. He had come from East again from Los Angeles, where he had won the amateur lightweight boxing championship of California, and he had moved into a small fourth-floor apartment on Macdougal Street; the apartment above was occupied by Sam Jaffe (the actor who, years later, played the part of the German safecracker in “The Asphalt Jungle”). Huston’s father, who was appearing on Broadway in “Desire Under the Elms,” came to the birthday celebration. Jaffe had asked John what he wanted as a present, and he had said a horse. “Well,” he said, “Sam” (and there was great affection in his pronouncing of the name), “the kindest, most retiring guy in the world, had gone out and bought the oldest, saddest, most worn-out gray mare. It was all wonderful. The best birthday I ever had. Art, don’t you just love New York in the summer?”
Not to live in, Fellows said, and Huston said, with a sigh, that it would be difficult to keep horses in New York, and besides, when you came right down to it, he really liked the way of life in the motion-picture world.
“It’s the jungle,” he said. “It appeals to my nature. Louella Parsons and her atavistic nonsense. I really like Louella. She’s part of the jungle. It’s more than a place where streets are named after Sam Goldwyn and buildings after Bing Crosby. There’s more to it than pink Cadillacs with leopard-skin seat covers. It’s the jungle, and it harbors an industry that’s one of the biggest in the country. A closed-in, tight, frantically inbred, and frantically competitive jungle. And the rulers of the jungle are predatory and fascinating and tough. L. B. Mayer is one of the rulers of the jungle.” He lowered his voice impressively. “I like L. B. He’s a ruler now, but he has to watch his step or he’ll be done in. He’s shrewd. He’s big business. He didn’t know a thing about horses, but when he took up horses, he built up one of the finest stables in the country. L. B. is tough. He’s never trying to win the point you’re talking about. His aim is always long-range—to keep control of the studio. He loves Dore. But someday he’ll destroy Dore. L. B. is sixty-five. And he’s pink. And healthy. And smiling. Dore is about twenty years younger. And he looks old. And sick. And worried. Because L. B. guards the jungle like a lion. But the very top rulers of the jungle are here in New York. Nick Schenck, the president of Loew’s, Inc., the ruler of the rulers, stays here in New York and smiles, watching from afar, from behind the scenes, but he’s the real power, watching the pack closing in on one or another of the lesser rulers, closing in, ready to pounce! Nick Schenck never gets his picture in the papers, and he doesn’t go to parties, and he avoids going out in public, but he’s the real king of the pack. And her does it all from New York!” He uttered an eerie, choked laugh through clenched teeth. “God, are they tough!”
The taxi drew up before “21.” “Mr. Huston!” the doorman said, and Huston shook hands with him. “Welcome back, Mr. Huston.”
It was close to midnight when Huston and Fellows and I emerged. Huston suggested that we walk, because he loved to walk at that time of the night. The drizzling rain had stopped and then air was wet and shining. Huston said he wanted to go over to Third Avenue, because he liked to see into the bars there and because nobody over there looked like a studio vice-president. We headed for Third Avenue.
As we walked down Third Avenue, Huston started to take fast, important strides. “You know what I like about making this picture, Art?” he said. “I’m going to be out in the country. On location.” Walking along, he glanced into shop windows displaying silver plate and paintings. He stopped for a moment in front of the dusty window of an art shop and looked at the reproduction of a painting. “Modigliani,” he aid. “I used to spent hours in this town looking at Modiglianis.” He had once done considerable painting himself, he said, but in recent years he had done little. We moved on, and suddenly, in the middle of the wet, glistening walk, we saw a man lying motionless, face down. He had one arm in the sleeve of a torn, brown overcoat, and the other arm was underneath him, the empty sleeve of the coat folded back over his head. His shoes were scuffed and ragged and they were pointed in toward each other. Half a dozen spectators stood fazing silently at the figure on the sidewalk. Huston immediately took charge. Putting his hands in his trouser pockets, he gave a peculiar quarter twist to his body. He took just a moment to push his hat back on his head, then squatted beside the motionless figure. He let another moment go by without doing anything, while the group of spectators grew. Everyone was very quiet. Huston lifted the hand in the overcoat sleeve and felt for the pulse. The Third Avenue “L” rattled noisily by overhead, and then there was silence again. Huston held the man’s wrist for quite a long time, never looking up at the crowd. Then he took quite a long time putting the man’s arm back in its original position. Huston rose slowly to his feet. He fixed his hat forward. He put his hands back in his pockets. Then he turned to the audience, and, projecting his words with distinct care, he said, “He’s—just—fine!” He gave a thick, congested laugh through his closed teeth. He tapped his hat forward with satisfaction, and jauntily led us away. It was a scene from a Huston movie.
Five weeks later, Huston was back at the Waldorf, in the same suite. When he telephoned me this time, he sounded cheerful. During his absence, “The Asphalt Jungle” had opened in New York and had been reviewed enthusiastically, but he didn’t mention that; what he felt good about was that he had just bought a new filly from Calumet Farms. When I went over to see him that evening, he was alone in his suite. Two days before, he had found a superb location for “The Red Badge of Courage” outside Nashville.
When Huston had returned to the studio after his Eastern trip, he told me, he had found that no preparations at all were under way for “The Red Badge of Courage.” “Those uniforms just weren’t being made!” he said with amazement. “I went to see L. B. and L. B. told me he had no faith in the picture. He didn’t believe it would make money. Gottfried and I went to see Dore. We found Dore at home, sick in bed. The moment we entered, he said, ‘Boys, we’ll make this picture!’ Maybe it was Nick Schenck who gave Dore the go-ahead sign. Anyway, that night Dore wrote a letter to L. B. and said in the letter he thought M-G-M ought to make the picture. And the next morning L. B. called us in and talked for six hours about why this picture would not make any money. You know, I like L. B. He said that Dore was a wonderful boy, that he loved Dore like his own son. And he said that he could not deny a boy who wrote that kind of letter to him. And when we came out of L. B.’s office, the studio was bubbling, and the uniforms were being made!” Huston chortled. He and Reinhardt had found a marvellous actor named Royal Dano to play the part of the Tattered Man, he said, and Dano had that singular quality that makes for greatness on the screen. Charlie Chaplin and Greta Garbo have that quality, he said. “The screen exaggerates and magnifies whatever it is that a great actor has,” he said. “It’s almost as though greatness is a matter of quality rather than ability. Dad had it. He had that something people felt in him. You sense it every time you’re near it. You see it in Audie Murphy’s eyes. It’s like a great horse. You go past his stall and you can feel the vibration in there. You can feel it. So I’m going to make the picture, kid. I’m going to direct it on horseback. I’ve always wanted to direct a picture on horseback.”
The expenses at the Nashville site, he said, would be less than at the one he had originally hoped to get, in Leesburg, Virginia, and its terrain lent itself perfectly to the kind of photography he wanted—a sharply contrasting black-and-white approximating the texture and atmosphere of the Brady photographs of the Civil War.
“Tell you what,” Huston said, in his amazed tone. “I’m going to show you how we make a picture! And then you come out to Hollywood and you can see everything that happens to the picture out there! And you can meet Gottfried! And Dore! And L. B.! And everybody! And you can meet my horses! Will you do it?”
I said I would.
Several weeks later, Huston telephoned again, this time from California. He was going to start making “The Red Badge of Courage” in a month, and the location was not going to be in Tennessee, after all, but on his own ranch, in the San Fernando Valley. He didn’t sound too happy about it. “You’d better get out here for the fireworks,” he said. “We’re going to have the Civil War right here on the Coast.”
When I arrived on the West Coast, Huston set about arranging for me to meet everybody who had anything to do with “The Red Badge of Courage.” The day I met Gottfried Reinhardt, the thirty-nine-year-old producer of “The Red Badge of Courage,” he was sitting in his office at the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studio, in Culver City, studying the estimated budget for the picture. It would be the fifteen-hundred-and-twelfth picture to be put into production since Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer was founded, on May 24, 1924. The mimeographed booklet containing the estimate was stamped “Production No. 1512.” (The estimate, I learned later on, informed Reinhardt that the picture would be allotted nine rehearsal days and thirty-four production days; the footage of the finished film was expected to come to 7,865 feet; the total cost was expected to be $1,434,789.) Reinhardt’s office was a comfortable one. It was a suite, which included a small bath and a conference room furnished with leather armchairs. A brass plate engraved with his name was on the door. In his private office, in addition to a desk and several green leather armchairs and a green leather couch, he had a thick brown carpet, a bookcase with a set of the Encyclopedia Britannica, and a potted plant six feet high. The walls were hung with old prints. On his desk, near several large cigarette lighters, a couple of ball-point pens, and a leather cigar box, stood a framed photograph of Max Reinhardt. The elder Reinhardt had a look of gentle but troubled thoughtfulness. There was a considerable resemblance between father and son.
“Where you have your office is a sign of your importance,” Reinhardt told me as we sat around talking. “I’m on the first floor. Dore Schary is two floors up, right over me. L. B. is also two floors up. I have a washbasin but no shower in my office. Dore has a shower but not bathtub. L. B. has a shower and a bathtub. The kind of bath facilities you have in your office is another measure of the worth of your position.” He smiled sardonically. “An important director is almost as important as a producer,” he continued, getting up and straightening once of the prints. “John’s office is a corner one, like mine.”
Reinhardt is a paunchy man with a thick mane of wavy brown hair; in his cocoa-brown silk shantung suit, he looked like a Teddy bear. There was a cigar in his mouth and an expression of profound cynicism on his face. A heavy gold key chain hung in a deep loop from under his coat to a trouser pocket. He speaks with a German accent but without harshness, and his words come out pleasantly, in an even, regretful-sounding way. “We promised Dore we would make our picture for one million five or under, and that we would make it in about thirty days,” he said, sitting down at his desk again. He put a hand on the estimate and sighed heavily. “The producer’s job is to save time and money.” He bobbed his head as he talked. A strand of hair fell over his face. He replaced it and puffed at his cigar in a kind of restrained frenzy. Then he removed the cigar and, bobbing his head again, said, “When you tell people you have made a picture, they do not ask, ‘Is it a good picture?’ They ask, ‘How many days?’ ” He tapped the ash from his cigar tenderly into a tray and gave another heavy sigh.
Reinhardt, who was born in Berlin, arrived in the United States in 1932, at the age of nineteen, for a visit. He had been over here a few months when Hitler came to power in Germany, and he decided to stay. Ernst Lubitsch, who had worked with the elder Reinhardt in Europe, offered Gottfried a job, without pay, at Paramount, as his assistant on a film version of Noel Coward’s “Design for Living,” starring Fredric March, Miriam Hopkins, and Gary Cooper. In the fall of 1933, Reinhardt moved to Metro, as a hundred-and-fifty-dollar-a-week assistant to Walter Wanger, then a producer at that studio. Not long afterward, Wanger left and Reinhardt was made assistant to Bernard Hyman, who was considered a right-hand man of Irving Thalberg. Reinhardt became first a film writer (“The Great Waltz”) and then, in 1940, a producer (“Comrade X,” with Clark Gable and Hedy Lamarr; “Rage in Heaven,” with Ingrid Bergman and Robert Montgomery; “Two-Faced Woman,” with Greta Garbo, the last picture she appeared in). In 1942, he went into the Army. He worked on Signal Corps films for four years, and then returned to Metro and produced pictures featuring some of the studio’s most popular stars, including Clark Gable and Lana Turner. His recent pictures, however, had not been regarded as box-office hits by the studio. At the age of seventy-two, Reinhardt’s mother, a celebrated German actress named Else Heims, is still appearing in plays in Berlin. His father, who died eight years ago, came to Hollywood in 1934 to direct a stage production of “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” at the Hollywood Bowl. (The production became famous because it presented an unknown young woman named Olivia de Havilland, who had never acted in public before, as a last-minute replacement for the star, who, for some reason or other, was unable to go on.) Max Reinhardt was then invited by Warner Brothers to direct a movie production of “A Midsummer Night’s Dream.” This picture was not a hit. For the next five years, he ran a Hollywood school known as Max Reinhardt’s Workshop; for a short while in 1939, John Huston conducted a course in screen writing there. Max Reinhardt never got another directorial job in the movies. For many months he tried to obtain an appointment with L. B. Mayer, but Mayer was always too busy to see him.
At Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Gottfried Reinhardt had witnessed a succession of struggles for power among the executives at the studio. He had learned many lessons simply by watching these battles, he told me. “M-G-M is like a medieval monarchy,” he said. “Palace revolutions all the time.” He leaned back in his swivel chair. “L. B. is the King. Dore is the Prime Minister. Benny Thau, an old Mayer man, is the Foreign Minister, and makes all the important deals for the studio, like the loan-outs of big stars. L. K. Sidney, one vice-president, is the Minister of the Interior, and Edgar J. Mannix, another vice-president, is Lord Privy Seal, or, sometimes, Minister without Portfolio. And John and I are loyal subjects.” He bobbed his head and gave a cynical laugh. “Our King is not without power. I found, with ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’ that you need the King’s blessing if you want to make a picture. I have the King’s blessing, but it has been given with large reservations.” He looked at me over his cigar. “Our picture must be a commercial success,” he said flatly. “And it must be a great picture.”
There was a stir in Dave Chasen’s Restaurant in Beverly Hills when Dore Schary walked in. Chasen’s is run by the former stage comedian whose name it bears, and it is popular with people in the motion-picture industry. The restaurant is divided into several sections. The first one, facing directly upon the entrance, contains semicircular boots. This section leads to a long bar opposite another section of booths. There are additional sections behind and to the sides of the first two. The headwaiter immediately led Schary to a front booth. Two waiters took up sentry-like positions there, facing each other across the table. All the other patrons focussed their attention on Schary. They seemed to be looking around at everybody except the people they were with and with whom they were managing to carry on conversations.
“I’ll read you Ben’s letter,” a man near us was saying. “He writes, ‘Whenever I think of Byzantium, I remember you. I hope you survive the court intrigues of Hollywood’s twilight, and when the place crumbles, may you fall from a throne.’ ”
“I have news for you,” said his companion. “It’s not twilight yet. It’s only smog.”
“I have news for you,” the first man said, staring without restraint at Schary. “Ben will be back here. He likes the court intrigues.”
Schary was not a bit self-conscious. He had an aura of immense self-assurance, as though he had reached a point where he could no longer be affected by anything that might happen in Chasen’s. He is an optimistic man, and he was talking to me optimistically about the movies. He respected foreign movies, he said, but he believed that the American picture industry provided more entertainment and enlightenment than any other movie-makers in the world. “Our scope is international,” he said. “Our thinking is international, and our creative urges and drives are constantly being renewed with the same vigor that renews so many things in the American way of life.” The motion-picture community generically referred to as Hollywood, he told me, is no different from any other American community that is dominated by a single industry. “We’re the same as Detroit,” he said. “We just get talked about more, that’s all.” He was almost the only man in Chasen’s who was not at the moment looking around at someone other than the person he was talking to.
Dave Chasen, a small, solemn man with soft, wistful eyes, came over and told Schary how happy he was to see him there.
“How are you, doll?” Schary said.
“You’re looking good,” Chasen said sadly.
Schary gave him a genial grin and went on talking to me about the picture industry. A man who seems to be favorably disposed toward the entire world, Schary has a chatty, friendly, homespun manner reminiscent of the late Will Rogers’, but there is in it a definite hint of a firm-minded and paternalistic Sunday-School teacher. He is six feet tall, and he has a big head, a high, freckled forehead, and a large nose, shaped like a Saint Bernard’s. He spoke earnestly, as though trying to convey a tremendous seriousness of purpose about his work in motion pictures. “A motion picture is a success or a failure at its very inception,” he told me. “There was resistance, great resistance, to making ‘The Red Badge of Courage.’ In terms of cost and in other terms. This picture has no women. This picture has no love story. This picture has no single incident. This is a period picture. The story—Well, there’s no story in this picture. It’s just the story of a boy. It’s the story of a coward. Well, it’s the story of a hero.” Schary apparently enjoyed hearing himself talk. He was obviously in no hurry to make his point. “These are the elements that are considered important in determining success or failure at the box office,” he said, and paused as if he felt slightly bewildered by the point he was trying to make. He finally said that there had been successful pictures that did not have these so-called important elements. “Crossfire,” which he had made, was one, and “All Quiet on the Western Front” was another. “Lew Ayres was the German equivalent of our boy,” he said. “I’ll almost bet you that Remarque knew ‘The Red Badge of Courage.’ In the main, when you set out to make a picture, you say, ‘I just have a hunch about this picture,’ Call it instinct if you will. I felt that this picture is liable to be a wonderful picture and a commercial success.”
A man who had been standing at the bar picked up his Martini and strolled over to a front booth near us. “I have a great story for you,” he said to the group seated there. “This actor comes back from a funeral and he’s bawling and carrying on, the tears streaming down his face. So his friend tells him he never saw anybody take a funeral so hard. The actor says, ‘You should have seen me at the grave!’ ” The storyteller gave an explosive burst of self-appreciation. He took a sip of his Martini and caressed the stem of the glass. “This old actor dies,” he said, his eyes moving away from his audience as Walter Pigeon entered with a large party and was seated in the front section. “Two other old actors come to see him laid out in the coffin. ‘Joe looks terrific,’ says one. ‘Why not?’ says the other one. ‘He just got back from Palm Springs!’ ”
Schary began talking about L. B. Mayer. “I know Mayer,” he said. “I know this man. I know Mayer because my father was like him. Powerful. Physically very strong. Strong-tempered and willful. Mayer literally hits people. But my father made this guy look like a May party.” He gave me an easy grin.
Just then, a young man rushed over to the table, grabbed Schary’s hand, and cried, “Dore! Wonderful to see you, Dore!” He held on to Schary’s hand, giving him an incredulous, admiring stare. “You look wonderful, Dore! You look wonderful!”
“Sweetie, how are ya?” Schary said amiably.
The young man continued to stare at Schary; he seemed to be waiting for confirmation of something. Then he said, “You remember me, Dore! Dave Miller!”
“Of course, doll,” Schary said.
“R. K. O.!” Miller announced, as though he were calling out a railroad stop, and in the same tone he announced that he was directing a picture at Columbia. Schary gave him a broad, understanding grin.
Miller shook his head unbelievingly several times and then, reluctantly, started to back away. “You’re doing wonderful things now, Dore. Wonderful! The best of everything to you, Dore,” he said. “The best.”
The maze of paths followed by all the individuals at M-G-M who work together to make a motion picture led inexorably to the office of Louis B. Mayer, and I found him there one day, behind a series of doors, talking to Arthur Freed, a producer of musicals for the studio. Mayer’s office was about half as large as the lounge of the Music Hall, and he sat behind a huge cream-colored desk overlooking a vast expanse of peach-colored carpet. The walls of the office were panelled in cream-colored leather, and there was a cream-colored bar, a cream-colored fireplace with cream-colored fire irons, cream-colored leather chairs and couches, and a cream-colored grand piano. Behind Mayer’s desk stood an American flag and a marble statue of the M-G-M lion. The desk was covered with four cream-colored telephones, a prayer book, several photographs of lions, a tintype of Mayer’s mother, and a statuette of the Republican Party’s elephant. The big desk hid most of Mayer, but I could see his powerful shoulders, decked in navy blue, and a gay, polka-dot bow tie that almost touched his chin. His large head seems set upon the shoulders, without an intervening neck. His hair is thick and snow-white, his face is ruddy, and his eyes, behind glasses with amber-colored frames, stared with a sort of fierce blankness at Freed, who was showing him a report on the box-office receipts of his latest musical, then playing at the Radio City Music Hall.
“Great! I saw it!” Mayer said, sweeping Freed back with his arm. “I said to you the picture would be a wonderful hit. In here!” he cried, poking his index finger at his chest. “It wins the audience in here!” He lifted his snowy head and looked at the cream-colored wall before him as though he were watching the Music Hall screen. “Entertainment!” he cried, transfixed by what he seemed to see on that screen, and he made the face of a man who was emotionally stirred by what he was watching. “It’s good enough for you and I and the box office,” he said, turning back to Freed. “Not for the smart alecks. It’s not good enough any more,” he went on, whining coyly, in imitation of someone saying that winning the heart of the audience was not good enough. He pounded a commanding fist on his desk and looked at me. “Let me tell you something!” he said. “Prizes! Awards! Ribbons! We had two pictures here. An Andy Hardy picture, with little Mickey Rooney, and ‘Ninotchka,’ with Greta Garbo. ‘Ninotchka’ got the prizes. Blue ribbons! Purple ribbons! Nine bells and seven stars! Which picture made the money? ‘Andy Hardy’ made the money. Why? Because it won praise from the heart. No ribbons!”
“Hah!” Mr. Freed said.
“Twenty-six years with the studio!” Mayer went on. “They used to listen to me. Never would Irving Thalberg make a picture I was opposed to. I had a worship for that boy. He worked. Now they want cocktail parties and their names in the papers. Irving listened to me. Never satisfied with his own work. That was Irving. Years later, after Irving passed away, they still listened. They make an Andy Hardy picture.” He turned his powerful shoulders toward me. “Andy’s mother is dying, and they make the picture showing Andy standing outside the door. Standing. I told them, ‘Don’t you know that an American boy like that will get down on his hands and knees and pray?’ They listened. They brought Mickey Rooney down on his hands and knees.” Mayer leaped from his chair and crouched on the peach-colored carpet and showed how Andy Hardy had prayed. “The biggest thing in the picture!” He got up and returned to his chair. “Not good enough,” he said, whining coyly again. “Don’t show the good, wholesome, American mother in the home. Kind. Sweet. Sacrifices. Love.” Mayer paused and by his expression demonstrated, in turn, maternal kindness, sweetness, sacrifice, and love, and then glared at Freed and me. “No!” he cried. “Knock the mother on the jaw!” He gave himself an uppercut to the chin. “Throw the little old lady down the stairs!” He threw himself in the direction of the American flag. “Throw the mother’s good, homemade chicken soup in the mother’s face!” He threw an imaginary plate of soup in Freed’s face. “Step on the mother! Kick her! That is art, they say. Art!” He raised and lowered his white eyebrows, wiggled his shoulders like a hula dancer, and moved his hands in a mysterious pattern in the air. “Art!” he repeated, and gave an angry growl.
“You said it,” said Freed.
“ ‘Andy Hardy’! I saw the picture and the tears were in my eyes,” Mayer said. “I’m not ashamed. I’ll see it again. Every time, I’ll cry.”
“In musicals, we don’t have any of those phony artistic pretensions,” Freed said.
Mayer gave no sign that he had heard Freed. “Between you and I and the lamppost,” he said, straightening his bow tie, “the smart alecks around here don’t know the difference between the heart and the gutter. They don’t want to listen to you. Marie Dressler! Who thought you could take a fat old lady and make her a star? I did it. And Wally Beery. And Lionel Barrymore.” He leaned back in his chair, one hand tucked into his shirt, his eyes squinting, his voice turning into the querulous rasp of Dr. Gillespie informing Dr. Kildare of his diagnosis of the disease. Then, resuming his natural manner, he said, “The audience knows. Look at the receipts. Give the audience what they want? No. Not good enough.” He paused.
“Thoreau said most of us lead lives of quiet desperation,” Freed said quickly. “Pictures should make you feel better, not worse.”
Again Mayer did not seem to hear. “ ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’ ” he said. “A million and a half. Maybe more. What for? There’s no story. I was against it. They wanted to make it. I don’t say no. John Huston. He was going to do ‘Quo Vadis.’ What he wanted to do to the picture! No heart. His idea was he’d throw the Christians to the lions. That’s all. I begged him to change his ideas. I got down on my hands and knees to him. I sang ‘Mammy’ to him. I showed him the meaning of heart. I crawled to him on hands and knees. ‘Ma-a-ammy!’ With tears. No! No heart! He thanked me for taking him off the picture. Now he wants ‘The Red Badge of Courage.’ Dore Schary wants it. All right. I’ll watch. I don’t say no, but I wouldn’t make that picture with Sam Goldwyn’s money.”
In the few days remaining before rehearsals started, Huston had to attend budget and production conferences, he had to examine, with his cameraman and technical crew, the exact spots on his San Fernando Valley Ranch where the battle scenes for the picture would be shot, and he had to make a number of revisions in the screenplay, including some suggested by the Production Code Administrator of the Motion Picture Association of America, which had come to him in a copy of a letter addressed to Mayer:
Dear Mr. Mayer:
We have read the script for your proposed production The Red Badge of Courage, and beg to report that the story seems to meet the requirements of the Production Code. Going through the script in detail, we call your attention to the following minor items.
Page 1A: Here, and throughout the script, please make certain that the expression “dum” is pronounced clearly, and does not sound like the unacceptable expletive “damn.”
Page 21: The expression “damn” is unacceptable.
Page 41: The same applies to the exclamation “Lord,” the expression “I swear t’ Gawd.”
Page 42: The same applies to “Lord knows” and the exclamation “Gawd.”
Page 44: The exclamation “Good Lord” is unacceptable.
Page 65: The expression “hell to pay” is unacceptable.
Joseph I. Breen, the writer of the letter, stated that three other uses of the word “Lord” in the script were unacceptable, along with one “in God’s name,” two “damn”s, and three “hell”s, and, before signing off—cordially—reminded Mr. Mayer that the final judgment of the Code Administrator would be based upon the finished picture.
Hedda Hopper, in the Los Angeles Times, headlined one of her daily columns with the news that Audie Murphy would star in “The Red Badge of Courage.” “The happiest and most appropriate casting of the year took place at M-G-M yesterday when Dore Schary gave Audie Murphy, the most decorated hero of World War II, the leading role in ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’ with John Huston directing,” she wrote. “For a change, we’ll have a real soldier playing a real soldier on screen. It couldn’t happen at a better time.”
The administrative headquarters for the M-G-M studio is a U-shaped white concrete building identified, in metal letters, as the Irving Thalberg Building. The steps leading to the Thalberg Building, between broad, shrub-bordered lawns, are wide and smooth, and they shone whitely under the midsummer sun, as cool and as stately as the steps to the Capitol in Washington, as I headed for them one morning. A taxi drew over to the curb and jerked to a halt. The door opened and Huston leaped out. He plunged a hand into a trouser pocket, handed the driver a wadded bill, and rushed toward the steps. He had stayed in town the night before, he said, at one of his three places—a small house in Beverly Hills he rented from Paulette Goddard—and he had expected his secretary to telephone him and wake him up. She had not telephoned, and he had overslept. He seemed angry and tense. “Audie’s waiting for me,” he said irritably.
We went into a large reception room with gray-checkered linoleum on the floor, and Huston strode across it, nodding to a young man seated at a semi-circular desk between two doors. “Good morning, Mr. Huston,” the young man said brightly. At once, the catches on both doors started clicking, and Huston opened the one on the right. I hurried after him, down a linoleum-floored corridor, whose cream-colored walls were lined with cream-colored doors. On each door was a slot holding a white card with a name printed on it. At the end of the corridor, we turned to the right, down another corridor, and at the end of that we came to a door with his name on it, engraved in black letters on a brass plate. Huston opened it, and a young lady with curly black hair, seated at a desk facing the door, looked up as we came in. Huston turned immediately to a bench adjoining the entrance. Audie Murphy was sitting on it. He stood up.
“Hello, Audie. How are you, Audie?” Huston said gently, as though speaking to a frightened child. The two men shook hands. “Well, we made it, kid,” Huston said, and forced an outburst of ho-ho-hos.
Murphy gave him a wan smile and said nothing. A slight young man with a small, freckled face, long, wavy reddish-brown hair, and large, cool gray eyes, he was wearing tan twill frontier riding pants, a matching shirt, open at the collar, and Western boots with pointed toes and high heels.
“Come in, Audie,” Huston said, opening the door to an inner office.
“Good morning,” the secretary behind him said. “Publicity wants to know what do you do when you hit a snag in writing a script?”
“Tell publicity I’m not here,” Huston said in a tone of cold reproach. Then, his voice gentle again, he said, “Come in, Audie.”
Huston’s office had oak-panelled walls, a blue carpet, and three windows reaching from the ceiling to the floor. There was a long mahogany desk at one end of the room, and at the opposite end, facing it, was a blue leather couch. Several blue leather armchairs were scattered around the office.
“Sit down, guys,” Huston said, and himself sat down behind the desk, in a swivel chair with a blue leather seat. “Well,” he said, clenching his hands and resting his chin on them. He swung from side to side in his chair a few times, then leaned back and put his feet on the desk on top of a stack of papers.
Murphy sat down in an armchair facing one of the windows and ran a forefinger across his lower lip. “I’ve got a sore lip,” he said. “’Bout six this morning, I went riding on my colt. I went riding without my hat, and the sun burned my lip all up.” He spoke with a delicate plaintiveness, in the nasal, twangy drawl of a Texan.
“I’ve got the same thing, kid,” Huston said, pursing his lips. “Tell you what, Audie. Bring your colt out to my ranch. You can have your colt right there with you, any time you want to ride while we’re making the picture.”
Murphy fingered his sore lip, as if trying to determine whether Huston’s pleasant offer did anything for his affliction. Apparently it didn’t, so he looked sadly out the window.
“We’ll do a lot of riding together, kid,” Huston said. “That’s good riding country there in the hills, you know.”
Murphy made a small, sighing noise of assent.
“I want you to hear this, Audie,” Huston said, nervously unfolding a sheet of paper he had taken from his jacket. “Some new lines I just wrote for the script.” He read several lines, then laughed appreciatively.
Murphy made another small noise of assent.
Huston continued to laugh, but his eyes, fastened on Murphy, were sombre. He seemed baffled and worried by Murphy’s unresponsiveness, because usually actors were quick to respond to him. He took his feet down from his desk and picked up a slip of blue paper one heel had been resting on. “Inter-office Communication,” he read aloud, and glanced quickly at Murphy to get his attention. “To Messrs. Gottfried Reinhardt, John Huston . . . subject: Hair for RED BADGE OF COURAGE Production. As per discussion this morning, we are proceeding with the manufacture of: 50 Hook-on Beards at $3.50 each, 100 Crepe wool Mustaches at 50c each, 100 Crepe wool Falls at $2.50 each—for Production No. 1512—RED BADGE OF COURAGE. These will be manufactured in the Makeup Department.”
Huston stopped reading, looked at Murphy, and saw that he had already lost his attention. “Well, now,” Huston said, “let’s go get some breakfast. I haven’t had any breakfast yet.”
The door opened, and a stoop-shouldered young man with enormous, eager-looking eyes came in. He was introduced as Albert Band, Huston’s assistant. Huston moved toward the door.
“Where you going?” Band asked, blinking his eyes. His eyelashes descended over his eyes like two dust mops.
“Breakfast,” said Huston.
Band said that he had had his breakfast, but he would come along and watch Huston have his.
We went out a side door to the studio gates, where a policeman in a stone hut looked carefully at each of us as we filed through. “Mr. Huston,” he said.
“Good morning,” Huston said, giving full weight to each syllable.
We went down a narrow street between low, gray-painted buildings of wood or stucco, which had shingles identifying them as “Men’s Wardrobe,” “International Department,” “Casting Office,” “Accounting Department,” and “Danger 2300 Volts.” Farther along the street were the sound stages, gray, hangarlike buildings. We passed a number of costumed actors and actresses, and people in casual summer dress who exchanged nods with Huston and looked piercingly at Murphy, Band, and me.
A portly gentleman in a gray pinstriped suit stopped Huston and shook hands with him. “Congratulate me,” he said. “My picture opens next week in New York.”
“Music Hall?” Huston asked.
“I have news for you,” the man said in a dry tone. “Dore Schary personally produces a picture, it gets into the Music Hall. I got Loew’s State.”
The M-G-M commissary is a comfortable restaurant with soft lighting, cream-colored walls, an aquamarine ceiling, and modern furnishings. When Huston, Murphy, Band, and I entered, about a third of the tables were occupied, and most of the people sitting at them stared at our party without restraint. We took a table and Huston ordered orange juice, a hard-boiled egg, bacon, and coffee. Murphy fingered his sore lip.
“How about some coffee, amigo?” Huston asked him.
Murphy nodded wistfully.
“Gottfried told me a great story yesterday,” Band said, batting his enormous eyes at Huston. “Two producers come out of the projection room where one has just shown the other his picture and he asks, ‘Well, how did you like the picture?’ ‘Great,’ the other producer says. ‘What’s the matter—you didn’t like it?’ the first producer asks. Isn’t that a great story?” Band said with a short laugh.
“A great story, Albert,” Huston said, putting a brown cigarette in one corner of his mouth.
“I’ve got another one,” Band said. He took a kitchen match from his pocket, scraped the head of it with his thumbnail, and held the flame to Huston’s cigarette. “This producer doesn’t like the score that has been composed for his picture. ‘The music isn’t right,’ he says. ‘It’s a picture about France,’ he says, ‘so I want a lot of French horns.’ ” Band laughed again.
“Got a newspaper, Albert?” Huston said. Band said no. “Get me a paper, Albert,” said Huston. “I want to see the selections.” He did not look up as Band went out. Drawing deeply on his cigarette, he looked down through the smoke at the table and brushed away some shreds of tobacco.
Murphy fixed his gaze on the windows along the far wall.
Huston looked at him. “Excited, kid?” he asked.
“Seems as though nothing can get me excited any more—you know, enthused?” he said. “Before the war, I’d get excited and enthused about a lot of things, but not any more.”
“I feel the same way, kid,” said Huston.
The waitress brought Huston’s breakfast and Murphy’s cup of coffee. Huston squinted at Murphy over his drooping cigarette and told him that his hair looked fine. “You might taper the sideburns a bit, kid,” he said, taking the cigarette from his mouth and resting it on an ashtray. “That’s all we need to do, kid.” He took a few sips of orange juice and then pushed the glass aside, picked up the hard-boiled egg, and bit into it. “Audie, ever been in Chico, up north of San Francisco, near the Sacramento River?” he asked expansively. “Well, now, we’ll be going up there on location to do the river-crossing scene and other stuff for the picture. And while we’re there, we’ll go fishing, kid.”
Band returned and handed Huston a newspaper. Huston took a couple of quick swallow of coffee and pushed his breakfast aside. Opening the paper on the table, he said that his filly Tryst was running that day and that he wanted to know what the handicappers had to say about her. He picked up the paper and held it in front of his face. The headline facing us read, “CHINESE REPORTED AIDING FOE.”
Murphy stared vaguely at the paper. “I’d like to go fishing,” he said.
From behind the newspaper, Huston grunted.
“You going fishing?” Band asked.
“When we get to Chico,” said Murphy.
At an adjoining table, a young man was saying loudly, “He comes out here from Broadway and thinks he’s acting in movies. Today on the set, I’m doing a scene with him, and he says to me, ‘I don’t feel your presence.’ ‘So reach out and touch me,’ I said.”
“Look, I know you’re busy, I don’t wanna butt in, but this I gotta tell you,” a roly-poly little man said, going up to the young man’s table. “I’m at Sam Goldwyn’s last night and he says he’s got a new painting to show me. So he takes me over to the painting and points to it and says, ‘My Toujours Lautrec!’ ”
Huston closed the newspaper and folded it under his arms. “Let’s get back, guys,” he said. He instructed Band to place a token bet on Tryst for him, and Band walked off.
Back in the Thalberg Building, Huston invited Murphy and me to see a number of test shots he had made on his ranch for “The Red Badge of Courage.” He had seen the tests and, with Reinhardt and Schary, had made the final decisions on the leading players in the cast. In addition to Audie Murphy as the Youth, there would be Bill Mauldin as the Loud Soldier, John Dierkes as the Tall Soldier, and Royal Dano as the Tattered Man. We trooped downstairs to a carpeted lounge in the basement and went into a projection room that contained two rows of heavy, deep leather armchairs. Beside the arm of one of the center chairs was a board holding a telephone and a mechanism called a “fader,” which controls the volume of sound. The first shot showed the Youth, who had returned to his regiment after running away from battle, having his head bandaged by his friend, the Loud Soldier. Mauldin, dressed in Union blue, his ears protruding horizontally from under a kepi, said as he bound a kerchief around Murphy’s head, “Yeh look like th’ devil, but I bet yeh feel better.”
In the audience, Murphy said in a loud whisper, “I was biting my cheek so hard trying to keep from laughing.”
“Yes, Audie,” said Huston.
The next scene showed Murphy carrying a gun and urging some soldiers behind him to come on. “Let’s show them Rebs what we’re made of!” Murphy called fiercely, on the screen. “Come on! All we got to do is cross this here field! Who’s with me? Come on! Come on!” Murphy advanced, and Huston’s voice came on the sound track, laughing and saying, “Very good.”
“I was biting my cheek so hard my whole cheek was sore,” Murphy said.
“Yes, Audie,” Huston said.
Next there was a scene between Murphy and the Tall Soldier, played by John Dierkes. The Tall Soldier died, his breath rasping and then ceasing, and his hair blowing long and wild. The Youth wept.
The lights came on. “We’re going to be just fine,” Huston said.
Back in his office, where we found Band waiting for us, Huston, taking another cigarette, said that Dierkes would be just wonderful in the picture.
“Just great,” said Band.
Murphy was back in his armchair, staring out the window as though lost in a distant dream. Huston gave him a sharp glance, then sighed and put his long legs up on the desk. “Well, now, Audie, we’re going to have such fun making this picture on my ranch!” he said. “Let me tell you kids all about the ranch.” There was a compelling promise in his tone. He waited while Murphy shifted his gaze from the window to him. Huston deliberately took his time. He drew on his cigarette, and blew the smoke away. He began by telling us that he had four hundred and eighty acres—rolling fields, pasture, a brook, and hills harboring mountain lions and jaguars. He had paddocks and stables for his horses, a pen for eight Weimaraner puppies, doghouses for the Weimaraner parents and three other dogs (including a white German shepherd named Paulette, after Paulette Goddard), and a three-room shack for himself, his adopted son Pablo, and a young man named Eduardo, who managed the ranch. Huston’s wife, the former Ricki Soma, and their infant son lived at Malibu Beach, and Huston commuted between the two establishments. At the ranch, Huston had a cowboy named Dusty, and, with a good deal of laughter, he described Dusty’s gaunt and leathery face and his big, black ten-gallon hat. “Oh, God!” he said, with a shake of his head, “Dusty wants to be in the picture.” He coughed out a series of jovial ho-ho-hos. Murphy, who had given him a quiet smile, developed the smile into hollow-sounding laughter. Huston seemed satisfied that he had finally got a response out of Murphy.
The door opened and Reinhardt stood there, an expression of cynical bewilderment on his face, a large cigar between his lips.
“Come in, Gottfried,” said Huston.
“Hello, Mr. Reinhardt,” Murphy said, standing up.
Reinhardt took a few steps forward, bobbing his head paternally at everyone. “There’s going to be trouble, John,” he said, in a tone of dry, flat amiability. He chewed his cigar around to a corner of his mouth to let the words out. “The production office thought the river for the picture was a stream. In the script, it says, ‘The regiment crosses a stream.’ Now they want to know what you mean you need hundreds of men to cross the Sacramento River?” He bobbed his head again.
“Ho! Ho!” Huston said, crossing his legs on top of his desk. Murphy sat down again. Band paced the carpet in front of Huston’s desk.
“Trouble!” Reinhardt said.
“Well, now, Gottfried, you and I are used to trouble on this picture,” Huston said. He put a brown cigarette in his mouth. Band held a kitchen match to it. Huston cocked his head over the flame and gave Murphy a wry smile. “They’re afraid the soldiers will get their little tootsies wet,” he said, with a titter.
Murphy smiled sadly. Band laughed and batted his eyes first at Huston, then at Reinhardt.
“Now, Albert wouldn’t be afraid to cross the river, would you, Albert?” Huston asked.
Murphy smiled.
“I have news for you,” Band said. “I’m going to cross it. You promised me I could have a part in this picture.”
Reinhardt laughed, the upper part of his body bouncing energetically. As Band continued pacing in front of Huston’s desk, Reinhardt fell in ahead of him, and the two men paced together. Reinhardt’s gold key chain looped into his trouser pocket flopped noisily as he paced. “Everybody in Hollywood wants to be something he is not,” he said as Huston watched him over the tips of his shoes. “Albert is not satisfied to be your assistant. He wants to be an actor. The writers want to be directors. The producers want to be writers. The actors want to be producers. The wives want to be painters. Nobody is satisfied. Everybody is frustrated. Nobody is happy.” He sighed, and sat down heavily in a chair facing Murphy. “I am a man who likes to see people happy,” he muttered through his cigar.
The door opened, and John Dierkes entered. “Hi, John! Hi, everybody,” he said cheerfully, in a rasping drawl. He had a thick shock of stringy orange hair. “Hi, sport!” he said to Murphy. “Hedda sure likes you, sport. Didja see what she said about you today?”
“Did you let your hair grow?” Reinhardt asked him.
“Sure did, Gottfried,” said Dierkes. “It’s been growin’ and growin’ for weeks.” He sat down, clasped his hands between his knees, and beamed at Murphy. “You learnin’ your lines, sport?” he asked.
Huston recrossed his legs impatiently and said that he had just seen Dierkes’ screen test. “You look like an ugly bastard,” Huston said. “You’re the only man I know who is uglier than I am.”
Dierkes dropped his long chin in an amiable smile. “That’s what you said the first time we met, John,” he said. “In London. I was in the Red Cross and you were sure spiffy in your major’s uniform. 1943.”
“I was on my way to Italy,” Huston said. “That’s when we made ‘The Battle of San Pietro.’ ”
Reinhardt turned to Murphy. “Did you ever see the picture ‘K-Rations and How to Chew Them’?” he asked in a loud voice. He tilted his cigar to a sharp angle and pointed a finger at himself. “Mine,” he said.
“England was just wonderful in the war,” Huston said. “You always wanted to stay up all night. You never wanted to go to sleep.”
Reinhardt said, “I’ll bet I’m the only producer who ever had Albert Einstein as an actor.” Attention now focussed on him. He said that he had been making an Army film called “Know Your Enemy—Germany,” the beginning of which showed some notable German refugees. “Anthony Veiller, a screen writer who was my major, told me to tell Einstein to comb his hair before we photographed him. I said, ‘Would you tell Einstein to comb his hair?’ He said no. So we photographed Einstein with his hair not combed.” Reinhardt bounced merrily in his chair and laughed.
“God, those English bootmakers!” Huston said. “The love and affection they lavish on their boots! Whenever I go to London, I head straight for Maxwell and order boots made.”
Reinhardt got up and went to the door, saying that in the afternoon there was going to be a conference of the key members of the crew assigned to the picture. The cost of making a picture depended largely on the time it took, he observed. The director and his actors might work together only three hours of an eight-hour day; the balance of the time would be spent waiting for scenes to be prepared. Reinhardt wanted to discuss what he called the leapfrog method, which meant having an assistant director line up shots in advance, so that Huston could move from one scene to another without delay. “We bring this picture in early, we will be real heroes,” Reinhardt said.
“Don’t worry, Gottfried,” Huston said.
“I will see you later?” Reinhardt asked.
“I’ll be there, Gottfried. Don’t worry,” Huston said.
Huston gave me a copy of the script for “The Read Badge of Courage,” and left me alone in his office to read it. The script was a mimeographed booklet in a yellow paper cover, which was stamped with the seal of M-G-M. Also on the cover were the words “Production No. 1512” and the names of the film’s producer, Gottfried Reinhardt, and its director, John Huston. A notation on the flyleaf stated that the number of pages was ninety-two. Each shot described in the script was numbered. I turned to page 92. The last shot was numbered 344, and it’s description read:
CLOSE TRUCKING SHOT—THE YOUTH
As he trudges from the place of blood and wrath, his spirit changes. he is rid of the sickness of battle. He lifts his head to the rain, breathes in the cool air, hears a sound above him.
CAMERA PANS UP to a tree and a bird is singing.
FADE OUT
I turned to page 73, one the Breen Office had found unacceptable expressions on:
CLOSE SHOT—LIEUTENANT
Lieutenant
Come on, men! This is no time to stop! In God’s name, don’t just stand there! We’ll all get killed. Come on! I never seed sech lunkheds! Get movin’, damn yeh—Oh, ye cowards.—Yeh rotten little cowards!
I turned back to the beginning and settled down to read:
FADE IN:
MED. LONG SHOT—EMBANKMENT ACROSS A RIVER—NIGHT
Low fires are seen in the distance, forming the enemy camp. Trees and bushes. A LOW WHISTLE IS HEARD from across the river.
MED. SHOT—THE OTHER SIDE OF THE RIVER
Moonlight reveals some bushes and trees, and a sentry walking into view. Crickets sing in the still night. The low whistle is repeated. The sentry puts his rifle to his shoulder, stands staring up into the gloom.
CLOSE SHOT—SENTRY—IT IS THE YOUTH
The Youth
Who goes there?
MED. LONG SHOT—ACROSS THE RIVER
Southern Voice
Me, Yank,—jest me. . . .Move back into the shadders, Yank, unless you want one of them little red badges. I couldn’t miss yeh standin’ there in the moonlight.
The script took me a couple of hours to read. It included several scenes written by Huston that did not appear in the novel, but for the most part the screenplay indicated that Huston intended to embody in his picture the Youth’s impressions of war exactly as Crane had described them.
After finishing the script, I went into a sort of back room of Huston’s office, used as a conference and poker room, where I found Mrs. Huston. Mrs. Huston had not seen her husband for several days. She is a striking girl with an oval face and long, dark hair drawn back tight from her face, parted in the middle, and done up in a bun in back. She was formerly a ballet dancer in New York and is now an actress. She showed me around the room. There were a sofa and several chairs covered in brown leather. There were photographs of horses on the walls. There was a framed picture, clipped from a magazine, showing Huston with his father and captioned, “John Huston—for the last three years a major in the Army’s Signal Corps—has produced an important and engrossing documentary film, ‘Let There Be Light,’ His father, Walter Huston, does an equally fine narration for this picture on the crackup and treatment of neuropsychopathic soldiers.” There were certificates for awards—the One World Flight Award for Motion Pictures, and the Screen Writers Guild Award to Huston for his “Treasure of the Sierra Madre,” which was described in the citation as “the best-written Western of 1948,” and two Motion Picture Academy statuettes—one for best screenplay of 1948, the other for the best-directed film that year. A silver tray on a corner table was inscribed “To John Huston, One Hell of a Guy. The Macadamized Award from all the Members of the Asphalt Jungle.”
Albert Band came into the room. He said there ought to be a lot of fun with the new picture, especially when the company went on location at Chico.
Mrs. Huston said that she was going along to Chico, where she would do some fishing. “I just love fishing,” she went on, as if trying to convince herself.
Huston entered, greeted his wife, and announced that everybody ought to have a drink. He called his secretary in and told her that the key to the liquor was under one of the Oscars.
“How’s the young man?” Huston asked his wife.
The baby was fine, she said
“Did you bring my car, honey?” he asked.
The car was outside.
“Tryst is running today, honey,” Huston said tenderly.
“I have news for you,” Band said. “Tryst ran out of the money.”
Huston looked astonished and, after a moment laughed in a strained way. “Albert,” he said, “get over to Gottfried’s office and find out when that goddam meeting is supposed to start.”
Since most of the film was to be shot about thirty miles from Hollywood, on Huston’s ranch, in the San Fernando Valley, Huston arranged to look over the terrain one day with Reinhardt and the production crew. I arrived at the ranch about eleven o’clock in the morning, and a few minutes later the crew drove up in a large black limousine. Huston came out of his ranchhouse to greet us, dressed in a red-and-green checked cap, a pink T shirt, tan riding pants flapping out at the sides, tan leggings, tan suspenders, and heavy maroon shoes that reached to his ankles. Included in the crew were the cameraman, Harold Rosson, a short, stocky, gum-chewing, middle-aged man with a sharp face; the unit manager, Lee Katz, a heavyset man in his late thirties, with thin blond fuzz on his head, a brisk, officious manner, and a perpetual ingratiating smile; the leapfrog director, Andrew Marton, whom the others addressed as Bundy, a serious, pedantic Hungarian-American with a heavy accent and a nervous, solicitous manner, whose job it would be to arrange things so that Huston would not have to wait between scenes; the art director, Hans Peters, a stiff, formal German with cropped hair, who also had a heavy accent; another assistant director, Reggie Callow, a harassed-looking man with a large red face, a bowl-shaped midriff, and the gravelly voice of a buck sergeant; and the technical adviser, Colonel Paul Davidson, a retired Army officer with a mustache, dark glasses, and a soldierly bearing. All were carrying copies of the script.
Shortly after we arrived, Reinhardt and Band drove up in a gray Cadillac convertible with the top down. Reinhardt had a navy-blue beret on his head and a cigar in his mouth. He came over and pumped Huston’s hand. “Happy birthday, John,” he said.
“Oh, yes. I almost forgot,” Huston said. “Well, gentlemen, let’s get started.”
Everybody was wearing rough clothes except Reinhardt, who wore neat gabardine slacks of bright blue and a soft shirt of lighter blue. Band had on Russian Cossack boots, into which were tucked ragged cotton pants. Marton wore dungarees and a khaki bush jacket, which, he said, he had brought from Africa, where he had recently worked as co-director of “King Solomon’s Mines.” Colonel Davidson wore Army fatigues.
Dusty, the Huston-ranch cowboy who wanted to play in the picture, stood around while the crew got organized. He went into the stables and returned leading a large black horse, saddled and bridled. Huston mounted it, and then Dusty brought out a white-and-brown cow pony.
“I’ll ride Papoose, pal,” Rosson said to Huston, and heaved himself aboard the cow pony.
“He was once married to Jean Harlow,” Band said to Colonel Davidson, pointing to Rosson.
“Let’s go, gentlemen!” Huston called, waving everybody on. He walked his horse slowly down the road.
“John can really set a saddle,” Dusty said, watching him go.
Rosson started after Huston. Reinhardt and Band followed in the Cadillac. The rest of us, in the limousine, brought up the rear of the cavalcade.
Marton peered out the window at Rosson, rocking along on the cow pony. “He used to be married to Jean Harlow,” he said thoughtfully. “Reggie, what do we do first?”
Callow said that they were going to stop at the location for the scene showing the Youth’s regiment on the march, to determine how many men would be needed to give the effect of an army on the march. It was Scene 37. All the script had to say about it was “medium long shot—a road—the army on the march—dusk.”
“The mathematics of this discussion is important,” Callow said.
Katz, whose primary job was to serve as a liaison man between the crew and the studio production office, was sitting up front. He turned around and said, smiling, “Mathematics means money.”
“Everything is such a production,” said Marton. “Why can’t they just turn Johnny loose with the camera?”
Colonel Davidson, who was sitting in a jump seat next to Peters, cleared his throat.
“What, what?” Katz said to him.
“Warm today,” the Colonel said, clearing his throat again.
“Nothing,” Marton said. “In Africa, we had a hundred and fifty degrees in the shade.”
“That so?” said the Colonel.
Katz turned around again. There were beads of perspiration on his forehead and in the fuzz on his head. “You boys are going to have a time climbing these hills today,” he said cheerily. “Hot, hot.”
Peters said, without moving his head, “Very warm.”
“It’s going to be a tough war,” Callow said.
The road for the medium long shot was a dirt one curving around a hill and running through sunburned fields. A large oak tree at the foot of the hill cast a shadow over the road. Huston and Rosson sat on their horses near the top of the hill, waiting for the rest of the party to struggle up to them through dry, prickly grass. Reinhardt was carrying a sixteen-millimetre movie camera. A hawk flew overhead, and Reinhardt stopped, halfway up the hill, and trained his camera on it. “I like to take pictures of birds,” he said. When everyone had reached Huston and was standing around him, Huston pointed to the bend in the road.
“The Army comes around there,” he said commandingly. He paused and patted the neck of his horse. “Colonel,” he said.
“Yes, sir!” Colonel Davison said, coming to attention.
“Colonel, how far apart will we put the fours?” Huston asked.
“About an arm’s length, sir,” said the Colonel.
“Get away from my script!” Callow said to Huston’s horse, who was attempting to eat it.
Huston gave Callow a reproachful look and patted the horse’s neck. “Never mind, baby,” he said.
“Gentlemen,” Rosson said, “keep in mind we must not have these Western mountains in what was primarily an Eastern war.” He dismounted and gave the reins of his pony to Band, who clambered clumsily into the saddle. The pony started turning in circles.
“It’s only me, little baby,” Band said to it.
“Albert!” Huston said. Band got off the pony, and it calmed down.
“Gentlemen,” Huston said. “The range finder, please.”
Marton handed him a cone-shaped tube with a rectangular window at the wide end. It would determine the kind of lens that would be needed for the shot. Huston looked at the road through the finder for a long time. “A slow, uneven march,” he said dramatically. “The Union colonel and his aide are leading the march on horseback. Looks wonderful, just wonderful. Take a look, Hal.” He handed the finder to Rosson, who looked at the road through it.
“Great, pal!” Rosson said, chewing his gum with quick, rabbitlike chomps.
“Doesn’t it look like a Brady, kid?” Huston said to Rosson.
“Great, pal,” said Rosson.
The two men discussed where the camera would be set up, how the shot of the column of soldiers would be composed, when the shot would be taken (in the early morning, when the light on the troops would be coming from the back). They also discussed the fact that the scene, like most of the others in the picture, would be photographed as if from the point of view of the Youth. Then they got to talking about how many men would be needed for the scene.
“How about four hundred and fifty?” said Katz.
“Eight hundred,” Huston said immediately.
“Maybe we could do with six hundred and fifty,” Reinhardt said, giving Huston a knowing glance.
Katz said that the column would be spaced out with horses and caissons, and that they could get away with less than six hundred and fifty infantrymen.
Huston gave Colonel Davidson a sly glance and winked.
The Colonel quickly cleared his throat and said, “Sir, to be militarily correct we ought to have a thousand infantry.”
“God!” Reinhardt said.
“Never, never,” Katz said.
“Make the picture in Africa,” Marton said. “Extras cost eighteen cents a day in Africa.”
“That’s exactly fifteen dollars and thirty-eight cents less than an extra costs here,” Callow said. “We could change it to the Boer War.”
“Is it to be six hundred and fifty, gentlemen?” Huston said impatiently.
“If that’s the way you want it,” Katz said. “Anything I can do you for.”
We went from one site to another, trudging up and down hills and breaking paths through heavy underbrush. The afternoon sun was hot, and the faces of the crew were grimy and wet, and their clothes were dusty and sprinkled with burs and prickly foxtails. Only Reinhardt seemed unaffected by his exertions. His blue slacks were still creased, and a fresh cigar was in his mouth as he stood beside Huston examining the site for a scene—to be shot some afternoon—that would show the Youth coming upon a line of wounded men, who would be moving down a path on a slope. Huston and Reinhardt looked at a grassy slope that led down to a road and a patch of trees. The distance from the top of the slope to the road was two hundred and seventy yards, Callow told Huston and Reinhardt. The three men estimated that they would need a hundred extras to make an impressive line of wounded men.
Huston looked through the finder at the slope. “The Youth sees a long line of wounded staggering down,” he said, in a low voice.
“We’ve got to have something for these men to do in the morning,” Katz said. “We can’t have a hundred extras on the payroll and have them stand around with nothing to do for half a day.”
Huston lowered the finder. “Let’s just put the figures down as required for each shot, without reference to any other shot,” he said coldly.
Katz smiled and threw up his hands.
“And if we find we need twenty-five more men—” Huston began.
“I will appeal to Mr. Reinhardt,” Katz said.
“You have great powers of persuasion,” said Huston.
Reinhardt bobbed his head and laughed, looking at his director with admiration.
Callow sat by the side of the path, laboriously pulling foxtails out of his socks. “I’m stabbed all over,” he said. “I fought the Civil War once before, when I was assistant director on ‘Gone with the Wind.’ It was never this rough, and ‘Wind’ was the best Western ever made.”
Reinhardt was aiming his camera at a small silver-and-red airplane flying low overhead.
“That’s no bird; that’s Clarence Brown,” said Band.
“Clarence is up there looking for gold,” Marton said.
“There is a great story about Clarence Brown,” Reinhardt said. “A friend says to him, ‘What do you want with all that money, Clarence? You can’t take it with you.’ ‘You can’t?’ Clarence says. ‘Then I’m not going.’ ” Band and Marton agreed that it was a great story, and Reinhardt looked pleased with himself.
Katz was saying that the first battle scene would have four hundred infantrymen, fifty cavalrymen, and four complete teams of artillerymen and horses, making a total of four hundred and seventy-four men and a hundred and six horses.
“More people than we ever had in ‘Wind,’ ” Callow said.
Huston, now on his horse, leaned forward in the saddle and rested the side of his face against the neck of the horse.
“We accomplished a lot today,” Reinhardt said.
Huston said, with great conviction, “It looks just swell, Gottfried, just wonderful.”
“It must be a great picture,” Reinhardt said.
“Great,” Band said.
Huston wheeled his horse and started across the slope at a canter. He approached a log on top of a mound of earth, spurred his horse, and made a smooth jump. Reinhardt trained his camera on Huston until he disappeared around a wooded knoll.
That night, John Huston celebrated his forty-fourth birthday at a formal dinner party in Hollywood attended by a couple of dozen of his closest friends and associates. The party was given by Reinhardt, in the private dining room of Chasen’s Restaurant. The host stood near the door. He looked cynical, and scornful of everything about him as he pumped the hand of each arriving guest, but he managed, with a half-smoked cigar fixed firmly in a corner of his mouth, to beam with delight. The guests all exuded an atmosphere of exclusiveness and intimacy. It seemed to have nothing to do with Huston’s birthday. The birthday, apparently, was merely the occasion, not the cause, of the guests’ effusions. Good will was stamped on the faces of all, but there was no indication as to whom or what it was directed toward. As they entered, the guests exchanged quick glances, as though they were assuring each other and themselves that they were there.
At one end of the room, a couple of bartenders had set up a double file of champagne glasses on the bar. Waiters circulated with platters of canapés. Reinhardt’s wife, a slender, attractive, sardonic-looking lady with large, brown, skeptical eyes and a vaguely Continental manner, moved with a sort of weary impishness among the guests. She was wearing a gossamer blue dinner gown embroidered with silver. The other ladies at the party—all wives of the friends and associates—were almost as festively adorned, but there was about many of them an air of defeat, as though they had given up a battle for some undefined goal. They stood around in groups, watching the groups of men. Mrs. Reinhardt, with the air of one who refuses to admit defeat, bore down on Edward G. Robinson, John Garfield, and Paul Kohner, who was Huston’s agent. Robinson, who had recently returned from abroad, was talking about his collection of paintings. Garfield was acting exuberant. Kohner was a genial, tolerant onlooker. At Mrs. Reinhardt’s approach, Robinson abandoned his paintings and, starting to hum, fixed on her a broad smile of welcome. “Silvia,” he said, and continued to hum.
“There is a rumor making the rounds,” she said, pronouncing each syllable slowly and emphatically. “The men are going to play poker after dinner, and the ladies will be given the brush. You know what I am talking about?”
Robinson smiled even more broadly.
Garfield said, “The girls can go to a movie or something. Eddie, you buy any paintings in Europe?”
“Julie, you are not playing poker,” said Mrs. Reinhardt to Garfield.
“I have news for you,” said Garfield, “I am. Eddie?”
“Not this trip,” Robinson said, without ceasing to grin at Mrs. Reinhardt. “In New York, a Rouault. The time before in Europe, a Soutine.”
“Last night, I met somebody owned a Degas,” said a tall and glamorous-looking but nervous girl with red hair, who had detached herself from a group of ladies and was now at Robinson’s elbow. Mrs. Reinhardt and the three men did not bother to acknowledge her remark. “This Degas,” the red-haired girl said miserably, “it’s getting out of the bathtub, for a change, not in.”
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THE AMERICAN WAR FILM: HOLLYWOOD GOES TO WAR
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CTL #120
2 units
Thursday 7 8:15 pm
Enrollment limit 12
Grading: P/NC option
John Bravman
Andrew Dimock
Web Site: http://www.stanford.edu/class/ctl120
Discussion Forum: http://panfora.stanford.edu/Forums/ctl120
What does Saving Private Ryan tell us about our picture of American history? How did American combat films of the late 1970s and the 1980s refight the Vietnam War? What makes combat such an attractive subject for filmmakers? Can any film give us a glimpse of the experience of battle? What makes a war movie an anti-war film?
Hollywood films shape the American moviegoing audiences perception of wars reality in powerful ways. Some war movies inspire patriotism and a sense of national purpose, while others mount bitter attacks on the human costs of conflict and question its necessity. Through film, Americans have celebrated their wartime victories and struggled to justify their disasters.
This course surveys the development of the American war film as a genre. We will introduce basic terms central to the study of film as a medium and provide some models for critical analysis. We will also trace the rise and decline of the antiwar film, and question its status. One of the aims of the class will be to draw attention to the way that films are not contained within the historical moments they depict: they reflect the aesthetic and political currents of the contemporary moment in which they are written, filmed, and viewed.
Requirements
Attendance at weekly seminar meetings.
Students will be assigned short readings from introductory film studies textbooks and critical journals, and they will post written responses weekly to the courses Panfora discussion site. (Postings due Sundays at midnight.) The responses will take the form of reactions and observations about the film screenings and discussions. The readings will be held to approximately twenty pages per week.
One brief meeting, mid-quarter, in office hours, to review level of participation.
Each student will sign up to do a brief 5-8 minute oral presentation at one of the weekly meetings. This assignment will help the students prepare for the major requirement of the course, a 20-minute oral presentation to the class in the final weeks of the quarter. The project will be an analysis of a film or films, chosen by the student, which relate to the themes of the course. A 2-4 page prospectus will be approved by the instructor in advance. Students will be required to work with the Freshman-Sophomore Colleges Oral Communications instructors in preparation.
Each student will screen the DVD Visions of Light, an introduction to cinematography, as a reserve assignment.
The readings will be available in a photocopy packet. They include excerpts from:
American Cinema/American Culture (John Belton, 1994)
Film Art: An Introduction (ed. David Bordwell, 1997)
The World War II Combat Film: Anatomy of a Genre (Jeanine Basinger, 1986)
Thursday, April 3rd
Introduction: O, for a Muse of Fire
Henry V (director Laurence Olivier, 1944)
Henry V (Kenneth Branagh, 1989)
Birth of a Nation (D.W. Griffith, 1915)
Tearing Down the Spanish Flag (1898)
Shoulder Arms (Charlie Chaplin, 1918)
Screening: Paths of Glory (Stanley Kubrick, 1957)
4/10
The War to End All Wars
Jaccuse (Abel Gance, 1919)
The Battle of the Somme (1916)
The Big Parade (King Vidor, 1925)
All Quiet on the Western Front (Lewis Milestone, 1930)
Sergeant York (Howard Hawks, 1941)
Screening: Bataan (Tay Garnett, 1943)
4/17
The Good War
Triumph of the Will (Leni Riefenstahl, 1934)
Why We Fight (Frank Capra, 1942-5)
The Best Years of Our Lives (William Wyler, 1946)
Twelve OClock High (Henry King, 1949)
The Sands of Iwo Jima (Allan Dwan, 1949)
Screening: Das Boot (The Boat : German, dir. Wolfgang Petersen, 1981)
4/24
WWII
The Longest Day (Ken Annakin, 1962)
Patton (Franklin Schaffner, 1970)
Screening: Saving Private Ryan (Spielberg, 1998)
5/1
WWII
Raiders of the Lost Ark (Steven Spielberg, 1981)
Empire of the Sun (Spielberg, 1987)
Schindlers List (Spielberg, 1995)
Screening: Dr. Strangelove (Stanley Kubrick, 1964)
5/8
The Cold War
Steel Helmet (Samuel Fuller, 1951)
Fail-Safe (Sidney Lumet, 1964)
The Manchurian Candidate (John Frankenheimer, 1962)
M.A.S.H. (Robert Altman, 1972)
Red Dawn (John Milius, 1984)
Screening: Apocalypse Now (Francis Ford Coppola, 1979)
5/15
The War America Lost, or the Televised War
The Green Berets (John Wayne, 1968)
Full Metal Jacket (Stanley Kubrick, 1987)
Hamburger Hill (John Irvin, 1987)
Network TV coverage of the Tet Offensive, 1968
Screening: Regret to Inform (Barbara Sonnenborn, 1999)
5/22
Documentary War
The Anderson Platoon (Pierre Schoendorffer, 1970)
Three Seasons (in Vietnamese: Timothy Bui, 1999)
Screening: Three Kings (David O. Russell, 1999)
5/29
New World Order
Courage Under Fire (Edward Zwick, 1996)
Black Hawk Down (Ridley Scott, 2001)
Ambush at Mogadishu (PBS/Frontline)
6/5
Final Presentations
Suggested films for further study:
Pre-20th Century
Birth of a Nation (D.W. Griffith, 1915)
The General (Buster Keaton, 1927)
Alexander Nevsky (in Russian: Sergei Eisenstein, 1938)
Gone With the Wind (Victor Fleming, 1939)
Henry V (Laurence Olivier, 1944)
She Wore a Yellow Ribbon (John Ford, 1949)
The Red Badge of Courage (John Huston, 1951)
The Seven Samurai (in Japanese: Akira Kurosawa, 1954)
The Searchers (John Ford, 1956)
The Alamo (John Wayne, 1960)
Zulu (Cy Endfield, 1963)
Little Big Man (Arthur Penn, 1970)
Breaker Morant (Bruce Beresford, 1980)
Ran (in Japanese: Akira Kurosawa, 1985)
Henry V (Kenneth Branagh, 1989)
Glory (Edward Zwick, 1989)
Last of the Mohicans (Michael Mann, 1992)
Gettysburg (Ronald Maxwell, 1993)
Ride With the Devil (Ang Lee, 2001)
The Patriot (Mel Gibson, 2001)
WWI
Shoulder Arms (Charlie Chaplin, 1918)
The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse (Rex Ingram, 1921)
The Battleship Potemkin (in Russian: Sergei Eisenstein, 1925)
The Big Parade (King Vidor, 1925)
Wings (William Wellman, 1927)
Dawn Patrol (Howard Hawks, 1930)
All Quiet on the Western Front (Lewis Milestone, 1930)
Westfront 1918 (in German: G.W. Pabst, 1930)
The Lost Patrol (John Ford, 1934)
Grand Illusion (in French: Jean Renoir, 1937)
Sergeant York (Howard Hawks, 1941)
Lawrence of Arabia (David Lean, 1962)
Oh! What a Lovely War (Richard Attenborough, 1969)
Gallipoli (Peter Weir, 1981)
Life and Nothing But (in French: Bertrand Tavernier, 1989)
Regeneration (Gillies Mackinnon, 1997)
Capitaine Conan (in French: Bertrand Tavernier, 1999)
WWII
The Great Dictator (Charlie Chaplin, 1940)
Air Force (Howard Hawks, 1940)
Casablanca (Michael Curtiz, 1942)
Sahara (Zoltan Korda, 1943))
Guadalcanal Diary (Lewis Seiler, 1943)
The Battle of San Pietro (documentary; John Huston, 1944)
Since You Went Away (John Cromwell, 1944)
Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo (Mervyn LeRoy, 1944)
Rome, Open City (Roberto Rossellini, 1945)
Memphis Belle: A Story of a Flying Fortress (documentary; 1944)
Memphis Belle (drama; Michael Caton-Jones, 1990)
Let There Be Light (documentary; John Huston, 1945)
They Were Expendable (John Ford, 1945)
Objective, Burma! (Raoul Walsh, 1945)
The Best Years of Our Lives (William Wyler, 1946)
A Walk in the Sun (Lewis Milestone, 1946)
Battleground (William Wellman, 1949)
The Sands of Iwo Jima (Allan Dwan, 1949)
Twelve OClock High (Henry King, 1949)
The African Queen (John Huston, 1951)
Stalag 17 (Billy Wilder, 1953)
The Caine Mutiny (Edward Dmytryk, 1954)
Night and Fog (in French: Alain Resnais, 1955)
The Bridge on the River Kwai (David Lean, 1957)
South Pacific (Joshua Logan, 1958)
Run Silent, Run Deep (Robert Wise, 1958)
Hiroshima, Mon Amour (in French: Alain Resnais, 1959)
The Guns of Navarone (J. Lee Thompson, 1961)
Judgment at Nuremberg (Stanley Kramer, 1961)
The Longest Day (Ken Annakin, 1962)
Closely Watched Trains (in Czech: Jiri Menzel, 1966)
Patton (Franklin Schaffner, 1970)
Catch-22 (Mike Nichols, 1970)
The Sorrow and the Pity (in French: Marcel Ophuls, 1971)
The Garden of the Finzi-Continis (in Italian: Vittoriio De Sica, 1971)
The Execution of Private Slovik (Lamont Johnson, 1974)
A Bridge Too Far (Richard Attenborough, 1977)
Nineteen Forty-One (Steven Spielberg, 1979)
The Big Red One (Samuel Fuller, 1980)
The Wannsee Conference (in German: Heinz Schirk, 1984)
Empire of the Sun (Steven Spielberg, 1987)
A Midnight Clear (Keith Gordon, 1992)
Schindlers List (Steven Spielberg, 1995)
Stalingrad (in German: 1997)
The Thin Red Line (Terence Malick, 1999)
Pearl Harbor (Michael Bay, 2001)
Band of Brothers (series; producer Steven Spielberg, 2001)
Wartime caper films:
The Great Escape (John Sturges, 1963)
The Dirty Dozen (Robert Aldrich, 1967)
Kellys Heroes (Brian Hutton, 1970)
Coming of age in wartime:
Hope and Glory (John Boormann, 1987)
Au Revoir Les Enfants (in French: Louis Malle, 1987)
Europa, Europa (in German: Agnieszka Holland, 1991)
Propaganda films:
Triumph of the Will (in German: Leni Riefenstahl, 1934)
Why We Fight (series produced by Frank Capra, 1942-5)
The Korean War
Steel Helmet (Samuel Fuller, 1951)
The Bridges at Toko-Ri (Mark Robson, 1955)
Pork Chop Hill (Lewis Milestone, 1959)
All the Young Men (Hall Bartlett, 1960)
M*A*S*H* (Robert Altman, 1970)
The Cold War
On the Beach (Stanley Kramer, 1959)
The Manchurian Candidate (John Frankenheimer, 1962)
Fail-Safe (Sidney Lumet, 1964)
The Russians Are Coming (Norman Jewison, 1966)
The Atomic Café (Kevin Rafferty, 1982)
Testament (Lynne Littman, 1983)
Red Dawn (John Milius, 1984)
Threads (Mick Jackson, 1985)
The Hunt for Red October (John McTiernan, 1990)
The Vietnam War
The Green Berets (John Wayne, 1968)
The Anderson Platoon (in French: 1970)
The Boys in Company C (Sidney Furie, 1977)
Go Tell the Spartans (Ted Post, 1978)
Coming Home (Hal Ashby, 1978)
The Deer Hunter (Michael Cimino, 1978)
Birdy (Alan Parker, 1984)
Platoon (Oliver Stone, 1987)
Full Metal Jacket (Stanley Kubrick, 1987)
Hamburger Hill (John Irvin, 1987)
Born on the Fourth of July (Oliver Stone, 1989)
84 Charlie Mopic (Patrick Duncan, 1989)
In-Country (Norman Jewison, 1989)
Casualties of War (Brian de Palma, 1989)
Hearts of Darkness: A Filmmakers Apocalypse (Eleanor Coppola, 1991)
Three Seasons (in Vietnamese: Timothy Bui, 1999)
We Were Soldiers (Randall Wallace, 2002)
The Quiet American (2003)
Post-Vietnam
First Blood (Ted Kotcheff, 1982)
Rambo: First Blood, Part II (George Cosmatos, 1985))
Under Fire (Roger Spottiswoode, 1983)
The Killing Fields (Roland Joffe, 1984)
Missing in Action (Joseph Zito, 1984)
Top Gun (Tony Scott, 1986)
Salvador (Oliver Stone, 1986)
Courage Under Fire (Edward Zwick, 1996)
Wag the Dog (Barry Levinson, 1997)
No Mans Land (in Serbo-Croatian: 2001)
Black Hawk Down (Ridley Scott, 2002)
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https://www.themoviedb.org/movie/59401-the-red-badge-of-courage%3Flanguage%3Den-US
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Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille
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Den jungen Soldaten Henry Fleming packen an der Front des amerikanischen Bürgerkriegs Ängste und Zweifel, während seine Kameraden mit ihrem Mut prahlen. Er flieht im ersten Gefecht und wird niedergeschlagen, stellt das Ganze jedoch als tapferen Kampf mit dem Feind dar. Aus Schuldgefühlen heraus stürzt er sich beim nächsten Angriff verzweifelt in die vorderste Linie.
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The Movie Database
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https://www.themoviedb.org/movie/59401-the-red-badge-of-courage
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You need to be logged in to continue. Click here to login or here to sign up.
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https://bismarckstate-psb.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/discovery/fulldisplay%3Fdocid%3Dalma9984402395706067%26context%3DL%26vid%3D01ODIN_NBJ:nbj%26lang%3Den%26search_scope%3DMyInstitution%26adaptor%3DLocal%2520Search%2520Engine%26tab%3DLibraryCatalog%26query%3Dsub%252Cexact%252C1861-1865%252CAND%26mode%3Dadvanced%26offset%3D100
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https://www.marvel.com/articles/movies/captain-america-brave-new-world-teaser-trailer
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Sam Wilson Takes Flight in First 'Captain America: Brave New World' Trailer
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Devan Coggan"
] |
2024-07-12T00:00:00
|
Anthony Mackie and Harrison Ford star in the new Marvel Studios film, hitting theaters February 14, 2025.
|
/static/favicon/favicon.ico
|
https://www.marvel.com/articles/movies/captain-america-brave-new-world-teaser-trailer
|
Captain America is ready for takeoff.
Marvel Studios has shared the first teaser trailer for Captain America: Brave New World, unveiling a new look at Sam Wilson’s next mission. Anthony Mackie returns as the high-flying hero, who’s officially taken up the mantle of Captain America.
The trailer kicks off with a tense White House meeting, as Sam comes to face with newly-elected U.S. President Thaddeus Ross. Harrison Ford makes his Marvel Cinematic Universe debut as Ross, a role originated by the late William Hurt.
Ross and Sam have a bit of a history: In his previous role as Secretary of State, Ross was responsible for arresting Sam and his fellow Avengers during the events of Captain America: Civil War. Now as president, Ross is eager to work with Sam, hoping to make Captain America an official military position.
But that tentative alliance is jeopardized when Sam finds himself in the middle of an international incident, with friend and retired super-soldier Isaiah Bradley (Carl Lumbly) as the prime suspect. Sam’s investigation send him on a dangerous chase, and the trailer ends with a deadly showdown and a tease of the menacing Red Hulk.
The trailer also features a few familiar faces: Danny Ramirez returns as former Air Force lieutenant Joaquin Torres, who’s picked up Sam’s old wings and taken on the role of Falcon. Tim Blake Nelson is also back as Samuel Sterns, AKA The Leader, appearing in the MCU for the first time since 2008’s The Incredible Hulk.
New to the cast is Shira Haas, who joins as Ruth Bat-Seraph. A former Black Widow, Ruth is now a high-ranking U.S. government official who has the trust of President Ross. Giancarlo Esposito, Liv Tyler, and Xosha Roquemore also star.
The film is directed by Julius Onah and produced by Kevin Feige and Nate Moore. Louis D’Esposito and Charles Newirth serve as executive producers.
In addition to the first trailer, Marvel also shared a new poster.
|
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428
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 30
|
https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/the_red_badge_of_courage
|
en
|
The Red Badge of Courage
|
[
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[
""
] | null |
[] |
1974-12-03T00:00:00
|
Pvt. Henry Fleming (Richard Thomas) is a nervous young Union soldier in the American Civil War. During what he believes is a lost battle, he flees to the woods. When he later learns that the Union actually won the battle, he becomes deeply ashamed of his cowardice and lies to his fellow soldiers about his disappearance. However, Fleming is given a chance to redeem himself and become a hero when he learns that his unit will be leading a charge on the enemy.
|
en
|
https://www.rottentomatoes.com/assets/pizza-pie/images/favicon.ico
|
Rotten Tomatoes
|
https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/the_red_badge_of_courage
|
Let's keep in touch!
>
Sign up for the Rotten Tomatoes newsletter to get weekly updates on:
Upcoming Movies and TV shows
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Sign me up No thanks
|
||||
428
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 85
|
https://ericbrightwell.com/2009/05/02/asian-american-cinema/
|
en
|
A History of Asian-American Cinema
|
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[
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[
"Eric Brightwell",
"~ Eric Brightwell"
] |
2009-05-02T00:00:00
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INTRODUCTION TO ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA Very little has been written about the involvement of Asian-Americans (and Asian-Canadians, also discussed here) in the production of film. Even though their contributions are usually overlooked, Asian-Americans have played significant roles in the formation of America's film culture since the early 20th century. In the early silent Sessue Hayakawa and…
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Eric Brightwell
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https://ericbrightwell.com/2009/05/02/asian-american-cinema/
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INTRODUCTION TO ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA
Very little has been written about the involvement of Asian-Americans (and Asian-Canadians, also discussed here) in the production of film. Even though their contributions are usually overlooked, Asian-Americans have played significant roles in the formation of America’s film culture since the early 20th century. In the early silent
era, before the rise of “Hollywood,” anyone who could afford to could make a film and Marion Wong and Joseph Sunn Jue made films starring Asian-Americans. Silent-era actors Anna May Wong and Sessue Hayakawa became veritable stars although, with the rise of the Hollywood studio system, roles for Asian-Americans were often degrading and frequently filled by white actors in yellowface. Some Chinese-Americans found success on the Vaudeville-like Chop Suey Circuit, but film and television roles for Asian-American actors were few and far between. Asian-American playwrights and theater companies began to flourish in the 1960s. In the 1970s, filmmakers including Robert Akira Nakamura, Loni Ding, and Curtis Choy began directing films and slowly but surely, a truly Asian-American cinema emerged in the 1980s. In the 1990s, with the rise in profile of independent cinema, conservative Hollywood grew increasingly irrelevant, artistically if not commercially. In the 2000s, following the increased accessibility of internet sites like YouTube and improved, affordable filmmaking technology, Asian-Americans’ involvement in the production of filmmaking has exploded, even if it remains under-discussed and under-recognized within the mainstream.
ASIAN-AMERICANS IN SILENT CINEMA
In the early days of west coast film production, there were few roles for Asian actors except as unflattering stereotypes or anonymous background work. Nonetheless, a small number pursued careers in front of and behind the camera, intersecting and influencing Hollywood’s embryonic phase. Although most worked in near-complete obscurity, two — Anna May Wong and Sessue Hayakawa — became veritable superstars. They still were virtually unable to find roles to their liking, since most of the lead roles (still usually degrading) went to actors in yellowface or brownface — practices that continued long after blackface became completely taboo. Wong and Hayakawa used their earnings to attempt to improve opportunities for less famous Asians by creating more positive depictions, following black cinema’s lead. However, with immigration restricted and laws preventing citizenship and property ownership, even the few rich, famous Americanized Asians faced considerable challenges.
In the silent era, most of the Asian-American-related films were low budget, forgettable Chinatown mysteries, and crude yellow peril thrillers but they do remain interesting for multiple reasons, including their reflection of changing American attitudes as well as documents of the efforts of the country’s second-largest racial minority to break into a system who viewed them as subhuman at worst and as generally as exotic, inscrutable aliens at best.
It would be more than fifty years before the flourishing Asian-American cinema of today would become possible and profitable, following the amendment of immigration law, civil rights struggles, an influx of refugees and the subsequent growth of the Asian American population in the 80s/90s. But the valiant efforts of early Asian-Americans (and a few non-Asian Hollywood insiders like Thomas Ince and William Worthington) shouldn’t be overlooked in their pioneering efforts to allow Asian Actors to play roles other than androgynous opium sots, waiters, tongs, dragon ladies and lotus blossoms.
ASIAN-AMERICAN ACTORS OF THE SILENT FILM ERA
Ah Wing (not pictured) was born 12 July 1851 in China. He made eight films. He died on 27 February 1941 in Weimar, California.
Anna Chang was born in San Francisco on 21 August 1910 and began singing on stage at age six. She made her debut film appearance in Hollywood with Two Little Chinese Maids (1929) and followed with Singapore Sue (1932). By 1941 she was back in San Francisco, headlining at the Jade Palace where she was billed as the “Chinese Princess of Song.”
Anna May Wong (nee Wong Liu Tsong) was born 3 January 1905 in Los Angeles on Flower Street to second generation parents who ran a laundry. As a nine-year-old girl, she begged filmmakers for parts as they shot around downtown and was dubbed “CCC” (Curious Chinese Child). After she was cast in several films, she received top billing in The Toll of the Sea (the first film shot entirely in the two-strip Technicolor process) and thereby became the first Chinese-American movie star (and the first internationally known Asian American movie star). In 1924, Anna May Wong created Anna May Wong Productions with the intention of producing films based on Chinese legends but, after discovering her business partner engaging in dishonest business practices, dissolved the company.
Frustrated with the roles Hollywood offered Chinese Americans, Anna May Wong moved to Europe in 1928, where she was warmly received by critics. After making several films abroad, Paramount offered her a contract and the promise of lead roles.
Wong returned to the US in 1930, first appearing on Broadway in On the Spot. She continued working onstage and in Europe, still frustrated by Hollywood, especially after being denied a role in The Son-Daughter for being “too Chinese to play a Chinese.” Although she continued to accept stereotypical roles, she was outspoken in the press about the need for positive portrayals of Chinese characters.
Wong’s last two starring roles were in the Poverty Row anti-Japanese propaganda films, Bombs Over Burma and The Lady from Chungking, before she began accepting occasional roles on television programs, including one written created especially for her, The Gallery of Madame Liu-Tsong, the first television series with an Asian-American star. She died in Santa Monica, California on 2 February 1961.
Bessie Wong appeared in The White Mouse (1921) and Tipped Off (1923).
Bo Ling (real name Berenice Park) was born on 18 December 1908. Her sister was also an actress and singer, Bo Ching. The sisters were the children of actor Edward and Florence Park and grew up in Berkeley before moving to Los Angeles around 1926. The sisters formed a “three-gal act, singing, dancing, and playing piano and accordion” with fellow performer, Helen Wong Jean. She had roles in The Fifty-Fifty Girl, Life’s Like That, and Red Wine (all 1928); Golden Stairs (1929); and International House and Myrt and Marge (both 1933).
Bo Ching (real name Winnie Park) was born on 21 April 1911. Her sister was fellow actress and singer, Bo Ling, and her father, actor Edward L. Park. She appeared in Golden Stairs (1929) and Why Leave Home? (both 1929); and International House, and Myrt and Marge (both 1933).
Chai Young Hong was born on November 26, 1885 in Korea. On 9 December 1904, at the age of nineteen, he arrived via steamer in American-occupied Hawai`i. By 1918, he was living in Los Angeles were he may’ve worked as a bellhop at the Alexandria Hotel. That June, he played “the Chinese Man” in his first film role, The Blind Pig. Although Korean, he was billed by The L-KO Kompany as “Charlie of the Orient — the only Chinese in comedies” and “the Chinese Charlie Chaplin. At L-KO, he starred numerous short “Charlie” comedies — his final picture for that studio being An Oriental Romeo, released in 1919 (the year L-KO went out of business). His last starring role was in 1920’s Over the Ocean Waves. After L-KO’s demise, Hong acted in films for a few more years, ultimately amassing 22 credits by 1922.
Charles A. Fang acted in 24 films, often as “Charlie Fang.”
Duke Kahanamoku (né Duke Paoa Kahinu Makoe Hulikohoa Kahanamoku) was born 24 August 1890 in Honolulu, Kingdom of Hawaii. He competed in the 1912 Stockholm Olympics, the 1920 Antwerp Olympics, and the 1924 Paris Olympics, winning medals at all for various swimming competitions. He is also famous for popularizing surfing. In 1925, whilst living in Newport Beach, he saved eight people from a capsized fishing vessel (seventeen died), using his surfboard to rescue them. He acted in fourteen films, usually playing a Hawaiian king. He died on 22 January 1968.
Edward L. Park was the first Chinese-American to play Charlie Chan. He was born in San Francisco in 1876. His wife, Florence, was the mother of actresses Bo Ling (née Berenice Park) and Bo-Ching (née Winnie Park) and he acted as “Oie Chan.” Edward Park worked as an interpreter at Angel Island before moving with his family to Los Angeles around 1927.
Etta Lee was born 12 September 1906 on Maui, Kingdom of Hawaii. She acted in fourteen films, playing both maids and slaves several times. She died 27 October 1956 in Eureka, California.
Frank M. Seki (not pictured) appeared in The Hope Diamond Mystery, The First Born, and The Purple Cipher.
Frank Tokunaga (aka Frank Tokawaja aka Bunroku Tokunaga) was born 7 July 1888 in Japan. He married Japanese silent film actress Komako Sungata. After acting in 21 films, mostly in the US, he returned to Japan where he directed six silent films, with the intention of returning to America to further Japanese-American cinema. He died in 1967 in San Joaquin, California.
George Kuwa (né Keiichi Kuwahara) was born 7 April 1885 in Japan. He was the first Asian-American actor to play Charlie Chan and acted additionally in sixty films. He passed away 13 October 1931, in Japan.
Goro Kino (aka as Gordo Keeno) was born 2 June 1877 in Japan. He acted in 17 films and he was one of the earliest Asian-American actors. He died on 4 February 1922 in Los Angeles.
Hatsu Kuma may’ve been Japanese rather than Japanese-American (I’m not sure). She made only known film appearance (alongside Anna Chang) in Two Little Chinese Maids (1929), which was an American film, at least.
Henry Kotani (not pictured — and aka Hanoki aka Henry Katoni) was born in 1887 to Japanese immigrant parents in the US. At a time when few Asian-Americans were employed in film crews, Kotani apprenticed at Jesse L. Lasky Company under “Papa” Wycoff, the “Father of Cameramen.” Although he acted in only six films, he also worked as a cinematographer, produced, wrote and filled other roles in many films. In the middle of his career, he relocated to Japan, where he tried to introduce American cinematic flavor to Japan, insisting on directing in English, and never providing scripts to his actors or crew. After directing six films which failed to find an audience, he returned to America where he died in 1972.
Iris Yamaoka was born in 1911 in Seattle. She appeared in six films: China Slaver (1929), Hell and High Water (1933), Pursued (1934), Petticoat Fever (1936), High Tension (1936) and Waikiki Wedding (1937). Yamaoka was interned at the Heart Mountain relocation camp in Cody, Washington during World War II. She died aged 49 on 28 November 1960 in New York City.
Jack Yutaka Abbe was born 2 February 1895 in Miyagi, Japan. After acting in ten American films, he went back to Japan and directed 25 films as “2.” He died January 1977 in Kyoto, Japan.
James B. Leong (né Leong But-jung) was born 2 November 1889 in Shanghai, China. He chose the name James Leong after moving to the US at 24 in 1913. After attending college in Indiana, he found work as an assistant director and interpreter with Chinese extras for the likes of DW Griffith and Park Frame. He ultimately acted in 81 films. He died on 16 December 1967 in Los Angeles.
James Wang was born in 1863 in China. In the US, he acted in 32 films. He died 20 April 1935 in Los Angeles.
James Wong Howe (né Wong Tung Jim) was born on 28 August 1899 in Guangzhou, China. His father moved to Washington when James was one, and James joined him when he was five. He bought a Kodak Brownie camera from a drugstore at the age of twelve. After moving to Los Angeles, he worked as a commercial photographer but was fired when he was caught making fake passports. He got hired by the Jesse Lasky Studios‘ photography department for $10 a week where he was paid to pick up scraps of film. He next worked as a slate boy for Cecil B. DeMille. He first worked on a film as a cameraman in 1919, and then as a cinematographer in 1923, where he became known for his masterful use of deep focus and shadow. He began wearing a button declaring “I am Chinese,” as did his friend James Cagney in solidarity. Due to anti-miscegenation laws, he couldn’t marry his white girlfriend until 1949. He died on 12 July 1976 in Hollywood.
Joseph Sunn Jue directed his first film, the Cantonese-language Yaomo Zhi Yue (The Demon’s Cavern) in 1926. It was the first film produced by Xue Pinggui quan zhuan (Chinese Educational Film Company), a company whose vice president was Jun You Jew, the director’s father. In 1933 Jue went on to form his own film company, Grandview Film Company, based in San Francisco.
Komato Sungata (aka Komato Sunata) came to the US as five-year-old. She was later promoted as the “Japanese Gloria Swanson.” Her first film role was as an extra in an Essany film at the age of fourteen. She met Japanese-American actor Frank Tokunaga on the set of a film and they married when she was nineteen. In 1923, the couple traveled to Japan, hoping to translate their experiences into Tokunaga-directed, Sungata-starring films, with the desire of potentially elevating the quality of representations of Japanese in Hollywood.
Kunihiko Nanbu (aka K. Nambu) was born 29 November 1890 in Tokyo, Japan. He acted in six films.
Lady Tsen Mei was born 28 March 1888 in Guangzhou, China. She first found work with Betzwood Film Company in Pennsylvania. In The Lotus Blossom, for which she received top billing, she was billed as “The screen’s first and only Chinese star.” However, having acted only in that film, The Letter, and For the Freedom of the East, her stardom never really approached the level of fame of fellow Chinese-American actress Anna May Wong. She died in July 1985 in Norfolk, Virginia.
Louie Cheung (not pictured) acted in four silent films: A Tale of Two Worlds, The Concert, The Branding Iron, and The Girl from Outside.
In 1916, Oakland resident Marion Wong makes the first Chinese-American film, The Curse of Quon Gwon. It, however, proved something of a false start when it was shelved before its release. It was discovered and restored in 2006.
Misao Seki (aka M. Seke and not pictured) acted in eight films between 1918-1923 before moving to Japan where he acted in 17 more.
Mrs. Wong Wing was born 21 November 1892 in China. She acted in eight films and died 30 September 1966 in Los Angeles.
Mr. Yoshida (not pictured) appeared in just three films: Domino Film Company‘s 1914 pictures Nipped, A Relic of Old Japan, and The Courtship of O San.
Olive Young was born 21 June 1907 in St. Joseph, Missouri. She moved to Shanghai and, as 杨爱立, began appearing in silent films in 1926 and was billed as “The Chinese Mary Pickford.” Returning to the US she acted in Trailin’ Trouble (1930), Ridin’ Law (1930), and The Man Who Came Back (1931). She died suddenly, on 4 October 1940 (age 33) in Bayonne, New Jersey after collapsing in the dressing room of a nightclub where she’d just performed.
Sessue Hayakawa (nee Kintaro Hayakawa) was born 10 June 1889 in Nanaura, Japan, the son of a governor/member of the samurai class. Although he wanted to join the navy, he was rejected because he’d ruptured his eardrum. Having thus disappointed his father, he attempted to commit suicide by stabbing himself in the chest over thirty times before being stopped.
Hayakawa subsequently studied political economics in Chicago before returning to Japan where he pursued a career on the stage in an acting company that returned him to the US in 1913. Spotted by Thomas H. Ince in a Little Tokyo production of The Typhoon, he was offered a movie contract. He appeared in The Wrath of the Gods and The Typhoon in 1914 and, on 1 May, he married actress Tsuru Aoki.
In Cecil B. DeMille’s 1915 film for Famous Players-Lasky, The Cheat, Hayakawa became the first Asian-American superstar (receiving $200,000 for a film at the height of his career, driving a gold-plated Pierce-Arrow and, on one occasion reportedly shrugged off a million dollar gambling loss in Monte Carlo), although the film was protested by Japanese-Americans who tried to prevent its re-release in 1918.
After the success of The Cheat, Hayakawa started his own production company, producing many films starring his wife and himself, earning on average $2 million a year and becoming an outspoken critic of stereotypical Asian roles. He then moved to Japan but failed to establish a career there. In France and the UK, he proved more successful.
Hayakawa returned to the US in 1931 and made his talkie debut with the other Asian-American film star of the day, Anna May Wong, in Daughter of the Dragon. Like many silent actors, his speaking voice was reportedly not to the liking of filmgoing audiences and he again returned to Japan and then France, where he made several more films and joined the French Resistance.
After World War II Hayakawa tried again to re-establish himself in Hollywood and appeared in several big films, including Tokyo Joe, Three Came Home, and Bridge on the River Kwai. After the death of his wife in 1961, he returned once again to Japan where he became a Zen Buddhist priest and private acting teacher before dying on 23 November 1973 in Tokyo of cerebral thrombosis.
Sojin (ne Sôjin Kamiyama) was born 30 January 1884 in Sendai, Japan. After working on the stage in the Imperial Theatre in Tokyo, he moved to the US. There he married Ura Mita and had a son, Edward, in 1909. Beginning a few years later, he began acting in films, usually as a villain, but also as one of three Asian-American actors to play Charlie Chan. After 26 roles, with the advent of talkies, his accent proved an obstacle to getting further film work in Hollywood. After acting in a French film, he returned to Japan where he continued to act, notably having a part in The Seven Samurai. He died 28 July 1954 in Tokyo, Japan.
Tetsu Komai was born 23 April 1894 in Kumamoto, Japan. He acted in 64 films, almost always playing Chinese characters. Though usually acting in lesser films, in 1932 he was singled out in a Time review of War Correspondent for his performance which was said to have risen above the sentimental material. He died 20 August 1970 of congestive heart failure in Gardena, California.
Tôgô Yamamoto was born 4 November 1886 in Yokohama, Japan. In 1930, after appearing in fourteen American films, he returned to Japan where he acted in sixteen more.
Tokuko “Taku” Nagai Takagi was born in 1891 in Tokyo, Japan and was the first Japanese to appear professionally in American film. In 1906, the fifteen-year-old maid at the Bank of Japan married Chimpei Takagi, who returned to Japan from California after the Great Fire of San Francisco. After the two moved to the US, Taku appeared in four American films: The East and the West (1911) (as C. Taka), The Birth of the Lotus Blossom (1912), For the Mikado (1912), and Miss Taku of Tokyo (1912). All were made for Thanhouser Film Corporation, which was then attempting to exploit the growing Japanese-American population by making Japanese-oriented films. After the outbreak of World War I, the Takagis returned to Japan where Taku died of a cerebral hemorrhage in 1919 whilst on tour as a dancer.
Toshia Mori (née Toshiye Ichioka) was born 1 January 1912 in Kyoto, Japan. She came to the US when she was ten and acted in eighteen films. She was the only non-white person ever chosen to be a WAMPAS (Western Association of Motion Picture Advertisers) “Baby Star,” in 1932. Mori married a fellow Asian-American actor, Allen Jung. Toshia Jung, billed as Shia Jung (and leading to frequent confusion with the Shia Jung who acted in Chinese Tarzan films) acted in three more films: Charlie Chan at the Circus, Charlie Chan on Broadway, and Port of Hate, after which she retired from film. She died 26 November 1995 in the Bronx.
Toyo Fujita (not pictured) operated a theater in Little Tokyo. It was there, in a production of The Typhoon, that Sessue Hayakawa was noticed and propelled to superstardom. After Hayakawa began the pioneering Asian-American film company Haworth Pictures, Fujita acted in several films before he broke out into extra work for other studios, ultimately appearing in thirteen films.
Tsuru Aoki was born 9 September 1892 in Tokyo, Japan. She moved to Los Angeles with an aunt and uncle in 1903. She began her acting career on Toyo Fujita’s stage in Little Toyko where she and Sessue Hayakawa acted sided by side. After being noticed by Thomas Ince, he placed her under contract. With a debut film performance in 1913’s The Oath of Tsuru San, she became one of the first Asians to appear onscreen in Hollywood. Afterward, she invited Ince to a play at the Little Tokyo theater she’d worked in for a performance of The Typhoon starring Hayakawa. Ince employed both actors in 1914’s O Mimi San and the two actors began a relationship and married on May 1.
Appearing in a total of 44 films, her career faltered as Hayakawa’s rose and she retired from film to raise their two adopted children. After returning to film in 1960 and acting alongside her husband in Hell to Eternity, she died 18 October 1961 in Tokyo of acute peritonitis.
Yukio Aoyama (né Massajiro Kaihatsu and not pictured) was born 15 March 1888 in Nagoya, Japan. After being schooled in Japan, he attended drama school in Chicago. He married Kuwa Kosaki and the couple had five children. In addition to acting in seven films, he was an editor of the Japanese Daily News for five years and a drama critic and writer. He also acted on the stage and worked as an assistant or technical director in over sixty films. In 1934, he owned the Oriental Costume Company in Hollywood and worked on The Japanese Movie Magazine. He died 11 December 1939 in Los Angeles.
Willie Fung was born 3 March 1896 in Guangzhou. Despite acting in 128 films (probably more than any other Asian-American actor of the silent era), he almost always played unnamed characters. Despite little information available on him, just looking at his credits illustrates the reasons for Asian actors’ frustrations with the Hollywood system. In 24 films he played a restaurant employee, in six he played a servant and in three, a laundryman. When he was named, he played a character named Wing three times, Wang four, and Wong ten! He died 16 April 1945 in Los Angeles from coronary occlusion.
Other Asian-Americans who appeared in at least one Silent Film era film about whom I could find no other information include Hoo Ching, Lee Gow, Lin Neong, and Tom Hing.
ASIAN-AMERICAN SILENT FILMS
Silent films from the 1910s relevant to Asian-American cinema include:
1914: The Ambassador’s Envoy, The Courtship of O San, The Curse of Caste, The Death Mask, The Geisha, The Last of the Line, Mother of the Shadows, Nipped, O Mimi San, The Oath of Tsura San, A Relic of Old Japan, Star of the North, A Tragedy of the Orient, The Typhoon, The Vigil, The Village ‘neath the Sea, The Wrath of the Gods
1915: The Cheat, The Chinatown Mystery, The Famine
1916: Alien Souls, Broken Fetters, The Curse of Quon Gwon, The Honorable Friend, The Soul of Kura San, The Yellow Pawn
1917: The Bottle Imp, The Call of the East, Each To His Kind, The Flower of Doom, Hashimura Togo, A Trip to Chinatown, War of the Tongs (production began in 1914)
1918: The Bravest Way, The Chinese Musketeer, The City of Dim Faces, For the Freedom of the East, Her American Husband, The Hidden Pearls, His Birthright, The Curse of Iku, The Japanese Nightingale, The Midnight Patrol, Mystic Faces
1919: Bonds of Honor, Broken Blossoms – or – The Yellow Man and the Girl, The Dragon Painter, The Gray Horizon, A Heart in Pawn, Mandarin’s Gold, The Pagan God, The Red Lantern, The Tong Man
(Mostly) silent films from the 1920s relevant to Asian-American cinema include:
1920: Dinty, Li Ting Lang, Outside the Law, Pagan Love, A Tokyo Siren
1921: Black Roses, The Cook, The First Born, Lotus Blossom, Shame, The Swamp, A Tale of Two Worlds, What Ho, Where Lights Are Low
1922: Boomerang Bill, East Is West, Five Days to Live, The Toll of the Sea,The Vermillion Pencil
1923: Drifting, Haldane of the Secret Service, The Remittance Woman, Thundergate
1924: The Danger Line, The Great Prince Shan, Sen Yan’s Devotion
1925: East of Suez
1926: Eve’s Leaves, The Silk Bouquet (aka The Dragon Horse), A Trip to Chinatown, Yaomo Zhi Yue (The Demon’s Cavern)
1927: Mr. Wu, Old San Francisco
1928: Chinatown Charlie, The Crimson City,
1929: China Slaver
ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA IN THE 1930s
If opportunities for Asian-Americans in silent film were decidedly limited, they seem to have actually worsened with the advent of sound. Several actors of Asian origin moved from the US to countries in Asia, no doubt frustrated by the increased lack of work available to them in American films of the sound era. The attempts by Marion Wong, Sessue Hayakawa, and Anna May Wong to create an Asian-American alternative to the degrading roles and yellowface of Hollywood had fizzled. Nevertheless, there were Asian-Americans whose Hollywood careers began in the decade and others who continued to work.
There were few films made by Asian-American filmmakers during the studio era and Hollywood firmly controlled the manner in which Asians were represented in American films (with the notable exception of some American-made Cantonese-language films exhibited that were primarily screened overseas). Films like The Bitter Tea of General Yen, The Good Earth, and series like Charlie Chan, Fu Manchu, Mr. Moto, and Mr. Wong suggested that minstrelsy, far from vanishing, had simply changed color. Asian-American entertainers found more accepting audiences as live performers on the so-called Chop Suey Circuit, which truly took off in the 1930s.
Asian-American actors faced and sometimes overcame various obstacles. For example, Anglo-Indian actress Merle Oberon concocted several phony stories about her origins and used skin whitening make-up. Korean-American Philip Ahn, a native of Los Angeles’s Highland Park neighborhood, was required in many of his roles to attempt a phony Japanese accent. In fact, he supposedly played Japanese villains so often that he received more death threats than fan mail.
GRANDVIEW FILM COMPANY
One notable exception to the lack of Asian-Americans behind the camera was Joseph Sunn Jue‘s San Francisco-based Grandview Film Company, co-founded in 1933 with Moon Kwan. Chiang Kay wrote the screenplays and cameramen included Jue himself and Wong Hock Sing (aka Wong Hok-sing). Wong’s White Powder and Neon Lights (1941) was the first Cantonese-language film shot in color. Wong also managed San Francisco’s Grandview Theater, later renamed the Chinatown Theater. Grandview found success by distributing their films in Hong Kong, which they temporarily relocated to in 1935. After Japan invaded, however, the company returned to San Francisco where they made 21 more features between 1942 and ’47.
ESTHER ENG
Another notable Asian-American filmmaker of the era was Esther Eng (aka Ng Kam-ha), another native of San Francisco. In Hollywood, in 1935, she founded the production company, Gwong Ngai where she co-produced the company’s first film, Sum Hun (aka Heartaches), the first Cantonese-language film produced in Los Angeles. Sum Hun starred Cantonese actress Wai Kim-fong and was shown in both the US and Hong Kong. After that, she directed five films in Hong Kong before returning to the US. With Grandview Film Company she co-directed (with Kwan-Man Ching) Golden Gate Girl (金門女) in 1941, which featured an infant Bruce Lee in his first film appearance (and for which Joseph Sunn was the cinematographer). Through the remainder of the 1940s, she directed Blue Jade (1947), Back Street aka Too Late for Springtime (1948), and Mad Fire, Mad Love (1949). Her final directorial efforts were the New York sequences of the Hong Kong-US co-production, Murder in New York Chinatown (1961). Eng passed away in 1970. Her story has been told in S. Louisa Wei and Law Kar‘s documentary Golden Gate Silver Light Esther Eng: Story of a Pioneer Woman Director (伍錦霞: 華語電影之女性先鋒).
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1930s
Not pictured: Benny Inocencio, Bruce Wong, Caroline Chew, Eddie Lee, George Kaluna, Hayward Soo Hoo, Joseph Jue, Kei Thin Chung, Maurice Liu, Oie Chan, Paul Singh, Paul Wing, Prince Leilani, Satini Pualoa, and Tom Ung.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS OF THE 1930s
Other relevant films of the 1930s include:
1930: Hai-Tang
1931: Daughter of the Dragon
1932: The Bitter Tea of General Yen, Secrets of Wu Sin
1934: Chu Chin Chow, Limehouse Blues
1935: Captured in Chinatown
1936: The General Died at Dawn, Heartaches, The Leathernecks Have Landed, Shadow of Chinatown
1937: Daughter of Shanghai, The Good Earth, The Rainbow Pass, West of Shanghai
1939: Barricade, King of Chinatown, North of Shanghai
ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA IN THE 1940s
The US entered World War II on 7 December, after Japanese forces bombed an American colonial base at Pearl Harbor. As a result, a huge number of Hollywood war films were set in Asia, which meant an increase in roles for Asian-Americans. However, major Asian character roles were still routinely performed by white actors in yellowface whereas roles played by actual Asian-Americans were almost always supporting and frequently uncredited.
Far fewer Asian-American actors began film careers in the 1940s than had in the previous decades. Of course, it didn’t help that Japanese-American actors weren’t available because from 1942-1946 since they — along with 110,000 other Americans of Japanese ancestry — were interred in concentration camps (except when they passed for non-Japanese, as did Dorothy Takahashi, who changed her name to Dorothy Toy).
WAH MING CHANG
Wah Ming Chang’s family moved to San Francisco in 1919, where his parents opened Ho Ho Tea Room, a popular hangout for artists and bohemians. His mother passed away when he was eleven and his father moved to Europe, leaving the child with Sloan and Mildred Taylor. Mildred introduced Wah Ming to puppet-making, a skill which he would employ when he eventually began working in film. At sixteen, he worked as a set designer for shows at the Hollywood Bowl. In 1940, at 21 years old, Chang began working for Walt Disney where he worked on character designs for Pinocchio and Fantasia (both 1940). He went on to become a respected prop designer, widely recognized for his iconic designs on the television series Star Trek.
TYRUS WONG
Tyrus Wong was born 黃齊耀 on 25 October 1910 in Taishan, China. When he was nine, he and his father moved to Sacramento, leaving behind his mother and sister, never to see them again. The father and son subsequently moved to Southern California where Wong attended Pasadena‘s Benjamin Franklin Junior High. It was there that his teachers noted his artistic ability and, after receiving a summer scholarship at Otis Art Institute, he left junior high. He graduated from Otis in 1930. Wong’s first job was painting a brassiere ad that would appear on a large building on Hollywood Boulevard. He was employed by Walt Disney in 1938 but his first creative work involved creating the lush, impressionistic backgrounds of Bambi. He quit the next year and moved to Warner Brothers. Today he makes kites. (UPDATE: Wong passed away, aged 106, on 30 December 2016).
Off-screen, several key laws were passed that affected Asian-Americans, especially of Chinese origin. The Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1943 and replaced with the Magnuson Act which allowed for 105 Chinese to immigrate to the US annually and allowed Chinese already living in America to become naturalized citizens. In 1945, the War Brides Act allowed for Chinese-American veterans to bring their wives to the US. In 1946, grocer/restauranteur/attorney Wing F. Ong became the first elected state official when Arizona voters elected him to the state House. In 1946 the Luce–Celler Act of 1946 allowed Filipinos and Indians to naturalize as American citizens and increased their annual immigration quotas to 100 persons each. In 1949, following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, 5,000 Chinese were granted refugee status.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1940s
Not pictured: Frank Wong, Keye Chang, and Leslie Fong.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS IN THE 1940s
Other Asian-American-relevant films from the 1940s include:
1940: Phantom of Chinatown
1941: Golden Gate Girl, Secret of the Wasteland, She’s My Gal, White Powder and Neon Lights
1942: Across the Pacific, Bombs Over Burma, China Girl, Little Tokyo, U.S.A.
1943: China, Headin’ for God’s Country, Lady from Chunking, Night Plane from Chungking, We’ve Never Been Licked
1944: The Keys of the Kingdom
1945: Back to Bataan, Betrayal From the East, China Sky, China’s Little Devils, First Yank in Tokyo, Samurai, Secret Agent X-9
1946: Tokyo Rose
1947: Intrigue, The Returned Soul
1948: Back Street aka Too Late For Springtime, Half Past Midnight, A Strong Wind Banished the Swallow, Women in the Night
1949: Chinatown at Midnight, Mad Fire, Made Love, State Department: File 649
ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA IN THE 1950s
In the 1950s, Hollywood film roles for Asian-Americans continued to be limited. Women’s roles were usually limited to love objects in wartime romances. On Broadway, there was a vogue for musicals set in the Far East such as The King and I, South Pacific, and Flower Drum Song although Asian characters were still nearly always portrayed by actors in yellowface. Asian stage performers continued to earn more attention on the Chop Suey Circuit.
Television was a slightly different story and in its early years, the small screen was a slightly more diverse place than the big one. The DuMont Network‘s The Gallery of Madame Liu-Tsong, which aired in 1951 and starred Anna May Wong, was the first television series to star an Asian-American. Hawaiian Eye, which debuted in 1959, co-starred Poncie Ponce (born Ponciano Hernandez) as a Honolulu cab driver.
ALBERT NOZAKI
Albert Nozaki was a talented art director who worked primarily for Paramount. Although his career began in the 1930s, he is best known for his 1950s work. Nozaki was born 1 January 1912 in Tokyo. The Nozaki family moved to Los Angeles when Albert was three. In 1934, he received a master’s degree in architectural engineering from the University of Illinois. That same year, he began working at Paramount as a draftsman in the set design department. In 1938, he moved to the Elysian Heights neighborhood of Mideast Los Angeles where he lived in the Rafael Soriano-designed Ross House.
Following the attack on Pearl Harbor, Nozaki was fired from Paramount. In 1942, he and his wife Lorna were sent to the Manzanar concentration camp. After the war, he was re-hired by Paramount and began working as an art director in 1947. He worked on the visually-impressive 1951 sci-fi disaster film, When Worlds Collide. He designed the Martian war machines in 1953’s The War of the Worlds. In 1956, he was nominated for an Academy Award for his art direction on 1956’s The Ten Commandments. He retired in 1969 after retinitis pigmentosa cost him his sight. Nozaki died on 16 November 2003 from complications of pneumonia.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM OR TELEVISION CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1950s
Not pictured: Bill M. Ryusaki, May Takasugi, Ralph Ahn, Robert W. Lee, Tseng Chang, William Yokota, and Yvonne Shima.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS OF THE 1950s
Other Asian-American relevant films from the 1950s include:
1951: Go for Broke, I Was an American Spy, Korea Patrol, Peking Express
1952: Feng ye qing, Japanese War Bride, A Yank in Indo-China
1953: China Venture, Forbidden, Target Hong Kong
1954: Hell’s Half Acre
1955: House of Bamboo, The Left Hand of God, Love is a Many Splendored Thing
1956: The Teahouse of the August Moon
1957: Battle Hymn, China Gate, Sayonara
1958: China Doll, Geisha Boy, Ghost of the China Sea, The Inn of the Sixth Happiness, The Quiet American, South Pacific
1959: Blood and Steel, Crimson Kimono, Tokyo After Dark
ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA IN THE 1960s
The 1960s saw the growth of minority-minded civil rights like AIM, the Black Panthers, the Brown Berets, and the Yellow Brotherhood but in Hollywood, after the decline of the studio system, Asian-Americans and other minorities remained as marginalized as ever. Shockingly, yellowface was still common, as seen in Thoroughly Modern Millie and Breakfast at Tiffany’s.
On stage, Asian-themed musicals were no longer in vogue, the Chop Suey Circuit was no more, and most Asia-American actors entertainers struggled to find work. On television, the story was a little better, with series like Dragnet, Green Hornet, Hawaii Five-O, Hong Kong, I Spy, and Star Trek all featuring at least the occasional Asian character played by an Asian-American actor.
In part born out of this struggle, however, Asian-American Theater began to flourish with the establishment of Los Angeles’ East West Players in 1965. EWP was followed by San Francisco’s Asian American Theatre Workshop, New York’s Oriental Actors of America, and Seattle’s Theatrical Ensemble. Playwrights like Edward Sakamoto, Frank Chin, Hiroshi Kashiwagi, Momoko Iko, and Wakako Yamauchi wrote works which would form the basis of the Asian-American theater repertoire.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM OR TELEVISION CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1960s
Not pictured: Alexandra Bokyun Chun, Alicia Li, Arthur Song, Baayork Lee, Bhaskar Roy Chowdhury, Brian Fong, Bruce Locke, Hans William Lee, James Shen, Lee Kolima, Linda Ho, Lindsay Price, Marc Marno, Reiko Sato, Robert Ito, Sharann Hisamoto, Tiko Ling, Tina Chen, Tracey Lee, Tsuruko Kobayashi, Tura Satana, Willard Lee, Yasuko Nagazumi, and Yoshio Yoda
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS IN THE 1960s
Other Asian-American related films of the 1960s include:
1960: Hell to Eternity, The Mountain Road, The Wackiest Ship in the Army, Walk Like a Dragon, The World of Suzie Wong
1961: Bridge to the Sun, Cry For Happy, Operation Bottleneck, Seven Women from Hell, Visa to Canton
1962: Confessions of an Opium Eater, Diamond Head, A Girl Named Tamiko, Girls! Girls! Girls!, The Horizontal Lieutenant, The Road to Hong Kong, Satan Never Sleeps, Womanhunt
1963: Donovan’s Reef, Tamahine, The Ugly American
1964: Man in the Middle
1966: Dimension 5, Paradise, Hawaiian Style, 7 Women, Walk Don’t Run
1967: The Final War of Olly Winter, Kill a Dragon, The Mystery of the Chinese Junk, The Sweet and the Bitter, Thoroughly Modern Millie
1968: The Green Berets, Nobody’s Perfect, The Wrecking Crew
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (enacted in 1968), abolished the National Origins Formula that had till then favored particular European immigrants above all others, and thus the door was opened to more immigration from Asia and elsewhere. In the 1970s, more than 130,000 refugees arrived from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, drastically changing the demographics of the Asian-American population. Broadly speaking, this wave of immigrants had more in common socio-economically speaking with most blacks, Latinos, and Natives than with whites or the existing Asian-American populations, and their arrival radically challenged the mid ’60s-born concept of “the model minority.”
GROWTH OF ASIAN-AMERICAN THEATER 1970s
During the 1970s, new Asian-American theater groups formed including New York’s Pan Asian Repertory Theatre and Asian American Theater Company, and San Francisco’s Theatre of Yugen. For the first time in years, significant numbers of Asian-Americans began to appear on television and in films, in roles (no less) that occasionally challenged stereotypes rather than reinforce them.
ASIAN-AMERICAN TELEVISION IN THE 1970s
On television in the 1970s, Hawaii Five-0, Kung-Fu, and M*A*S*H featured Asian-American actors, albeit most often in small, non-recurring roles. Two series starred Asian-American actors. The first, the animated The Amazing Chan and the Chan Clan debuted in 1972 with Asian-Americans providing all of the voices (except for that of Chu Chu the Dog). Later the voices were redubbed, mostly by white actors. The short-lived Mr. T & Tina, starring Pat Morita, aired five episodes from 25 September to 30 October 1976. Asian-American plays including Frank Chin’s Year of the Dragon and Wakako Yamauchi’s And the Soul Shall Dance were both adapted for television productions.
REBIRTH OF AN AUTHENTIC ASIAN-AMERICAN CINEMA
In the wake of Bruce Lee’s 1970s stardom, many Asian-American actors found themselves offered roles as Asian (rather than Asian-American) martial artists. With the rebirth of Asian-American Cinema (that is, Asian-American films actually made by Asian-Americans), however, that began to change.
In 1970, Robert Akira Nakamura founded Visual Communications, which is today the oldest community-based media arts center in the US. In 1971, member Laura Ho made the film, Sleepwalker. The acclaimed filmmaker and teacher is sometimes known as “the Godfather of Asian American media,” Nakamura was previously a photojournalist who switched to documentary film, Manzanar (1972), an examination of the wartime internment of Japanese-Americans. In 1974, Loni Ding produced and directed Willie Lobo: Manchild about a black Vietnam War veteran. It was the first feature film directed by an Asian-American since Marion Wong’s The Curse of Quon Gwon in 1916. In 1976, Curtis X Choy (aka Chonk Moonhunter) began directing documentaries, beginning with Dupont Guy – The Schiz of Grant Avenue, an examination of Chinese-American culture.
New York’s Asian CineVision began producing Asian American works as CCTV (Chinese Cable TV) in 1975. In 1978, the Asian American International Film Festival (AAIFF) was founded in New York City. Before long, other Asian-Americans filmmakers followed in these pioneers’ footsteps, telling stories with their own voices and offering an alternative to Hollywood.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM OR TELEVISION CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1970s
Not pictured: Calvin Jung, Caroline Junko King, Denice Kumagai, Dennis Chun, Diane Takei, Ed Hong-Louie, Esmond Chung, Jack Ong, Jean Marie Hon, Michael Hasegawa, Ling-Ai Li, Marika Yamato, Ming Lo, Pat Li, Peter Yoshida, Ranjit Chowdhry, Ron Nakahara, and Sam Chu Lin.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS OF THE 1970s
Other Asian-American related films of the 1970s include:
1970: The Hawaiians
1971: The Big Boss, Manzanar, One More Train to Rob, Sleepwalker
1972: Chinatown 2-Step, Kung Fu, Way of the Dragon
1973: Lost Horizon, Pieces of a Dream
1974: Dynamite Brothers, I Told You So, Judgement: The Court Martial of the Tiger of Malaya – General Yamashita, Making Up, Men of the Dragon, Omai Fa’atasi: Samoa Mo Samoa, To Be Me – Tony Quon, Yakuza, The Year of the Draon
1975: City, City, The Journey, Cruisin’ J-Town, Kites and Other Tales, and Wataridori: Birds of Passage
1976: Dupont Guy: The Schiz of Grant Avenue, Farewell to Manzanar
1977:
1978: And the Soul Shall Dance, Go Tell the Spartans,
1979: Manongs: Tenants of the I-Hotel, When Hell Was in Session
ASIAN-AMERICA IN THE 1980s
In the 1980s, the Asian-American population grew radically, with over 2.5 million immigrants joining the already large, native-born, Asian-American population. Monterey Park became the first mainland city to acquire an Asian-majority (mostly Taiwanese) and before long, many suburbs of Los Angeles’s San Gabriel Valley became majority Asian-American. In nearby North Orange County, Little Saigon quickly emerged as the largest community of Vietnamese outside of Vietnam. Despite these regions’ geographic proximity with Hollywood, Asian-Americans remained underrepresented in American films.
ASIAN-AMERICAN THEATER IN THE 1980s
On the stage, David Henry Hwang‘s play M. Butterfly was the first Asian-American-penned play to appear on Broadway. Other successful Asian playwrights followed, including Philip Kan Gotanda and Velina Hasu Houston. New Asian-American theaters were founded too, including Cold Tofu Arts and Entertainment/Theatre in Los Angeles, Ma-Yi Theater Company and National Asian American Theatre Company in New York, and the Asian Story Theater in San Diego.
ASIAN-AMERICANS IN HOLLYWOOD IN THE 1980s
Whilst in Hollywood most Asian males were invariably cast as fortune-cookie mystics and ninjas, a new stereotype emerged for younger Asian males; the studious, awkward and heavily-accented Asian nerd (e.g. Long Duck Dong, Data Wang, Toshiro Takashi, Vinh Kelly, &c). One notable exception to the young Asian nerd stereotype in Hollywood was Dustin Nguyen as Harry Truman Ioki on 21 Jump Street. In 1986, the short-lived series Gung Ho aired on television, featuring Gedde Watanabe, Patti Yasutake, Rodney Kageyama, Sab Shimono, and Scott Atari. The series Sidekick starred Ernie Reyes, Jr. as Ernie Lee, the “Last Electric Knight.” Pat Morita returned to television as the lead on Ohara, in which he played a martial artist.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS IN THE 1980s
Wayne Wang’s Chan is Missing, made in 1982, ushered in a new era of Asian-American film. Not only was this feature directed by an Asian-American, but it was the first to feature a mostly Asian-American cast since 1961’s Flower Drum Song. Several independent Asian-American directors began their career shortly after, including Jon Moritsugu, Gregg Araki, Peter Wang, Roddy Bogawa, and Steven Okazaki. Whereas some films, like Peter Wang’s A Great Wall, followed the fairly formulaic tradition of the “assimilation drama,” the films of the so-called “Bad Boys” (Moritsugu, Araki, and Bogawa) generally favored an approach to the subject of race that was less obvious.
In the field of documentaries, Christine Choy made her debut with 1984’s Mississippi Triangle, a film about black, white and Chinese-Americans in the Mississippi Delta. Renee Tajima-Peña made her directorial debut with Who Killed Vincent Chin?, in collaboration with Christine Choy.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM OR TELEVISION CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1980s
Not pictured: Akira Takayama, Ako, Alexis Rhee, April Tran, Bea Soong, Blas Lorenzo, Ching Valdes-Aran, Chris Yen, Cindera Che, Clint Jung, Craig Ng, Cynthia Gouw, Dann Seki, Diane Cheng, Donald Li, Duncan Bravo, Emily Woo Yamasaki, Felicia Lowe, François Chau, Glenn Kubota, Henry Yuk, Ho Lo, James Pax, Jeanne Mori, Jee Teo, Jennie Yee, Kay Tong Lim, Kerry Yo Nakagawa, Lea Salonga, Lily Mariye, Marc Hayashi, Mohan Gokhale, Nina Zoie Lam, Noel Izon, Page Leong, Patrick Ng, Paul J.Q. Lee, Raymond Ma, Robin Shou, Ronald Yamamoto, Rummel Mor, Saachiko Magwili, Sandrine Holt, Shinko Isobe, Simon Sinn, Steven Chen, Steve Park, Suleka Mathew, Victor Jih, Vien Hong, Wai Ching Ho, Yin Chang, and Yuji Okumoto.
Asian-American related films from the 1980s include:
1980: Frankly Speaking, Hito Hato: Raise the Banner
1981: Afterbirth
1982: Chan is Missing, They Call Me Bruce?
1983: Fool’s Dance, Freckled Rice
1984: Dollar a Day, 10 Cents a Dance, Mississippi Triangle, Talking History
1985: Blind Alleys, Dim Sum: A Little Bit of Heart, Year of the Dragon
1986: All Orientals Look the Same, Big Trouble in Little China, Conversations – Before the War/After the War, East of Occidental: The History of Seattle’s Chinatown, A Great Wall, Gung Ho, Permanent Wave
1987: China Girl, Living on Tokyo Time, Miami Connection, Pak Bueng on Fire, The Wash, Who Killed Vincent Chin?
1988: Dim-Sum: Take-out, Displaced View, The Price You Pay
1989: Color of Honor, Eat a Bowl of Tea, Forbidden City, U.S.A., Life Is Cheap… But Toilet Paper Is Expensive
ASIAN-AMERICA IN THE 1990s
The 1990s were a time of tremendous growth in the Asian-American population. By then, California cities like Cerritos, Cupertino, Daly City, Milpitas, and Rowland Heights all had Asian-American majorities, as did Millbourne in Pennsylvania.
ASIAN-AMERICAN THEATER IN THE 1990s
Broadway and Hollywood depictions of Asian-Americans, however, remained few and almost always crude. Not surprisingly, then, Asian-American writers continued to write more for the stage than film. Prominent new APA playwrights included Chay Yew, Diana Son, Euijoon Kim, Han Ong, Ji Hyun Lee, Mrinalini Kamath, Ralph Peña, and Sung Rno. By the decade’s close there were about forty APA theater companies. Ones founded in the 1990s include The Bay Area‘s Naatak; Chicago’s Pintig Cultural Group; Nevada City‘s Community Asian Theatre of the Sierra; Los Angeles’ 18 Mighty Mountain Warriors, Lodestone Theatre Ensemble, Propergander Theatre, and TeAda Productions; Minneappolis‘s Mu Performing Arts; New York’s In Mixed Company, Ma-Yi Theater Company Second Generation, National Asian American Theatre Company, PEELING, The Slant Performance Group, and Yangtze Repertory Theatre of America; Philadelphia‘s Asian Arts Initiative; Sacramento’s InterACT, Sinag-tala Filipino Theater and Performing Arts Association; San Diego’s Asian American Repertory Theatre; San Francisco’s Bindlestiff Studio; San Jose‘s Contemporary Asian Theater Scene; and Seattle’s Aono Jikken Ensemble, Isangmahal Arts Kollective, and Pork Filled Players.
ASIAN-AMERICAN TELEVISION IN THE 1990s
On television, Margaret Cho‘s All-American Girl became the first series with a cast entirely comprised of Asian-Americans since 1972’s The Amazing Chan and the Chan Clan. In 1999, Canadian series Relic Hunter debuted, starring Hawaiian-born Pinay, Tia Carrere.
ASIAN-AMERICAN COMEDY IN THE 1990s
Something novel happened in the 1990s and Asian-Americans went from almost always being the butt of jokes to the ones delivering them. Henry Cho and Margaret Cho were undoubtedly the highest profile Asian-American comics but new Asian-American comedy troupes formed as well, including Chicago’s Stir-Friday Night and Los Angeles’s OPM. Comedian Steve Park was added the cast of In Living Color for the 1992-1993 season.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS IN THE 1990s
Despite the rebirth of Asian-American Cinema in the 1980s, it wasn’t until the 1990s that it truly took off, part of the larger boom in independent film. Some films, like Joy Luck Club, enjoyed a great deal of crossover success with non-Asian audiences. In Hollywood, Rush Hour became one of the first mainstream films to star no white actors in decades. Perhaps an unintended consequence is that whilst Jackie Chan‘s newfound Hollywood stardom may’ve opened doors for Hong Kong compatriots like Jet Li, Chow Yun Fat, Michelle Yeoh and others, it reinforced notions about all Asians as foreigners and martial artists and mainstream film roles for Asian-Americans playing Asian-Americans remained frustratingly few and far between. Behind the camera, M. Night Shyamalan had made two previous films which hadn’t garnered much attention (Praying with Anger and Wide Awake). With 1999’s Sixth Sense, however, he briefly became a celebrated household name.
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM OR TELEVISION CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 1990s
Not pictured: Ajay Mehta, Angela Oh, Anil Raman, Annie Lee, Anurag Mehta, Asha Siewkumar, Bao Nguyen, Ben Wang, Bobby Lee, Brady Tsurutani, Brian Yang, Brittany Ishibashi, C.S. Lee, Camille Chen, Candace Kita, Catherine Ai, Charles Rahi Chun, Chi-Lan Lieu, Christine Yoo, Dan Koji, Danton Dew, Dawn Anderson, Deann Borshay, Debbie Lum, Deborah S. Craig, Diana C. Weng, Diana Lee Inosanto, Donald Fong, Dwayne Johnson, Ed Lin, Eddie Lee, Eddie Mui, Emmy Yu, Eugene Cordero, Eugene Kim, Fernando Chien, Françoise Yip, Garret Sato, Georgia Lee, Goh Misawa, Gregory Hatanaka, Hana Hatae, Howard Fong, Imali Perera, Jason Tobin, Jennifer Chang, Jennifer Phang, Jennifer Yuh, Jenny Woo, Jina Oh, Jo Chim, Joanna Bacalso, John Koyama, Johnny Mah, Judy Jean Kwon, Junie Hoang, Kathleeen Luong, Kelvin Yu, Kenny Yee, Keo Woolford, Kim Kim, Kimi Takesue, Kimora Lee Simmons, Harish Saluja, Lenny Imamura, Lisa Ann Cabasa, Lisa Ray, M. Night Shyamalan, Mary Chen, Maulik Pancholy, Mia Suh, Michael Li, Mai Vu, Ming Zhao, Moon Bloodgood, Naomi Matsuda, Nathanel Geng, Pam Hayashida, Pearl Wong, Peggy Lu, Peter Navy Tuiasosopo, Purva Bedi, Radmar Agana Jao, Rajiv Shah, Rajiv Surendra, Rea Tajiri, Rex Lee, Rick Yune, Rizwan Manji, Roma Chugani, Ron Yuan, Saira Mohan, Shannon Dang, Sheetal Sheth, Shishir Kurup, Simon Wong, Soomi Kim, Stella Choe, Steven Eng, Sunil Narkar, Susan Fukada, Suzanne Whang, Taya Rogers, Thomas Tevana, Titus Y.H. Chong, Tom Huang, Troy Terashita, Valerie Chow, Van Partible, Vanessa Hudgens, Victor Vu, West Liang, Wonsuk Chin, Yoko Hyun, and Yoshimi Imai.
Asian-American related films of the 1990s include:
1990: The Best Hotel on Skid Row, Black Sheep, Come See the Paradise, Thousand Pieces of Gold, What Americans Really Think of the Japanese
1991: Bolo Bolo, History and Memory: For Akiko and Takashige, Issei Wahine, Khush Refugees, A Nice Arrangement, Pushing Hands, Quiet Passages – The Japanese American War Bride Experience, Mississippi Masala, Relocations, Why Is Preparing Fish a Political Act?, Yellow Tale Blues – Two American Families
1992: Anxiety of Inexpression and the Otherness Machine Eagle Against the Sun, Moving Memories, No Rewind – Teenagers Speak Out on HIV/AIDS Awareness, Open Letter – Grasp the Bird’s Tail, Praying with Anger
1993: The Ballad of Little Jo, Combination Platter, Declarations – All Men Are Created Equal?, Dragon: The Bruce Lee Story, Golden Gate, A Grave Matter, The Joy Luck Club, Through Our Own Eyes, To Ride a Cow, The Wedding Banquet
1994: The Bhangra Wrap, The Colour of Britain, The Love Thang Trilogy, Mod Fuck Explosion, Out in Silence, Not a Simple Story, Picture Bride, Terminal USA
1995: BBQ Muslims, Express Lane, Get Off Your Koot, Just Deal With It, Looking Like the Enemy, The Seven of Us, and X-Girl
1996: Bangs, The Brighter Side of Dark – Toyo Miyatake 1895-1979,Starting Over – Japanese Americans After the War, A Thousand Birds and a Pair of Shoes, and Voices of Challenge – Hmong Women in Transition
1997: Beyond Asiaphilia, Disoriented, Fakin Da Funk, From Bullets to Ballots, Kung Pao Chicken, The Last Beat Movie, Mixed Plate, Mouse, Plantation Roots, Politics of Plate Lunch, Shopping for Fangs, Strawberry Fields, Sunsets, Too Much Sleep, Wrongful Death – Hattori vs. Peairs, Yellow
1998: Aftereffects, Crickets, Death Threat, Hundred Percent, Kelly Loves Tony, Lessons in Defensive Driving, Mulan, Paper Birds, The Replacement Killers, Restless, Shopkeeping, Too Tired to Die,
1999: Catfish in Black Bean Sauce, Chutney Popcorn, J-town Rhapsody, Life Tastes Good, My American Vacation, Snow Falling on Cedars, Three Seasons,
ASIAN-AMERICA IN THE 2000s
In the 2000s, Asians became the fastest growing racial minority in the country. As of 2006, there were over thirteen million Americans of Asian origins (not counting Native people). Of the top ten languages spoken in American homes (English, Spanish, Chinese, French, German, Tagalog, Vietnamese, Korean, Italian, and Russian), four are Asian.
ASIAN-AMERICAN TELEVISION IN THE 2000s
Despite the conspicuous presence of Asians in real life, on film and on television, Asian-American remained nearly invisible, aside from roles as doctors on ER, Grey’s Anatomy, and House, or as ‘80s-style objects of ridicule (e.g. William Hung and Renaldo Lopez). Yunjin Kim, Daniel Dae Kim, and Masi Oka, some of the few Asian-Americans on TV, all play foreigners rather than Americans. Bobby Lee of Mad TV and BD Wong on Law & Order: SVU are two of the only Asian-American actors whose roles typically challenge stereotypes of Asian-American men. Two pilots for series with Asian-American casts were filmed, The Chang Family Saves The World and I Got You but neither was picked up for development or even aired. To see series starring Asian-American women, one basically had two reality shows to choose from, A Shot at Love with Tila Tequila or The Cho Show. Meanwhile, YouTube launched in 2005 and I noticed that my young, Asian-American neighbors increasingly turned away from their television toward that site and others and before long Wong Fu Productions, Freddie Wong, Nigahiga, and Michelle Phan (among others) seemed more relevant than old-fashioned television.
ASIAN-AMERICAN THEATER IN THE 2000s
In the 2000s, the APA theater scene continued to expand with the advent of new groups like Amherst’s New WORLD Theater; The Bay Area’s Krea; Chicago’s DueEast Theatre Company, Rasaka Theater Company, Silk Road Theatre Project, and YAWP; Dallas‘s Diwa Theater Company; Hawaii‘s Kumu Kahua Theatre; Houston‘s Shunya Theater; Los Angeles’ Chinatown 90210 and Thumping Claw One Act Series; New York’s Cuchipinoy Productions, Desipina & Company, Disha Theatre, eyeBLINK, Fluid Motion Theater, Mellow Yellow Theatre Company, and SALAAM Theatre; San Diego’s Mo`olelo Performing Arts Company; San Francisco’s Locus Arts and Youth for Asian Theatre; Seattle’s Pratidhwani Drama Wing and Sex in Seattle; SoCal’s Here and Now Theatre Company; Tampa‘s Asian Pacific American Scene; and Washington DC’s Awaaz Theatre. New playwrights included A. Rey Pamatmat, Alice Tuan, Carla Ching, Edward Bok Lee, J.P. Chan, Lloyd Suh, Michael Golacmo, and Qui Nguyen.
ASIAN-AMERICAN COMEDY IN THE 2000s
In the 2000s, there were finally recognized APA comics whose last names weren’t “Cho,” including Aziz Ansari, Dat Phan, Bobby Lee, Dr. Ken, Steve Byrne, Susan Chuang, Kevin Shea, Joey Guila, Soonpoong Choi, Augustine Hong, and Nakgyun Im. None may be household names but have all received decent exposure. New comedy ensembles like Chicago’s Taco Flavored Eggrolls and Los Angeles’ Room to Improv also appeared during the decade.
ASIAN-AMERICAN FILMS IN THE 2000s
In Hollywood in the 2000s, John Cho and Kal Penn, in Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, were quietly revolutionary merely by being the first two Asian-American male leads to co-star in a Hollywood film in forever. For the most part, however, Hollywood films like Memoirs of a Geisha, Mistress of Spices, and Wendy Wu – Homecoming Warrior continued to offer more familiar depictions of Asians and Asian-Americans. On the other hand, 2002’s Justin Lin‘s Better Luck Tomorrow ushered in a new era for Asian American filmmakers and actors after it became a surprise independent success. [NOTE: I accidentally overlooked Tarsem Singh, the Indian-American music video veteran that directed The Cell (2000) and The Fall (2006) in the 2000s.]
ASIAN-AMERICANS WHOSE FILM CAREERS BEGAN IN THE 2000s
Not pictured: Aalok Mehta, Aaron Au, Aarti Mann, Affan Tareen, Agam Darshi, Akash Saini, Akira Boch, Alan Yang, Alex Huynh, Alexander Nguyen, Ally Maki, Ameriie, Amrapali Ambegaokar, Amrit Singh, Amy Chang, Andy Trieu, Angela Ai, Anisha Adusumilli, Anisha Nagarajan, Anitha Gandhi, Anita Majumdar, Anjali Bhimani, Ann Kaneko, Annie Chang, Anthony Kuan, Anupam Lahiri, Arden Cho, Arnold Chun, Atsuko Okatsuka, Aubrey Anderson-Emmons, Augie Tulba, Austin Lee, Azhar Usman, Bao Tranchi, Becky Wu, Booboo Stewart, Brian Tee, Butch Helemano, Cassandra Ventura, Cassandra Chung , Cathy Nguyen, Celia Au, Cesar Cipriano, Chantelle Chung, Charmaine Pempengco, Chasty Ballestero, Chen Tang, Chriselle Almeida, Christina Chang, Christina J. Chang, Christopher C. Chen, Christine Cynn, Christine Gambito, Cindy Chiu, Cindy Chiu (II), Christy Qin, Cindy Fang, Clem Cheung, Colin Kim, Cung Le, Curtis Chin, Cyndee San Luis, Dang Hung Son, Dan Lin, Daniel Henney, Danielle Nguyen, Danni Lang, Danny Kim, Darin Fujimori, Daron Ker, Darwood Chung, David Au, David C. Yee, David Chan, David Ren, Davin Tong, Deborah Chow, Dennis Kim, Derek Nguyen, Derek Ting, Desiree Lim, Desmond Chiam, Devon Aoki, Dhaniel Hsia, Diane Yang, Dilshad Vadsaria, Doan Ly, Dominic Sandoval, Douglas N. Hachiya, Duncan Tran, E-Kan Soong, Eddie Huang, Elaine Loh, Elaine Mae Woo, Eliot Chang, Elise Estrada, Elizabeth Anweis, Elizabeth Jayne Hong, Ellen Wong, Emily Chang, Emily Yoshida, Emy Coligado, Erin Li, Erin Quill, Esther Song, Evan Jackson Leong, Evan Lai, Ewan Chung, Faroukh Virani, Farrah Skyler Greye, Felicia Tang, Freddie Wong, Gina Chai, Grace Fatkin, Grace Junot, Gregory Suenaga, Greta Lee, Guru Singh, Gwendoline Yeo, Hana Mae Lee, Hannah Simone, Hari Kondabolu, Harry Shum Jr., Hash Patel, Hayley Kiyoko, Hidekun Hah, Hong Chau, Hoon Lee, Ian Anthony Dale, Ivan Shaw, Jack Yang, Jae Suh, James Adam Lim, James Chen, James Hsu, James Huang, Jamie Chung, Jane Kim, Janina Gavankar, Jarah Mariano, Jason Lew, Jason Rogel, Jasmine Chan, Jayson Li, Jeff Liu, Jeffrey Gee Chin, Jenna Ushkowitz, Jennifer Avelyn Wu, Jennifer Thym, Jerry Ying, Jess Dela Merced, Jesse Wang, Jessica Lu, Jessika Van, Jiehae Park, Jim Chu, Jimmy Hsu, Jimmy Lin, Jin Auyeung, Jin Yoo-Kim, Jina Song, Jo Koy, Joe Tong, Joe Wong, John Fukuda, Jolene Kim, Jordan Dang , Jordan Nagai, Josiah D. Lee, Julie Chen, Jun Sung Kim, Junya Sakino, Justin Lee, Kara Crane, Karan Soni, Karen David, Karen B. Song, Karin Anna Cheung, Katee Shean, Kathy Gardiner, Katie Chan, Katie Malia, Katie Soo, Katie Wee, Kemp Lee, Ken Ochiai, Kenneth Lee, Kerry Wong, Kevin Tan, Kevin Wu, Kevin Yamada, Keye Chan, Kiki Yeung, Kim Lee, Kim Nguyen, Kimmy Suzuki, Koji Steven Sakai, Kosha Patel, Krista Marie Yu, Kristin Kreuk, Kulap Vilaysack, Kumail Nanjiani, Ky Pham, Kyla Dang, Larry Kitagawa, Laura Kai Chen, Lawrence Kao, Lee Isaac Chung, Leena Pendharkar, Lena Yada, Leo Li Chiang, Lin Yan, Linh Le, Li Lu, Linda Sato, Liza Lapira, Mahadeo Shivraj, Mao Zhao, Marjorie Chan, Mark Tran, Marlon Rivera, Matthew Hashiguchi, Matthew Yang King, Meaghan Rath, Meena Serendib, Meera Menon, Meera Simhan, Megan Lee, Meiling Melançon, Melanie Chandra, Meilinda Cecilia Soerjoko, Melissa Tang, Melissa Yu, Michael Tow, Michaela Conlin, Michelle Phan, Michelle Yee, Mike Le, Miki Yamashita, Mona Sishodia, Mye Hoang, Nadia Gan, Nadine Truong, Namrata Singh Gujral, Nancy Eng, Natalie Sesko, Natasha Chandel, Naureen Zaim, Navi Rawat, Neelam Verma, Ngoc Lam, Nikki SooHoo, Noah Breymeier, Norah Jones, Noureen DeWulf, Oliver Oguma, Olivia Munn, Osric Chau, Pamela Chan, Paris Tanaka, Parvesh Cheena,Patrick Ng, Patrick Wang, Peggy Peralta, Peter Sohn, Phoenix Chou, Pia Shah, Pomaika’i Brown, Pooja Kumar, Pragna Desai, Pratima Anaé, Prince Gomolvila, Priya Sircar, Puja Mohindra, Rajiv Satyal, Randall Park, Ravi Patel, Ray Huang, Raymond Lee, Raymond J. Lee, Rayna Tharani, Reggie De Leon, Rekha Sharma, Reshma Shetty, Richie Kul, Ringo Le, Rob Yang, Roopashree Jeevaji, Roy Tjioe, Ruth Zhang, Ryan Higa, Sam Looc, Sandra Teles, Sandra Young, Sarayu Blue, Sathya Jesudasson, Scarlet Chan, Sendhil Ramamurthy, Shane Yoon, Sharmila Devar, Shawn Huang, Shireen Nomura, Shivani Thakkar, Sid Veda, So Yong Kim, Socheata Poeuv, Soham Mehta, Srinivasa Kapavarapu, Stanley Yung, Steve Kim, Steve Lin, Steve Myung, Surina Jindal, Susan Park, Tadamori Yagi, Tadashi Nakamura, Tammy Hui, Tanuj Chopra, Tarun Shetty, Taylor Wily, Telly Leung, Teresa Michelle Lee, Thomas Isao Morinaka, Thomas Wong, Thushari Jayasekera, Tiffany Frances, Tillotama Shome, Tiya Sircar,Tony Lee, Tri Kai Le, Tui Asau, Tyler Ham Pong , Upasana Beharee, Valen Ahlo, Vanessa Viola, Veerta Motiani, Vera Miao, Vic Chao, Victor Chi, VyVy Nguyen, Wai Choy, Wesley Duand, William Ngo, Yu Gu, and Yuta Okamura.
Asian-American films of the 2000s include:
2000: Autumn in New York, The Bracelet, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, Dear Miss Breed, The Debut, Eye to Eye – Asian Pacific American Arts and Artists, First Person Plural, Girlfight, Home, Interactions, Reflections of Ground Zero, School Daze, Shanghai Noon, Top of Their Game
2001: America So Beautiful, American Adobo, American Chai, American Desi, The Flip Side, Green Dragon, Wave Twisters,
2002: Charlotte Sometimes, Daughter From Danang, Face, Maryam
2003: Refugee, Robot Stories, The Twenty, Where’s the Party Yaar?
2004: A Beautiful Blend, The Beautiful Country, Close Call, Ethan Mao, Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, My Journey Home, Mysterious Skin, I Was Born, But… , Saving Face, Take Out, Torque
2005: Amu, Asian Stories, Cavite, Conventioneers, The Grace Lee Project, The Great Raid, Leave it to Chance, The Motel, Random Check, Red Doors, Tanforan – Race Track to Assembly Center
2006: Asian Stories, The Cats of Mirikitani, Colma: The Musical, Falling For Grace, The Fast and the Furious: Tokyo Drift, The Heavenly Kings, Journey From the Fall, The Namesake, Only the Brave, Punching at the Sun, The Slanted Screen, The Time is Right for Mee, Undoing,
2007: American Pastime, American Zombie, Baby, Dark Matter, Finishing the Game: The Search for a New Bruce Lee, Loins of Punjab Presents, Never Forever, Owl and the Sparrow, Ping Pong Playa, The Princess of Nebraska, The Rebel, Shanghai Kiss, A Thousand Years of Good Prayers, Tie a Yellow Ribbon, West 32nd, Year of the Fish
2008: The Betrayal, Dim Sum Funeral, Dirty Hands: The Art and Crimes of David Choe, Fireflies in the Garden, Gran Torino, Half-Life, Harold & Kumar Escape from Guantanamo Bay, The Sensei, Shades of Ray, Step Up 2: The Streets
2009: AmerAsian, Children of Invention, Fruit Fly, The Last Temple, Sin Nombre, A Song For Ourselves, Time’s [Not] Up, Today’s Special, Up, Wendy Wu – Homecoming Warrior 2, White on Rice
UPDATE: THE 2010s
I originally wrote this article in 2009. Since then there have been a small explosion television shows with predominantly Asian-American starts and casts such as Nikita, Hawaii Five-O, Outsourced, Sullivan & Son, Angry Little Asian Girl, The Mindy Project, Fresh Off the Boat, and Dr. Ken. Behind the camera, Justin Lin has become one of Hollywood’s biggest moneymakers, having resuscitated and helmed the best films of the Fast & Furious franchise. YouTube and other internet services have blurred the lines between film television, and the internet; and celebrities, personalities, actors, and filmmakers. In 2016, Brian Hu and Ada Tseng started a podcast about Asian-American Cinema, called Saturday School.
In its tenth decade, however, Hollywood continues to largely ignore Asian-America — or certainly not cast Asian-American actors. Yellowface, finally, is a thing of the past (except on stage, it seems) but in its place is whitewashing in which fictional or real Asian characters are portrayed by white actors (see Aloha, Argo, Doctor Strange, Edge of Tomorrow, Ghost in the Shell, The Last Airbender, Star Trek Into Darkness, &c). In 2013’s Her, set in a future Los Angeles often described as “utopian” and largely filmed in China, Spike Jonze managed to relegate Asian actors to just three of the films 38 credited rolls — with two portraying food servers. In 2016’s La La Land, ostensibly about the city with the metro population of Cambodians, Filipinos, Koreans, Taiwanese, Thai and Vietnamese outside their home countries and where Asians are the city’s largest and fastest-growing racial minority, Asian-Americans were almost completely unrepresented except as dancers. So while there might be almost too many Asian-American actors and filmmakers who’ve begun their careers in the 2010s to list, there’s a long way to go before Hollywood begins to even resemble the Pan-Asian Metropolis in which it’s located.
ASIAN AMERICAN CINEMA IN THE 2010s (in progress)
Since writing this, a decade has passed — a decade in which many more Asian Americans and Asian Canadians appeared in and made films and television. I figured I should probably add a few to this piece, which still gets a surprising amount of traffic.
ASIAN AMERICAN ACTORS WHO DEBUTED IN THE 2000s
Hayden Szeto, Peter S. Kim,
ASIAN AMERICAN FILMS OF THE 2010s
2010: The Last Airbender, Au Revoir Taipei, Raspberry Magic, To Whom It May Concern: Ka Shen’s Journey, Walkaway
2011: Almost Perfect, Bang Bang, Big In Bollywood, Fast Five, 4 Wedding Planners, In the Family, Kung Fu Panda 2, My Best Friend’s Wedding/My Best Friend’s Sweating, Somewhere Between, Surrogate Valentine
A Very Harold & Kumar 3D Christmas,
2012: Daylight Savings, Eden, The People I’ve Slept With, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Shanghai Calling, White Frog
2013: Fast & Furious 6, Linsanity, Raskal Love, Wedding Palace, Will You Still Love Me Tomorrow
2014: Cambodian Son, Kumu Hina, The Limited Partnership, Meet the Patels, Possibilia, To Be Takei
2015: Already Tomorrow in Hong Kong, Everything Before Us, Female Pervert, Miss India America, Seoul Searching, Zipper
2016: Ali Wong: Baby Cobra, Interesting Ball, Star Trek Beyond, Swiss Army Man
2017: The Big Sick, Gook
2018: Ali Wong: Hard Knock Wife, Crazy Rich Asians, Minding the Gap, Searching, White Rabbit
2019: Always Be My Maybe, The Farewell, Lucky Grandma
ASIAN AMERICAN ACTORS WHO DEBUTED IN THE 2020s
ASIAN AMERICAN FILMS OF THE 2020s
2020: Hello From Taiwan, Tigertail
2021: Minari, Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings, Snakehead
2022: Dealing with Dad, Easter Sunday, Everything Everywhere All at Once, Fire Island, Turning Red
2023: Joy Ride, Shortcomings
2024: New Wave
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Eric Brightwell is an adventurer, essayist, rambler, explorer, cartographer, and guerrilla gardener who is always seeking paid writing, speaking, traveling, and art opportunities. He is not interested in generating advertorials, cranking out clickbait, or laboring away in a listicle mill “for exposure.”
Brightwell has written for Angels Walk LA, Amoeblog, Boom: A Journal of California, diaCRITICS, Hey Freelancer!, Hidden Los Angeles, and KCET Departures. His art has been featured by the American Institute of Architects, the Architecture & Design Museum, the Craft Contemporary, Form Follows Function, the Los Angeles County Store, Sidewalking: Coming to Terms With Los Angeles, Skid Row Housing Trust, the 1650 Gallery, and Abundant Housing LA.
Brightwell has been featured as subject and/or guest in The Los Angeles Times, VICE, Huffington Post, Los Angeles Magazine, LAist, CurbedLA, Office Hours Live, L.A. Untangled, Spectrum News, Eastsider LA, Boing Boing, Los Angeles, I’m Yours, Notebook on Cities and Culture, the Silver Lake History Collective, KCRW‘s Which Way, LA?, All Valley Everything, Hear in LA, KPCC‘s How to LA, at Emerson College, and at the University of Southern California.
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2017-03-15T00:00:00
|
The Best Movies With Courage in the Title, as voted on by fans. Current Top 3: Two O'Clock Courage, Courage Under Fire, Western Courage
|
en
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/img/icons/touch-icon-iphone.png
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Ranker
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https://www.ranker.com/list/the-best-movies-with-courage-in-the-title/reference
|
How many movies with courage in the title can you name? This list ranks the best movies with courage in the name, whether they're documentaries, dramas, horror movies, or any other genre of film. Do you have a favorite movie with courage in the title? Categorizing movies by words in their titles is kind of uncommon, but that's a big part of why this list is so fun to scroll through. There's probably one movie with courage in the title you think of right away, but you might be shocked to see how many others exist as well.
Notable films with courage in the title include Courage Under Fire, The Red Badge of Courage, and Courage of Lassie, although there are many more examples on this list. This poll is interactive, meaning you can vote the courage movies up or down depending on how much you like them.
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https://www.insp.com/blog/the-red-badge-of-courage-starring-audie-murphy-a-behind-the-scenes-look-at-the-making-of-the-movie/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage starring Audie Murphy—a behind-the-scenes look at the making of the movie. - INSP TV
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2023-11-06T19:26:25+00:00
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On the INSP blog: The story behind the making of The Red Badge of Courage starring real-life war hero, Audie Murphy—plus, insider trivia.
|
en
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https://www.insp.com/content/themes/insp2017/assets/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.insp.com/blog/the-red-badge-of-courage-starring-audie-murphy-a-behind-the-scenes-look-at-the-making-of-the-movie/
|
The Privates’ War—Making The Red Badge Of Courage
By Henry C. Parke
It’s surprising that Stephen Crane was born in 1871, six years after the Civil War’s end, because his novel, The Red Badge of Courage, seems so clearly the work of someone who was there. Published in 1895, thirty years after Lee’s surrender, countless veterans from both sides and of later wars have remarked on Crane’s ability to recreate the sense of being in mortal combat. It is the enduring legacy of an author who tragically didn’t live to see 30.
It is the story of a young soldier who worries if, when the time comes, he will fight or run. And it was a story that John Huston wanted to film. Having served in the Signal Corps during World War II, making Military Documentaries, he’d since won Oscars for writing and directing Treasure of the Sierra Madre. He had just made The Asphalt Jungle, had a start date for The African Queen, and planned to make Red Badge in between.
He told New Yorker reporter Lillian Ross, “I don’t even know whether I’m going to make the picture… I’ve got the Red Badge script OK’d… [but] we can’t make this picture unless we have 600 Confederate uniforms and 600 Union uniforms. And the studio is just not making those uniforms for us. I’m beginning to think they don’t want the picture!”
Surprisingly, filming Red Badge involved not one but two wars: the War Between the States, and the War Between Moguls Louis B. Mayer and Dore Schary. Head of production since the studio’s creation in 1924, Mayer had ruled MGM with an iron fist, and made it truly the Tiffany of studios. MGM screenwriter Schary shared an Oscar for Boys’ Town, moved to Selznick Studios, became Head of Production at R.K.O., and at Mayer’s (soon-to-be-regretted) invitation, returned to MGM in 1948 as Superintendent of Production. Schary wanted to make the picture, and Mayer did not. Schary had to concede that the film would lack almost all of the elements of Mayer’s winning formula. Schary told Ross, “This picture has no women. This picture has no love story. This picture has no single incident. This is a period picture. The story—well, there’s no story in this picture. It’s just the story of a boy. It’s the story of a coward. Well, it’s the story of a hero.”
Mayer’s opinion? “I wouldn’t make that picture with (despised rival) Sam Goldwyn’s money.” But Nicholas Schenck, President of MGM’s parent company, Loew’s Inc., was the ultimate boss, and he said, “Yes.”
The studio wanted big stars—Van Johnson as the lead, The Youth—but Huston wanted Audie Murphy, the most decorated American soldier of the war. He’d acted before, playing Billy the Kid and Jesse James in undistinguished Westerns, but he’d never done any serious acting. For the second lead, The Loud Soldier, Huston wanted someone who’d never acted at all: Bill Mauldin, whose ‘Willie and Joe’ cartoons, showcasing the miserable day-to-day life of combat infantrymen like himself, won him two Pulitzers. Murphy was 26, Mauldin was 29, but they both looked 16, and had been through the hell of war that their characters were facing. Murphy had the expression of a lost child, Mauldin the expression of an imp. They were perfect.
The rest of the cast was excellent. For The Tattered Man, Huston selected Royal Dano, a heartbroken skeleton of a man who would appear tragically in countless Westerns. For The Tall Soldier, Huston chose towering, gaunt John Dierkes, whom he’d met in London during the War. His first film role was in Orson Welles’ Macbeth; and he’d make an indelible impression as a villain in Shane.
Among the wonderful faces in the ranks were William Schallert, before becoming Patty Duke’s TV father; three-time Frankenstein Glenn Strange, who would play Sam on Gunsmoke; and blond, gangly Robert Easton, whose skill with accents would earn him the moniker of Hollywood’s Henry Higgins. The best-known actor was Andy Devine, who played The Cheery Soldier, who reunites the Youth with his unit, a part Huston said he’d written for his late father, Walter Huston. Son Dennis Devine recalls that Huston, complaining about his low budget, had the gall to add, “You know, Walter would have understood and taken less money.”
Money was tight: the budget was $1,434,789. Locations changed with the budget. Originally planned for Leesburg, Virginia, it was shifted to the less expensive Nashville, and finally, incredibly, to Huston’s own 480-acre ranch in the San Fernando Valley, where Huston was delighted to direct from horseback. There’s a memorable scene with soldiers crossing a river holding their rifles over their heads. MGM wanted to shoot it on a brook on the ranch that a man could jump across, but Huston fought, and eventually shot it on the Sacramento River.
They also saved by shooting in black-and-white. Oscar-winning cinematographer Harold Rosson made the movie look like Mathew Brady’s famous Civil War photographs.
This was a movie about privates, not battles: you never learn what battle was being portrayed, or its significance. In one of Huston’s favorite sequences, a wounded man decides to die alone on a hill. In his autobiography, Huston wrote that moments later, The Tattered Man “…walks in circles, then drops to his knees. He, too, is mortally wounded and doesn’t know it. The scene is an anticlimax, as in the novel, but all the more shocking for being unexpected. It was, in fact, too shocking. It backfired. It was during this scene, beautifully acted by Royal Dano, that the preview audience started to walk out.”
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https://www.biblio.com/the-red-badge-of-courage-by-crane-stephen/work/47063
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'The Red Badge Of Courage by Crane, Stephen
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1896-08-25T00:00:00
|
The Red Badge of Courage is an 1895 war novel by American author Stephen Crane. It is considered one of the most influential works in American literature. The n…
|
en
|
https://www.biblio.com/the-red-badge-of-courage-by-crane-stephen/work/47063
|
The Red Badge of Courage is an 1895 war novel by American author Stephen Crane. It is considered one of the most influential works in American literature. The novel, a depiction on the cruelty of the American Civil War, features a young recruit who overcomes initial fears to become a hero on the battlefield. The book made Crane an international success.
The Red Badge of Courage
by CRANE, Stephen
Condition
Used
Edition
Second Edition
Published
1896
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Winchester, Virginia, USA
Item Price
US$600.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton & Co, 1896. Second Edition. Octavo (19cm). Light tan buckram, printed in black, red, and gilt; plain endpapers; [iv], [1]-233 [234], [4]pp; ad for Maggie and Red Badge facing t.p., 4pp of publisher's ads at rear. A straight, tight copy with minor soil to cloth, especially on spine, but internally clean: Very Good. … Read more about this item
Item Price
US$600.00
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The Red Badge of Courage
by CRANE, Stephen
Condition
Used
Published
1895
Quantity Available
1
Seller
East Woodstock, Connecticut, USA
Item Price
US$15,000.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1895. First Edition, First Issue with correct issue points and ads. Octavo, original cloth and decorative dustjacket. Considered a classic of Civil War literature, exceptionally scarce in dustjacket. Very Good, cloth with general darkening and sporadic surface erosion to cloth which is common for this title, contemporary gift inscription (from a Pennsylvania man… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$15,000.00
The Red Badge of Courage
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Good
Jacket Condition
No Jacket
Published
1926
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, USA
Item Price
US$8.00
Show Details
Description:
D. Appleton-Century Company, 1926. Hardcover. Good/No Jacket. 240 pages, an edition for schools, edited by Max J. Herzberg, with an introduction, a short "word study" section at the end, reproduction of sculpted relief portrait of Crane in profile on frontispiece plate. 1926 is latest date shown. 12mo (5" x 7-1/4"), blue cloth with black lettering on red blocks,… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$8.00
THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE
by CRANE, Stephen
Condition
Used - Fine in a close to Fine clamshell box with a minor bump at the bottom corners
Edition
First Edition
Published
(1988)
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Fleetwood, Pennsylvania, USA
Item Price
US$3,125.00
Show Details
Description:
(London): The Land Press, (1988). First Edition. Hardcover. Fine in a close to Fine clamshell box with a minor bump at the bottom corners. Quarto (8-1/2" x 11-3/4") bound by Constance K. Wozny in a striking full black morocco leather art binding with onlays depicting a poppy weeping seeds of tears, tan morocco pastedowns, and marbled endpapers. Illustrated… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$3,125.00
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THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used
Edition
Second Edition
Published
1896
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Rockville, Maryland, USA
Item Price
US$750.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1896. Second Edition. Hardcover. Octavo, [i-iv], 1-233 pages. In Very Good minus condition. Bound in pale yellow buckram with black and red lettering. Boards have bumping to corners, fraying to spine edges, and spotting to both covers. Text block has light age toning, slight foxing, and writing in pencil on front endpaper. BAL… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$750.00
The Red Badge of Courage
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used - Very Good
Edition
First Edition
Published
1896
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
New York, New York, USA
Item Price
US$400.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1896 Second edition, first printing. Publisher's tan buckram, front board and spine lettered and decorated in red and black, initial "T" on front board set in a gilt panel, and brown endpapers. Very good, with light soiling to cloth, a touch of rubbing to spine ends and corners, and clean interior. Overall, a sturdy… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$400.00
THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE: An Episode of the American Civil War.
by CRANE, Stephen:
Condition
Used
Edition
First UK edition, first printing
Quantity Available
1
Seller
York, North Yorkshire, GBR
Item Price
US$299.05
Show Details
Description:
London: William Heinemann. 1896 [1895]. First UK edition, first printing. First UK edition, first printing. Hardcover issue. Publisher's original green cloth with white titles to the upper board and spine. Incorporating the upper cover of the wrappers issue, as called for. A very good copy, the binding firm with some bumping and small nicks to the spine tips and… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$299.05
The Red Badge Of Courage
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Very Good
Published
1962
Binding
Paperback
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Traralgon, Victoria, AUS
Item Price
US$6.14
Show Details
Description:
Dell Books, 1962. Paperback. Very Good. Paperback. 352 pages. *** PUBLISHING DETAILS: Dell Books, 1962. *** CONDITION: This book is in very good condition. More specifically: Covers have no creasing. Edges of covers have superficial edgewear and corners are lightly bumped. Spine has minor lean. . Cover is protected in clear, self-adhesive laminate. Pages are… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$6.14
More Photos
The Red Badge of Courage
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Very Good+
Edition
2nd Thus
Published
1951
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA
Item Price
US$52.50
Show Details
Description:
New York: The Modern Library, 1951. 2nd Thus. Very Good+. An Episode of the American Civil War. Introduction by Robert Wooster Stallman (Associate Professor of English, University of Connecticut). In original, unclipped, dust jacket in mylar with some rubbing and creasing. Red cloth over boards with gilded lettering in and frames around black labels on front and spine.… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$52.50
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The Red Badge of Courage; An episode of the American Civil War
by CRANE, Stephen
Condition
Used
Edition
Second Edition
Published
1896
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Brisbane, Queensland, AUS
Item Price
US$272.72
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1896. Second Edition. Hardcover : pp (2, blank) 233 (1, blank) 4pp publisher's advertisements : tan cloth covered boards lettered in red & black with patterned gilt ground behind the first T on the top board : two red decorations above and below the title; spelling mistake p. 4 and broken type p.225… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$272.72
More Photos
The Red Badge of Courage (Original screenplay for the 1974 television film)
by Stephen Crane (novel); Richard Thomas, Michael Brandon, Wendell Burton (starring); Lee Phillips (director); John Gay (screenwriter)
Condition
Used
Published
1974
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Baltimore, Maryland, USA
Item Price
US$275.00
Show Details
Description:
Los Angeles: Twentieth Century-Fox, 1974. Revised Draft script for the 1974 television film, which originally aired on December 3 on NBC. Not to be confused with the 1951 film directed by John Huston. Missing page 20, likely as used or issued. Based on the classic 1895 novel by Stephen Crane, which follows a Union soldier who dreams of… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$275.00
The Red Badge of Courage
by CRANE, Stephen
Condition
Used - Near Fine
Published
1896
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Gloucester City, New Jersey, USA
Item Price
US$1,000.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Co, 1896. Hardcover. Near Fine. Second edition. Octavo. Near fine with contemporary ink owner name of a U.S. Army soldier on the front pastedown, corner light bumped and some very subtle foxing, most contain to the topedge of the rear board. A beautiful copy of the this classic often found often found well-worn.… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$1,000.00
More Photos
The Red Badge of Courage
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Very Good-
Published
1900
Binding
Beige, woven texture
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Torrington, Connecticut, USA
Item Price
US$400.00
Show Details
Description:
Early edition of an American classic - in excellent condition for a 122-year-old book! Minor fraying on the edges of the cover. Almost all the pages remain clean and intact except v-viii in the preface; the ads in the back seem a bit loose, but are hanging in there. Altogether a beautiful and readable specimen!
Item Price
US$400.00
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The Red Badge of Courage: An Episode of the American Civil War
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used
Published
1896
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Portland, Oregon, USA
Item Price
US$7,500.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1896. Early printing of the first edition (but not the first), with title page dated 1896. [iv], 233, [1], [4 ads] pp. Bound in publisher's tan buckram stamped in black, red, and gilt. Good, heavy foxing and some soiling to boards, former owner's name on front free endpaper, tidemark to inner margins of… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$7,500.00
More Photos
The Red Badge of Courage
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used - Very Good
Edition
First Edition
Published
1895
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Portland, Oregon, USA
Item Price
US$7,500.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895. First Edition. Very Good. First edition, first printing with title page dated 1895, unbroken type on page 225 and publisher's ads beginning with three Gilbert Parker titles and ending with a Christian Reid title. Bound in publisher's original buckram cloth decorated in red and gilt, lettered in red and black, with… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$7,500.00
The Red Badge of Courage
by Stephen Crane
Condition
As New
Edition
First Thus
Published
1990
Binding
Tight as new binding
Quantity Available
1
Seller
San Antonio, Texas, USA
Item Price
US$40.00
Show Details
Description:
See photos. A title in the First Edition Library series. As new, still in shrink wrapped original slipcase, no dust jacket as issued. A flawless collectible copy. Will ship in box packed in Styrofoam pellets to ensure arrival in condition described.
Item Price
US$40.00
The Red Badge of Courage
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used - Very Good
Jacket Condition
No Jacket
Published
1955
Binding
Hardcover
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Whitby, Ontario, CAN
Item Price
US$18.64
Show Details
Description:
Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada, 1955. Hardcover. Very Good/No Jacket. 18mo. St. Martin's Classics. Orig. green paper boards. 223 pp. With biographical introduction, questions and notes by Bert Case Diltz. Spine sunned, foxing to extremities, white stain to rear board. Damp stain to fore edge of text block. Marker ownership inscription to front pastedown, with some offsetting… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$18.64
THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Fine
Published
1982
Binding
Hardcover
ISBN
9780895771551
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Delaware, Ohio, USA
Item Price
US$5.00
Show Details
Description:
Pleasantville, NY, U.S.A.: Readers Digest Assn. Fine. 1982. Hardcover. 0895771551 . 0.8 x 9.1 x 6 Inches; Series: The World's Best Reading; 176 pages; Red hard covers with gold lettering on front and spine. Black spine with gold trims. Spine is straight, binding tight. Pages are clean and bright. .
Item Price
US$5.00
The Red Badge of Courage (Chatham River Press Classics)
by Stephen Crane
Condition
Used - Fine
Jacket Condition
Not Issued
Edition
First Thus 1st Printing
Published
1984
Binding
Hardcover
ISBN
9780517436288
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Woodlawn, Illinois, USA
Item Price
US$9.99
Show Details
Description:
New York, New York, U. S. A.: Chatham River Press, 1984. First Thus 1st Printing. Hardcover. Fine/Not Issued. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Homer, Winslow. First Chatham River Press Edition (First Thus) With The Letter Line Indicating A First Printing. The Book Is Bound In One Quarter Brown Faux Leather Over Marbled Paper. Gilt… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$9.99
The Red Badge of Courage.
by Crane, Stephen
Condition
Used
Published
1895
Quantity Available
1
Seller
Palm Beach, Florida, USA
Item Price
US$7,200.00
Show Details
Description:
New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895. First edition, first printing with page [235] advertising the three works of Gilbert Parker's Best Books, and the last page of advertisements (page 238) ending with The Land of the Sun, by Christian Reid; last gathering, including ads on laid paper. Octavo, original publisher's tan cloth. In very good condition. From the library of Jean… Read more about this item
Item Price
US$7,200.00
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Online Orientation Letter
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Cinema 121 - History of American Cinema - Max Keller
Course:History of American CinemaProfessor:Max KellerEmail:max.keller@canyons.eduFormat:
OnlineLive
Course Length:
16 Week
Introduction
Welcome to this OnlineLIVE section of Cinema 121 - History of American Cinema. My name is Max Keller and I'll be your professor for the course. I've been an adjunct instructor in the Cinema department at COC since 2012 and I'm thrilled to say that I've just completed my first year as a full-time member of the faculty. I'm also an adjunct professor of cinema at El Camino College and teach classes on classic rock as part of the OSHER Institute at UCLA Extension. From 2013 to 2020, I also worked for IMAX at our headquarters in Playa Vista, overseeing trailers for the DMR team.
Course Description
This course is a critical survey of motion pictures both as a medium of mass communication and as a developing art form. Students analyze representative feature films as to genre, technique, aesthetics, and sociological impact. Designed as an introductory course. Upon completing this course, you will be able to:
Evaluate and analyze social, political, philosophical, and aesthetic perspectives
Critique outstanding films from different eras of American cinema history to develop the student's understanding of the ideas and values which are emphasized through cinematic techniques
Evaluate film as an art form through a historical and aesthetic appreciation.
What to Expect in this Course
Over the next sixteen weeks, you will take part in a variety of assignments. There will be quizzes, discussion threads, screenings of films, and a final paper. Each week's module will go live no later than one hour before our Zoom teleconference class and be active for approximately one week. It will include information on the topic for the week, as well as information about the film you'll be watching, and will also cover the assignments you must complete before the next class.
Types of Assessments
Assessments include reading quizzes, discussion threads on Canvas, and a final paper.
Textbook Information
The textbook for this course is Film History: An Introduction (4th Edition) by Kristin Thompson and David Bordwell. It will be provided to you via the course's Canvas shell.
Other Relevant Course Information
Students are expected to have a computer, a good web browser (Google Chrome or Mozilla Firefox are best), regular access to reliable high-speed internet access, and a word-processing program such as Google docs, Pages, or Microsoft Word.
This class will use both synchronous and asynchronous elements. The synchronous elements include class meetings/teleconferences via Zoom. You are expected to attend these each week.
Additional Resources
Canvas
This course can be accessed on the first day of class via Canvas at https://coc.instructure.com. Log into Canvas using your CanyonsID single sign-on:
CanyonsID Username is your COC student email address (Ex: username@my.canyons.edu)
CanyonsID Password is your COC student email password
Please visit the Get to Know Your Online Classroom page for help logging into Canvas and for tips on using Canvas and Zoom. Canvas Chat Support is also available 24/7 for any Canvas related issues.
Online Education
Check out the Online Education website for more information on a variety of topics that can help you be a successful online student such as: exam proctoring, learning styles, computer skills, and tips for student success. If this is your first online course, feel free to take our online learning readiness assessment to assess your skills.
The Learning Center (TLC)
The TLC provides FREE online tutoring resources to COC students!
Academic Accommodation Center (AAC)
College of the Canyons AAC provides educational services and access for eligible students with documented disabilities who intend to pursue coursework at COC. A variety of programs and services are available which afford eligible students with disabilities the opportunity to participate fully in all aspects of the college programs and activities through appropriate and reasonable accommodations. For more information on their services visit the Academic Accomodation Center website.
Online Counseling
The Counseling Department offers appointments online. You can schedule an appointment by visiting the Online Counseling website. Counselors can help you map out a plan to reach your educational goals as well as advise you on course selection and registration.
Management of Stress and Mental Health
Often the pressure on our students is very strong, involving academic commitments, relationships, outside jobs and family pressure to name a few. The staff and faculty of College of the Canyons are here to see you succeed academically and care about your emotional and physical health. You can learn more about the broad range of confidential student services, including counseling and mental health services available on campus by visiting the Student Health & Wellness Center in the Student Services Building (across from the bookstore). The phone number is 661-362-3259 that you can call 24/7. You can also e mail for an appointment at StudentHealthCenter@canyons.edu. At the Canyon Country Campus the Health Center will be in the new Student Services Building.
Also, the National Suicide & Crisis Lifeline number is now 988. All students at COC are encouraged to enter that phone number in their cells. You can call it when you, or someone you know, is having thoughts of suicide or is in severe distress.
You can also now use the Crisis Text Line: Just text "Courage" to 741741. Someone will get back to you immediately. Its free, 24/7, and confidential.
Veterans Resource Center
The College of the Canyons Veterans Resource Center is a department within the Student Services Division at the college, created to help veterans and veteran dependents with applying to College of the Canyons, enrolling in classes, and requesting VA Education or Vocational Benefits. For more information please visit the Veterans Resource Center website, email veterans@canyons.edu or phone (661) 362-3469.
Library
The Library provides live online and in-person research help, access to a full range of e-resources and physical materials that support the curriculum, individual and group study areas, and much more!
Last updated: 07/28/2021 Sub#: 427
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How Hollywood Wrote the Story of Israel
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2022-04-26T09:45:00-04:00
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A new history misunderstands the American film industry’s role in cementing the US–Israel relationship—and the part Hollywood has played in scripting the…
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Jewish Currents
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https://jewishcurrents.org/how-hollywood-wrote-the-story-of-israel
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The myth that Jews control the media lies at the heart of virtually every modern iteration of antisemitism. Emerging from the conspiratorial notion of “Jewish influence” over the global economic order, it remains prevalent in mainstream American discourse, even as the bluntness of its language has somewhat softened. Instead of claiming that “the Jews” dictate what we say and think, right-wing and fascist pundits now allude to “global elites” like George Soros, even as they recycle age-old rhetoric about a hidden agenda that seeks the very collapse of Western civilization.
The foulness of this trope makes it difficult to discuss the real and complicated legacy of Jewish Americans’ role in US media, and specifically in Hollywood, where, with a few high-profile exceptions—such as Walt Disney and Spyros Skouras—the overwhelming majority of early studio founders and major executives were Jewish emigrés from Europe. The last few decades have seen the publication of several chronicles that avoid propagating antisemitic frameworks. For example, Neal Gabler’s An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood, published in 1989, carefully outlines the way in which Jewish immigrants came to lead the studios, maintaining their hold by assimilating into the WASP business cultures of New York City and Southern California.
But even as surveys of the industry’s Jewish roots have appeared, Hollywood’s historic relationship with the State of Israel has remained a more or less untouchable topic. Now, historians Tony Shaw and Giora Goodman have set out to tell that story in their new book, Hollywood and Israel: A History. In addition to uncovering the legacy of collaboration between filmmakers and producers in the two countries, the book seeks to shed light on the role Hollywood has played in the diplomatic, military, and cultural relationship between Israel and the United States. The authors ask: How can we further understand America’s “special relationship” with Israel by examining the two states’ cinematic ties?
The book’s greatest strength lies in its elucidation of the economic dimension of the relationship between Hollywood and Israel. Though many Hollywood films across the years—from Exodus (1960) to Munich (2005)—have been guided by explicitly Zionist politics, normalizing and often glorifying the colonization of Palestine, the authors make it clear that these productions were driven first and foremost by business considerations, and only secondarily by ideology; the studios never went ahead with a project unless they were confident that it would make money. Following the 1967 Six Day War, for example, Israeli officials were “immediately inundated with letters of intent” from American filmmakers “seeking official cooperation for feature films or documentaries about the war,” Shaw and Goodman write. The obsessive coverage of the war in US media had convinced studio executives that there would be an appetite for films dramatizing Israel’s victory––and the subsequent occupation of all of historic Palestine, the Syrian Golan Heights, and the Egyptian Sinai. A similar surge of interest followed the widely-covered 1976 raid on the Entebbe airport in Uganda, in which Israeli commandos foiled a hijacking by Palestinian and German militants attempting to exchange hostages for the freedom of incarcerated Palestinians. But the projects’ commercial potential came to seem uncertain, and neither episode led to a high-profile production.
Even as Shaw and Goodman thoroughly illustrate how Hollywood has both profited off and contributed to Israel’s soft power, however, their book fundamentally misunderstands the nature of the relationship between the American film industry and the Jewish state. Hollywood’s leading figures have long made it clear that, as Americans, they identify closely with Israel’s colonial history. In the 1978 broadcast “The Stars Salute Israel at 30,” comedian Henry Winkler (best known for his role as “The Fonz”) made the connection explicit, showing up dressed as a young Sabra and warmly comparing the settlement of Palestine with the American pioneer story. It was no coincidence that John Wayne, the quintessential avatar of Hollywood’s glorification of America’s colonial past, also starred in the 1966 film Cast a Giant Shadow, a romantic account of a US colonel’s participation in the Nakba, the mass displacement and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians that followed the establishment of the State of Israel—or that he described the film as “a wholly American story.” What Wayne articulates here, better than the authors, is that Hollywood has played a crucial role in weaving together the two countries’ stories of their own origins, and thus their ongoing relationship as allied colonial states.
Though today we tend to take Hollywood’s sympathy with Israel for granted, before the 1940s the US film industry in fact showed relatively little interest in Jewish settlers in the land of Palestine: The authors write that few American Jews “had more reason to disregard Zionism than those in Hollywood’s upper ranks,” who were “busy reinventing themselves as Americans.” As a racialized group in an aggressively WASP-dominated bourgeois business culture, the early Jewish Hollywood moguls found it highly disadvantageous to emphasize any ethnic or cultural difference. In pursuit of acceptance, many anglicized their names: Lazar Meir and Szmuel Gelbfisz, for example, became Louis B. Mayer and Samuel Goldwyn, the founders of MGM. The moguls seldom contributed funds to early settlement efforts in Palestine, and when they did, it was less from a commitment to Zionism than a desire to be seen as prominent philanthropists. If the Zionist project held little personal interest for Hollywood executives, it concerned them even less from a business perspective: Before 1948, the studios did not even treat Palestine as a distinct market, instead lumping it into distribution operations in Egypt and Syria. There was no serious effort to produce American films there, or to collaborate with early settlers’ attempts to produce a Hebrew-language cinema.
In the 1940s, however, as support for Zionism surged in the US in the aftermath of the Second World War, Hollywood heavyweights began to gravitate toward the cause. The screenwriter and director Ben Hecht, alongside the Zionist activist Peter Bergson, lobbied the industry for donations for Zionist forces, and pushed the studios to apply political pressure to Washington to support an independent Jewish state. In widely-circulated short films and traveling theatrical shows, they reframed settler violence in Palestine as “Jewish self-defense” comparable to anti-fascist Jewish resistance in Europe, and urged Britain to “put aside Arab objections and allow the immediate entry” of hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers, as Shaw and Goodman write. It was not only Jews who enthusiastically backed the idea of a new pro-Western state in a region that was rapidly fighting off European colonization: The Hollywood luminaries who took out full-page advertisements in The New York Times and other prominent newspapers demanding that Britain acquiesce to Zionist demands included not just Goldwyn but also 20th Century Fox President Spyros Skouras and movie star Tallulah Bankhead; Humphrey Bogart, Bette Davis, Vincent Price, and Frank Sinatra were among the celebrities who sponsored events and fundraisers in support of the State of Israel in late-1940s Los Angeles.
Many celebrities and notable filmmakers also openly supported the Irgun, the Zionist paramilitary force that even American newspapers widely referred to as a terrorist organization, especially after it orchestrated the 1946 bombing of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem and the brutal Deir Yassin massacre of Palestinian villagers in 1948. Marlon Brando was a regular speaker at Irgun fundraising events, while Hecht wrote numerous columns in support of the far-right militia, including an article published in The New York Post that he styled as a message to the group and facetiously titled “Letter to the Terrorists of Palestine.”
While it cheered on Zionist armies, the American film industry never in any capacity acknowledged the Nakba. Shaw and Goodman replicate this denialism. Instead of being forced into exile, they write that millions of Palestinians simply “left,” or were “evacuated” for “security reasons.” These choices are all the more glaring in light of the authors’ reframing of Israeli war crimes and atrocities as evidence of Israeli “courage” and “achievements.” Writing about the Zionism of Hollywood figures, they often slip into their subjects’ own romantic register. For example, they describe a rally at the Hollywood Bowl to celebrate the founding of the new state, coordinated by the lobbyist group Americans for Haganah, in uniformly glowing terms, writing that the actor Edward G. Robinson “stirringly read the Israeli Declaration of Independence, solemnly promising ‘full social and political equality of all its citizens without distinction of race, creed, or sex’”—promises already irreparably violated by the Nakba. For all the Zionist voices that fill the pages of Hollywood and Israel, the authors have not included a single Palestinian perspective.
After Israel’s establishment, Hollywood studios began to produce more films in the new state, sensing an opportunity in the emergence of a new distribution market. Throughout the 1950s, the influx of American dollars helped satisfy the new state’s need for foreign currency; to encourage production, the Israeli government offered American studios generous tax incentives and extensive logistical cooperation. Filmmakers were also drawn by the promise of “authentic” shooting locations for biblical epics, a genre whose popularity had soared as studios invested in new cinematic technology in order to better compete with television.
Many of the resulting films—such as Sword in the Desert (1949), The Juggler (1953), and Exodus (1960)—retell the story of Israel’s “War of Independence” in romantic terms. In these works, Palestinians—as well as Egyptians, Syrians, and Jordanians—are portrayed as brutal, irrational, and devoid of any legitimate or coherent reason for their rejection of the Zionist project, if they are depicted at all. The Israeli settlers, on the other hand, come across as courageous and compassionate, desperate for peace if only “the Arabs” will cease their barbaric opposition. Many of these films are ensemble dramas that group European Holocaust survivors with American Zionist volunteers, telegraphing the budding alliance between the US and Israel, and implicitly advancing the argument that the West’s support for the Jewish state was a necessary response to the Nazi genocide. (There were, of course, exceptions, such as the 1977 documentary The Palestinian, produced by and starring the English actor and activist Vanessa Redgrave, which painted a sympathetic portrait of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO); the project made Redgrave a target of Zionist groups such as the Anti-Defamation League, which campaigned to eliminate her job prospects in Hollywood.)
In terms of commercial and critical success, no single American film of this period is as notable as Otto Preminger’s Exodus, adapted from the 1958 Leon Uris novel of the same name. Often credited with popularizing Zionism in the US, it follows a group of Jewish settlers in Palestine whose lives intersect with some of the major events of the 1948 war. As Goodman and Shaw note, Uris was a profoundly racist man who once confessed to his sister that “were he not married he would be ‘over there shooting Arabs.’” Though the film attempted to “soften” the novel’s demonization of Palestinians, the screenplay, penned by Dalton Trumbo, all the same depicts them as bloodthirsty and murderous, pursuing violence against Jews solely because of their intrinsic savage ways. The film helped establish the racist tropes that would become a standard feature of American depictions of Palestinians, and subsequently of Arabs and Muslims more broadly, in the coming decades.
As studio budgets shrank in the late 1960s and early ’70s, Hollywood co-produced fewer Israeli features. Following Israel’s decisive victory in the 1967 war against Egypt, Jordan, and Syria, in which it seized all of historic Palestine, the Golan Heights, and Sinai, some Americans began to question the state’s role in the region—especially after it became clear that Israel intended to occupy Gaza and the West Bank indefinitely. Works that were cautiously critical of specific post-’67 policies began to appear, including Costa-Gavras’s Hanna K (1983), a courtroom drama that hinges on questions about Palestinian dispossession and exile, and George Roy Hill’s The Little Drummer Girl (1984), which stars Diane Keaton, Klaus Kinski, and Sami Frey in a love triangle between an American, an Israeli, and a Palestinian, and ultimately casts the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad in a brutal light. Still, these works stopped far short of acknowledging the full extent of the colonial violence that Palestinians faced at the time. What’s more, Israeli officials managed to use even these critical films to their advantage, burnishing the country’s image as a liberal democracy by touting their willingness to let the studios film and distribute in Israel.
Whatever skepticism had seeped into American depictions of Israel evaporated in the wake of 9/11, as the two states grew even closer as allies in the so-called “War on Terror.” A new slate of binational collaborations appeared in both countries: Islamophobic and jingoistic shows made with Israeli involvement filled American airwaves, while anti-Palestinian shows produced with American network support entertained Israeli audiences. For instance, Fox remade the Israeli drama Abductees into the notoriously racist CIA thriller Homeland, which began airing in 2011 with the Israeli show’s writer and director, Gideon Raff, attached as an executive producer. Raff went on to direct a number of similarly militaristic and anti-Arab works for US networks, including Tyrant for FX in 2014 and The Spy and The Red Sea Diving Resort for Netflix in 2019. American networks also picked up Israeli shows about Shin Bet, the state’s brutally repressive security agency, including Fauda, which ran from 2015 until 2018, and Our Boys, which aired in 2019.
For all its shortcomings, Hollywood and Israel remains a fruitful history: No other work has so concisely laid out the evolution of the titular relationship. The authors draw on a breathtaking range of archival sources, including the private papers of Hollywood actors, directors, and producers, as well as American religious leaders and government officials. On the Israeli side, they surface sources that document the state’s decades-long interest in bringing American film production to the country.
But the authors’ failure to critically examine the Zionist ideology that shapes all of Israel’s collaborations with the American film industry prevents them from addressing the questions they set for themselves. “How is it . . . that Israel has been the largest cumulative recipient of American aid since World War II?” they ask in the introduction. The answer is inseparable from the war crimes that Israel perpetrates against Palestinians and the imperialist role it plays in its region, both of which the authors avoid considering. Instead, they insist on deeming Israel—which organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have recently acknowledged is an apartheid state—the “only democracy in the region,” and refer to Palestinian resistance as “Arab extremism.” In one particularly callous chapter about early American productions in Israel, they describe the ethnically cleansed village of Iqrit in the Western Galilee as having been depopulated for “security reasons.” (In reality, the village’s residents were ordered to leave in 1948 by Haganah soldiers who promised that they could return in two weeks. Three years later, when, still displaced, they pled their case before the Israeli Supreme Court and won the right to return to their homes, the IDF blew up the village before they could do so.)
This ahistoricism undermines even the authors’ foremost aim: to examine the antisemitic myth that Jews “control the media.” Goodman and Shaw are, of course, right to push back against the absurd notion that Israel has some sort of stranglehold on America’s premier cultural industry. But if the trope should be rejected primarily for its prejudice, it should also be questioned for the ways it lets American media itself off the hook. After all, if Israelis are pushing the levers of film and journalism in the United States, then US studio producers and network editors bear no responsibility for their failure to cover Palestine fairly. What the book misses, in other words, is not just the fact that Israelis don’t control the American media, but the extent to which the interests of the American state in truth do. Israelis do not need to drum up hatred against Palestinians in Hollywood—it’s already there by virtue of the industry’s own orientation toward any Indigenous people resisting colonialism. The real relationship between Hollywood and Israel is one of collaboration rather than domination, a partnership that has encouraged two colonial forces to more fully see themselves in one another.
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Turner Classic Movies presents the greatest classic films of all time from one of the largest film libraries in the world. Find extensive video, photos, articles, forums, and archival content from some of the best movies ever made only at TCM.com.
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Welcome, DISH customer! Please note that we cannot save your viewing history due to an arrangement with DISH.
Watchlist and resume progress features have been disabled.
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Red Courage
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2008-01-12T18:07:27+00:00
|
en
|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Courage
|
1921 film
Red CourageDirected byB. Reeves EasonWritten byHarvey GatesBased on"The Sheriff of Cinnabar"
by Peter B. KyneStarringHoot GibsonCinematographyVirgil MillerDistributed byUniversal Film Manufacturing Company
Release date
Running time
50 minutesCountryUnited StatesLanguagesSilent
English intertitles
Red Courage is a lost[1] 1921 American silent Western film directed by B. Reeves Eason and featuring Hoot Gibson.[2][3]
Plot
[edit]
As described in a film magazine,[4] Pinto Peters (Gibson) and his pal Chuckwalla Bill (Day) ride into town just as the editor of the local newspaper is being urged to leave by a gang of thugs led by Joe Reedly (Girard). The pair give the editor $100 and get a bill of sale for the newspaper, only to find out later that Reedly holds a mortgage of $200 against it. This they pay off and start a campaign to clean up the town. They meet with considerable opposition until they enlist the services of Judge Fay (Cummings). When Pinto runs for sheriff and defeats the tool of Reedly, everything is smooth sailing. The crooks are run out of town, money that was about to be stolen is restored to Jane (Malone), the ward of Reedly, and Pinto after several hard fights wins her hand.
Cast
[edit]
Hoot Gibson as Pinto Peters
Joel Day as Chuckwalla Bill
Molly Malone as Jane Reedly
Joseph W. Girard as Joe Reedly (credited as Joe Girard)
Merrill McCormick as Percy Gibbons (credited as William Merrill McCormick)
Charles Newton as Tom Caldwell
Arthur Hoyt as Nathan Hitch
Joe Harris as Blackie Holloway
Richard Cummings as Judge Fay (credited as Dick Cummings)
Mary Philbin as Eliza Fay
Jim Corey as Steve Carrol
Mack V. Wright as Sam Waters (credited as Mac V. Wright)
See also
[edit]
Hoot Gibson filmography
References
[edit]
|
||||||
428
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 31
|
https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-red-badge-of-courage-is-published
|
en
|
“The Red Badge of Courage” is published
|
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[
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2009-11-13T17:10:40+00:00
|
On October 3, 1895, The Red Badge of Courage, by Stephen Crane, is published in book form. The story of a young man’s experience of battle was the first American novel to portray the Civil War from an ordinary Union soldier’s point of view. The tale originally appeared as a serial published by a newspaper syndicate. […]
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en
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HISTORY
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https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-red-badge-of-courage-is-published
|
On October 3, 1895, The Red Badge of Courage, by Stephen Crane, is published in book form. The story of a young man’s experience of battle was the first American novel to portray the Civil War from an ordinary Union soldier’s point of view. The tale originally appeared as a serial published by a newspaper syndicate.
Crane, the youngest of 14 children, was born in 1871 and grew up in New York and New Jersey. His father died when Crane was 9, and the family settled in Asbury Park, New Jersey. He attended Syracuse University, where he played baseball for a year, but then left. He became a journalist in New York, taking short stints for various newspapers and living in near-poverty.
Immersed in the hand-to-mouth life of lower-class New York, Crane closely observed the characters around him, and in 1893, at age 23, he published Maggie: A Girl of the Streets, about a poor girl’s decline into prostitution and suicide. Finding a publisher was difficult given the book’s scandalous content, so Crane ultimately published it himself. The book was a critical success but failed to sell well. He turned his attention to more popular topics and began writing The Red Badge of Courage, which made him into an international celebrity at age 24.
The newspaper syndicate that serialized the novel sent him on assignment to cover the West and Mexico. In 1897, he went to Cuba to write about the insurrection against Spain. On the way there, he stayed at a dingy hotel where he met Cora Howard Taylor, who became his lifelong companion. In 1897, his boat to Cuba sank, and he barely survived. His short story “The Open Boat” is based on his experiences in a lifeboat with the captain and the cook. Crane later covered the war between Greece and Turkey, and finally settled in England, where he made friends with Joseph Conrad, H.G. Wells and Henry James.
Crane contracted tuberculosis in his late 20s. Cora Howard Taylor nursed him while he wrote furiously in an attempt to pay off his debts. He exhausted himself and exacerbated his condition. He died in June 1900, at the age of 28.
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https://www.filmaffinity.com/en/film425957.html
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
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The Red Badge of Courage is a film directed by John Huston with Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Andy Devine, Robert Easton .... Year: 1951. Original title: The Red Badge of Courage. Synopsis: Plot centers around how a young recruit (Audie Murphy) faces the horrors of war. Character vascilates between wanting to fight and doubting his own courage. In midst of first bloody encounter, Youth ...You can watch The Red Badge of Courage through Rent,buy on the platforms: Google Play Movies,Amazon Video,Apple TV,YouTube,Fandango At Home
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FilmAffinity
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https://www.filmaffinity.com/us/film425957.html
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Is the synopsis/plot summary missing? Do you want to report a spoiler, error or omission? Please send us a message.
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428
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https://www.britannica.com/topic/The-Red-Badge-of-Courage-film-by-Huston
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The Red Badge of Courage | film by Huston [1951]
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Other articles where The Red Badge of Courage is discussed: John Huston: Films of the 1950s of John Huston: Crane’s literary classic The Red Badge of Courage. Real-life World War II hero Audie Murphy starred in this story of a young Union soldier who deserts his company during the American Civil War. With the Korean War raging, MGM executives felt that the film’s antiwar message was too…
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en
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/topic/The-Red-Badge-of-Courage-film-by-Huston
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In John Huston: Films of the 1950s of John Huston
Crane’s literary classic The Red Badge of Courage. Real-life World War II hero Audie Murphy starred in this story of a young Union soldier who deserts his company during the American Civil War. With the Korean War raging, MGM executives felt that the film’s antiwar message was too…
Read More
In Audie Murphy
…starring in films such as The Red Badge of Courage (1951), To Hell and Back (1955), and The Quiet American (1958). He died when his private plane crashed. He was buried in Arlington National Cemetery with full military honours.
Read More
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Amazon.com: The Red Badge of Courage [DVD] : Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Douglas Dick, Royal Dano, John Dierkes, Arthur Hunnicutt, Tim Durant, Andy Devine, Robert Easton, Smith Ballew, Albert Band, Gr
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Amazon.com: The Red Badge of Courage [DVD] : Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Douglas Dick, Royal Dano, John Dierkes, Arthur Hunnicutt, Tim Durant, Andy Devine, Robert Easton, Smith Ballew, Albert Band, Gregg Barton, John Huston, Albert Band, John Huston, Stephen Crane: Movies & TV
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en
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https://www.amazon.com/Red-Badge-Courage-Audie-Murphy/dp/B00007G1ZO
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Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon
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https://giggster.com/guide/movie-location/where-was-the-red-badge-of-courage-filmed
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Where was The Red Badge Of Courage filmed?
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This film is a terrific watch for fans of 1800s history. The Red Badge of Courage movie locations are mainly in California. Take a look!
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en
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https://giggster.com/guide/movie-location/where-was-the-red-badge-of-courage-filmed
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1951
City Locations
Chico, California; Tarzana, Los Angeles, California; Culver City, California
Location Types
American, NatureScapes, Beach/Oceanview, Rustic, Hospitals/Medical
Location Styles
Americana/Anywhere America, Dated/Retro, Desert/ Dilapidated/Neglected
About The Red Badge Of Courage
Set in the year 1862, a Union Army regiment is settled close to the Rappahannock River in the state of Virginia. The regiment is ordered to relocate up the river to confront the enemy. After telling his comrades he is not scared, Private Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy) converses with an unknown Confederate soldier. A red badge implies a battle wound and this soldier tells Henry to watch out for this badge.
During the battle, Tom Wilson (Bill Mauldin), who is Henry's friend, urges Henry to pass on his watch to his parents if he gets killed in the battle. Henry learns about his regiment's victory after he left them. He wishes he had a red badge of courage after he sees his comrade wounded in the battle. As they march, he slips into the regiment. Jim Conklin (John Dierkes) is killed by his injuries. Henry is knocked unconscious after he sees the retreatment of another union regiment.
After he regains consciousness, Henry is escorted by a soldier to his regiment. Tom and Henry discuss how Jim was killed and Tom tells him the heavy casualties suffered ensured that his absence was not noticed. The following day, Henry begins to talk like he also participated in the battle.
Then, the regiment is confronted by another battle. In this case, Henry charges fiercely toward the enemy until his orders force him back into the ranks. He and Tom are at a creek fetching water when they overhear the attack plan of the General. This news is reported to the regiment. Then, they attack. Some of his comrades fall in the battle. This time, as Henry carries the flag, he charges forward and he shouts at his comrades to keep moving.
The flag bearer for the Confederate troops and Henry meet. As the former gets killed, Henry is charged with the responsibility of holding both flags as they secure the rebels. Henry and the regiment are informed by a soldier that their commanding officers are praising Henry's courage. Henry tells Tom that he left the day before but only returned due to shame. Tom also admits to the same thing. As the regiment keeps marching, Henry hopes for a peaceful future.
The Red Badge Of Courage Locations
The Red Badge of Courage is an American war movie was released in 1951. The movie was directed by John Huston, made by MGM, and produced by Gottfried Reinhardt. The movie was adapted from an 1895 "The Red Badge of Courage" novel by Stephen Crane. The music score and the cinematography were done by Bronislau Kaper and Harold Rosson respectively.
The movie was shot in the state of California. These scene locations include Bidwell Park - Manzanita Avenue, Chico, California, USA; John Huston Ranch, Tarzana, Los Angeles, California, USA; Chico, California, USA; Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios - 10202 W. Washington Blvd., Culver City, California, USA.
Since the release of this movie, these places have emerged as popular tourist attractions in the state of California. There is lots of fun to be had at these tourist destinations. If you wish to know more about the locations of the scenes in the movie, the following will explain better.
A man is seen running and shouting while holding a red flag and says, "Hey, we're moving out." Everyone comes closer to hear what the soldier has to say. He tells them that they all need to move out the next day. While some of them find the information hard to believe, he tells them, "I don't care if you believe me or not. You can all just go ahead. It's called suit yourself." Then, the other soldiers move back to their tents. Henry looks at himself in the mirror and asks, "What's the matter with me?"
The scene was filmed near Chico, California, which is renowned for its economic and cultural diversity. The city is also popular among hikers, thanks to the numerous hiking trails the city boasts. Lovers of nature will also find the flora and fauna of this stunning city quite remarkable.
The city is safe while offering tourists and locals many amenities to enjoy. There are golf courses, parks, and museums where you can enjoy a pleasant afternoon. Besides the fun you can have in the city, it is a great idea to visit the film shoot location of your favorite movie scenes in the city. This area can be reached by private vehicle, taxi, or rideshare app or you can take the Greyhound bus.
One of the soldiers runs and shouts, "I told you! I told you! Didn't I tell you?" Another soldier jumps a civilian's fence to ride a nearby horse. His fellow soldiers keep murmuring. Then, the horse owner storms out and shouts, "Hey, what are you doing?" She continues, "Hey, you leave him be." Then, she runs towards the horse where the soldier is seen checking the horse.
She runs after the soldier and as she hits him, some of the comrades shout, "yeah, give it to him!" The soldiers keep shouting as the chase and kicking continue. Eventually, the soldier jumps back to meet his comrades. Then, the woman goes back to her house as the soldiers keep marching.
Chico is a city that is well-known for its cultural diversity. The culinary scene in the city is awesome. From Mexican dishes to Italian cuisines, there are lots of options available for you in the city. Chico represents the ultimate relaxing vacation destination for many tourists, and rightly so!
You can easily spend time around nature in this city. Many movies have been shot in the city over the years. Some of these include Buck (2011), Chloe's Mountain (2021), and Famous Nathan (2014). By visiting this city, you get the chance to come across the scene locations of these top movies. Bus 5, 14, 20, or 40 will get you to Chico. Or you can take a taxi, use a rideshare app, or drive yourself.
The soldiers are all shouting and having fun as they reach a creek. They keep chattering as Henry goes to the creek to wash himself. Then, he remembers talking to his mother. She told him, "I've put in 8 pairs of socks, and I've put in all your best shirts." She continued, "I want my boy to be as warm and comfortable as anybody in the army."
She told him to be careful with the company he chooses since there are bad men in the army. She told him, "keep clear of them folks, Henry." He replies, "I will." She told him that his father never drank a drop of liquor. She also told him to take care of himself.
Big Chico Creek is a creek that originates in Colby Mountains and flows to its confluence for about 45 miles. Its stunning aesthetics are worth beholding. Besides this, lovers of recreation can partake in many activities in this place. The elevation of the creek declines from about 5,000 feet above sea level at its head to just about 120 feet when it meets with the Sacramento River. This area can be reached by private vehicle, taxi, or rideshare app. Or you can take the Greyhound Bus to Bus 3 or 4.
The regiment engages in battle. As Henry prepares his gun, his good friend, Tom, rushes to meet him. Tom whispers, "Henry, Henry." In response, Henry asks, "What? What is it?" Tom says, "It's my first and last battle." Henry replies, "what are you talking about?" Tom continues, "I can feel it. It is my first and last battle."
He brings out a watch and urges Henry to give it to his folks. Then, as he leaves, Henry takes a brief look at the watch and keeps it with him. He goes back to join his comrades.
Bidwell Park is a stunningly huge park that spans more than 2,500 acres. Established in 1905, this park is rich in history. Many interesting scenes in the movie were shot at this location. Indeed, Bidwell Park represents one of the largest municipal parks in the country.
As a result, this place is worth visiting for locals and tourists. Furthermore, you can enjoy a first-hand experience of the location of your favorite scenes in the movie. If you are looking for what to do in Chico, simply visit Bidwell Park to have a pleasant time. To get to this filming location, you can drive yourself, take a cab, or use a rideshare service. You could also take the Greyhound bus to Bus 5.
After they think they have won the battle, the enemy comes back well-armed and one of the soldiers is seen shouting, "Here they come again!" With the Confederate flag being displayed, the enemy shoots at them. Many of Henry's comrades are killed during the process. As a result, he runs for his life and tries to escape.
He leaves his regiment as he runs into the woods until he falls. He hears a voice calling, "Fleming, Fleming." He looks up and sees a man telling him that it is the duty of every member of the army to rescue themselves. According to the man, he has made a wise decision by saving himself.
Bidwell Park is divided into three distinct parts: The upper terrain, the middle terrain, and the lower terrain. The special Lovejoy Basalt rocks is a perfect place for lovers of outdoor activities to visit. The place is great for hiking and biking. Besides this, tourists who wish to engage in sightseeing can also visit this unique location.
The natural beauty of this place is worth mentioning. For this reason, it is never a bad idea to enjoy a family picnic at Bidwell park. Even if you don't know what to do in Chico, just visit this place to have a nice time. This area can be reached by private vehicle, taxi, or rideshare app. Or you can take the Greyhound Bus to Bus 5.
After the voice in his head tells him he is brave to run away, he goes back to the battleground just to see his comrades killed on the ground. Then, he wishes he had a red badge of courage. As the regiment marches on, he quietly slips in and they walk together.
Then, he moves back to see his friend Jim Conklin, who appears badly wounded and delusional. As Henry calls his name, he responds, "Hello Henry. Where have you been, boy?" Then, Henry tells him, "Jim, I'm glad to see you."
Bidwell Park is a place that all nature lovers must visit to have a nice time. Tourists can find swimming holes, as well as good spots for picnics. All hiking trails in the place are open to pedestrians. Besides this, biking is another great outdoor activity to enjoy at Bidwell Park. Some biking trails to watch out for here are North Rim Trail, Middle Trail, and Guardian Trail.
Tourists can also come across a wide variety of birds here, which makes birding a popular activity at Bidwell Park. You can enjoy a pleasant afternoon at this filming location. You can get to this area by driving, using a rideshare service, or calling a cab. Or you can take Bus 2, 5, 7, 20, or 30.
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https://www.bookforum.com/print/2305/a-new-history-of-a-famous-western-and-the-hollywood-blacklist-17199
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en
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Red Badge of Courage
|
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A new history of a famous Western and the Hollywood blacklist – A.S. Hamrah
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Bookforum
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https://www.bookforum.com/print/2305/a-new-history-of-a-famous-western-and-the-hollywood-blacklist-17199
|
Among the iconic Hollywood Westerns of the 1950s, High Noon, with Gary Cooper as Marshal Will Kane, remains a classic movie in the most basic sense. More people know what it is than have seen it. High Noon has, in many ways, been reduced to one black-and-white image: Gary Cooper walking down an empty western street, wearing his badge, ready to draw his gun and face his enemies alone. In 1989 this film still was used, with an added red splash, as the campaign poster for Poland’s Solidarity movement, Cooper-as-icon standing in for the trade-unionist Lech Wałęsa in his quest to become the country’s first post-communist president.
In the US, however, John Wayne long ago overshadowed Cooper as America’s heroic ideal of the West. Wayne did great, enduring work in the films of John Ford, lived eighteen years longer than Cooper (who died in 1961), and appeared in nearly thirty movies during that time. But Wayne replaced Cooper as an icon for other, better-known reasons, too, not least because he was so politically contentious, so quick on the draw as a right-winger. In the competition for mythic identity and meaning, the anti-communist, Red-baiting, hippie-hating John Wayne won, leaving Gary Cooper in the dust.
Wayne, in fact, actively participated in this semi-erasure. He disparaged High Noon for years after Cooper’s death, even though, in 1953, at Cooper’s request, he had gone onstage to accept Cooper’s Best Actor Oscar for the film while Cooper was working on location. Wayne’s speech at the Oscars praised Cooper, and he said he wished he had played the lead in High Noon himself, but even then, in private and in later interviews, Wayne said the movie offended him. With its stark portrait of a lawman abandoned by his townspeople, the movie raised issues of loyalty and authority during the time of the Red Scare. Wayne considered it the work of communist traitors. Desperation, cowardice, asking for help to defeat a common enemy—these themes troubled Wayne as an American. He saw High Noon‘s exploration of them as evidence of weakness and subversion. In 1959, seven years after High Noon came out but more than a year before the blacklist ended, Wayne and director Howard Hawks issued a response to it in the form of another movie. In Rio Bravo, Hawks’s ideological undoing of High Noon, Wayne played a counter-Kane, a sheriff who does not ask for help in his standoff against bad hombres. Almost against his will, he draws the most stalwart people in town to help him do what’s right. Even the useless town drunk is redeemed, transformed from High Noon‘s shabby Jack Elam into Rio Bravo‘s appealing Dean Martin.
Rio Bravo is a celebration of camaraderie in the face of danger, like Hawks’s films in general. It rejects bitterness and disappointment, feelings Hawks kept at arm’s length throughout his career. Hawks was a more skillful director, and a greater artist, than Fred Zinnemann, the director of High Noon. The film critic Andrew Sarris accused Zinnemann of “making antimovies for antimoviegoers,” of being unable to “risk the ridiculous” to get to the sublime. The popular success of Rio Bravo and another, lesser Wayne vehicle, North to Alaska, in 1960, had the side effect of turning many subsequent Hollywood Westerns into corny romps: overlit, all-star celebrations of rowdiness in which chairs splinter over heads with little pain or consequence. Rio Bravo‘s lighter touch may have added to its artistry for cinephiles, but in the Hollywood Westerns that followed it, the ridiculous routed the sublime. While Ford’s The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance (1962), also with Wayne, is a notable exception, it took Italian Westerns, which drew specifically on High Noon, to keep the genre from triviality. When Sam Peckinpah emerged with The Wild Bunch in 1969 and revised Hollywood Westerns for the Vietnam era, the genre returned to its dark core. Such films might have been made in America sooner if not for the blacklist.
Glenn Frankel, a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who has written books on Israel, South Africa, and another iconic dark 1950s Western, John Ford’s The Searchers (which also starred John Wayne), has now given us a production history of High Noon that is not far removed from a James Ellroy novel. The 1950s film industry portrayed in High Noon: The Hollywood Blacklist and the Making of an American Classic is, like Ellroy’s Los Angeles, stocked with hard-core commies, idealistic fellow travelers, paranoid Red-baiters, union busters, corrupt congressmen, power-hungry gossip columnists, secretive FBI agents and their snitches, philandering actors and eager starlets. But far from being a Hollywood Babylon of the Red Scare, Frankel’s book is a detailed investigation of the way anti-communist persecution poisoned the atmosphere around one film, which succeeded nonetheless, and damaged the lives of the people who made it.
The book’s twin heroes are High Noon‘s screenwriter, Carl Foreman, and Gary Cooper. Foreman, named as a communist by a jealous screenwriter before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) on live TV, saw his friends and colleagues desert him during the production of High Noon, with the exception of one person. Cooper—fading movie star in ill health, wealthy socialite and celebrity, staunch Republican, cheating husband, lead actor in the infamous screen adaptation of Ayn Rand’s novel The Fountainhead—stood up for a man who was his polar opposite because he thought he was talented and getting a raw deal. In the paranoid context of Hollywood at the time, Cooper’s behavior was unexpected. Maybe he was too big to care at that point, but he did it pretty much like he was acting in one of his Frank Capra movies.
The connection between Cooper in the movie and in real life is apparent, so Frankel does not have to overplay it. It’s obvious that Cooper and Foreman’s personal lives somehow doubled the film’s story after Cooper was cast in the lead. Foreman stood up to HUAC and Stanley Kramer (High Noon‘s producer), then exiled himself to London so he could continue working. Just as Kane hesitantly confronted the outlaw gang in the movie, Cooper reluctantly backed Foreman at great potential risk to his career, which Frankel suggests he had stopped believing in anyway.
Cooper went so far as to start a production company with Foreman after he was called by HUAC. (The company failed to get off the ground before Foreman had to leave the US.) When Cooper’s marshal in High Noon tosses his tin star to the ground and leaves town at the end of the film, the scene and gesture seem to encapsulate both men’s careers in Hollywood. In truth, Cooper was no hero. “Darkness and doubt just followed him about,” as the Mekons sang about John Wayne. Frankel relates how Cooper beat up Patricia Neal, his Fountainhead costar and mistress, after he found her in a clinch with Kirk Douglas. And Cooper came and went in various right-wing organizations, not just the Motion Picture Alliance. One, an armed “paramilitary polo club” called the Hollywood Hussars, drilled under the supervision of ex-Army officers and active-duty cops.
A pox lies dormant in American politics, like shingles, and it has broken out again. The Trump administration, even before taking power, began to request lists of government employees who might disagree with its policies on climate change, gender equality, and anti-terrorism; a right-wing website is compiling a watch list of professors it accuses of liberal bias. Frankel’s book makes clear how volatile and destructive such lists can become, and the kind of people they empower. Here we meet men like the New Jersey congressman J. Parnell Thomas, an anti–New Dealer and Red-baiter who was chairman of HUAC but was arrested for common fraud and ended up in the same prison as some of the Hollywood screenwriters he hounded out of work. Then there is Richard Arens, staff director of HUAC, a “paid consultant for a shadowy and racist pro-eugenics group known as the Pioneer Fund” who warned that the fight against communism was “a total war, a political war, . . . a diplomatic war, a global war, . . . a war that they and not us are winning internationally and domestically at an alarming rate.”
As such men return to government now, it is interesting to remember what the blacklisted writer-director Abraham Polonsky said about his fellow communists in the film industry: “The Communist Party was for years the best social club in Hollywood. You’d meet a lot of interesting people, there were parties, and it created a nice social atmosphere.” Despite their bonhomie, they were outmaneuvered by the stupid and venal men who made up HUAC and by the press that supported it—the Chicago Tribune ran stories with headlines like “Politically Infantile Film Folk Were Easy Marks for Reds,” and the New York Herald Tribune‘s “Red Underground” column outed fellow travelers once a week.
As Frankel points out when he invokes Thom Andersen and Noël Burch’s 1996 documentary, Red Hollywood, it is a myth that the work of the blacklistees was inconsequential, despite what viewers may have gleaned last year from Hail, Caesar!, the Coen brothers’ comedy of 1950s Hollywood. Foreman survived the blacklist, cowriting The Bridge on the River Kwai for David Lean while in exile in London. He got no on-screen credit, which instead went to Pierre Boulle, who wrote the novel, had nothing to do with writing the script, and did not speak English. When the screenplay won the Oscar in 1958, Boulle, according to legend, collected it onstage, delivering the shortest speech in Academy history: “Merci.”
Frankel includes another odd scene in his book, in which Hedda Hopper, the vicious anti-communist gossip columnist, meets with Foreman in a London hotel in the mid-1950s after working so hard to destroy his career. She was in her sixties, he in his forties, but they found themselves attracted to each other. They polished off a bottle of Jack Daniel’s and stopped just short of making out. Politics makes strange bedfellows, people rise to some occasions and fail in others. As our new era unfolds, with the explicit promise, or threat, to make America as great as these 1950s again, we will soon find out if the bizarre tales in Frankel’s book will be repeated with a new cast of actors and writers.
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Anne Revere: Mother Courage
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[
"Beneath The Hollywood Sign"
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Welcome to my blog, FROM BENEATH THE HOLLYWOOD SIGN. If you love classic Hollywood cinema, movie stars, Hollywood history, or the golden age of filmmaking, you've come to the right place.
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en
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//img1.wsimg.com/isteam/ip/static/pwa-app/logo-default.png/:/rs=w:57,h:57,m
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From Beneath The Hollywood Sign
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https://frombeneaththehollywoodsign.com/f/anne-revere-mother-courage
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If you like classic cinema, larger-than-life movie stars, Hollywood history, and maybe a little bit of the darker side of Hollywood, this is the place for you. Hollywood isn't just a place, it's a state of mind. Drop me a line and say hello.
I look forward to hearing from you.
FROM BENEATH THE HOLLYWOOD SIGN is now a PODCAST hosted by AIRWAVE MEDIA, LLC. Join me and my extraordinary co-host, actress/director NAN McNAMARA, and incredible producer LINDSAY SCHNEBLY as we discuss all the films, stars, scandals, and curiosities of Hollywood's Golden Era. You can find us on APPLE, SPOTIFY, PANDORA, IHEARTRADIO, and wherever you get your podcasts. If you like what you hear, be sure to subscribe, like, and give a review!
FROM BENEATH THE HOLLYWOOD SIGN podcast is proud to welcome our sponsors:
FACTOR, America's #1 Ready-To-Eat Food Delivery Service. www.factor75.com
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https://emergingcivilwar.com/2023/10/25/glorifying-war-reflections-on-hollywoods-1951-adaptation-of-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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en
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Emerging Civil War
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2023-10-25T00:00:00
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ECW welcomes back guest author Heath Anderson I’ll lay my cards on the table: I consider The Red Badge of Courage to be the greatest Civil War film ever made. With World War II hero Audie Murphy as Henry “the Kid” Fleming and fellow veteran Bill Mauldin in the leading roles, director John Huston’s adaptation […]
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en
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Emerging Civil War
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https://emergingcivilwar.com/2023/10/25/glorifying-war-reflections-on-hollywoods-1951-adaptation-of-the-red-badge-of-courage/
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ECW welcomes back guest author Heath Anderson
I’ll lay my cards on the table: I consider The Red Badge of Courage to be the greatest Civil War film ever made. With World War II hero Audie Murphy as Henry “the Kid” Fleming and fellow veteran Bill Mauldin in the leading roles, director John Huston’s adaptation of Stephen Crane’s classic novel captured my imagination as a child. In countless viewings with my grandmother, I watched Audie Murphy carry the stars and stripes toward the faceless Confederate lines, the Battle Hymn of the Republic roaring to life in the background, and I felt like I had been transported into the past, confronted with something profoundly significant that I could not explain. I have often wondered over the years what about this film resonated with me so deeply. Does a film made in the afterglow of Allied victory in WWII still have relevance for our modern understanding of the Civil War? Is my love for this film merely nostalgia, completely disconnected from the real experience of the war and the indescribable horrors of the battlefield?[i]
As an academic, I am almost required to be cynical. There is nothing glorious about war, nothing to be celebrated amidst so much death and destruction. We often hear today that in war, no one wins, and scholarship on the Civil War has recently returned to this framing. In what has been called the “dark turn,” historians have argued that little of any lasting significance was achieved by the United States’ victory in the Civil War. As one scholar has written about this trend, “The Civil War emerging from this new scholarship is just another messy, ghastly, heartless conflict between two parties who were both, to some degree, in the wrong.” Crane’s narrative in The Red Badge of Courage, of a boy who overcomes his fear of battle to come out a man by standing firm and doing his duty, could be interpreted through this lens, as the celebration of a martial masculinity that ignores the abject horrors of the conflict.[ii]
I contend that this would be a mistake. Not only is the film a more visceral depiction of combat than many subsequent Civil War films, but it also celebrates a singular message about why Union soldiers fought and the significance of their doing so. That reason is the Union Cause: the cause of ordinary Americans coming together to preserve their government in the face of an armed rebellion, in which victory was not assured and required great sacrifice. If such triumphalism feels out of place to us today, that is because the United States’ victory in the Civil War seems to have been all but inevitable. That it could have turned out differently, and that it did not, is one of the film’s lasting impressions. Henry Fleming’s victory over his own personal fear is therefore a victory for the nation as a whole and one worth remembering.[iii]
Soldiers in Fleming’s fictional 304th New York infantry do not directly expound upon the Union cause, but they do allude to it by demonstrating one of its central components: the citizen soldier tradition. For nineteenth-century Americans, there was no greater marker of citizenship than ordinary men pausing their civilian lives to defend the flag and government in its hour of peril. Union citizen soldiers believed they were following in the footsteps of the founding generation and upholding their sacrifices to establish a free and self-governing republic with opportunity for all men to better their condition, something the slaveholder’s rebellion threatened.
As Henry’s friend Tom Wilson explains to him when asked about his reasons for fighting, “My grandpappy fought with Washington; it’s in my blood, I reckon.” The central struggle in the film, of Henry and his comrades overcoming their fear of death, is not simply a human reaction, but also a representation of the thousands of nonprofessional soldiers who took up arms to fight for the cause. As Henry Fleming writes a letter home on paper adorned with patriotic imagery, it is not hard to imagine that their characters would concur with the assessment of Union soldier Henry E. Richmond, who described his service as “the noblest cause that a loyal citizen can do—the suppressing of the rebellion against…our country & the best government that God ever vouchsafed to his children.”[iv]
In addition to this deeper meaning, The Red Badge of Courage is first and foremost a unique Civil War film. Bringing the drudgery and uncertainty of soldiering in Crane’s novel to life, the film shows us the monotony of drilling in camp with the memorable narration that “war was simply a matter of waiting. Waiting and endless drilling.” This tedious routine is interrupted by frantic rumors of the coming campaign, followed by several evocative scenes, such as Henry and his comrades’ journey to the battlefield across a river, a nearby homestead, and forest trails. Throughout the trek to the battlefield, the film maintains a foreboding sense of the trepidation of individuals swept up in a much larger struggle.
The film’s depiction of battle is also the opposite of an uncritical glorification of war. While it lacks the special effects and gory imagery of modern war films, its battle scenes convey the fury of Civil War combat in an unsettling fashion. Rather than an omniscient recreation of a battle that most viewers already know the result of, Fleming and his unit come upon the battlefield unexpectedly after a tense march. While we are presented with an imposing wide shot of the field before them, it is wreathed in smoke and our perspective remains that of Henry Fleming’s, making any attempt to discern tactics and strategy pointless. As his unit is rushed inexorably into line to replace swarms of their retreating comrades, the viewer is left uncertain as to Henry’s fate, but also cognizant of a massive release of tension expressed by many Civil War soldiers as they finally entered battle. As one Illinois soldier put it, “the greatest strain was…listening to the oncoming roar of battle.” However, once engaged he stated that “I forgot where my heart was and had no desire to run.”[v]
Henry, of course, does initially run, but not before standing down a rebel assault and being faced with the most harrowing experience for all Civil War soldiers: hand-to-hand combat. The camera pans to each soldier in Henry’s unit as they discharge their rifles and stop the rebel attack. There is no dramatic swelling of music, no exaggerated acts of heroism, just the grim work of killing. This scene functions almost as an exorcism of their fear, recalling one historian’s observation that firing served as “a positive act” and a “physical release” for Civil War soldiers’ emotions. The comedown from the emotional high of battle is represented following the Confederate retreat, when Fleming’s comrades seem stunned at their survival, and one remarks, “they look much bigger through the powder smoke.” But their peace is quickly shattered by the frantic realization of an impending second attack, this time with the bayonet. As Henry returns to the firing line, the rebel yell grows louder, and their charge bursts out of a swirling cacophony of noise and smoke, colliding with the Union line and sending Henry scampering to the rear and making the viewer feel the urge to join him. There are few more memorable portrayals of the maelstrom of Civil War combat from the perspective of the common soldier.[vi]
Ultimately, Henry Fleming redeems himself, and the satisfaction of victory that he and his brothers-in-arms enjoy at the end of the film might seem too tidy to us. Where are the shattered bodies, the years of trauma, and the realization that many issues of the Civil War were far from settled after the guns fell silent? However, as the 304th marches out of frame for the final time and Henry looks up hopefully at the sun breaking through the trees, we might do well to take the message of the pride he felt in victory seriously. As one historian has written about the triumph of the United States, “Northern soldiers…had fought to reunite a nation shattered by slavery. And they had won.” With Union victory, the government of the founders had been preserved, the Constitution upheld, and the nation reunited. If these results came to seem less important over time as the war generation passed on and the threat of secession dividing the nation receded, it speaks only to the completeness of the triumph most loyal citizen soldiers felt they had achieved on the battlefield. The Red Badge of Courage magnifies this sense of triumph because of the immense sacrifices thousands of real soldiers made to make it possible. It remains essential viewing for anyone interested in the American Civil War.[vii]
Heath Anderson is a Ph.D. candidate at Mississippi State University under the direction of Dr. Andrew Lang. He grew up in Virginia and developed a passion for history and the American Civil War from a young age, traveling to numerous museums, battlefields, and living history events. Heath attained his bachelor’s and master’s degrees from Virginia Commonwealth University where he wrote a thesis on Confederate General William Mahone and the Readjuster Party. Heath’s primary research interest is the period of Reconstruction following the war, and how local politics and events influenced federal policy on Reconstruction.
[i] The Red Badge of Courage, directed by John Huston (1951; Santa Monica, CA: MGM-Warner Home Video, 1993), VHS.
[ii] Yael A. Sternhell, “Revisionism Reinvented?: The Antiwar Turn in Civil War Scholarship,” The Journal of the Civil War Era 3, no. 2 (2013): 249.
[iii] My interpretation of the significance of the Union Cause is inspired by Gary Gallagher’s The Union War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011).
[iv] Gallagher, The Union War, 107.
[v] Jonathan M. Steplyk, Fighting Means Killing: Civil War Soldiers and the Nature of Combat (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2018), 52.
[vi] Ibid., Steplyk quotes military historian Paddy Griffith, 53.
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Music Search, Recommendations, Videos and Reviews
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AllMusic provides comprehensive music info including reviews and biographies. Get recommendations for new music to listen to, stream or own.
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AllMusic
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https://www.allmusic.com/updated
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https://fivebooks.com/best-books/american-film-mark-harris/
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The best books on American Film
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[
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2021-04-25T12:02:37+00:00
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The best books on American film, recommended by bestselling author, critic and leading expert on American cinema, Mark Harris
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Five Books
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https://fivebooks.com/best-books/american-film-mark-harris/
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As French film director Jean-Luc Goddard said, “Every film is the result of the society that produced it.” Thank you for taking the time to talk about American film, books about it and what American cinema history says about the society that produces it. In Pictures at a Revolution, Five Came Back and now, Mike Nichols: A Life, you look at American through its films. Before we get to the books you’re recommending, can you tell us about these three celebrated contributions to American cinema studies and what you see, in general, when you look at American society through its kaleidoscopic movies?
Movies can reflect what’s going on in American society—sometimes anticipate it, sometimes fall behind it, sometimes lead it, and sometimes change it. On some level, all of my work is about that.
In Pictures of the Revolution, I follow five movies—Heat of the Night and Bonnie and Clyde and The Graduate, and Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner—from the earliest point of their origin, in 1963, to their release, in 1967 and 1968. American society changed tremendously during that five-year period, and the films tracked that. I was interested in the way in which movies reflected or failed to reflect the civil rights struggle, the sexual revolution and the increase in violence in American society. It was fascinating to look at that period through its movies and see how they reflected the changes underway.
Five Came Back is about five famous Hollywood filmmakers who enlisted and were assigned to make documentary films and propaganda films during World War II. I was interested in what happens to Hollywood filmmakers when their mission isn’t primarily artistic, but instead educative, informational, and propagandistic. The experience of being a wartime filmmaker changed all these directors — people like John Ford and George Stevens and William Wyler and John Houston. It’s also about literally how America saw World War II, through documentaries and newsreel footage in movie theaters.
In my newest book, a biography of Mike Nichols, I explore the life of a single artist over decades and how the creative life of a director with an incredibly long career can evolve in response to changes in society and in their personal lives. I was interested in how artistic priorities change as you age and how the film business changed from the 1960s to the 2000s.
Mike Nichols was not just a film figure—he started out as a comedian, he worked in television and he became a theater director. What is important to know about the relationship of American film to other performative arts in the United States?
The relationship between film and other art forms is more porous than people realize, whether we are talking about the relationship between film and television, which is incredibly strong presently, or the relationship between film and theater, which was certainly strong in the early 1960s, when Nichols started to direct, or the relationship between Hollywood filmmaking and the larger culture, which is something that I write about in all my books. In Nichols’s case, it was particularly important. He started as a performer, doing improv with Elaine May. His years on the stage influenced how he got an actor to give a great performance and how he shaped a story on screen. Nichols was equally a stage director and a film director. He had parallel careers that unfolded over almost 50 years, from the mid 1960s to the end of his life, in film and on stage.
On to the five books about American movies that you’ve recommended. Let’s begin with An Empire of Their Own: How The Jews Invented Hollywood, a 1988 book by Neal Gabler.
An Empire of Their Own is a great starting place for anyone who wants to understand Hollywood because it grounds you in an understanding of the fact that film was an upstart art form and an immigrant art form, largely created by Jews who were trying to find a place in American society when the doors of a lot of other businesses were closed to them. You really get a great sense of the fact that movie studios like Universal, Paramount and Warner Brothers, which we might now think of as multinational faceless corporations, began as scrappy businesses. Gabler really captures the excitement and cultural particularities of American cinema’s birth.
Gabler seems to have a strong thesis. He wrote, “Even to this day, the American values defined largely by the movies of these émigrés endure in American cinema and culture.” Gabler asserts that these émigrés’ over-intense admiration for American norms was entwined in Hollywood’s DNA. Does that statement still hold true?
Yes, but another thing Gabler gets at is that the studios weren’t the same, so they didn’t reflect the same aspect of America. Warner Brothers movies were largely urban and scrappy and the studio chose heroes who were upstarts and rebels. A different kind of American experience is reflected in the movies of MGM, a world of luxury and good manners presented a view of what American success looked like. Because movies are so influential, those visions shaped views of America.
Gabler notes that Jewish involvement in the entertainment industry has been a flashpoint for “wave after wave of vicious anti-Semites” beginning with know-nothings in the 1910s, including redbaiters during the 50s and continuing on to today.
When people talk about ‘Hollyweird’ or ‘coastal elites’ those are, to some degree, code words for Jews, who have always been accused of having a disproportionate influence in the media and of using that influence in a concerted way to advance an agenda that is presumably self-serving. That nativist idea formed in the 1910s and 20s, when these companies were just starting, and it persists to this day. The specifics are different, but the conviction that movies are made with nefarious intent has not changed over the century.
Activists on the left explicitly argue that since influence over national narratives is so potent, moviemakers should systematically yield more power to marginalized people. Is that happening?
There’s a growing understanding that progress can’t just be measured by how many African Americans are in a position to get good parts in movies, for instance. It has to be measured, for example, by how many African Americans are at the industry’s executive level, empowered to greenlight projects and give people good parts in movies. I’m sympathetic to the argument that nothing will change meaningfully and permanently in movies until the power structure that shapes and makes those movies changes. That’s happening slowly. But I think the understanding that it needs to happen is more broadly accepted now than it was even 10 years ago.
Next, The Genius of the System: Hollywood Filmmaking in the Studio Era, by Thomas Schatz.
The Genius of the System is a great follow-up to Empire of their Own and contradicts conventional wisdom about Hollywood. The conventional wisdom was that the studio system churned out cookie-cutter cinema and that filmmakers needed to overcome the pressures of the studio system so that works of individual vision and artistry could be made. This is largely what I wrote about in Pictures at a Revolution. The Genius of the System is not a reactionary book. Thomas Schatz isn’t making the case that revolution didn’t need to happen. But, he is exploring how the system made artistry and even individuality possible during the ‘Golden Age of Hollywood.’
“Making a movie is a matter of extreme pressure almost every day”
The Genius of the System explodes the notion that studio films were bland or monolithic. He explores the individual styles of each studio. A Warner Brothers movie and a Universal movie and an MGM movie were all distinct. Schatz shows how the house style at each studio evolved over from the 1920s into the 1950s, and adjusted to a changing world. It’s a great book for anybody interested in studio filmmaking at its strongest from 1928, which was the beginning of sound, to 1960. For all the oppressive elements of the studio system, Schatz shows that structure unquestionably allowed for real artistry and the production of fantastic foundationally important work. But, by the early 1960s, that system was outliving its usefulness.
Your Pictures of the Revolution takes up where Schatz ends.
His story ends when the rise of interest in non-American cinema begins. Starting in the late 1950s or early 1960s, movies from other countries started to get more distribution. The French New Wave, with directors like Jean-Luc Goddard, the rise of realism and all the films that came out of Italy, like those from Federico Fellini, and the work of Sweden’s Ingmar Bergman, all these exciting currents started to make American cinema exhausted. It’s about how the studio system was on its last legs and gave way to something new in the late 1960s.
Newsweek called your next recommendation “the best book on Hollywood ever published.” Please tell me about Picture, by Lillian Ross.
Picture is great. I’m a huge fan. This a book about the making of one movie, which can tell you a tremendous amount about how movies are made and what goes wrong when a movie goes wrong. The movie is one not many people talk about anymore, Red Badge of Courage, directed by John Houston. Ross shows that movies are the result of a combination of idiosyncratic personalities and chance decisions. It was the first book ever about the making of a single movie. Many books since have tried to shed light on the industry by looking at the making of a particular movie but fail to give readers a good sense of the larger picture. Picture succeeds in showing you everything you would ever want to know about Red Badge of Courage and you also learn so much about the world in which the movie was made.
You wrote, in GQ, “an unrelenting focus on the sell rather than the goods may be why so many of the dispiritingly awful movies that studios throw at us look as if they were planned from the poster backward rather than from the good idea forward.”
The idea of films as brands is recent. The incredible expense involved in marketing movies has given marketers greater say in the movies that studios make and has led to people who know how to sell things, rather than people who know how to make things, becoming the people who run studios. That is a relatively recent phenomenon that you can trace back to the mid 1980s.
Studios live and die based on their franchises. Movie delivery dates and release dates are planned years in advance. Before movies are cast or written, or even conceived, there will be a slot on a release schedule saying, ‘August 7th, 2024 untitled event film from Universal.’
Now it’s almost impossible to get a mid-budget movie that isn’t based on a piece of existing intellectual property made at a studio. With rare exceptions, legacy studios are out of that business now. They don’t have, in their executive ranks, people who are trained to find intellectual property, shape them into movies and develop scripts.
Happily, people still want to watch those movies, so they are made by places like Netflix, Apple and Hulu. Having an eye for material that would make a great commercial movie, which wasn’t based on a franchise, used to be key to advancing at studios. Now, if you want to run a studio, you develop expertise in selling a franchise.
Next, you recommend Vito Russo’s The Celluloid Closet.
I tried to think of these five recommendations as a unit. Having recommended books about the invention of the studio, the rise of the studios, the value of the studios and the way filmmakers work, I wanted to recommend one book at least about the dark side of the system. The Celluloid Closet is a history written by Vito Russo several decades ago about how gay people were depicted, demonized, villainized and caricaturized in films from the 1910s to the 1970s. It’s important for anyone who’s interested in movies to know that the effect of a cultural system as powerful as Hollywood moviemaking can also be pernicious, that it can dehumanize people and reinforce the ugliest cultural perceptions of particular groups of people. It took a really, really long time for gay people to be treated as human beings in American movies. The Celluloid Closet is a fascinating and valuable exploration of that.
Of course, this is a subject that is very much on the front burner. African-Americans, Asians and Pacific Islanders, Indigenous peoples, Latino people, trans people and gay people are focused on how they are portrayed in film. The Celluloid Close is great reading for anyone who wants to understand that movies can be a powerful ally or a powerful obstacle.
While promoting a film about a gay paleontologist, Kate Winslet recently made headlines by claiming that gay actors continue to hide their sexuality for fear that they would no longer be “cast in straight roles” and that she hoped “there will come a time when it is automatic that [gay] actors get [gay] parts.” It seems that Winslet is arguing that gay actors ought to be able to portray straight characters but that gay parts should only be given to gay actors. How has the depiction of historically marginalized Americans changed since Russo wrote?
There are a lot of arguments, including within the gay community, over the idea that all gay parts should be played by gay actors. There are places where all minorities are in the same boat and there are places where they’re not. Sexuality isn’t like race, in some respects. And it’s important to remember that these distinctions really do matter. There are, for one thing, serious legal and ethical issues involved in demanding to know someone’s sexuality before you cast them. My personal preference would be to see a world in which gay actors are castable in any role, rather than a world in which we have to decide that gay people are the only people who are qualified to play gay parts. Art isn’t autobiography.
But I don’t think that that issue should overshadow the importance of representation. As I said, there are logistical and even ethical complications in casting mandates for gay parts. There’s no ethical issue in saying African American roles should be played by African American actors and, at the same time, that African American actors should be castable in any role.
You asked how things have changed. The only way I can answer it is to say that it’s not so much that they have changed as that they are changing. For one thing, if we take gay people specifically, there are way more out gay actors than there used to be. A larger question is how many gay parts there are and how great is the variety of gay parts and lesbian parts and parts for trans people. And how many gay stories there are and how many specifically trans movies are made. This is a fight for progress on several different fronts at once.
The fewer opportunities there are overall the more unfairly packed every decision about one of those parts is. It’s unfair for a gay actor or a Black actor to have to go into a part feeling that they are carrying the representational burden for a group of people that goes far beyond that part. That is a challenge that straight people and white people don’t have to carry around their neck. The first thing that has to get solved is there must be more opportunities, more roles, so that the playing field can at least be level, in terms of an actor feeling that their job is to do the job that they were hired to do, not the job that they were hired to do, plus the fulfillment of an obligation to a community that is only an obligation because there are so few jobs.
That is so well formulated. The final book that you recommended, like Lillian Ross’s Picture, puzzles over the mystery of how a collaborative art form can become a creative catastrophe. Please tell me about Devil’s Candy by former film critic Julie Salamon.
I love it. It’s so much fun. Picture is from the 1950s. Devil’s Candy is from a very different period, the early nineties. It’s from an era of Hollywood where the decision-making process might be a little more recognizable to contemporary readers. I always felt that the story of the making of a disaster can illuminate as least as much about the world of movie making as the story of a success. There are several making-of-a-disaster books; Devil’s Candy is probably the best. It’s incredibly entertaining. It also gets into the complexities of taking a hot literary property of a novel, which Tom Wolfe‘s book Bonfire of the Vanities certainly was, and adapting it for film.
Bonfire of the Vanites had challenging things about race and urban politics that have not aged well and that were easily mishandled in a movie. Julie Salamon looks at what happens when people are not thoughtful about those issues. Better than any book I’ve ever read, Devil’s Candy conveys that making a movie is a matter of extreme pressure almost every day. At every stage of the making of the movie, there’s always a combination of high spirits, chaos, and impending emergency. These are strange circumstance under which to create art. Since reading Devil’s Candy, I’ve watched movies a little differently, knowing that any 30 seconds of film that I see probably represents the result of a hundred different decisions and accidents and coincidences and compromises and arguments that I’ll never know about.
Final question: you earlier mentioned the burden of representation that falls on the shoulders of some historically marginalized actors. I wonder, does Hollywood feel a sense of responsibility for the fact that their commercial art form represents American society abroad? And whether that sense of responsibility seems constant or to be growing?
The key word in your question is Hollywood. What do we mean when we say Hollywood? It’s a noun we all use, but what do we mean by it? Do we mean the studios? Do we mean the heads of studios like Disney or do we mean directors like Ava DuVernay or producers like Shonda Rhimes? The answer to your question changes based on how we’re defining Hollywood and how Hollywood defines itself at any given moment in its history. The more the definition of Hollywood changes, the more that sense of responsibility will grow.
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https://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/apr/14/100-best-novels-red-badge-courage-stephen-crane
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The 100 best novels: No 30 – The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane (1895)
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2014-04-14T00:00:00
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<p>Stephen Crane's account of a young man's passage to manhood through soldiery is a blueprint for the great American war novel, writes <strong>Robert McCrum</strong></p>
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/apr/14/100-best-novels-red-badge-courage-stephen-crane
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Stephen Crane, born in Newark, New Jersey in 1871, completed the short novel that would become the godfather of all American war novels, and an inspiration for writers as diverse as Ernest Hemingway and JD Salinger, while still in his early 20s. His subject, the war between the States, had actually ended before he was born, and he never experienced the horrors of battle. But the laconic realism of his prose, the fierce investigation of the soldier's psyche, and his impressionistic use of colour and detail convinced many readers that Crane was a veteran turned novelist.
Some critics see The Red Badge of Courage as a founding text in the modernist movement, a seminal novel whose influence haunts the composition of The Naked and the Dead, Catch-22, The Thin Red Line and Matterhorn, among others. Crane, a struggling freelance writer, researched his subject partly through magazine accounts of the civil war, a popular subject, and partly through conversations with veterans. He later said that he "had been unconsciously working the detail of the story out through most of his boyhood" and had imagined "war stories ever since he was out of knickerbockers". The idea of a writer immersing himself in the literary expression of his subject to make a book for publication, so familiar today, was new in the 1890s, as was his chosen genre, the war story. At this point he had published, unsuccessfully, at his own expense, just one novel, Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893), and was creatively out of sorts.
The Red Badge of Courage is not a conventional historical novel. Its texture is cinematic; at the same time, breaking the rules, it eschews all reference to time and place. As the "retiring fog" lifts on the opening page, an army is revealed "stretched out on the hills, resting". This is followed by a brilliant passage, surely an inspiration to subsequent generations of screenwriters: "At night, when the stream had become of a sorrowful blackness, one could see across it the red, eye-like gleam of hostile camp fires set in the low brows of distant hills."
Having set the scene, and expanded it with swift economy in a sequence of short chapters, Crane unfolds his creative purpose: to get under the skin of a young soldier, the volunteer Henry Fleming, who has enlisted as a challenge to himself. When fighting breaks out around him, Fleming's courage deserts him. He cannot face the possibility of suffering "a red badge", and flees, before later returning. More manoeuvres and skirmishes follow. Slowly, Fleming overcomes his fear, comes of age, learns to be a soldier and acquires an appetite for battle.
By the end, he has been "an animal blistered and sweating in the heat and pain of war", but he has come through, unscathed, and somehow made whole. "He turned now," Crane concludes, "with a lover's thirst to images of tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks – an existence of soft and eternal peace."
Possibly this was Crane's own wish-fulfilment. He was already fatally ill with tuberculosis. When this, his second novel, was published, he enjoyed a very brief moment of acclaim, while affecting to disdain his efforts. "I don't think The Red Badge to be any great shakes," he said. Crane died in Germany in 1900. After the first world war the novel was rediscovered, and has never been out of print since.
A note on the text
Crane began writing the book that would become The Red Badge of Courage (at first it was titled "Private Fleming/His various battles") in June 1893, and submitted the completed manuscript of 55,000 words to the publisher SS McClure, who held it for six months without making a decision. Once Crane had retrieved his still unpublished work he gave it to another publisher, Irving Bacheller, who sold the serial rights to the Philadelphia Press. So The Red Badge of Courage made its first appearance as a serialisation of just 18,000 words, a version that was quickly reprinted in more than 200 city newspapers and nearly 600 weekly publications, where it was an immediate hit with readers.
The success of the serialisation led to publication in book form by D Appleton in October 1895. This version was 5,000 words shorter than Crane's original; many strange and disfiguring cuts were not restored until the definitive Norton & Co edition of 1982. Here in the UK, William Heinemann launched a British edition in 1896 as part of its Pioneer series. HG Wells, who was a friend of Crane's, noted enviously that The Red Badge of Courage was welcomed with "an orgy of praise" in England, which encouraged Crane to settle here in the years before his premature death in 1900. It was a brief moment of happiness for the young man. Crane wrote to a friend: "I have only one pride and that is that the English edition of The Red Badge of Courage has been received with great praise by the English reviewers. I am proud of this simply because the remoter people would seem more just and harder to win." Another critic, Harold Frederic, wrote that: "If there were in existence any books of a similar character, one could start confidently by saying that it was the best of its kind. But it has no fellows. It is a book outside of all classification. So unlike anything else is it that the temptation rises to deny that it is a book at all."
Three more from Stephen Crane
Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893); The Open Boat and Other Tales of Adventure (1898); Active Service (1899).
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https://salempress.com/Critical-Insights-The-Red-Badge-of-Courage
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Critical Insights: The Red Badge of Courage
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Readers were gripped by Crane's lucid descriptions of warfare and of the vacillating mind of his young, untested soldier, Henry Fleming, and many assumed that he must have been a veteran of the Civil War. Some actual veterans went so far as to claim that they had fought alongside Crane in the war. Astonishing as the novel itself is the fact that Crane was only twenty-three when he wrote it and had never even lived through a war, let alone fought in one. Even today, more than one hundred years after its publication and after generations of readers and decades of commentary, this most famous of Crane's works continues to astonish, amaze, and puzzle.
Introduction
The volume starts out with introduction from the editor Eric Carl Link, a Biography of Stephen Crane by R. Baird Shuman, and an essay from Barry Harbaugh of The Paris Review. Link, Professor of American Literature at the University of Memphis, writes in his introduction to this volume in the Critical Insights series, Red Badge is much more than a war novel—it is a drama of the human psyche, a pinnacle of American naturalism and impressionism, a precursor to modernism, and a brilliant comment on the relations between human beings and our universe. As the essays collected here can attest, the novel is rich in interpretive possibilities.
Critical Contexts
For readers studying Red Badge for the first time, a quartet of introductory essays provide valuable background. Essays examine how the culture of the 1890's—with its clashes over immigration, industrialization, poverty, and military policy—influenced Crane and a survey of the criticism surrounding the novel. An analysis of some of Crane's short stories attempt to resolve some of the critical issues that have long plagued scholars of Red Badge.
Critical Readings
Continuing the discussion are a variety of classic and contemporary essays on the novel. In this section, readers will find a comprehensive overview of the novel and praises it as "one of the great war novels of world literature." Other authors analyze Crane's use of narrative point of view to show how it supports Crane's concept of reality and discusses Crane's stance of epistemological uncertainty and his subjectivism. Essays argue that, despite some critics' qualms, the novel is a unified, coherent work of art that projects a humanistic vision and is a unified and coherent work.
There are examinations of the use of humor and fallacious reasoning in the novel. Authors analyze Crane's imagery piece together Crane's concept of courage and heroism. They attempt to answer questions about Crane's work—whether Henry Fleming matures over the course of the novel and the meaning of the novel's ending. The section ends with a highly innovative reading of race and gender in the work.
Each essay is 2,500-5,000 words in length and all essays conclude with a list of "Works Cited," along with endnotes.
Additional Resources:
Chronology of Crane's Life
Works by Stephen Crane
Bibliography
About the Editor
Contributors
Index
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BIRSS: Stephen Crane and The Red Badge of Courage
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Stephen Crane smoking a hookah at a party. He and a friend are dressed in medical school clothing.
Source: Stephen Crane Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Syracuse University Libraries.
Source caption: Sorrentino, Paul. Stephen Crane: A Life of Fire. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014, Fig. 1.
After self-publishing Maggie: A Girl of the Streets in 1893, Crane worked as a freelance writer. During that time he was befriended by fellow writers Hamlin Garland and William Dean Howells, who encouraged him to keep writing. Even still, The Red Badge of Courage was not easy to place, leaving Crane to initially syndicate it in serial form in various newspapers and magazines. When it finally published in 1895, the novel brought Crane international fame, even though it didn't relieve his ongoing financial difficulties. Although he had never been exposed to war first-hand, he was praised by veterans for accurately depicting physical combat and the fears associated with war, while some critics were less complimentary about his modernistic approach to the subject.
Following Crane's success with his novel about war, he became a war correspondent and traveled to Greece and Cuba, writing for the New York World as well as The New York Journal. His departure to Cuba in 1897 was disastrous: the ship he sailed on, the Commodore, wrecked off the coast of Florida, stranding Crane and three other passengers in a dingy for nearly thirty hours. From that experience, he composed his famous short story "The Open Boat."
In 1900, weakened by the recurrent malarial fever he'd caught in Cuba, the twenty-eight-year-old Craned died from tuberculosis. Despite his short life, Crane had become central to the literary world. He regularly corresponded with other important writers of his time period, most notably: Joseph Conrad, H.G. Wells, Ford Maddox Ford, and Henry James. The New York Times described the cohort as "neighbors, friends, collaborators, and enemies."
Stephen Crane in his study at Brede Place, Sussex, England (1899)
Source: Stephen Crane Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Syracuse University Libraries
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The War Movie Buff: ADAPT or ADOPT: The Red Badge of Courage (1951
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The Red Badge of Courage
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1895 war novel by Stephen Crane
For film adaptations of the novel, see The Red Badge of Courage (1951 film) and The Red Badge of Courage (1974 film).
The Red Badge of Courage is an 1895 war novel by American author Stephen Crane (1871–1900). Taking place during the American Civil War, the story is about a young private of the Union Army, Henry Fleming, who flees from the field of battle. Overcome with shame, he longs for a wound, a "red badge of courage", to counteract his cowardice. When his regiment once again faces the enemy, Henry acts as flag-bearer, carrying the regimental colors.
Although Crane was born after the war, and had not at the time experienced battle first-hand, the novel is known for its realism and naturalism. He began writing what would become his second novel in 1894, using various contemporary and written accounts (such as those published previously by Century Magazine) as inspiration. It is believed that he based the fictional battle on that of Chancellorsville; he may also have interviewed veterans of the 124th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment, commonly known as the Orange Blossoms. Initially shortened and serialized in newspapers in December 1894, the novel was published in full in October 1895. A longer version of the work, based on Crane's original manuscript, was published in 1982.[1]
The novel is known for its distinctive style, which includes realistic battle sequences as well as the repeated use of color imagery, and ironic tone. Separating itself from a traditional war narrative, Crane's story reflects the inner experience of its protagonist (a soldier fleeing from combat) rather than the external world around him. Also notable for its use of what Crane called a "psychological portrayal of fear",[2] the novel's allegorical and symbolic qualities are often debated by critics. Several of the themes that the story explores are maturation, heroism, cowardice, and the indifference of nature. The Red Badge of Courage garnered widespread acclaim, what H. G. Wells called "an orgy of praise",[3] shortly after its publication, making Crane an instant celebrity at the age of twenty-four. The novel and its author did have their initial detractors, however, including author and veteran Ambrose Bierce. Adapted several times for the screen, the novel became a bestseller. Never out of print, it is Crane's most important work and a major American text.
Background
[edit]
Stephen Crane published his first novel, Maggie: A Girl of the Streets, in March 1893 at the age of 21. Maggie was not a success, either financially or critically. Most critics thought the unsentimental Bowery tale crude or vulgar, and Crane chose to publish the work privately after it was repeatedly rejected for publication.[4] Crane found inspiration for his next novel while spending hours lounging in a friend's studio in the early summer of 1893. There, he became fascinated with issues of Century Magazine that were largely devoted to famous battles and military leaders from the Civil War.[5] Frustrated with the dryly written stories, Crane stated, "I wonder that some of those fellows don't tell how they felt in those scraps. They spout enough of what they did, but they're as emotionless as rocks."[6] Returning to these magazines during subsequent visits to the studio, he decided to write a war novel. He later stated that he "had been unconsciously working the detail of the story out through most of his boyhood" and had imagined "war stories ever since he was out of knickerbockers."[7]
At the time, Crane was intermittently employed as a freelance writer, contributing articles to various New York City newspapers. He began writing what would become The Red Badge of Courage in June 1893, while living with his older brother Edmund in Lake View, New Jersey.[8] Crane conceived the story from the point of view of a young private who is at first filled with boyish dreams of the glory of war, only to become disillusioned by war's reality. He took the private's surname, "Fleming," from his sister-in-law's maiden name. He would later relate that the first paragraphs came to him with "every word in place, every comma, every period fixed."[2] Working mostly nights, he wrote from around midnight until four or five in the morning. Because he could not afford a typewriter, he carefully wrote in ink on legal-sized paper, occasionally crossing through or overlying a word. If he changed something, he would rewrite the whole page.[9] He later moved to New York City, where he completed the novel in April 1894 .[8]
Publication history
[edit]
The title of Crane's original, 55,000-word manuscript was "Private Fleming/His various battles", but in order to create the sense of a less traditional Civil War narrative, he ultimately changed the title to The Red Badge of Courage: An Episode of the American Civil War.[10] In early 1894, Crane submitted the manuscript to S. S. McClure, who held on to it for six months without publication.[11] Frustrated, the author asked for the manuscript to be returned, after which he gave it to Irving Bacheller in October.[12] An abbreviated version of Crane's story was first serialized in The Philadelphia Press in December 1894. This version of the story, which was culled to 18,000 words by an editor specifically for the serialization, was reprinted in newspapers across America, establishing Crane's fame.[13] Crane biographer John Berryman wrote that the story was published in at least 200 small city dailies and approximately 550 weekly papers.[14] In October 1895, a version, which was 5,000 words shorter than the original manuscript, was printed in book form by D. Appleton & Company. This version of the novel differed greatly from Crane's original manuscript; the deletions were thought by some scholars to be due to demands by an Appleton employee who was afraid of public disapproval of the novel's content. Parts of the original manuscript removed from the 1895 version include all of the twelfth chapter, as well as the endings to chapters seven, ten and fifteen.[15]
Crane's contract with Appleton allowed him to receive a flat ten percent royalty of all copies sold. However, the contract also stipulated that he was not to receive royalties from the books sold in Great Britain, where they were released by Heinemann in early 1896 as part of its Pioneer Series.[16] In 1982, W. W. Norton & Company published a version of the novel based on Crane's original 1894 manuscript of 55,000 words. Edited by Henry Binder, this version is questioned by those who believe Crane made the original edits for the 1895 Appleton edition of his own accord.[17] Since its initial publication, the novel has never gone out of print.[18]
Plot summary
[edit]
On a cold day, the fictional 304th New York Infantry Regiment awaits battle beside a river. Private Henry Fleming, a young teenaged recruit, remembers his romantic reasons for enlisting as well as his mother's resulting protests, wonders whether he will remain brave in the face of fear or turn and run back. He is comforted by one of his friends from home, Jim Conklin, who admits that he would run from battle if his fellow soldiers also fled. During the regiment's first battle, Confederate soldiers charge, but are repelled. The enemy quickly regroups and attacks again, this time forcing some of the unprepared Union soldiers to flee. Fearing the battle is a lost cause, Henry deserts his regiment. It is not until after he reaches the rear of the army that he overhears a general announcing the Union's victory.
Ashamed, Henry escapes into a nearby forest, where he discovers a decaying body in a peaceful clearing. In his distress, he hurriedly leaves the clearing and stumbles upon a group of injured men returning from battle. One member of the group, a "tattered soldier", asks Henry where he is wounded, but the youth dodges the question. Among the group is Conklin, who has been shot in the side and is suffering delirium from blood loss. Jim eventually dies of his injury, defiantly resisting aid from his friend, and an enraged and helpless Henry runs from the wounded soldiers. He next comes upon a retreating column that is in disarray. In the panic, a man hits Henry on the head with his rifle, wounding him. Exhausted, hungry, thirsty, and now wounded, Henry decides to return to his regiment regardless of his shame. When he arrives at camp, the other soldiers believe his injury resulted from a grazing bullet during battle. The other men care for the youth, dressing his wound.
The next morning Henry goes into battle for the third time. His regiment encounters an isolated Confederate unit, and in the ensuing fight Henry proves to be a capable soldier, comforted by the belief that his previous cowardice had not been noticed, as he "had performed his mistakes in the dark, so he was still a man".[20] Afterward, while looking for a stream from which to obtain water with a friend, he discovers from his commanding officer that his regiment has a lackluster reputation. The officer speaks casually about sacrificing the 304th because they are nothing more than "mule drivers" and "mud diggers". With no other regiments to spare, the general orders his men forward.
In the final battle, Henry acts as the flag-bearer after the color sergeant falls. A line of Confederates, hidden behind a fence beyond a clearing, shoots with impunity at Henry's regiment, which is ill-covered in the tree-line. Facing withering fire if they stay and disgrace if they retreat, the officers order a charge. Unarmed, Henry leads the men while entirely escaping injury. Most of the Confederates run before the regiment arrives, and four of the remaining men are taken prisoner. The novel closes with the following passage:
It rained. The procession of weary soldiers became a bedraggled train, despondent and muttering, marching with churning effort in a trough of liquid brown mud under a low, wretched sky. Yet the youth smiled, for he saw that the world was a world for him, though many discovered it to be made of oaths and walking sticks. He had rid himself of the red sickness of battle. The sultry nightmare was in the past. He had been an animal blistered and sweating in the heat and pain of war. He turned now with a lover's thirst to images of tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks, an existence of soft and eternal peace. Over the river a golden ray of sun came through the hosts of leaden rain clouds.[21]
Historical accuracy and inspiration
[edit]
Although Crane once wrote in a letter, "You can tell nothing... unless you are in that condition yourself," he wrote The Red Badge of Courage without any experience of war.[22] He would, however, later serve as a war correspondent during the Greco-Turkish and Spanish–American Wars. Nevertheless, the realistic portrayal of the battlefield in The Red Badge of Courage has often misled readers into thinking that Crane (despite being born six years after the end of the Civil War) was himself a veteran. While trying to explain his ability to write about battle realistically, Crane stated: "Of course, I have never been in a battle, but I believe that I got my sense of the rage of conflict on the football field, or else fighting is a hereditary instinct, and I wrote intuitively; for the Cranes were a family of fighters in the old days".[23]
Crane drew from a variety of sources in order to realistically depict battle. Century's "Battles and Leaders" series served as direct inspiration for the novel, and one story in particular (Warren Lee Goss's "Recollections of a Private") contains many parallels to Crane's work.[24] Thomas Beer wrote in his problematic 1923 biography[25] that Crane was challenged by a friend to write The Red Badge of Courage after having announced that he could do better than Émile Zola's La Débâcle. This anecdote, however, has not been substantiated.[26] The metaphor of the "red badge of courage" itself may have been inspired by true events; historian Cecil D. Eby, Jr. noted that Union officer Philip Kearny insisted his troops wear bright red unit insignia patches, which became known as marks of valor and bravery.[27] While the 304th New York Volunteer Infantry is fictional, many strategies and occurrences in the novel echo actual events during the Civil War. Details concerning specific campaigns during the war, especially regarding battle formations and actions during the Battle of Chancellorsville, have been noted by critics.[28]
It is believed that Crane listened to war stories in the town square of Port Jervis, New York (where his family at times resided)[29] told by members of the 124th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment, commonly known as the Orange Blossoms.[10] The Orange Blossoms first saw battle at Chancellorsville, which is believed by local historians to have been the inspiration for the battle depicted in The Red Badge of Courage.[30] Furthermore, there was a Private James Conklin who served in the 124th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment,[31] and Crane's short story "The Veteran", which was published in McClure's Magazine the year after The Red Badge of Courage,[32] depicts an elderly Henry Fleming who specifically identifies his first combat experience as having occurred at Chancellorsville.[33]
Style and genre
[edit]
The Red Badge of Courage has a distinctive style, which is often described as naturalistic, realistic, impressionistic or a mixture of the three.[35] Told in a third-person limited point of view, the novel reflects the inner-experience of Henry Fleming, a young soldier who flees from combat, rather than upon the external world around him. The Red Badge of Courage is notable in its vivid descriptions and well-cadenced prose, both of which help create suspense within the story.[36] Critics in particular have pointed to the repeated use of color imagery throughout the novel, both literal and figurative, as proof of the novel's use of Impressionism. Blue and gray uniforms are mentioned, as are yellow and orange sunlight, and green forests, while men's faces grow red with rage or courage, and gray with death.[8] Crane also uses animalistic imagery to comment upon people, nature, and war itself. For example, the novel begins by portraying the army as a living entity that is "stretched out on the hills, resting."[37]
While the novel takes place during a series of battles, The Red Badge of Courage is not a traditional Civil War narrative. Focusing on the complex internal struggle of its main character, rather than on the war itself,[10] Crane's novel often divides readers as to whether the story is intended to be either for or against war.[38] By avoiding political, military, and geographic details of the conflict between the states, the story becomes divorced from its historical context.[39] Notably lacking are the dates in which the action takes place, and the name of the battle; these omissions effectively shift attention away from historical patterns in order to concentrate on the emotional violence of battle in general.[40] The writer alluded to as much in a letter, in which he stated he wished to depict war through "a psychological portrayal of fear."[2]
Writing more than thirty years after the novel's debut, author Joseph Conrad agreed that the novel's main struggle was internal rather than external, and that Fleming "stands before the unknown. He would like to prove to himself by some reasoning process that he will not 'run from the battle'. And in his unblooded regiment he can find no help. He is alone with the problem of courage."[37] Crane's realistic portrayal of the psychological struck a chord with reviewers; as one contemporary critic wrote for The New York Press: "At times the description is so vivid as to be almost suffocating. The reader is right down in the midst of it where patriotism is dissolved into its elements and where only a dozen men can be seen, firing blindly and grotesquely into the smoke. This is war from a new point of view."[3]
With its heavy use of irony, symbolism and metaphor, the novel also lends itself to less straightforward readings.[42] As with many of Crane's fictional works, the novel's dialogue often uses distinctive local dialects, contributing to its apparent historicity; for example, Jim Conklin muses at the beginning of the novel: "I s'pose we must go reconnoiterin' 'round th' kentry jest t' keep 'em from gittin' too clost, or t'develope'm, or something".[43] The ironic tone increases in severity as the novel progresses, especially in terms of the ironic distance between the narrator and protagonist.[44] The title of the work itself is ironic; Henry wishes "that he, too, had a wound, a red badge of courage", echoing a wish to have been wounded in battle. The wound he does receive (from the rifle butt of a fleeing Union soldier), however, is not a badge of courage but a badge of shame.[45]
By substituting epithets for characters' names ("the youth", "the tattered soldier"), Crane injects an allegorical quality into his work, making his characters point to a specific characteristic of man.[46] There have been numerous interpretations concerning hidden meanings within The Red Badge of Courage. Beginning with Robert W. Stallman's 1968 Crane biography, several critics have explored the novel in terms of Christian allegory.[47] In particular, the death of Henry Fleming's Christ-like friend, Jim Conklin, is noted for evidence of this reading, as well as the concluding sentence of chapter nine, which refers to the sun as "fierce wafer" in the sky.[48] John Berryman was one of the first critics to interpret the novel as a modern wasteland through which the protagonist plays the role of an Everyman. Still others read the novel as having a Naturalist structure, comparing the work to those by Theodore Dreiser, Frank Norris and Jack London.[49]
Themes
[edit]
As the title of the work suggests, the main theme of the novel deals with Henry Fleming's attempt to prove himself a worthy soldier by earning his "red badge of courage". The first twelve chapters, until he receives his accidental wound, expose his cowardice. The following chapters detail his growth and apparently resulting heroism.[50] Before the onset of battle, the novel's protagonist romanticized war; what little he knew about battle he learned from books: "He had read of marches, sieges, conflicts, and he had longed to see it all".[51] Therefore, when confronted by the harsh realities of war, Henry is shocked, and his idealism falters. Finding solace in existential thoughts, he internally fights to make sense of the senseless world in which he finds himself. When he seems to come to terms with his situation, he is yet again forced into the fears of battle, which threaten to strip him of his enlightened identity.[52] Joseph Hergesheimer wrote in his introduction to the 1925 Knopf edition of the novel that, at its heart, The Red Badge of Courage was a "story of the birth, in a boy, of a knowledge of himself and of self-command."[53]
However, the text is ambiguous, making it questionable that Henry ever matures. As critic Donald Gibson stated in The Red Badge of Courage: Redefining the Hero, "the novel undercuts itself. It says there is no answer to the questions it raises; yet it says the opposite.... It says that Henry Fleming finally sees things as they are; it says he is a deluded fool. It says that Henry does not see things as they are; but no one else does either."[54] Although Crane critic and biographer Stallman wrote of Henry's "spiritual change" by the end of the story, he also found this theme difficult to champion in light of the novel's enigmatic ending. Although Henry "progresses upwards toward manhood and moral triumph", as he begins to mature by taking leave of his previous "romantic notions," "the education of the hero ends as it began: in self deception."[53] Critic William B. Dillingham also noted the novel's heroism paradox, especially in terms of the introspective Henry's lapse into unreasoning self-abandon in the second half of the book. Dillingham stated that "in order to be courageous, a man in time of physical strife must abandon the highest of his human facilities, reason and imagination, and act instinctively, even animalistically."[55]
The indifference of the natural world is a reoccurring theme in Crane's work.[56] At the beginning of the novel, as the regiments advance toward battle, the sky is described as being an innocuous "fairy blue." In chapter seven, Henry notes the inexplicable tranquility of nature, "a woman with a deep aversion to tragedy", even as the battle rages on.[57] Similarly, Heaven itself is indifferent to the slaughter he encounters on the battlefield.[58] The dichotomy between nature's sweetness and war's destructiveness is further described in chapter eighteen: "A cloud of dark smoke as from smoldering ruins went up toward the sun now bright and gay in the blue, enameled sky."[59] After his desertion, however, Henry finds some comfort in the laws of nature, which seem to briefly affirm his previous cowardice:[60]
This landscape gave him assurance. A fair field holding life. It was the religion of peace. It would die if its timid eyes were compelled to see blood.... He threw a pine cone at a jovial squirrel, and he ran with chattering fear. High in a treetop he stopped, and, poking his head cautiously from behind a branch, looked down with an air of trepidation. The youth felt triumphant at this exhibition. There was the law, he said. Nature had given him a sign. The squirrel, immediately upon recognizing danger, had taken to his legs without ado. He did not stand stolidly baring his furry belly to the missile, and die with an upward glance at the sympathetic heavens. On the contrary, he had fled as fast as his legs could carry him.[61]
Reception
[edit]
The Red Badge of Courage received generally positive reviews from critics on its initial publication; in particular, it was said to be a remarkably modern and original work.[62] Appleton's 1895 publication went through ten editions in the first year alone, making Crane an overnight success at the age of twenty-four. H. G. Wells, a friend of the author, later wrote that the novel was greeted by an "orgy of praise" in England and the United States.[3] An anonymous reviewer for The New York Press wrote shortly after the novel's initial publication that "One should be forever slow in charging an author with genius, but it must be confessed that The Red Badge of Courage is open to the suspicion of having greater power and originality than can be girdled by the name of talent."[63] The reviewer for The New York Times was impressed by Crane's realistic portrayal of war, writing that the book "strikes the reader as a statement of facts by a veteran",[64] a sentiment that was echoed by the reviewer for The Critic, who called the novel "a true book; true to life, whether it be taken as a literal transcript of a soldier's experiences in his first battle, or... a great parable of the inner battle which every man must fight."[65]
The novel, however, did have its initial detractors. Some critics found Crane's young age and inexperience troubling, rather than impressive. For example, one reviewer wrote, "As Mr. Crane is too young a man to write from experience, the frightful details of his book must be the outcome of a very feverish imagination."[66] Crane and his work also received criticism from veterans of the war; one in particular, Alexander C. McClurg, a brigadier general who served through the Chickamauga and Chattanooga campaigns, wrote a lengthy letter to The Dial (which his publishing company owned) in April 1896, lambasting the novel as "a vicious satire upon American soldiers and American armies."[67] Author and veteran Ambrose Bierce, popular for his Civil War-fiction, also expressed contempt for the novel and its writer. When a reviewer for The New York Journal referred to The Red Badge of Courage as a poor imitation of Bierce's work, Bierce responded by congratulating them for exposing "the Crane freak".[68] Some reviewers also found fault with Crane's narrative style, grammar mistakes, and apparent lack of traditional plot.[69]
While it eventually became a bestseller in the United States, The Red Badge of Courage was more popular and sold more rapidly in England when it was published in late 1895.[70] Crane was delighted with his novel's success overseas, writing to a friend: "I have only one pride and that is that the English edition of The Red Badge of Courage has been received with great praise by the English reviewers. I am proud of this simply because the remoter people would seem more just and harder to win."[70] Critic, veteran and Member of Parliament George Wyndham called the novel a "masterpiece", applauding Crane's ability to "stage the drama of man, so to speak, within the mind of one man, and then admits you as to a theatre."[71] Harold Frederic wrote in his own review that "If there were in existence any books of a similar character, one could start confidently by saying that it was the best of its kind. But it has no fellows. It is a book outside of all classification. So unlike anything else is it that the temptation rises to deny that it is a book at all".[72] Frederic, who would later befriend Crane when the latter relocated to England in 1897, juxtaposed the novel's treatment of war to those by Leo Tolstoy, Émile Zola and Victor Hugo, all of whose works he believed to be "positively... cold and ineffectual" when compared to The Red Badge of Courage.[73]
Legacy
[edit]
Crane himself later wrote about the novel: "I don't think The Red Badge to be any great shakes but then the very theme of it gives it an intensity that the writer can't reach every day."[74] For the remainder of Crane's short career (he died from tuberculosis at the age of 28), The Red Badge of Courage served as the standard against which the rest of his works were compared.[75] Appleton republished the novel again in 1917, shortly after the US entered World War I, reissuing it three additional times that same year.[76]
Since the resurgence of Crane's popularity in the 1920s, The Red Badge of Courage has been deemed a major American text and Crane's most important work.[77] While modern critics have noted Crane's "anticipation of the modern spectacle of war",[78] others, such as Crane scholar Stanley Wertheim, believe the work to be "unquestionably the most realistic novel about the American Civil War".[79] Donald Gibson called the novel "ahead of its time" because it did "not conform to very many contemporary notions about what literature should be and do."[80] The novel has been anthologized numerous times, including in Ernest Hemingway's 1942 collection Men at War: The Best War Stories of All Time. In the introduction, Hemingway wrote that the novel "is one of the finest books of our literature, and I include it entire because it is all as much of a piece as a great poem is."[81] Robert W. Stallman's introduction to the Modern Library's 1951 edition of The Red Badge of Courage contained one of the first modern assessments of the novel.[81] This novel is followed by other works by Crane, such as the novella, Maggie: A Girl of the Streets.
The novel has been adapted several times for the screen. A 1951 film by the same name was directed by John Huston, starring Medal of Honor recipient Audie Murphy as Henry Fleming. Written by Huston and Albert Band, the film suffered from a troubled production history, went over budget, and was cut down to only seventy minutes despite objections from the director.[82] A made-for-television movie was released in 1974, starring Richard Thomas as Fleming, while the 2008 Czech film Tobruk was partly based on The Red Badge of Courage.[83]
The novel is also the inspiration for the title of the South Park episode The Red Badge of Gayness, which revolves around a Civil War re-enactment.
Citations
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951) – Virginia Center for Civil War Studies
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The Red Badge of Courage is based on the novel of the same name. The film tells the story of a Union soldier who is thrust into battle without proper preparation. He initially flees from the battle but desires to redeem himself and prove his courage.
The director, John Huston, used the film noir style that was popular at the time. In the post-World War II era, United States citizens were interested in reexamining their understanding of war and conflict. The issues of courage and desertion also reflect the era’s gendered values and definition of what it meant to be a brave, male soldier.
The film received modest acclaim and has been remembered as one of the first films seeking to show the experience of a Union soldier in the Civil War. While some film critics were unhappy with the muted display of war and battle, others found it to be a faithful adaptation of the novel.
FURTHER READING
Books
Stephen Crane, The Red Badge of Courage, Cambridge: W.W. Norton & Company, 1999.
Lillian Ross, Picture, Cambridge: Da Capo Press, 1951.
Lee Clark Mitchell, New Essays on the Red Badge of Courage, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Articles
Joseph Meyer, “Henry’s Quest for Narrative in ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’” The Midwest Quarterly 59, no. 1 (Autumn 2017).
Brian Croxall, “‘Becoming Another Thing:’ Traumatic and Technological Transformation in The Red Badge of Courage,” American Imago 72, no. 1, (Spring 2015).
Film Reviews
Bosley Crowther, “The Screen in Review; ‘Red Badge of Courage’ Based on Stephen Crane’s Novel, at Trans-Lux 52nd Street,” The New York Times, October 19, 1951.
Lillian Ross, “John Huston and ‘The Red Badge of Courage,’” The New Yorker, May 24, 1952.
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From The Red Badge of Courage
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2013-05-08T18:42:50+00:00
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The youth stared at the land in front of him. Its foliages now seemed to veil powers and horrors. He was unaware of the machinery of orders that started the charge, although from the corners of his eyes he saw an officer, who looked like a boy a-horseback, come galloping, waving his hat. Suddenly he felt a straining and heaving among the men. The line fell slowly forward like a toppling wall, and, with a convulsive gasp that was intended for a cheer, the regiment began its journey. The youth was pushed and jostled for a moment before he understood the movement at all, but directly he lunged ahead and began to run.
He fixed his eye upon a distant and prominent clump of trees where he had concluded the enemy were to be met, and he ran toward it as toward a goal. He had believed throughout that it was a mere question of getting over an unpleasant matter as quickly as possible, and he ran desperately, as if pursued for a murder. His face was drawn hard and tight with the stress of his endeavor. His eyes were fixed in a lurid glare. And with his soiled and disordered dress, his red and inflamed features surmounted by the dingy rag with its spot of blood, his wildly swinging rifle and banging accouterments, he looked to be an insane soldier.
As the regiment swung from its position out into a cleared space the woods and thickets before it awakened. Yellow flames leaped toward it from many directions. The forest made a tremendous objection.
The line lurched straight for a moment. Then the right wing swung forward; it in turn was surpassed by the left. Afterward the center careered to the front until the regiment was a wedge-shaped mass, but an instant later the opposition of the bushes, trees, and uneven places on the ground split the command and scattered it into detached clusters.
The youth, light-footed, was unconsciously in advance. His eyes still kept note of the clump of trees. From all places near it the clannish yell of the enemy could be heard. The little flames of rifles leaped from it. The song of the bullets was in the air and shells snarled among the treetops. One tumbled directly into the middle of a hurrying group and exploded in crimson fury. There was an instant’s spectacle of a man, almost over it, throwing up his hands to shield his eyes.
Other men, punched by bullets, fell in grotesque agonies. The regiment left a coherent trail of bodies.
They had passed into a clearer atmosphere. There was an effect like a revelation in the new appearance of the landscape. Some men working madly at a battery were plain to them, and the opposing infantry’s lines were defined by the gray walls and fringes of smoke.
It seemed to the youth that he saw everything. Each blade of the green grass was bold and clear. He thought that he was aware of every change in the thin, transparent vapor that floated idly in sheets. The brown or gray trunks of the trees showed each roughness of their surfaces. And the men of the regiment, with their starting eyes and sweating faces, running madly, or falling, as if thrown headlong, to queer, heaped-up corpses—all were comprehended. His mind took a mechanical but firm impression, so that afterward everything was pictured and explained to him, save why he himself was there.
But there was a frenzy made from this furious rush. The men, pitching forward insanely, had burst into cheerings, moblike and barbaric, but tuned in strange keys that can arouse the dullard and the stoic. It made a mad enthusiasm that, it seemed, would be incapable of checking itself before granite and brass. There was the delirium that encounters despair and death, and is heedless and blind to the odds. It is a temporary but sublime absence of selfishness. And because it was of this order was the reason, perhaps, why the youth wondered, afterward, what reasons he could have had for being there.
Presently the straining pace ate up the energies of the men. As if by agreement, the leaders began to slacken their speed. The volleys directed against them had had a seeming windlike effect. The regiment snorted and blew. Among some stolid trees it began to falter and hesitate. The men, staring intently, began to wait for some of the distant walls of smoke to move and disclose to them the scene. Since much of their strength and their breath had vanished, they returned to caution. They were become men again.
The youth had a vague belief that he had run miles, and he thought, in a way, that he was now in some new and unknown land.
The moment the regiment ceased its advance the protesting splutter of musketry became a steadied roar. Long and accurate fringes of smoke spread out. From the top of a small hill came level belchings of yellow flame that caused an inhuman whistling in the air.
The men, halted, had opportunity to see some of their comrades dropping with moans and shrieks. A few lay under foot, still or wailing. And now for an instant the men stood, their rifles slack in their hands, and watched the regiment dwindle. They appeared dazed and stupid. This spectacle seemed to paralyze them, overcome them with a fatal fascination. They stared woodenly at the sights, and, lowering their eyes, looked from face to face. It was a strange pause, and a strange silence.
Then, above the sounds of the outside commotion, arose the roar of the lieutenant. He strode suddenly forth, his infantile features black with rage.
“Come on, yeh fools!” he bellowed. “Come on! Yeh can’t stay here. Yeh must come on.” He said more, but much of it could not be understood.
He started rapidly forward, with his head turned toward the men. “Come on,” he was shouting. The men stared with blank and yokel-like eyes at him. He was obliged to halt and retrace his steps. He stood then with his back to the enemy and delivered gigantic curses into the faces of the men. His body vibrated from the weight and force of his imprecations. And he could string oaths with the facility of a maiden who strings beads.
The friend of the youth aroused. Lurching suddenly forward and dropping to his knees, he fired an angry shot at the persistent woods. This action awakened the men. They huddled no more like sheep. They seemed suddenly to bethink themselves of their weapons, and at once commenced firing. Belabored by their officers, they began to move forward. The regiment, involved like a cart involved in mud and muddle, started unevenly with many jolts and jerks. The men stopped now every few paces to fire and load, and in this manner moved slowly on from trees to trees.
The flaming opposition in their front grew with their advance until it seemed that all forward ways were barred by the thin leaping tongues, and off to the right an ominous demonstration could sometimes be dimly discerned. The smoke lately generated was in confusing clouds that made it difficult for the regiment to proceed with intelligence. As he passed through each curling mass the youth wondered what would confront him on the farther side.
The command went painfully forward until an open space interposed between them and the lurid lines. Here, crouching and cowering behind some trees, the men clung with desperation, as if threatened by a wave. They looked wild-eyed, and as if amazed at this furious disturbance they had stirred. In the storm there was an ironical expression of their importance. The faces of the men, too, showed a lack of a certain feeling of responsibility for being there. It was as if they had been driven. It was the dominant animal failing to remember in the supreme moments the forceful causes of various superficial qualities. The whole affair seemed incomprehensible to many of them.
As they halted thus the lieutenant again began to bellow profanely. Regardless of the vindictive threats of the bullets, he went about coaxing, berating, and bedamning. His lips, that were habitually in a soft and childlike curve, were now writhed into unholy contortions. He swore by all possible deities.
Once he grabbed the youth by the arm. “Come on, yeh lunkhead!” he roared. “Come on! We’ll all git killed if we stay here. We’ve on’y got t’ go across that lot. An’ then”—the remainder of his idea disappeared in a blue haze of curses.
The youth stretched forth his arm. “Cross there?” His mouth was puckered in doubt and awe.
“Certainly. Jest ’cross th’ lot! We can’t stay here,” screamed the lieutenant. He poked his face close to the youth and waved his bandaged hand. “Come on!” Presently he grappled with him as if for a wrestling bout. It was as if he planned to drag the youth by the ear on to the assault.
The private felt a sudden unspeakable indignation against his officer. He wrenched fiercely and shook him off.
“Come on yerself, then,” he yelled. There was a bitter challenge in his voice.
They galloped together down the regimental front. The friend scrambled after them. In front of the colors the three men began to bawl: “Come on! come on!” They danced and gyrated like tortured savages.
The flag, obedient to these appeals, bended its glittering form and swept toward them. The men wavered in indecision for a moment, and then with a long, wailful cry the dilapidated regiment surged forward and began its new journey.
Over the field went the scurrying mass. It was a handful of men splattered into the faces of the enemy. Toward it instantly sprang the yellow tongues. A vast quantity of blue smoke hung before them. A mighty banging made ears valueless.
The youth ran like a madman to reach the woods before a bullet could discover him. He ducked his head low, like a football player. In his haste his eyes almost closed, and the scene was a wild blur. Pulsating saliva stood at the corners of his mouth.
Within him, as he hurled himself forward, was born a love, a despairing fondness for this flag which was near him. It was a creation of beauty and invulnerability. It was a goddess, radiant, that bended its form with an imperious gesture to him. It was a woman, red and white, hating and loving, that called him with the voice of his hopes. Because no harm could come to it he endowed it with power. He kept near, as if it could be a saver of lives, and an imploring cry went from his mind.
In the mad scramble he was aware that the color sergeant flinched suddenly, as if struck by a bludgeon. He faltered, and then became motionless, save for his quivering knees.
He made a spring and a clutch at the pole. At the same instant his friend grabbed it from the other side. They jerked at it, stout and furious, but the color sergeant was dead, and the corpse would not relinquish its trust. For a moment there was a grim encounter. The dead man, swinging with bended back, seemed to be obstinately tugging, in ludicrous and awful ways, for the possession of the flag.
It was past in an instant of time. They wrenched the flag furiously from the dead man, and, as they turned again, the corpse swayed forward with bowed head. One arm swung high, and the curved hand fell with heavy protest on the friend’s unheeding shoulder.
When the two youths turned with the flag they saw that much of the regiment had crumbled away, and the dejected remnant was coming slowly back. The men, having hurled themselves in projectile fashion, had presently expended their forces. They slowly retreated, with their faces still toward the spluttering woods, and their hot rifles still replying to the din. Several officers were giving orders, their voices keyed to screams.
“Where in hell yeh goin’?” the lieutenant was asking in a sarcastic howl. And a red-bearded officer, whose voice of triple brass could plainly be heard, was commanding: “Shoot into ’em! Shoot into ’em, Gawd damn their souls!” There was a mêlée of screeches, in which the men were ordered to do conflicting and impossible things.
The youth and his friend had a small scuffle over the flag. “Give it t’ me!” “No, let me keep it!” Each felt satisfied with the other’s possession of it, but each felt bound to declare, by an offer to carry the emblem, his willingness to further risk himself. The youth roughly pushed his friend away.
The regiment fell back to the stolid trees. There it halted for a moment to blaze at some dark forms that had begun to steal upon its track. Presently it resumed its march again, curving among the tree trunks. By the time the depleted regiment had again reached the first open space they were receiving a fast and merciless fire. There seemed to be mobs all about them.
The greater part of the men, discouraged, their spirits worn by the turmoil, acted as if stunned. They accepted the pelting of the bullets with bowed and weary heads. It was of no purpose to strive against walls. It was of no use to batter themselves against granite. And from this consciousness that they had attempted to conquer an unconquerable thing there seemed to arise a feeling that they had been betrayed. They glowered with bent brows, but dangerously, upon some of the officers, more particularly upon the red-bearded one with the voice of triple brass.
However, the rear of the regiment was fringed with men, who continued to shoot irritably at the advancing foes. They seemed resolved to make every trouble. The youthful lieutenant was perhaps the last man in the disordered mass. His forgotten back was toward the enemy. He had been shot in the arm. It hung straight and rigid. Occasionally he would cease to remember it, and be about to emphasize an oath with a sweeping gesture. The multiplied pain caused him to swear with incredible power.
The youth went along with slipping, uncertain feet. He kept watchful eyes rearward. A scowl of mortification and rage was upon his face. He had thought of a fine revenge upon the officer who had referred to him and his fellows as mule drivers. But he saw that it could not come to pass. His dreams had collapsed when the mule drivers, dwindling rapidly, had wavered and hesitated on the little clearing, and then had recoiled. And now the retreat of the mule drivers was a march of shame to him.
A dagger-pointed gaze from without his blackened face was held toward the enemy, but his greater hatred was riveted upon the man, who, not knowing him, had called him a mule driver.
When he knew that he and his comrades had failed to do anything in successful ways that might bring the little pangs of a kind of remorse upon the officer, the youth allowed the rage of the baffled to possess him. This cold officer upon a monument, who dropped epithets unconcernedly down, would be finer as a dead man, he thought. So grievous did he think it that he could never possess the secret right to taunt truly in answer.
He had pictured red letters of curious revenge. “We are mule drivers, are we?” And now he was compelled to throw them away.
He presently wrapped his heart in the cloak of his pride and kept the flag erect. He harangued his fellows, pushing against their chests with his free hand. To those he knew well he made frantic appeals, beseeching them by name. Between him and the lieutenant, scolding and near to losing his mind with rage, there was felt a subtle fellowship and equality. They supported each other in all manner of hoarse, howling protests.
But the regiment was a machine run down. The two men babbled at a forceless thing. The soldiers who had heart to go slowly were continually shaken in their resolves by a knowledge that comrades were slipping with speed back to the lines. It was difficult to think of reputation when others were thinking of skins. Wounded men were left crying on this black journey.
The smoke fringes and flames blustered always. The youth, peering once through a sudden rift in a cloud, saw a brown mass of troops, interwoven and magnified until they appeared to be thousands. A fierce-hued flag flashed before his vision.
Immediately, as if the uplifting of the smoke had been prearranged, the discovered troops burst into a rasping yell, and a hundred flames jetted toward the retreating band. A rolling gray cloud again interposed as the regiment doggedly replied. The youth had to depend again upon his misused ears, which were trembling and buzzing from the mêlée of musketry and yells.
The way seemed eternal. In the clouded haze men became panic stricken with the thought that the regiment had lost its path, and was proceeding in a perilous direction. Once the men who headed the wild procession turned and came pushing back against their comrades, screaming that they were being fired upon from points which they had considered to be toward their own lines. At this cry a hysterical fear and dismay beset the troops. A soldier, who heretofore had been ambitious to make the regiment into a wise little band that would proceed calmly amid the huge-appearing difficulties, suddenly sank down and buried his face in his arms with an air of bowing to a doom. From another a shrill lamentation rang out filled with profane allusions to a general. Men ran hither and thither, seeking with their eyes roads of escape. With serene regularity, as if controlled by a schedule, bullets buffed into men.
The youth walked stolidly into the midst of the mob, and with his flag in his hands took a stand as if he expected an attempt to push him to the ground. He unconsciously assumed the attitude of the color bearer in the fight of the preceding day. He passed over his brow a hand that trembled. His breath did not come freely. He was choking during this small wait for the crisis.
His friend came to him. “Well, Henry, I guess this is good-by—John.”
“Oh, shut up, you damned fool!” replied the youth, and he would not look at the other.
The officers labored like politicians to beat the mass into a proper circle to face the menaces. The ground was uneven and torn. The men curled into depressions and fitted themselves snugly behind whatever would frustrate a bullet.
The youth noted with vague surprise that the lieutenant was standing mutely with his legs far apart and his sword held in the manner of a cane. The youth wondered what had happened to his vocal organs that he no more cursed.
There was something curious in this little intent pause of the lieutenant. He was like a babe which, having wept its fill, raises its eyes and fixes upon a distant toy. He was engrossed in this contemplation, and the soft under lip quivered from self-whispered words.
Some lazy and ignorant smoke curled slowly. The men, hiding from the bullets, waited anxiously for it to lift and disclose the plight of the regiment.
The silent ranks were suddenly thrilled by the eager voice of the youthful lieutenant bawling out: “Here they come! Right onto us, b’Gawd!” His further words were lost in a roar of wicked thunder from the men’s rifles.
The youth’s eyes had instantly turned in the direction indicated by the awakened and agitated lieutenant, and he had seen the haze of treachery disclosing a body of soldiers of the enemy. They were so near that he could see their features. There was a recognition as he looked at the types of faces. Also he perceived with dim amazement that their uniforms were rather gay in effect, being light gray, accented with a brilliant-hued facing. Moreover, the clothes seemed new.
These troops had apparently been going forward with caution, their rifles held in readiness, when the youthful lieutenant had discovered them and their movement had been interrupted by the volley from the blue regiment. From the moment’s glimpse, it was derived that they had been unaware of the proximity of their dark-suited foes or had mistaken the direction. Almost instantly they were shut utterly from the youth’s sight by the smoke from the energetic rifles of his companions. He strained his vision to learn the accomplishment of the volley, but the smoke hung before him.
The two bodies of troops exchanged blows in the manner of a pair of boxers. The fast angry firings went back and forth. The men in blue were intent with the despair of their circumstances and they seized upon the revenge to be had at close range. Their thunder swelled loud and valiant. Their curving front bristled with flashes and the place resounded with the clangor of their ramrods. The youth ducked and dodged for a time and achieved a few unsatisfactory views of the enemy. There appeared to be many of them and they were replying swiftly. They seemed moving toward the blue regiment, step by step. He seated himself gloomily on the ground with his flag between his knees.
As he noted the vicious, wolflike temper of his comrades he had a sweet thought that if the enemy was about to swallow the regimental broom as a large prisoner, it could at least have the consolation of going down with bristles forward.
But the blows of the antagonist began to grow more weak. Fewer bullets ripped the air, and finally, when the men slackened to learn of the fight, they could see only dark, floating smoke. The regiment lay still and gazed. Presently some chance whim came to the pestering blur, and it began to coil heavily away. The men saw a ground vacant of fighters. It would have been an empty stage if it were not for a few corpses that lay thrown and twisted into fantastic shapes upon the sward.1
At sight of this tableau, many of the men in blue sprang from behind their covers and made an ungainly dance of joy. Their eyes burned and a hoarse cheer of elation broke from their dry lips.
It had begun to seem to them that events were trying to prove that they were impotent. These little battles had evidently endeavored to demonstrate that the men could not fight well. When on the verge of submission to these opinions, the small duel had showed them that the proportions were not impossible, and by it they had revenged themselves upon their misgivings and upon the foe.
The impetus of enthusiasm was theirs again. They gazed about them with looks of uplifted pride, feeling new trust in the grim, always confident weapons in their hands. And they were men. . . .
[The regiment returns to the fortified position of its army, where they are ridiculed by the other soldiers for turning back before the victory was complete. However, the colonel commends Henry and his friend for their valor, fortifying them for the next battle.]
The colonel came running along the back of the line. There were other officers following him. “We must charge’m!” they shouted. “We must charge’m!” they cried with resentful voices, as if anticipating a rebellion against this plan by the men.
The youth, upon hearing the shouts, began to study the distance between him and the enemy. He made vague calculations. He saw that to be firm soldiers they must go forward. It would be death to stay in the present place, and with all the circumstances to go backward would exalt too many others. Their hope was to push the galling foes away from the fence.
He expected that his companions, weary and stiffened, would have to be driven to this assault, but as he turned toward them he perceived with a certain surprise that they were giving quick and unqualified expressions of assent. There was an ominous, clanging overture to the charge when the shafts of the bayonets rattled upon the rifle barrels. At the yelled words of command the soldiers sprang forward in eager leaps. There was new and unexpected force in the movement of the regiment. A knowledge of its faded and jaded condition made the charge appear like a paroxysm, a display of the strength that comes before a final feebleness. The men scampered in insane fever of haste, racing as if to achieve a sudden success before an exhilarating fluid should leave them. It was a blind and despairing rush by the collection of men in dusty and tattered blue, over a green sward and under a sapphire sky, toward a fence, dimly outlined in smoke, from behind which sputtered the fierce rifles of enemies.
The youth kept the bright colors to the front. He was waving his free arm in furious circles, the while shrieking mad calls and appeals, urging on those that did not need to be urged, for it seemed that the mob of blue men hurling themselves on the dangerous group of rifles were again grown suddenly wild with an enthusiasm of unselfishness. From the many firings starting toward them, it looked as if they would merely succeed in making a great sprinkling of corpses on the grass between their former position and the fence. But they were in a state of frenzy, perhaps because of forgotten vanities, and it made an exhibition of sublime recklessness. There was no obvious questioning, nor figurings, nor diagrams. There was, apparently, no considered loopholes. It appeared that the swift wings of their desires would have shattered against the iron gates of the impossible.
He himself felt the daring spirit of a savage religion-mad. He was capable of profound sacrifices, a tremendous death. He had no time for dissections, but he knew that he thought of the bullets only as things that could prevent him from reaching the place of his endeavor. There were subtle flashings of joy within him that thus should be his mind.
He strained all his strength. His eyesight was shaken and dazzled by the tension of thought and muscle. He did not see anything excepting the mist of smoke gashed by the little knives of fire, but he knew that in it lay the aged fence of a vanished farmer protecting the snuggled bodies of the gray men.
As he ran a thought of the shock of contact gleamed in his mind. He expected a great concussion when the two bodies of troops crashed together. This became a part of his wild battle madness. He could feel the onward swing of the regiment about him and he conceived of a thunderous, crushing blow that would prostrate the resistance and spread consternation and amazement for miles. The flying regiment was going to have a catapultian effect. This dream made him run faster among his comrades, who were giving vent to hoarse and frantic cheers.
But presently he could see that many of the men in gray did not intend to abide the blow. The smoke, rolling, disclosed men who ran, their faces still turned. These grew to a crowd, who retired stubbornly. Individuals wheeled frequently to send a bullet at the blue wave.
But at one part of the line there was a grim and obdurate group that made no movement. They were settled firmly down behind posts and rails. A flag, ruffled and fierce, waved over them and their rifles dinned fiercely.
The blue whirl of men got very near, until it seemed that in truth there would be a close and frightful scuffle. There was an expressed disdain in the opposition of the little group, that changed the meaning of the cheers of the men in blue. They became yells of wrath, directed, personal. The cries of the two parties were now in sound an interchange of scathing insults.
They in blue showed their teeth; their eyes shone all white. They launched themselves as at the throats of those who stood resisting. The space between dwindled to an insignificant distance.
The youth had centered the gaze of his soul upon that other flag. Its possession would be high pride. It would express bloody minglings, near blows. He had a gigantic hatred for those who made great difficulties and complications. They caused it to be as a craved treasure of mythology, hung amid tasks and contrivances of danger.
He plunged like a mad horse at it. He was resolved it should not escape if wild blows and darings of blows could seize it. His own emblem, quivering and aflare, was winging toward the other. It seemed there would shortly be an encounter of strange beaks and claws, as of eagles.
The swirling body of blue men came to a sudden halt at close and disastrous range and roared a swift volley. The group in gray was split and broken by this fire, but its riddled body still fought. The men in blue yelled again and rushed in upon it.
The youth, in his leapings, saw, as through a mist, a picture of four or five men stretched upon the ground or writhing upon their knees with bowed heads as if they had been stricken by bolts from the sky. Tottering among them was the rival color bearer, whom the youth saw had been bitten vitally by the bullets of the last formidable volley. He perceived this man fighting a last struggle, the struggle of one whose legs are grasped by demons. It was a ghastly battle. Over his face was the bleach of death, but set upon it was the dark and hard lines of desperate purpose. With this terrible grin of resolution he hugged his precious flag to him and was stumbling and staggering in his design to go the way that led to safety for it.
But his wounds always made it seem that his feet were retarded, held, and he fought a grim fight, as with invisible ghouls fastened greedily upon his limbs. Those in advance of the scampering blue men, howling cheers, leaped at the fence. The despair of the lost was in his eyes as he glanced back at them.
The youth’s friend went over the obstruction in a tumbling heap and sprang at the flag as a panther at prey. He pulled at it and, wrenching it free, swung up its red brilliancy with a mad cry of exultation even as the color bearer, gasping, lurched over in a final throe and, stiffening convulsively, turned his dead face to the ground. There was much blood upon the grass blades.
At the place of success there began more wild clamorings of cheers. The men gesticulated and bellowed in an ecstasy. When they spoke it was as if they considered their listener to be a mile away. What hats and caps were left to them they often slung high in the air.
At one part of the line four men had been swooped upon, and they now sat as prisoners. Some blue men were about them in an eager and curious circle. The soldiers had trapped strange birds, and there was an examination. A flurry of fast questions was in the air.
One of the prisoners was nursing a superficial wound in the foot. He cuddled it, baby-wise, but he looked up from it often to curse with an astonishing utter abandon straight at the noses of his captors. He consigned them to red regions; he called upon the pestilential wrath of strange gods. And with it all he was singularly free from recognition of the finer points of the conduct of prisoners of war. It was as if a clumsy clod had trod upon his toe and he conceived it to be his privilege, his duty, to use deep, resentful oaths.
Another, who was a boy in years, took his plight with great calmness and apparent good nature. He conversed with the men in blue, studying their faces with his bright and keen eyes. They spoke of battles and conditions. There was an acute interest in all their faces during this exchange of view points. It seemed a great satisfaction to hear voices from where all had been darkness and speculation.
The third captive sat with a morose countenance. He preserved a stoical and cold attitude. To all advances he made one reply without variation, “Ah, go t’ hell!”
The last of the four was always silent and, for the most part, kept his face turned in unmolested directions. From the views the youth received he seemed to be in a state of absolute dejection. Shame was upon him, and with it profound regret that he was, perhaps, no more to be counted in the ranks of his fellows. The youth could detect no expression that would allow him to believe that the other was giving a thought to his narrowed future, the pictured dungeons, perhaps, and starvations and brutalities, liable to the imagination. All to be seen was shame for captivity and regret for the right to antagonize.
After the men had celebrated sufficiently they settled down behind the old rail fence, on the opposite side to the one from which their foes had been driven. A few shot perfunctorily at distant marks.
There was some long grass. The youth nestled in it and rested, making a convenient rail support the flag. His friend, jubilant and glorified, holding his treasure with vanity, came to him there. They sat side by side and congratulated each other.
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https://www.insp.com/blog/the-red-badge-of-courage-starring-audie-murphy-a-behind-the-scenes-look-at-the-making-of-the-movie/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage starring Audie Murphy—a behind-the-scenes look at the making of the movie. - INSP TV
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2023-11-06T19:26:25+00:00
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On the INSP blog: The story behind the making of The Red Badge of Courage starring real-life war hero, Audie Murphy—plus, insider trivia.
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https://www.insp.com/content/themes/insp2017/assets/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.insp.com/blog/the-red-badge-of-courage-starring-audie-murphy-a-behind-the-scenes-look-at-the-making-of-the-movie/
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The Privates’ War—Making The Red Badge Of Courage
By Henry C. Parke
It’s surprising that Stephen Crane was born in 1871, six years after the Civil War’s end, because his novel, The Red Badge of Courage, seems so clearly the work of someone who was there. Published in 1895, thirty years after Lee’s surrender, countless veterans from both sides and of later wars have remarked on Crane’s ability to recreate the sense of being in mortal combat. It is the enduring legacy of an author who tragically didn’t live to see 30.
It is the story of a young soldier who worries if, when the time comes, he will fight or run. And it was a story that John Huston wanted to film. Having served in the Signal Corps during World War II, making Military Documentaries, he’d since won Oscars for writing and directing Treasure of the Sierra Madre. He had just made The Asphalt Jungle, had a start date for The African Queen, and planned to make Red Badge in between.
He told New Yorker reporter Lillian Ross, “I don’t even know whether I’m going to make the picture… I’ve got the Red Badge script OK’d… [but] we can’t make this picture unless we have 600 Confederate uniforms and 600 Union uniforms. And the studio is just not making those uniforms for us. I’m beginning to think they don’t want the picture!”
Surprisingly, filming Red Badge involved not one but two wars: the War Between the States, and the War Between Moguls Louis B. Mayer and Dore Schary. Head of production since the studio’s creation in 1924, Mayer had ruled MGM with an iron fist, and made it truly the Tiffany of studios. MGM screenwriter Schary shared an Oscar for Boys’ Town, moved to Selznick Studios, became Head of Production at R.K.O., and at Mayer’s (soon-to-be-regretted) invitation, returned to MGM in 1948 as Superintendent of Production. Schary wanted to make the picture, and Mayer did not. Schary had to concede that the film would lack almost all of the elements of Mayer’s winning formula. Schary told Ross, “This picture has no women. This picture has no love story. This picture has no single incident. This is a period picture. The story—well, there’s no story in this picture. It’s just the story of a boy. It’s the story of a coward. Well, it’s the story of a hero.”
Mayer’s opinion? “I wouldn’t make that picture with (despised rival) Sam Goldwyn’s money.” But Nicholas Schenck, President of MGM’s parent company, Loew’s Inc., was the ultimate boss, and he said, “Yes.”
The studio wanted big stars—Van Johnson as the lead, The Youth—but Huston wanted Audie Murphy, the most decorated American soldier of the war. He’d acted before, playing Billy the Kid and Jesse James in undistinguished Westerns, but he’d never done any serious acting. For the second lead, The Loud Soldier, Huston wanted someone who’d never acted at all: Bill Mauldin, whose ‘Willie and Joe’ cartoons, showcasing the miserable day-to-day life of combat infantrymen like himself, won him two Pulitzers. Murphy was 26, Mauldin was 29, but they both looked 16, and had been through the hell of war that their characters were facing. Murphy had the expression of a lost child, Mauldin the expression of an imp. They were perfect.
The rest of the cast was excellent. For The Tattered Man, Huston selected Royal Dano, a heartbroken skeleton of a man who would appear tragically in countless Westerns. For The Tall Soldier, Huston chose towering, gaunt John Dierkes, whom he’d met in London during the War. His first film role was in Orson Welles’ Macbeth; and he’d make an indelible impression as a villain in Shane.
Among the wonderful faces in the ranks were William Schallert, before becoming Patty Duke’s TV father; three-time Frankenstein Glenn Strange, who would play Sam on Gunsmoke; and blond, gangly Robert Easton, whose skill with accents would earn him the moniker of Hollywood’s Henry Higgins. The best-known actor was Andy Devine, who played The Cheery Soldier, who reunites the Youth with his unit, a part Huston said he’d written for his late father, Walter Huston. Son Dennis Devine recalls that Huston, complaining about his low budget, had the gall to add, “You know, Walter would have understood and taken less money.”
Money was tight: the budget was $1,434,789. Locations changed with the budget. Originally planned for Leesburg, Virginia, it was shifted to the less expensive Nashville, and finally, incredibly, to Huston’s own 480-acre ranch in the San Fernando Valley, where Huston was delighted to direct from horseback. There’s a memorable scene with soldiers crossing a river holding their rifles over their heads. MGM wanted to shoot it on a brook on the ranch that a man could jump across, but Huston fought, and eventually shot it on the Sacramento River.
They also saved by shooting in black-and-white. Oscar-winning cinematographer Harold Rosson made the movie look like Mathew Brady’s famous Civil War photographs.
This was a movie about privates, not battles: you never learn what battle was being portrayed, or its significance. In one of Huston’s favorite sequences, a wounded man decides to die alone on a hill. In his autobiography, Huston wrote that moments later, The Tattered Man “…walks in circles, then drops to his knees. He, too, is mortally wounded and doesn’t know it. The scene is an anticlimax, as in the novel, but all the more shocking for being unexpected. It was, in fact, too shocking. It backfired. It was during this scene, beautifully acted by Royal Dano, that the preview audience started to walk out.”
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Turner Classic Movies presents the greatest classic films of all time from one of the largest film libraries in the world. Find extensive video, photos, articles, forums, and archival content from some of the best movies ever made only at TCM.com.
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Watch TCM
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The Red Badge of Courage | film by Huston [1951]
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Other articles where The Red Badge of Courage is discussed: John Huston: Films of the 1950s of John Huston: Crane’s literary classic The Red Badge of Courage. Real-life World War II hero Audie Murphy starred in this story of a young Union soldier who deserts his company during the American Civil War. With the Korean War raging, MGM executives felt that the film’s antiwar message was too…
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/topic/The-Red-Badge-of-Courage-film-by-Huston
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In John Huston: Films of the 1950s of John Huston
Crane’s literary classic The Red Badge of Courage. Real-life World War II hero Audie Murphy starred in this story of a young Union soldier who deserts his company during the American Civil War. With the Korean War raging, MGM executives felt that the film’s antiwar message was too…
Read More
In Audie Murphy
…starring in films such as The Red Badge of Courage (1951), To Hell and Back (1955), and The Quiet American (1958). He died when his private plane crashed. He was buried in Arlington National Cemetery with full military honours.
Read More
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The 50 Greatest War Movies Ever Made
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2020-01-10T10:30:15.494000-05:00
|
Great war movies ask viewers to consider and understand the actual experience of war. Here, we rank the 50 best.
|
en
|
Vulture
|
https://www.vulture.com/article/best-war-movies-ranked.html
|
This article originally ran on January 11, 2020. It has been updated with the addition of Napoleon and other films and is being republished for Memorial Day.
Speaking to Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune in 1973, François Truffaut made an observation that’s cast a shadow over war movies ever since, even those seemingly opposed to war. Asked why there’s little killing in his films, Truffaut replied, “I find that violence is very ambiguous in movies. For example, some films claim to be antiwar, but I don’t think I’ve really seen an antiwar film. Every film about war ends up being pro-war.” The evidence often bears him out. In Anthony Swofford’s Gulf War memoir Jarhead, Swofford recalls joining fellow recruits in getting pumped up while watching Apocalypse Now and Full Metal Jacket, two of the most famous films about the horrors of war. (On the occasion of the death of R. Lee Ermey, the real-life drill instructor who played the same in Full Metal Jacket, Swofford offered a remembrance in the New York Times with the headline “Full Metal Jacket Seduced My Generation and Sent Us to War.”)
Is it true that movies glamorize whatever they touch, no matter how horrific? And if a war movie isn’t to sound a warning against war, what purpose does it serve? Even if Truffaut’s wrong — and it’s hard to see his observation applying to at least some of the movies on this list — it might be best to remove the burden of making the world a better place from war movies. It’s a lot to ask, especially since war seems to be baked into human existence.
So, like other inescapable elements of the human experience, we tell stories about war, stories that reflect our attitudes toward it, and how they shift over time. War movies reflect the artistic impulses of their creators, but they also reflect the attitudes of the times and places in which they were created. A World War II film made in the midst of the war, for instance, might serve a propagandist purpose than one made after the war ends, when there’s more room for nuance and complexity, but it also might not.
Maybe the ultimate purpose of a war movie is to let others hear the force of these stories. Another director, Sam Fuller, once offered a quote that doesn’t necessarily contradict Truffaut’s observation but better explains the impulse to make war movies: “A war film’s objective, no matter how personal or emotional, is to make a viewer feel war.” The films selected for this list of the genre’s most essential entries often have little in common, but they do share that. Each offers a vision that asks viewers to consider and understand the experience of war, be it in the trenches of World War I, the wilderness skirmishes of Civil War militias, or the still-ongoing conflicts that have helped define 21st-century warfare.
This list opts for a somewhat narrow definition of a war movie, focusing on films that deal with the experiences of soldiers during wartime. That means no films about the experience of returning from war (Coming Home, The Best Years of Our Lives, First Blood) or of civilian life during wartime (Mrs. Miniver, Forbidden Games, Hope and Glory) or of wartime stories whose action rests far away from the battlefield (Casablanca). It also leaves films primarily about the Holocaust out of consideration, as they seem substantively different from other sorts of war films. Also excluded are films that blur genres, like the military science fiction of Starship Troopers and Aliens (even if the latter does have a lot to say about the Vietnam War). That eliminates many great movies, but it leaves room for many others, starting with a film made at the height of World War II in an attempt to help rally a nation with a story of an operation whose success required secrecy, extensive training, and beating overwhelming odds.
50.
Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo (1944)
War movies released during wartime rarely have time to reflect. If bolstering the morale of a country in the thick of World War II isn’t the sole purpose of Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo, it’s certainly one of the primary reasons it exists, retelling the story of the first air raid on Japan after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Men head bravely into battle. Women accept their separation and sacrifices with a brave face. And everyone understands it’s for the greater good. However, the film, directed by Mervyn LeRoy from a script by Dalton Trumbo, easily transcends propaganda by focusing on the details of the raid’s preparation and aftermath. LeRoy depicts the attack with chilling intensity, but it’s the time spent with the crew, led by Van Johnson, that makes the movie memorable. (This is as good a point as any to note that Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo makes frequent, unapologetic use of a widespread wartime anti-Japanese racial slur, a warning that applies to virtually every World War II film set in the Pacific and made in the decades after the war.)
49.
War Horse (2011)
Steven Spielberg’s adaptation of a 1982 novel that found a second life as a much-loved play in the aughts follows a young soldier named Albert (Jeremy Irvine) and his horse Joey on an episodic journey across World War I Europe. There they find no glory in fighting, just cruelty, absurdity, and horror. Albert finds moments of grace and hope in the midst of the bloodshed, thanks to Joey’s unlikely survival. Yet, in a film that draws heavily on the imagery and attitudes of John Ford, Spielberg always emphasizes such moments’ fragility. It’s a hard world for hoofed things, and those who love them.
48.
Napoleon (2023)
Ridley Scott’s Napoleon Bonaparte biopic deserves a place on this list if only for the meticulousness with which Scott stages its battle scenes. The Siege of Toulon, the Battle of Austerlitz, Waterloo, and other clashes (think of the film as a kind of Napoleon’s Greatest Hits) all coherently depict the battle strategies of their commanders and the workings of the weaponry. Beyond this, Scott invests each with a distinct atmosphere and an unsettling intensity. (An early shot of a horse getting ripped apart by a cannonball sets the tone.) Here, war is a terrifying venture in which death can arrive quickly and mercilessly, sometimes by fire, sometimes by ice. Despite Joaquin Phoenix’s glowering, knowing performance as Bonaparte, the movie’s sense of the man himself seems less deeply considered, at least in the film’s shorter theatrical cut. But perhaps that’s the point: Anyone capable of seizing and grasping power on this scale may not be entirely human.
47.
Courage Under Fire (1996)
The first Hollywood film about the Gulf War, the Edward Zwick–directed Courage Under Fire was also one of the first to address the then-hot-button issue of women in combat. But it’s not primarily about either thing. Instead, this Rashomon-inspired drama explores what it takes to act honorably under the most trying circumstances imaginable. Denzel Washington plays Lieutenant Colonel Serling, who’s charged with uncovering the truth about an incident that may lead to the late Captain Karen Walden (played in flashbacks by Meg Ryan) to becoming the first woman to receive a Medal of Honor. The deeper he dives into the story, however, the more contradictions he finds — all while struggling with a secret of his own. The film works both as a mystery and a character study, and Washington’s performance beautifully conveys the unspoken pain of a man who comes to realize that he’ll never be able to shake off the burden of the past.
46.
Overlord (1975)
Blending new, narrative scenes with documentary footage, Stuart Cooper’s Overlord follows a sensitive young soldier named Tom (Brian Stirner) from his enlistment through the D-Day Invasion. A sense of inevitability hangs over the film, both because Tom keeps imagining his death and because the documentary scenes make him feel like a part of a story that’s already been written. The mix of dreamlike asides and historical footage gives the film a feeling like no other as it mourns, and honors, the many lost in the war by focusing on the life of a single soldier.
45.
Sergeant York (1941)
A film about the hero of one American war, made as another loomed on the horizon, Howard Hawks’s biopic of Alvin York (Gary Cooper) depicts its protagonist’s military service as the final part of his evolution from a backwoods Tennessee hell-raiser into a self-sacrificing warrior willing to put the good of others above his own. Along the way, York wrestles first with his anger then with his religious beliefs, which he believes forbid him from fighting. The film’s version of the Army — a caring institution deeply concerned with the happiness and well-being of its soldiers and willing to allow time for reflection for those who doubt the rightness of its mission — may be pure fiction, but Cooper’s unerring sincerity and Hawks’s firm command of the transformative story make this a moving depiction of one man’s moral development.
44.
Black Hawk Down (2001)
This violent account of an ill-fated 1993 raid in Mogadishu that left 19 American soldiers dead found a receptive audience in the first winter after 9/11, and its politics very much remain a matter of debate. At least on a technical level it’s a remarkable achievement, one in which Ridley Scott brings the full force of his directorial skills to bear on an often chaotic story with a sprawling cast of characters (made up of virtually every up-and-coming male star of the late-’90s). Scott’s never been associated with documentary-like realism, but here he uses his talent for capturing the intensity of a single moment to create a collection of fragments that cohere into a fully developed story. Criticized by some for glorifying combat, it has lately started to seem more about the perils of believing American force alone can fix a troubled country.
43.
The Train (1964)
Inspired by a real incident, this John Frankenheimer film stars Burt Lancaster as Labiche, a no-nonsense French resistance fighter who reluctantly matches wits with the German Colonel von Waldheim (Paul Scofield), a murderous aesthete intent on returning to Germany with a train filled with priceless art. Labiche’s plan involves a mix of deception and brute force, and Frankenheimer ramps up the tension as Labiche’s determination mounts. The tension comes both from the battle of wits between von Waldheim and Labiche, which Frankenheimer stages as a series of escalating conflicts that unfold over the length of the train’s journey, but also from Frankenheimer’s depiction of how the cost of war extends far beyond the battlefield. Labiche doesn’t care for art, but he comes to recognize what the stolen treasures mean for a country struggling to hold on to its soul.
42.
Jarhead (2005)
Adapted from Anthony Swofford’s memoir of his time in the Marines during the Persian Gulf War, Sam Mendes’s Jarhead is a war movie in which the soldiers never quite reach the war itself. Instead, Swofford (Jake Gyllenhaal) and his unit (which includes characters played by Peter Sarsgaard and Jamie Foxx) experience the madness of war from the sidelines, first via their time in basic training, then in the borderline surreal desert of Kuwait (memorably captured by cinematographer Roger Deakins). Where other war movies focus on combat, Jarhead focuses on what it means to be a soldier, from the bonds formed serving side by side to the ways life outside the military can start to feel less real than the world created within the ranks.
41.
The Last of the Mohicans (1992)
A reverence for history and a love for the material gives shape to Michael Mann’s moody adaptation of James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans, starring Daniel Day-Lewis as Hawkeye, the adopted son of the Mohican chief Chingachgook (Russell Means). Mann brings a typically obsessive attention to detail to the extensively researched film, set at the height of the French and Indian War when the war had extended to terrain not far removed from wilderness, but he also allows displays of open emotion — and unabashedly sweeping filmmaking — rarely seen in his other movies. Mann has said that he saw the 1936 adaptation at the age of 3 and it had been “rattling around” in his brain ever since. His Mohicans plays like the work of a director trying to figure out what in all those images of combat and doomed love moved him so much then and how he could use his own voice to have the same effect on others.
40.
An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge (1962)
Winner of short subject awards at Cannes and the Oscars, French director Robert Enrico’s adaptation of an Ambrose Bierce story offers a succinct, haunting depiction of a second chance that’s not what it first appears. Roger Jacquet plays a Confederate saboteur on the verge of being executed by hanging as the film begins. Then the rope snaps, allowing him to make a desperate attempt to return to the life he left behind until … Well, there’s a good chance you know what happens next, but let’s not spoil it. Enrico’s film became the only outside production to air as part of The Twilight Zone. That’s where most viewers encountered the virtually dialogue-free film, a depiction of a final chance to consider what really matters even in the midst of war.
39.
Merry Christmas, Mr. Lawrence (1983)
The work of a director never afraid to court controversy, Nagisa Oshima’s Merry Christmas, Mr. Lawrence explores the abusive excesses — and barely concealed desire — running through a Japanese prisoner-of-war camp in Indonesia. There, a British Lieutenant Colonel John Lawrence (Tom Conti), previously stationed in Japan and fluent in the language, tries to maintain some semblance of civility by communicating with the mercurial Sergeant Hara (Takeshi Kitano, then best known as a comic on Japanese television). The introduction of the charismatic and seemingly unflappable British Major Jack Celliers (David Bowie) complicates an already tense situation, particularly once it becomes clear that Celliers has become an object of obsession for the camp’s captain (Ryuichi Sakamoto, who also provides the score). Oshima’s film teases out the homoeroticism coursing beneath the environment (and coursing through many a war movie, for that matter), in the process commenting on two different cultures that express such feelings through denial and brutality. Some seeds of hope slip through, but Oshima suggests they’ll struggle to survive in such arid terrain.
38.
Run Silent, Run Deep (1958)
A different sort of power struggle lies at the heart of Run Silent, Run Deep, Robert Wise’s adaptation of a best-selling novel following one U.S. sub crew’s troubled mission through the South Pacific. Clark Gable stars as Commander Richardson, a commander with a chip on his shoulder, and possibly a death wish, after losing a ship and much of his crew to a Japanese destroyer. One year later, Richardson gets a shot at revenge, but only by assuming control of a sub from its apparent next commander, the popular Lieutenant Colonel Bledsoe (Burt Lancaster). They keep it professional even though the crew chooses sides as Richardson puts them through an exhausting barrage of drills; however, tensions mount when it becomes apparent that Richardson is pursuing a vendetta outside the parameters of his official order. The submarine movie is practically a genre unto itself, and Wise’s contribution is one of the best, capturing the pressure and barely suppressed hostility of a job that’s dangerous even before the torpedoes start flying — and one in which indecisiveness and divided loyalties can mean death for everyone aboard.
37.
Three Kings (1999)
David O. Russell’s Three Kings begins as a darkly comic heist film in which three soldiers (George Clooney, Mark Wahlberg, and Ice Cube) try to make an easy score in the chaos at the end of the Persian Gulf War. It develops into a tour of the human costs and unfinished business of that conflict as the three get drawn into the plight of refugees trying to avoid the wrath of the Iraqi Republican Guard. The film both captures and questions the spirit of the moment — in which patriotism embraced a quick, decisive Gulf victory — and previews the century to come, one that would erase the distance between the Middle East and the United States. The heroes try to get in and out without really getting involved or inviting any consequences. They find that’s impossible.
36.
Stalag 17 (1953)
Donald Bevan and Edmund Trzcinski’s play drawing from their POW experiences provide Billy Wilder with a chance to bring a touch of black comedy to a World War II story that opens with a narrator complaining that prisoners of war like him never get movies of their own. (That was true up to a point at the time; Bridge on the River Kwai and The Great Escape wouldn’t show up for a few years.) Opening with a failed escape attempt, the film finds tensions running high as a group of American prisoners come to realize that they have an informer in their midst. Suspicions quickly fall on Sefton (William Holden), a cynical operator who’s cornered the prison’s black market and holds regular “horse races” in which men bet on mice named after famous racehorses. Sefton insists on his innocence, however, and attempts to find the real informant while turning the tables on the camp’s officious commandant (Otto Preminger). Wilder’s the last filmmaker to indulge in sentiment or knee-jerk patriotism, but this sharp, tense, funny film allows him to depict American perseverance against cruelty and authoritarianism in a style that suits him.
35.
Ride With the Devil (1999)
An adaptation of Daniel Woodrell’s 1987 novel Woe to Live On, Ang Lee’s Ride With the Devil drops viewers into the chaotic world of Civil War guerrilla fighting. Tobey Maguire and Skeet Ulrich star as a pair of Missouri Bushwhackers who tangle with pro-Union Jayhawkers in conflicts far removed from the war’s front lines. Their war becomes a bloody journey of discovery, particularly after they make the acquaintance of a former slave named Holt (Jeffrey Wright). Lee’s film doesn’t go out of its way to explain its context, which proved off-putting to some critics in 1999 (and apparently to moviegoers, who largely ignored it). While it helps to bring some Civil War knowledge to the film, the confusion suits a story that’s ultimately about the many tangled reasons we go to war, and the much clearer reasons the experience of war makes us strive to leave it behind.
34.
Che (2008)
Steven Soderbergh’s two-part Che is at once biopic and war movie, telling the story of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara (Benicio del Toro) by way of his participation in a successful revolution in Cuba and his participation in a failed attempt at the same in Bolivia. Soderbergh brings a distinctive look and filmmaking style to each half, both of which offer a nuts-and-bolts depiction of how guerrilla warfare works — in success and failure. The thrilling door-to-door urban combat of the first half gives way to the chaos and failure of the second. Anchored by del Toro’s enigmatic performance, they combine to form a portrait of a complex man that gets beyond the T-shirt iconography of would-be revolutionaries.
33.
The Story of G.I. Joe (1945)
Journalist Ernie Pyle earned a Pulitzer Prize in 1944 for his on-the-ground reporting covering World War II from the perspective of an ordinary soldier. Released a few months after Pyle’s death in the Battle of Okinawa, this William Wellman film stars Burgess Meredith as Pyle, who joins the 18th Infantry and befriends the men fighting on the front line, including Robert Mitchum (who earned a Best Supporting Actor nomination for his work) as a commander whose apparent standoffishness can’t mask the toll exacted by his job. No stranger to combat, or films about it, Wellman’s direction matches Pyle’s no-nonsense style, paying tribute to the men it depicts by letting them speak in their own voices.
32.
The Deer Hunter (1978)
The subject of controversy since its release, Michael Cimino’s The Deer Hunter offered almost unbearably intense scenes of the Vietnam War at a time when mainstream movies were just beginning to touch on the still-fresh subject. Robert De Niro, Christopher Walken, John Savage, and John Cazale star as a group of Polish-Americans from Pennsylvania’s Rust Belt whose lives are reshaped in different ways by the war. Cimino’s films drew criticism for its depictions of the Vietnamese, and its sensationalized scenes of Russian roulette, but the heart of the film belongs to its depiction of small-town America. The nearly hour-long wedding scene that opens the film captures a sense of warmth and tradition that has all but vanished by the film’s final moments, lost somewhere overseas.
31.
Da 5 Bloods (2020)
A searing indictment of American cultural imperialism and an unsparing depiction of the experiences of Black soldiers during the Vietnam War in the form of an adventure film, Spike Lee’s Da 5 Bloods follows veterans Paul, Otis, Eddie, and Melvin (played respectively by Delroy Lindo, Clarke Peters, Norm Lewis, and Isiah Whitlock Jr.) as they return to Vietnam in search of a treasure they had to abandon during a battle that took the life of their idealistic leader, Norman (Chadwick Boseman). Over the course of their journey, the film flashes back to their wartime experiences, forcing each of the men to reflect on where the years have taken him. From a scene set at a (real-life) nightclub named after Apocalypse Now to the decision to have the older actors play themselves in flashback, Lee keeps finding ingenious ways to blur the line between Vietnam’s past, its present, and the films about the war. In Lindo’s wrenching performance as a morally adrift powder keg wearing a MAGA cap, he has found the embodiment of the conflict’s lingering trauma.
30.
They Were Expendable (1945)
Though star John Wayne famously never served in the military, many of those involved in making John Ford’s They Were Expendable had seen World War II firsthand in one form or another. That helps account for the dutiful but often grim tone of the film, in which a pair of Navy men (Wayne, Robert Montgomery) try to convince the higher-ups that their small, maneuverable PT boats have a place in battles others believe will be dominated by larger vessels. Set in the early days of America’s involvement in World War II, when one setback followed another, the film never lets viewers forget the human costs of war, how soldiers’ lives become means to an end, and how service means living with that knowledge at every moment. Naturally, the “they” of the title refers to more than boats.
29.
From Here to Eternity (1953)
Based in part on his own experiences serving in the Army in Hawaii in the days before the Pearl Harbor attack, James Jones’s 1951 novel From Here to Eternity won scandal and acclaim for its often unflattering depiction of military life. Even though it tones down some elements of the book, Fred Zinnemann’s adaptation met with a similar reception thanks to its unvarnished depiction of abuse, extramarital passion, and boozy off-hours — a far cry from the unabashedly heroic portrayals of the American military that preceded it during the war. Montgomery Clift plays a principled bugler who suffers abuse for his unwillingness to join the camp’s boxing team, starring opposite Burt Lancaster as a world-weary desk sergeant whose affair with his commanding officer’s wife (Deborah Kerr) threatens to undo his career. The cast of complicated characters extends to Donna Reed, Ernest Borgnine, and Frank Sinatra. Cast, like Kerr, against type, Reed picked up a Best Supporting Actress Oscar and Sinatra won the corresponding prize for his work as a self-destructive private, two of seven trophies earned by the film, including Best Picture and Best Director. Lancaster and Kerr’s heated beach embrace helped make Hollywood films safe for franker depictions of sex, and the awards suggested that America was again ready to see its soldiers as human beings, flaws and all.
28.
Paisan (1946)
Between 1945 and 1946, Roberto Rossellini released three movies depicting various phases of World War II. Surrounded by Rome, Open City and Germany Year One — both excellent in their own right — Paisan moves up through the Italian peninsula via six episodic stories about the Italian campaign. Made not long after the events depicted, Rossellini uses his neorealist style to great effect, filming on location and mixing professional and nonprofessional actors to capture the perils and ugliness of the war — both for those who fight it and for the everyday people they liberate. To capture the devastation of the war on Italy (and, in a later episode, Germany), Rossellini had to do little but pick up a camera and film. Created in part via on-the-spot improvisations by his cast, Paisan has the immediacy of lived experience.
27.
Gallipoli (1981)
Named for the long, bloody World War I campaign to capture the Gallipoli Peninsula, Peter Weir’s Gallipoli at first seems misnamed. It doesn’t even reach Gallipoli until deep into its running time, and doesn’t depict much combat until its final scenes anyway. Yet the film owes much of its effectiveness to Weir’s slow march to a bloody finale, following a pair of sprinters of contrasting temperaments (Mark Lee and Mel Gibson) from their homes in Western Australia through a long journey that spans enlistment, training against the backdrop of Egypt’s pyramids, and finally to the beachside trenches of Gallipoli. Along the way, they encounter increasing skepticism about why Australians should fight the war as the film around them attempts to convey the futility and loss of fighting any war, and the stolen promise of lives that become just another body on the battlefield.
26.
The Steel Helmet (1951)
Sometimes dubbed the Forgotten War, the Korean War has only inspired a handful of American films, most made when it was still in progress. Sam Fuller directed two of them, the quite good Fixed Bayonets! and the even better The Steel Helmet. Gene Evans stars in both, in the latter playing Sergeant Zack, a cigar-chomping, seen-it-all veteran with little time for inexperienced officers or anyone else who gets in his way. After befriending a young Korean boy he dubs Short Round (a name Steven Spielberg and George Lucas would later borrow), Zack finds himself holed up in a Buddhist temple with a handful of soldiers who may not be powerful enough to fight off the encroaching enemy. Drawing on his own military experience, Fuller uses the claustrophobic setup — and a limited budget — to stage a psychologically intense story that finds every character considering their limits. That includes African-American and Japanese-American soldiers needled by a North Korean prisoner about their country’s hypocrisy. For Fuller, the best sort of patriotism meant not looking away from your country’s flaws, even while fighting for it.
25.
1917 (2019)
Drawing inspiration from his grandfather’s war stories, Sam Mendes’s World War I tale follows two British lance corporals (George McKay and Dean Charles-Chapman) tasked with delivering a message that a planned attack needs to be called off. This essentially leads to a one-day tour of World War I experiences, including a trip through the enemy trenches, an encounter with a downed pilot, a visit with a civilian caught in a war zone, and, ultimately, a charge along the front lines — all shot as one continuous scene. The result is immersive and often terrifying, each moment serving as a reminder of the chaos and horror of combat and of the individual human lives so easily lost when casualties get reduced to mere numbers.
24.
Patton (1970)
General George S. Patton believed himself to be the reincarnation of soldiers serving the Roman Empire and Napoleon, among other past lives. While this belief and others made those around him view him as eccentric (or worse), it also captured the temperament of a man who saw himself as a soldier first and couldn’t picture himself serving any other function in life. Co-written by Edmund H. North and Francis Ford Coppola, Franklin J. Schaffner’s epic-scaled biopic focuses on Patton’s World War II experience. That’s more than enough to fill a film, and more than enough to offer a complex, nuanced, often unflattering depiction of the hard-charging general whose victories in North Africa, Sicily, and elsewhere could be overshadowed by diplomatic gaffes, a megalomaniacal temperament, and abusive incidents, like the assault of shell-shocked soldiers he labeled cowards. The film reduces two such incidents into one, but it otherwise doesn’t let Patton off easy, giving room for George C. Scott’s full-bodied performance to capture the complexity of a born soldier for whom glory and ugliness often went hand in hand.
23.
The Battle of Algiers (1966)
Shot on location and filled with nonprofessional actors, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers chronicles the clash between forces of the French government and rebels in the Algerian capital during the Algerian War. The film has the look and feel of a documentary, but its commitment to realism doesn’t end with its style. Pontecorvo details the often horrific methods used in both sides of the conflict, from torture to bombings targeting civilians. The director claimed he set out to make an objective, politically neutral account of the conflict. If its sympathies can’t help but tilt a little toward the colonized, the film still plays like a nightmare in which every escalation kills more innocents and every victory comes at a horrible cost.
22.
Platoon (1986)
Oliver Stone drew on his own experiences in Vietnam for this tale of a privileged Army private Chris Taylor (Charlie Sheen) who enlists out of a desire to serve his country but finds himself overwhelmed by the on-the-ground moral compromises that service seems to require. Platoon won acclaim — and multiple Oscars, including Best Picture and Best Director — in part because of its realistic battle scenes and attention to the everyday details of fighting in the war. Beneath those elements, Stone stages an almost operatic struggle for Chris’s soul with the hardened Sergeant Barnes (Tom Berenger) and the more compassionate Sergeant Grodin (Willem Dafoe). Platoon’s most memorable achievement, however, is the way it captures the cloudiness and confusion of fighting a war in which the demands of his superiors, and the desire to survive, can blur the divide between good and evil.
21.
The Dirty Dozen (1967)
With a few notable exceptions, like The Great Escape, by the mid-’60s American World War II films had started to feel pretty square. Robert Aldrich’s violent, high-spirited The Dirty Dozen tapped into the spirit of the era, bringing in a remarkable cast (Charles Bronson, Jim Brown, John Cassavetes, Telly Savalas, and Donald Sutherland among them) to play a band of military convicts gathered by an OSS officer (Lee Marvin) to perform a dangerous behind-enemy-lines mission in the lead-up to D-Day. Aldrich brings a light touch to the film’s opening acts, as the characters meet, take a dislike to one another, but bond as a team anyway. But the unsparing final stretch leads to a sobering body count and some unavoidable acts of violence that look far from heroic. War can be a romp until the bloodshed starts.
20.
Letters From Iwo Jima (2006)
After depicting the Battle of Iwo Jima and its aftermath from the American side with Flags of Our Fathers, Clint Eastwood revisited the event from the perspective of Japanese soldiers with its companion piece, Letters From Iwo Jima. Eastwood unrelentingly depicts the desperation of the Japanese soldiers’ last stand, defending their position from tunnels as they ran out of resources and succumb to disease. But it’s the time spent with the soldiers, particularly a private and a general (played, respectively, by Kazunari Ninomiya and Ken Watanabe), that makes the film unforgettable. By the film’s end, viewers understand everything that led the men to this moment — from those drawn by a sense of honor to those compelled by the inescapable edicts of the Japanese government — putting human faces on one of the war’s pivotal moments.
19.
All Quiet on the Western Front (1930)
Lewis Milestone’s adaptation of Erich Maria Remarque’s landmark novel focuses on the experiences of a handful of German schoolboys inspired to serve in World War I by a teacher’s patriotic propaganda, after which they enjoy a few moments of glory before being thrust into the hell of war itself. Milestone depicts the awfulness of a World War I soldier’s life, one in which there’s never enough food, exploding shells make sleep impossible, and virtually any injury can turn fatal. The film’s elaborate battle scenes make extensive use of sound, an only recently introduced cinematic innovation that Milestone uses to assault viewers. (Some of the performances, on the other hand, haven’t quite figured out how to adjust to the sound era.) Though told from the perspective of German soldiers, the film works less as a critique of one country’s approach to war than war in general, leading to a set of devastating final shots that capture what it means to send a whole generation off to fight, and what’s lost when they don’t return. A Best Picture winner, its inspiration — from its intense battle scenes to the suggestion that war goes against nature — can be seen in virtually every war film that followed.
18.
Full Metal Jacket (1987)
The first half of Stanley Kubrick’s contribution to the wave of ’80s Vietnam movies tends to get more praise than the second, but they ultimately tell two parts of the same story. The first follows J.T. “Joker” Davis (Matthew Modine) through basic training, a dehumanizing process designed to turn young men into killing machines — unless, like Vincent D’Onofrio’s “Private Pyle,” they break in the process. In the second, Joker tries to hold on to the shreds of his humanity that he’s been able to preserve in the midst of the war, which Kubrick stages as a surreal swirl of violence and confusion in which nothing delicate and meaningful can survive. D’Onofrio conjures the look of a man who’s died on the inside. It’s echoed in the second half by the Vietnamese prostitutes unconvincingly asserting their sexual desire (a scene famously sampled in 2 Live Crew’s “Me So Horny”), unable to hide their boredom as they sell their bodies. Even those who survive war end up hollowed out on the inside, one way or another.
17.
The Great Escape (1963)
The ideal to which many subsequent star-packed World War II films aspired, John Sturges’s The Great Escape fills a German POW camp with James Garner, Richard Attenborough, Charles Bronson, Donald Pleasence, James Coburn, and, most memorable of all, Steve McQueen as allied prisoners determined to break out. Each brings his own skill to the endeavor, which Sturges shows in meticulous detail. McQueen embodied an anti-authoritarian spirit set to catch fire a few years later in the ’60s, and the film plays like a lighthearted heist film until a violent climax reminds us we’ve been watching a war film all along.
16.
The Bridge on the River Kwai (1957)
This list doesn’t want for Best Picture winners, among them David Lean’s The Bridge on the River Kwai, which also took the prizes for Best Director, Best Actor (for Alec Guinness), and Best Adapted Screenplay (though blacklisted writers Michael Wilson and Carl Foreman wouldn’t receive credit until years later). It’s easy for the Academy to get behind great war movies, which tend to use a spectacle and a grand scope to address weighty themes. Kwai contains all of the above, but it feels remarkably intimate thanks to its focus on a handful of characters played by Sessue Hayakawa, William Holden, Alec Guinness, and others. The product of contrasting cultures, the film finds each figure responding to his experiences as part of a Japanese prison camp in Burma differently — yet none is more fascinating than Guinness’s Lieutenant Colonel Nicholson, who comes to treat the forced construction of the eponymous railway bridge as a test of British gumption. The film treats his obsession as both an admirable manifestation of national spirit and a kind of war-stoked madness whose contradictions remain tangled to the end.
15.
The Chimes at Midnight (1965)
Orson Welles’s long-in-the-works (and long-hard-to-see) adaptation of Shakespeare’s plays featuring the high-living John Falstaff is a great war movie for two reasons. Working on an extremely limited budget, Welles created the illusion of sweeping battle scenes that captured the intensity of medieval combat. But it’s also a film about how war and duty can shut down the better, more joyful parts of our nature. Welles plays Falstaff as an unrepentant rogue, but also as a good man in the ways that truly matter. His estrangement from Prince Hal (Keith Baxter), the man destined to become Henry V, plays as both inevitable and tragic, and the closing observation that Hal became a prudent, humane king who “left no offense unpunished nor friendship unrewarded” rings with both truth and regret.
14.
Inglourious Basterds (2009)
Quentin Tarantino’s sprawling, episodic Inglourious Basterds is a World War II movie informed by the decades of war movies that preceded it and is fully aware of fiction’s ability to reshape history. The film pits, indirectly at first, the pitiless but ingratiating SS Colonel Hans Landa (Christoph Waltz) against a troop of Jewish-American soldiers under the command of the honey-accented Lieutenant Aldo Raine (Brad Pitt). As his film makes its way toward a final confrontation in Paris, Tarantino touches on everything from the racial subtext of King Kong to the power of propaganda to the ways different eras and subgenres of war films have interpreted World War II — until, finally, Basterds reveals itself as a revenge movie on a historical scale. It’s funny and audacious, but also shot through with a sense of sadness and loss, thanks in large part to Mélanie Laurent’s turn as the sole survivor of an opening scene in which Landa hunts for a Jewish family in hiding. It’s a reminder that while movies might get to rewrite history and even offer a shot at revenge, they can’t really undo it.
13.
Das Boot (1981)
A look at life aboard a World War II U-boat, Das Boot adapts a best-selling German novel by Lothar-Günther Buchheim, drawn from his experiences as a war correspondent embedded with a submarine crew during the Battle of the Atlantic. Jürgen Prochnow stars as the experienced and disillusioned unnamed captain whose sense of military duty and commitment to his men overwhelms open distaste for Hitler, Nazism, and the execution of the war. The title, which translates as “The Boat,” captures the spirit of the film. The movie’s opening sets up the force of the military at the height of the war, but the focus soon becomes what it’s like to live underwater in alternately dull and terrifying (and increasingly disgusting) close quarters. Wolfgang Petersen brilliantly uses cramped spaces, the sounds of underwater combat, and the intense performances of a bedraggled cast to create an immersive depiction of submarine service that’s jaundiced about the practice of war even as it captures the bonds needed to stay alive in the midst of it.
12.
The Burmese Harp (1956)
Kon Ishikawa didn’t plan to make The Burmese Harp and Fires on the Plain as companion pieces, but his two films about Japanese soldiers in the last days of World War II fit together well. Programmed as a double feature, it’s best to watch Fires on the Plain first to avoid ending in despair. Eiji Funakoshi stars as Tamura, a soldier who begins the film with tuberculosis and whose life only gets worse from there. Denied admission to a field hospital, he’s forced to wander a hellish landscape of the dead, the desperate, and the starving. Ichikawa depicts war as a relentless assault of horror via a story in which survival doesn’t always seem preferable to death. Released three years earlier, The Burmese Harp sounds faint notes of hopefulness in a similar environment via the story of a Japanese private (Shoji Yasui) who comes to realize a higher duty when he disguises himself as a monk in order to survive. The film doesn’t shy away from war’s grimness, but it also depicts the possibility of a hard-won spiritual awakening and some tenuous connections between wartime enemies that could grow stronger now that the fighting’s done. They’re slivers of optimism, but the film suggests they could spread and that maybe, someday, war might end.
11.
Dunkirk (2017)
Christopher Nolan’s daring account of the Dunkirk evacuation — a humiliating 1940 setback that advanced the German cause — attempts to capture the full scope of the event by depicting it via three differently paced timelines at once. One, the story of some stranded soldiers, unfolds over a week. The second, following civilians attempting to rescue soldiers by boat, is set over the course of a day. A third, in which a pilot storms the beach by air, covers a mere hour. What could have been a cerebral exercise carefully builds the tension on three fronts. A deeply emotional climax and stirring denouement captures the spirit of a nation desperately trying to find sparks of hope under grim circumstances.
10.
The Hurt Locker (2008)
The moviegoing public has largely proved resistant to films about the Iraq War, maybe because it remained the subject of heated controversy even as the films started to appear (and remains so today). One exception: Kathryn Bigelow’s Best Picture– and Best Director–winning The Hurt Locker, which doesn’t ignore the politics of the conflict but also focuses on the terrifying experiences of an Explosive Ordnance Disposal team led by William James (Jeremy Renner). Bigelow captures the intensity of a job in which the slightest mistake means death, and how the experience becomes so enveloping that any other way of life starts to feel impossible.
9.
The Big Red One (1980)
Sam Fuller had already been a crime reporter, pulp novelist, screenwriter, and soldier before he became a director. While he brought his World War II experiences to many of his films, Fuller wrote most of his autobiographical elements into this project, a sprawling war film based on his experiences in the Army’s 1st Infantry Division. He had first tried to film The Big Red One in the 1950s but couldn’t make it happen. Its realization looked increasingly less likely as the years went on, but the always intrepid Fuller persisted. Used to working on small budgets, he barely left Israel to create a war-spanning story that follows a 1st Infantry squad from North Africa, through Italy, D-Day, and finally to a Czech concentration camp. Playing a Fuller surrogate, Robert Carradine co-stars alongside Mark Hamill and Lee Marvin, the latter playing a hardened veteran of both World Wars. Fuller finds creative ways to stage the war on a budget — making particularly ingenious use of a watch during the Normandy sequence — and its limitations ultimately serve the film, keeping the focus on the experiences of a tight band of soldiers as they make their way from continent to continent and, ultimately, to the dark heart of the war itself. In the process, Fuller captures the ravages of war on both soldiers and civilians while also depicting why sometimes fighting becomes the only choice.
8.
Come and See (1985)
Russian director Elem Klimov’s harrowing Come and See opens with a Belarusian teen named Flyora (Aleksey Kravchenko) imitating a soldier as he and a friend dig through a trench looking for guns. In the process, he seems to summon war to his village, first in the form of a partisan militia who enlists him to fight the German invaders, then in the form of the Germans themselves, who arrive not just as conquerors but as gleeful sadists with no regard for human life. An end title notes that 628 Belarusian villages were destroyed in the war “along with all their inhabitants” and that Klimov co-wrote the script with Ales Adamovich, adapting a book based on Adamovich’s experiences in a Belarusian militia. To capture that horror, Klimov uses both a restless camera and heavy use of a Steadicam, gliding through a devastated, perpetually overcast countryside and depicting one disturbing incident after another. Over the course of the film, Flyora’s face becomes a map of trauma (an effect the then-13-year-old Kravchenko achieved partly through hypnotism). It’s a stark, haunting depiction of innocence lost that’s built around unblinking re-creations of World War II atrocities. But it’s mesmerizing, too — a cinematic tour of hell filled with surreal images (see: a Nazi officer carrying a lemur on his shoulder) and overwhelming scenes of chaos. It captures the worst aspects of war in a manner that denies us the ability to look away.
7.
The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp (1943)
Debuting in the Evening Standard in 1934, cartoonist David Low’s aging, walrus-mustached, potbellied Colonel Blimp came to embody all that was out of touch and out-of-date in a certain type of British military man. Released in the thick of World War II, Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburger’s The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp serves as a kind of origin story for the character but also, and above all, as a defense of his place in history and in shaping the national character. Roger Livesey stars as Clive Candy, a lifelong British soldier first seen losing a war-games exercise after his young opponent chooses not to play by the rules. The film then flashes back to Candy’s younger days when those rules still applied. It follows him from an attempt to defend Britain from German propaganda at the turn of the century through the ups and downs that followed. Along the way he falls in love with a series of women played by Deborah Kerr and befriends a German officer (Anton Walbrook) whose attitudes change with the shifting circumstances of his nation. At once comic and elegiac, it’s clear-eyed about the changing times that have made Candy’s notions about the proper way to fight dangerously out-of-date. But it also admires the way he embodies the best traits of an England that prides itself on civility and fair play even in battle — a vision of itself that’s in the process of being forcibly changed by the demands of an enemy that finds no virtue in such values.
6.
Apocalypse Now (1979)
Francis Ford Coppola’s loose adaptation of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness keeps true to Conrad’s use of a river journey as a trip into the most forbidding reaches of the human psyche while transposing the action to the still-fresh Vietnam War. Martin Sheen stars as Captain Willard, a special-ops soldier charged with ending the career of the insane, abusive, charismatic Colonel Kurtz (Marlon Brando) with “extreme prejudice.” Doing so means making a dangerous journey to a camp that Kurtz rules over like a god, with stops along the way that include time with a battle-happy surf-enthusiast commander of a helicopter unit (Robert Duvall), a USO appearance from some Playboy Playmates that stirs madness, and encounters with locals made tragic by the fog of war. (The extended versions released in 2001 and 2019 include even more episodes, including a French plantation sequence that provides an even stronger connection to the colonialism of Conrad’s book and the colonialist roots of the war.)
Coppola famously had a difficult time making the film, so difficult that his experiences inspired the great making-of doc Hearts of Darkness: A Filmmaker’s Apocalypse. That chaos may not have been necessary to create the sense of a world spinning out of control, but maybe it didn’t hurt. Sheen plays Willard as a man always on the verge of giving into the madness of the world around him, a world that grows less explicable and crueler the closer he draws to Kurtz. Coppola’s film is disorienting and disturbing, using Vietnam to capture the insanity of all war and drawing on Conrad to suggest that war might just be an outgrowth of an awfulness at the core of humanity itself.
5.
Saving Private Ryan (1998)
The end of the 20th century stirred a great deal of reflection about what happened in the middle of it, particularly during World War II. The passing of time had done little to make the Second World War look any less like a struggle for the very soul of the planet, one that could easily have been lost at several turning points — the D-Day Invasion of Normandy among them. Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan opens with a harrowing re-creation of that attack, offering a grunts’-eye view of the chaos and a zombie movie’s emphasis on gore. (If a movie could end war just by depicting the horrors of battle, this scene alone would have brought peace on earth.) It’s such an extraordinary sequence that it often overshadows the film that follows, which masterfully depicts the experiences of a handful of soldiers led by Tom Hanks’s tough Captain Miller. The results are wartime experiences without a hint of romance or nostalgia. It’s clear-eyed about the realities of warfare and even questions the group’s mission — the search for a single soldier in order to prevent his mother from losing all four of her sons in war — that’s less a crucial operation than a PR exercise. It never questions the importance of the fight, however, and emerges as a stirring tribute to those who died saving the world in which we now live.
4.
Grand Illusion (1937)
To gauge the effect of this Jean Renoir masterpiece about French WWI POWs and their German captors, it’s worth considering who didn’t want it to be seen. Joseph Goebbels hated it, particularly the way its criticisms of World War I reflected badly on the Germany that initiated World War II, declaring it “Cinematic Public Enemy No. 1.” But it wasn’t just Germany that came to find the film troublesome. Rereleased in France in 1946, the film didn’t sit as well with many French critics, who found its depiction of connections between French and German officers and its pacifist attitude out of step with the times. That reaction makes sense in the immediate aftermath of a war filled with atrocities on a scale never previously seen. But, years later, the mournful quality baked into the film overwhelms those concerns. Renoir fills Grand Illusion with hopeful suggestions that a common humanity can overwhelm nationalism, but also a sense that the possibility for that sort of connection is slipping into the past — along with any sense that war can be a noble exercise. It’s a stunning expression of humanism, but one filled with warnings about how little it takes for such values to fall away.
3.
The Thin Red Line (1998)
Terrence Malick’s adaptation of James Jones’s 1962 novel based on his World War II experiences fighting in the Guadalcanal campaign changed shape significantly as it made its way to the screen. Malick’s first film in 20 years, The Thin Red Line attracted the attention of established and rising stars alike, some of whom saw their roles reduced, or even deleted, from the final cut. Somewhere there’s an alternate version of the film in which Bill Pullman, Mickey Rourke, and Lukas Haas appear and Adrien Brody plays a key role rather than popping up for a few minutes of screen time. Malick’s editors, in an interview included in the Criterion Collection’s editions of the film, offer the best explanation for his decision-making. Malick cut the film not to service the plot but to make room for the film’s voice-overs. Paired with stunning images of war in the Pacific, they provide lyrical reflections on the characters’ wartime experiences and the loss of innocence that comes with those experiences. Malick returned from his moviemaking absence in full command of his signature ability to capture wonder, but in depicting a kind of hell on earth, he uses that ability to disorienting effect. Here, war spoils all it touches, from those who partake in it to those swept up in it to the land itself. To Malick, it’s an act of awful defiance against creation.
2.
Paths of Glory (1957)
It’s worth keeping Truffaut’s famous quote (told to the Chicago Tribune in 1973) in mind when thinking about Paths of Glory. If even the most pacifist-minded war films often end up glamorizing war — and Truffaut specifically suggested they did later in the same interview — Stanley Kubrick’s 1957 adaptation of Humphrey Cobb’s World War I novel comes closest to slipping through that trap. Beyond depicting the sheer brutality of trench warfare, it serves as an indictment of the act of war itself. Over the course of the film, officers order soldiers to their death in a battle they know they can’t win, one soldier betrays another to cover up a crime, and the film treats self-sacrifice less as a noble virtue than a value extolled because of its military usefulness. Heroism never enters the picture, apart from the willingness of Kirk Douglas’s Colonel Dax to try to expose the hypocrisy and wrongdoing of executing three men for cowardice.
Kubrick immerses viewers in trench life and drains scenes of recon missions and battle of any glamor. Only the terror remains. But it’s his ability to depict the human cost — on the condemned soldiers, on Dax, and on those who evade justice — that makes the film so haunting as it builds to an extraordinary final scene. Its final moments feature a moving rendition of a song by a German singer (played by an actress credited as Susanne Christian but soon to be known as Christiane Kubrick after marrying the director), leading to a moment of connection and vulnerability for those compelling her to sing. The differences melt away, if only for the length of the song. Then the war begins again.
1.
Ran (1985)
When Akira Kurosawa made Ran, he knew he had one last chance to make a grand statement. He’d spent years developing the project, a stretch in which he had difficulty securing financing for any sort of film, much less a sweeping epic that would become the most expensive Japanese film made at that point. His eyesight was faltering and the prospect of death never seemed far away. (Indeed, he’d lose his wife of many years while shooting the film.) So he put everything he had into the film, weaving Shakespeare’s King Lear into a story inspired by the life of the 16th-century feudal ruler Mori Motonari. Tatsuya Nakadai plays Ichimonji Hidetora, an aging daimyo determined to split his kingdom among his three sons, one of whom rejects the offer as foolish. The other two bring war to the land via bloody conflicts depicted largely as the result of the ruthlessness with which Hidetora ruled the land.
Ran, which translates as “Chaos,” is both a mammoth film and a tiny one. Kurosawa employed armies of extras — and burned massive sets to the ground — to depict the strife. Simply as a technical accomplishment, it should be on any list of the greatest war films ever made. But it’s also the story of one man’s tragic end and of his horrifying rush of reflection and regret. As Hidetora watches the destruction of everything he’s built, he realizes too late how little his accomplishments matter, how much virtue he’s cast aside to achieve them, and how time humbles even the proudest. All that fighting and death has accomplished nothing. Maybe, as the title suggests, war affronts the natural order and the blood we spill poisons the land for which we fight.
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'The Red Badge of Courage', by Stephen Crane (Book Club, June '22)
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The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane (published in 1895) is a short novel set in the American Civil War, and has been described both as the first modern war novel and as a key modernist text. It is unusual for its …
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Literature & Latte Forums
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https://forum.literatureandlatte.com/t/the-red-badge-of-courage-by-stephen-crane-book-club-june-22/127742
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The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane (published in 1895) is a short novel set in the American Civil War, and has been described both as the first modern war novel and as a key modernist text. It is unusual for its time in that it depicts the psychological and emotional experience of war from the viewpoint of an ordinary soldier.
Although Crane had no personal experience of war when he wrote the book, his portrayal of a soldier’s reaction to battle is seen as perceptive. Crane had apparently found existing tales of the American Civil war to be unrealistic, writing: “I wonder that some of those fellows don’t tell how they felt in those scraps. They spout enough of what they did, but they’re as emotionless as rocks.”
In the novel, eighteen-year-old Henry Fleming has enlisted in an infantry regiment. His romantic idealism dissolves as he awaits battle, and he fears that he may not be brave enough for the task ahead. In the event, he does indeed desert his regiment, but his subsequent encounters with wounded soldiers and death convince him to return to his post, and to fight on with true courage and more mature expectations.
Crane focuses on the inner struggles and fears of Henry Fleming, rather than on the war itself, and events are not placed rigidly in any specific historical engagement. Initially Fleming longs to earn a “red badge of courage” (or war wound), but the wound that he eventually receives is an accidental injury arising from his act of cowardice. Yet from that, he rises to heroism.
Is the novel pro-war or anti-war? On its publication, what made it more popular in England than in Crane’s native United States, where the action was set? Is it worthy of its rank in 30th place in The Guardian’s 2014-15 list of the hundred best novels in the English language? Read along with us, and share your opinions and impressions of the book.
You can download a copy of the e-book from Project Gutenberg or Standard Ebooks, and there are a couple of audiobook versions at Librivox . But any unabridged edition (paper, digital or audiobook) is fine.
The edition of The Red Badge of Courage that I have read is part of a “collected works” e-book publication in which the text is supplemented with relevant illustrations – for example, of early-edition book covers, posters of film adaptations, and so forth. I looked at these images after finishing the text, and it struck me that most of them show soldiers fighting alongside each other, or posing in thoughtful contemplation (solo or in company). Only one of the selected images clearly portrays a soldier running away from the action, a look of consternation on his face, while the rest of his regiment are pictured from the rear, advancing into the distance in the opposite direction to the main character. This image of the act of desertion appears to me to be infinitely more effective than the rather formulaic alternatives.
Intrigued to find that various publishers have chosen to portray the redemptive flag-bearing at the end of the book rather than the moral/physical dilemma that I feel is the central quandary, I went online to look at the cover art for other editions of The Red Badge of Courage. And in doing so, I came across Barnes & Noble’s “Reading Group Guide” which poses questions for discussion. A couple of these struck me as particularly interesting, one from a textual point of of view and the other rather deep and philosophical:
“Why does the narrator never refer to the characters by name?” (emphasis my own)
“Should acts of bravery, as the term is commonly understood, be regarded as aberrations from our essential nature or as the fullest manifestations of it?”
What do you think? Not just about those questions, of course, but more generally as well, and about your reaction to the book. Did you enjoy it?
All the best,
Astrid
As a reader, I am not generally a fan of transliterated accent or speech quirks, which I seldom find helpful in creating a realistic voice for the character represented. But I think Stephen Crane does it very well in The Red Badge of Courage.
I’ve probably got my US geography entirely wrong, but when I read text like the following, the voice that I imagine has exactly the same accent and cadence as that of the building foreman in the 1940s film Mr Blandings Builds His Dream House (one of my favourites – you can’t beat a Cary Grant film ):
“An’ allus be careful an’ choose yer comp’ny. There’s lots of bad men in the army, Henry. The army makes ‘em wild, and they like nothing better than the job of leading off a young feller like you, as ain’t never been away from home much and has allus had a mother, an’ a-learning 'em to drink and swear. Keep clear of them folks, Henry. I don’t want yeh to ever do anything, Henry, that yeh would be ‘shamed to let me know about. Jest think as if I was a-watchin’ yeh. If yeh keep that in yer mind allus, I guess yeh’ll come out about right.”
To my mind, Crane’s verbal representation of regional speech actually aids characterisation, rather than getting in the way of the reading as I often find to be the case.
All the best,
Astrid
Had you read The Red Badge of Courage before, or is it new to you? I suspect that the book might nowadays be better known in the US than it is in the UK, possibly reversing the apparent position at the time of of its initial publication. Before nominating it for our book club selection, I had heard of it only vaguely, so when I read it a few weeks ago it was for the first time. Julia (our Business and Marketing Director) studied it as a set text in her first year at university. A couple of people have told me that they remember seeing film versions but have never read the book.
Is it a novel that had already appeared on your radar? When did you first come across it? And if you have read it before, has your view of it changed since then?
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The Red Badge of Courage: At the movies (1951) The Greatest Literature of All Time
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Movies for great book lovers, film adaptations based on Editor Eric's Greatest Literature of All Time, the greatest-ever novels, stories, dramas and works of poetry.
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The Red Badge of Courage
Critique Quotes Text At the movies
Real war hero Audie Murphy, right, captures both fear and bravery under fire in The Red Badge of Courage.
Many a discouraging word
The Red Badge of Courage (1951): Film, 69 minutes; director John Huston; writers Huston, Albert Brand; featuring Audie Mukrphy, Bill Mauldin, Andy Devine, Robert Easton
We'll never know how good John Houston's The Red Badge of Courage is, as the great director's adaptation of the great Civil War novel was drastically cut by the studio. The trimmed footage was apparently destroyed, so no director's cut will ever be available.
But those Hollywood butchers must have had some sensitivity because we still have a pretty good film of the book left. The studio also added a voice-over by James Whitmore to introduce and conclude the film, as well as to occasionally provide the main character's thoughts, quoting from the book directly to stress the connection with the literary classic. There is disagreement over how long the director's version was—anywhere from ninety minutes to well over two hours—but even at just sixty-nine minutes, the 1951 Red Badge catches the essence of Stephen Crane's meditation on war and individual valour.
"Meditation" may be too high-falutin' a word. Like the novel, the black-and-white film is deceptively simple. We follow a group of soldiers, one in particular—Henry Fleming—who obsesses about how he'll act under fire. And we're with him all the way, through the fearful anticipation, the exhilaration, the desperation and shame, and the manic overcompensation that passes as bravery.
Most surprising for me is the central acting job by Audie Murphy. As America's most decorated soldier of World War Two, Murphy is an heroic choice to play the cowardly youth of Red Badge. In his other movie roles he had always been earnestly appealing but barely adequate as an actor. In Houston's hands, he's everyman. The camera in close-up loves his every twitch, swagger and hollow stare.
Around him is an army of mainly unknown but skilled actors who bring home the ordinary recruit's personal perspective on fighting—both trivially and movingly. A cast of Gary Coopers or Jimmy Stewarts in this film would never have been able to give us this authentic experience.
If only they all had more time though. The story is raced through too quickly in this heavily edited version. Fleming's flight from the battlefield and his wandering around in the chaos behind the lines is especially condensed. We hardly have time for the impact of each scene to sink in. But still, all the scenes that we do get are staged brilliantly and filmed dramatically. No wonder Houston thought this was going to be his greatest cinematic achievement yet.
Part of what the studio—and apparently test audiences—objected to in Huston's cut was the bloody violence of the battle scenes. Some viewers, it seems, actual found it risible. Today of course we find the fighting, cleaned up by the studio, somewhat antiseptic as the injured and killed just fall in their tracks without the blasted bone and spattered blood of today's films.
The horror of warfare is a major part of the novel, and film has the opportunity to bring this home visually. Reference to blood is in the very title of both the film and book. But in this, as in other ways, Huston may have been ahead of his time, though the studio overruled him. Nonetheless, the battle scenes as edited are tremendous—confusing, smoky, frightening and yet coherent.
Battle scene and aftermath in 1951's The Red Badge of Courage.
We cannot know for sure, but we can imagine how the greater sweep and emotional effect allowed by a little longer running time could have raised this film to being one of the masterpieces of war movies.
Maybe. Or maybe not. For all we know, the studio may have saved Huston from delivering a bloated, over-the-top production that would undercut its genuine emotional impact. We'll never know.
In any case, we can appreciate The Red Badge of Courage as a minor classic in its present state.
— Eric
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Kevin Costner’s ego and the strange road to Horizon
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] |
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[
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[
"Aja Romano"
] |
2024-06-29T10:30:00+00:00
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Horizon is a baffling, incoherent mess. Kevin Costner making it was probably inevitable.
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en
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Vox
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https://www.vox.com/culture/358108/kevin-costner-horizon-american-saga-review-history
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What becomes of the mighty when they don’t merely fall from glory, but leap headlong while crowing about their own greatness?
In this case, the mighty is Kevin Costner, and he hath not only fallen but hurtled over the edge with Horizon: An American Saga — Chapter One.
The new three-hour behemoth, released Friday, is the first of a four-film epic Western that Costner says he’s wanted to make since 1988. Directed, co-written, and self-financed by Costner, Horizon features an all-star ensemble cast, has a $100 million budget, and will be, when all four films wrap, approximately 12 hours long. It’s a bizarre work about the settling of a small Western town that critics are accurately calling “an embarrassing, poorly told mess,” “dull as dirt,” “overindulged tedium,” and “a numbingly long, incoherent disaster.”
It’s also, despite its best efforts at creating sympathy for Indigenous Americans, borderline offensive, with an intense, violent depiction of a nominally unprovoked Apache raid that takes up nearly the first third of the film. The sequence does its very best to make settlers seem like the innocent victims in all this. While the rest of the film tries to undo the initial impression that the Apache are the true aggressors, it’s the only thing that lands. That isn’t surprising when you consider that Costner can be an excellent director, creating a gripping action sequence but failing to deliver on the quieter parts of the film, but it is surprising when you consider that he’s generally been far more sympathetic to Indigenous concerns than Horizon’s first chapter shakes out to be.
That leads us to the inevitable question: What happened here?
To understand how we reached this baffling point, we have to understand just how big Costner was at the peak of his stardom — and how quizzical his career has been ever since.
In the early 1990s, there was no bigger star than Costner
It’s hard to overstate just how successful Kevin Costner was at the height of his career. Somewhat unusually for an actor of his caliber, Costner, who was born in 1955, didn’t start working in the field until his mid-20s, and didn’t break through until he was 30. He did so, however, with a string of iconic film roles — as wayward outlaw Jake in Silverado (1985), federal agent Eliot Ness in The Untouchables (1987), heartthrob baseballer Crash Davis in Bull Durham (1988), and Ray Kinsella, the builder (and dreamer) of Field of Dreams’ titular field in 1989.
These early roles identified Costner with both mythologized Americana and iconoclastic heroes. Then, in 1990, Costner doubled down on this persona and elevated his stature to a whole new level by directing himself in one of the most influential films of the decade: Dances With Wolves.
Dances With Wolves typically gets credited with revitalizing and reinventing the epic Hollywood western for modern audiences — a craze that kicked off with Wolves, by 1991, grossing over $175 million and winning seven Oscars, including Best Picture and Best Director.
Faithfully adapted by Michael Blake from his own bestselling novel, Dances With Wolves depicts the journey of a lone soldier (Costner) assigned to a wayward Western outpost during the Civil War. There, he interacts primarily with Lakota and Pawnee, sympathizing with them and their concerns until he ultimately stands with them against an encroaching Union army encampment. The film has a complicated cultural legacy, as it both galvanized important cultural conversations about Indigenous rights and typified the “white savior” narratives that until recently dominated Hollywood’s treatment of marginalized communities. Still, it’s a true cinematic achievement with grand cinematography, stunning landscapes, and a soaring depiction of a troubled time in the country’s history. It still earns accolades as a true American epic.
For a heady few years after Wolves, Costner was unstoppable: He became the A-lister’s A-lister, hopping from blockbuster to blockbuster in quick succession. Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves was a fun anachronistic romp with an all-star ensemble that still slaps, as well as one of the bestselling theme songs in history. The Bodyguard saw Costner star opposite Whitney Houston as a hardened security guard in what was considered a groundbreaking interracial romance between two titans at their peaks. Its cultural legacy has been kinder than critics were at the time, but its $400 million box office and the biggest soundtrack of all time are hard to argue with. Even pivoting away from type and toward weirder fare, Costner still did numbers, with Oliver Stone’s conspiratorial JFK grossing $70 million.
It’s important to remember the chronology here. Costner enjoyed phenomenal career success after an astonishingly short time as an actor; just five years out from his first major role, he directed a film that swept the Oscars. Then he quickly followed that feat up with a truly incredible run of films.
Because he did so many important and successful films after it, most people probably catalog Dances With Wolves as coming early, toward the start of his incredible run of success, until the infamous back-to-back cringe flops of Waterworld and The Postman torpedoed his trajectory for years.
But Wolves was instead arguably his pinnacle — the peak of both his creative achievements and his cultural impact. That’s significant as a predictor of what Horizon eventually became, both because of its Western theme and because of its outsized ambition.
Costner personified red-blooded rugged individualism onscreen — and Hollywood divadom offscreen
“The idea of a prestige movie this immense being released by a major studio now is absurd,” Will Leitch argued of Dances With Wolves in the New Republic in 2016. “This was the last time a movie star had so much clout that he could do something so patently crazy and expensive, and get a major studio to finance it—and thus the last time it could pay off.”
In other words, even though it was an important film in many ways, Dances With Wolves was effectively the last of its kind — as Costner would soon learn.
Alongside the runaway success Costner enjoyed between the late ’80s and the mid-90s, he was gaining a reputation within Hollywood as an egomaniac — “either exacting to a fault or an unjustified pain in the ass,” as Puck’s Matthew Belloni summarized last year. By 1994, the sands had begun to shift. That year, Wyatt Earp flopped, even with Costner heading another all-star ensemble and once again proving his chops as a leading man in a Western. But then came Waterworld, an infamously expensive post-apocalyptic film. Costner was reportedly so difficult and demanding during its creation that director Kevin Reynolds walked out of the editing process, leaving the actor to wrap things up. “In the future Costner should only appear in pictures he directs himself,” Reynolds reportedly told EW after the split. “That way he can always be working with his favorite actor and his favorite director.” (Though that quote seems prescient, the pair would go on to make up and work together again on 2012’s History channel series Hatfields & McCoys. )
Waterworld, about a waterlogged society, became perhaps the most notorious of Hollywood “flops.” Even though it ultimately grossed over $250 million worldwide, its bloated $175 million production budget was the most expensive in Hollywood history at the time; the film’s marginal profits were swallowed in marketing and production costs. Reynolds commented in a 2008 interview that the pressure was intense: “The press were after us from early on, willing us to fail.” It didn’t help that Costner displayed diva behavior on set, making finicky demands of production and reportedly lounging in an “$1800-a-day oceanfront villa” while the crew reportedly languished in shoddier quarters.
Still, Waterworld, which has since enjoyed a markedly warmer critical reception, didn’t fully sink Costner’s career; it took a second post-apocalyptic flop, even stranger than the first, to do that.
The Postman, directed by Costner, is a true oddity. Considered a post-apocalyptic Western a la The Road, it clocks in at three hours and boasts a screenplay by absolute GOAT Brian Helgeland, writer of a range of bangers from Mystic River to A Knight’s Tale. Fun fact: Helgeland won the Oscar for L.A. Confidential and a Razzie for Postman in the same weekend. The Razzies took delight in perpetually nominating Costner and all his projects throughout the ’90s; The Postman was like Christmas come early for the infamous “worst-of” awards, which gave the film the prize in five different categories and later nominated it for Worst Picture of the Decade. (It lost to Showgirls).
Unlike Waterworld, Postman’s reception has stayed flaccid over time, largely thanks to the bleakly authoritarian, pseudo-fascist ideology that undergirds its story of a lonely troubadour who tells people false stories of a new US government springing up to replace the one that no longer exists, spreading the myth until it sparks a real movement. Helgeland said in a 2012 interview that he wrote Costner’s unnamed character as a con man, spinning a darkly satirical fantasy of American greatness, but Costner wanted the character to be more “sympathetic” and “sincere.”
Helgeland noted this is where the film “went wrong” — but for Costner, the vision he committed to film was clearly the vision he wanted: an essentially hopeful, essentially kind, but fundamentally conservative vision of American greatness. And he’s continued to build that narrative, more or less, ever since.
Costner’s directorial and ideological oeuvre has stayed consistent since Wolves
Although The Postman flopped so badly it essentially paused Costner’s career for half a decade, he began a self-made revival with 2003’s Open Range, which revived: 1) Costner in the lead 2) directing himself 3) in a panoramic western 4) as a lone hero standing up to injustice, armed only with a bunch of guns and a Personal Code. Open Range met a warm critical and audience reception, and Costner’s career meandered back on track through the 2000s and early 2010s with a wide range of films. He took smaller roles in ensemble movies like The Company Men (2010) and romantic leads in rom-coms like 2005’s eyebrow-raising flop Rumor Has It (where he sleeps with three generations of women in one family).
His most mainstream hit in this period, Hidden Figures (2016), saw him once again in a white savior role, albeit a historical one, facilitating structural change at NASA. The film’s most famous scene has him taking out his frustration at systemic inequality by physically destroying a segregated bathroom sign. It was on the heels of that renewed success that Yellowstone creator Taylor Sheridan came calling in 2017.
The rest, as viewers of that juggernaut know, is history: Costner’s cantankerous relationship with Sheridan notwithstanding, he propelled the show, about an iconoclastic family of maverick ranchers, to becoming TV’s biggest hit since Game of Thrones. And despite rumors swirling about why he left after five seasons, leaving the show to flounder to complete a sixth without him, he claims he still loves that world and would even come back to it.
It’s easy to see why Costner loves Yellowstone: Sheridan’s universe of morally off-center individuals playing by their own rules fully aligns with all of Costner’s major works to date; in 2018, he called his character, John Dutton, equivalent to “a modern-day CEO.”
Costner’s conservatism isn’t that of the extreme far right; recall that he supported Obama in both terms, thinks Michelle Obama would make a good candidate, and faced major backlash among his Yellowstone faithful when he publicly supported Liz Cheney’s failed 2022 bid for reelection after her stand against the January 6 insurrection. In an interview where he touted Cheney’s “brave, clear-headed stance,” he also said he wished politicians “had a bigger vision and more of a morality about how they see the country evolving.”
For Costner, that morality seems to boil down to a kind of broad populism. “I feel I’ve made a movie for the people, period,” he recently told Deadline about Horizon. “This isn’t a movie from me. I felt like it was my turn in my career to tell a story. This is the one I choose to tell. It’s just my turn.”
The story he seems to be telling in Horizon is one of settler communities facing and overcoming hardships, embracing the call of the West in the 1850s and ’60s, and battling Indigenous Americans, who are themselves trying to assert their identity and maintain their way of life amid encroaching colonization.
Or, at least, that’s the story he may be telling. Eventually. The story onscreen in Horizon’s first chapter is an incongruous muddle with a bizarre, difficult-to-parse script that often vibes like Thornton Wilder writing dialogue for the Shire. Subplots that never connect play out amid sweeping vistas and a constantly bombastic soundtrack, as though someone ran John Ford and Sergio Leone through ChatGPT and got an enthusiastic community theater troupe to fully commit to the bit.
Amid all of it, there’s that horrific Apache raid — conveying what, exactly? Unfortunately, it’s too early to tell; its settler apologetics coast on a thin layer of empathy for a small group of pacifist Apache characters who disappear halfway through the movie, presumably to return in later films. Where any of this is going, or if any of it will even carry over to the second film, is unclear. A final hasty montage appears unprompted at the end of the film — a long, confusing barrage of disjointed clips that could be an attempt to wrap up the current plot, preview the next movie, or just quickly use up all the footage they ran out of time to squeeze into this one. Who knows?
What is clear is the sense of gravitas, of a man with a strong mission carrying it out at long last. Costner’s ego fills every frame; we can sense from the outset how desperately he wants this film sequence to restore to him the industry’s Wolves-era respect for his artistry and talent as a director. As it stands, however, there’s too much that’s baffling and unchecked about this project to make that likely.
If, however, Costner means what he says about making a film for “the people,” he might have better luck. Currently, despite its muddled, messy state, the audience score for Horizon on Rotten Tomatoes currently hovers around 70 percent.
Will it be enough to make up for Costner mortgaging his beachfront Santa Barbara mansion in order to create the ultimate American cinema?
Probably not, but it wouldn’t be an American dream if it weren’t giant, over the top, and fueled less by reason than by sentiment. All in all, that’s the essence of Costner himself — and why Horizon might surprise us in the end.
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The Red Badge of Courage
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Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy) is a young Union soldier in the American Civil War. During his unit's first engagement, Henry flees the battlefield in fear. When he learns that the Union actually won the battle, shame over his cowardice leads him to lie to his friend Tom (Bill Mauldin) and the other soldiers, saying that he had been injured in battle. However, when he learns that his unit will be leading a charge on the enemy, Henry takes the opportunity to face his fears and redeem himself.
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From the Archives: The Red Badge of Courage — Cineaste Magazine
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Produced by Gottfried Reinhardt; directed by John Huston; screenplay by John Huston, adapted by Albert Band from the novel by Stephen Crane; music by Bronislau Kaper; cinematography by Harold Rosson, edited by Ben Lewis; set decoration by Fred MacLean and Erwin Willis; starring Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, and Douglas Dick, DVD, B&W, 70 min., 1951, a Warner Archive Collection release, www.wbshop.com.
The Red Badge of Courage is often cited as a film that could have been a masterpiece if the director’s vision had not been destroyed by studio executives. This line of thinking is mainly based on Lillian Ross’s account of the making of the film in Picture. Ross not only offers details on how the film was altered but also a discussion reflecting changes going on in the studio system at that time. Informative as Ross’s work is, evaluating a film that might have been by focusing mainly on the cuts and additions demanded by the studio is only half the story. Much of what director/coscriptwriter John Huston wanted remains on the screen. These reveal problems in the film’s basic conception, acting, and dialogue. There is little remaining evidence of a mangled film, as in the case of Orson Welles’s The Magnificent Ambersons (1942).
What is most striking to a contemporary viewer is that a film about the Civil War has no reference to slavery and depicts individual courage as fighting with near-suicidal bravado for an undefined cause. Some of these problems arise from the Stephen Crane novel of the same name, but Huston’s own sensibility seems to be in much the same mode. The red badge of the title refers to physical wounds suffered in battle, but also may be taken as a metaphor for the psychological wounds of war.
Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy), the main character, sometimes just referred to as the Youth, is a young Union soldier facing his first battle. Although he is terrified of being a coward and fleeing, none of his companions seem to share his anxiety. In fact, they state that they are eager to fight. Fleming will indeed panic at his first battle and run from the field. Much of the film follows him wandering behind the front lines, seeing wounded soldiers, and observing officers, until he is reunited with his unit in an almost accidental manner. In the next battle, although still frightened, his shame compels him to lead a counterattack in which the Union casualties are high. Fleming and his best friend Tom Wilson (Bill Mauldin), also known as the Loud Soldier, are subsequently honored as heroes who have turned a possible defeat into victory. Fleming learns only after the battle that Wilson also had run in the first conflict, as had many of their colleagues. Fleming and Wilson now feel confident of their manliness and the film ends with their looking forward to the next battle. In short, this is not the kind of film that would soon emerge about the Korean War, much less later films concerning Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The definition of courage offered is questionable and perhaps even juvenile, and that view stems from Huston rather than being imposed on him by the studio bosses.
Huston’s view of the Civil War is typical of most Hollywood films before the civil rights movement of the 1950s and of too many since. The emphasis is not on slavery, competing regional economies, or territorial expansion, but a tragedy in which the combatants are more alike than different and just happen to be fighting on different sides. Early in Red Badge, a Confederate soldier yells to Fleming, who is filling canteens in a stream, to get out of the moonlight. The reb shouts that they will fight tomorrow, but tonight he will not take an easy kill. At the end of the film’s main battle, Fleming holds the Union flag and looks sadly at a fallen reb with his flag spread on the ground. Being a “winner” or “loser” seems a matter of meaningless happenstance, just like being a “coward” or a “hero” in any given conflict. In another scene, a captured Confederate asks where his captors come from. The answer is Ohio and the reb replies that, “I never met no one from Ohio before.” The Union soldier responds that this is the first time he has ever met anyone from Tennessee. Viewers are left feeling that, under different circumstances, the two men would have been friends. What is missing in such scenes is the sensibility of Ulysses S. Grant, who wrote of the Confederates that no force ever fought more gallantly for such an unworthy cause.
A surprising disappointment is the quality of the dialogue between the men. Casual chatter that is meant to illuminate character and the reality of war is mainly contrived and unconvincing Hollywood Ruralspeak. When the Union soldiers talk with one another as they march, their comments come across as individual set-pieces rather than genuine exchanges. Such stilted dialogue appears throughout the film, rarely showing any humor or concern of who or why the men are fighting. The single memorable sequences involving dialogue occur when a Union general rides from company to company, preparing them for a charge, and promising each unit to come back and have dinner with them after the battle. The officer is not necessarily cynical, as the soldiers probably know he will not actually return to eat with them, and that he is simply expressing solidarity and admiration for their valor. Such ambiguity and complexity is absent from most of the film.
Huston believed his battle scenes would set new cinematic standards of authenticity. He is quite successful in setting up panoramic shots of two armies taking their positions. That credibility fades when the battle begins. Although the field is empty of soldiers, there are random picturesque explosions, as if the artillery had an endless store of ammunition. When the Confederates charge, there is no sense of momentum. The big open field with large distances to cover is not typical of Civil War encounters but does resemble Pickett’s disastrous charge at Gettysburg. The Union counterattack is no more credible. Huston’s extensive use of close-ups robs the viewers of the sense of an entire division advancing and there is little sense of the fierce resistance. Similar scenes in subsequent Civil War films, such as Glory (l989) and Gettysburg (1993), are far superior in capturing the tempo, sounds, and mayhem of such warfare. A bombastic score by Bronislau Kaper, which was imposed by the studio, virtually transforms the film into a patriotic operetta.
One of the risks taken by Huston was casting Audie Murphy, one of America’s most decorated soldiers of World War II, in the lead role. Murphy’s boyish looks are a welcome change from the typical macho man, such as that era’s John Wayne or a later era’s Sylvester Stallone. Murphy, however, has limited range as an actor. At some moments, he is totally credible as a terrified youth running from battle or even as a slightly crazed youth leading a charge. Mostly, however, Murphy fails to capture the complex emotions of his character, much less his transformation from fear to daring.
Bill Mauldin is credible as Murphy’s best friend, but not memorable. That he is a famed editorial cartoonist of World War II whose images were mainly of “grunts” is mostly important for the studio press releases. More gifted actors might have given the film the edge Huston desired. That said, a host of studio stalwarts such as Douglas Dick (the Lieutenant), Andy Devine (the Cheery Soldier), Royal Dano (the Tattered Man), and John Dierkes (the Tall Soldier), are not very convincing, either.
The major obvious studio intervention was the addition of a voice-over (by James Whitmore, a Marine in World War II) reading passages from Crane’s novel. This was added after indifferent preview screenings and was heartily opposed by Huston. Direct quotations from the novel amount to telling the audience that it can’t understand what is going on without a guidebook. Viewers of this DVD who turn off the soundtrack with the voice-overs will find them superfluous and distracting. Another extreme studio action was to cut twenty minutes from the film. The single longest cut was of a speech by one of the soldiers. Given the poor nature of most of the dialogue, that cut may have helped the film, which seems overly long even at seventy minutes.
Adapting a famous novel to the screen is always problematic. Huston and Albert Band (the adapter) can be credited for being faithful to the original. The problem with such an adaption is that the sensibilities of a nineteenth-century author writing about a recent war may not resonate with later audiences. The Huston who made The Red Badge of Courage seems to be looking backwards toward values associated with World War II and definitely not forward to the changes in traditional concepts of courage and manliness that would begin to emerge later in the decade.
Dan Georgakas is co-editor of The Encyclopedia of the American Left (Oxford University Press, 1999).
To purchase The Red Badge of Courage, click here.
Copyright © 2013 by Cineaste Magazine
Cineaste, Vol. XXXIX, No. 1
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The Red Badge of CourageStephen Crane INTRODUCTIONPRINCIPAL WORKSCRITICISMFURTHER READING(Full name Stephen Townley Crane; also wrote under the pseudonym Johnston Smith) American short-story writer, novelist, poet, and journalist. Source for information on The Red Badge of Courage: Children's Literature Review dictionary.
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Stephen Crane
INTRODUCTION
PRINCIPAL WORKS
CRITICISM
FURTHER READING
(Full name Stephen Townley Crane; also wrote under the pseudonym Johnston Smith) American short-story writer, novelist, poet, and journalist.
The following entry presents criticism of Crane's novel The Red Badge of Courage (1895) through 2006.
INTRODUCTION
Crane's The Red Badge of Courage (1895) offers a vivid portrait of American Civil War combat through its account of a young Union soldier's first days on the battlefield. Embraced as a hallmark of American literature, the novel is a study of heroism and the complex psychology of the common foot soldier during wartime. Remarkably, Crane's knowledge of the Civil War was culled solely from historical texts and autobiographical accounts, as he had not witnessed military action prior to writing the work. The Red Badge of Courage is commonly approached from two different critical perspectives. One school views it as an essentially realist text documenting an unromanticized account of warfare and a soldier's maturation; proponents of the naturalist school, on the other hand, focus on the social, biological, and psychological forces that shape the youth's experiences. Other critics have examined the novel within the context of several major literary trends of the nineteenth century. A meditation on pride, fear, bravery, humility, and mortality, The Red Badge of Courage is widely regarded as Crane's masterpiece. Given its accessible length, relatable narrative voice, and applicable themes about identity, violence, and the amorphous definition of courage, Crane's novel remains a fixture on school reading lists, enabling Crane's literary influence to affect large segments of adolescent readers.
BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION
Crane was born on November 1, 1871, in Newark, New Jersey, the youngest in a family of fourteen children. His desire to write was inspired by his family—his father, a Methodist minister, and his mother, a devout woman dedicated to social concerns, were writers of religious articles, and two of his brothers were journalists. Crane began his higher education in 1888 at the Hudson River Institute and later enrolled at Claverack College, a military school that nurtured his interest in Civil War studies and military training—knowledge he later used in writing The Red Badge of Courage. During two subsequent and respective semesters at Lafayette College and Syracuse University, Crane was distinguished more for his prowess on the baseball diamond and football field than for his ability in the classroom. During his college years, however, Crane also began his writing career. He worked as a "stringer" for a news service managed by one of his brothers. In 1891, deciding that "humanity was a more interesting study" than the college curriculum, Crane quit school to work full time as a reporter with his brother and part-time for the New York Tribune. In 1893, after several publishers had rejected his manuscript of Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893) on the grounds that his grim descriptions of slum realities would shock readers, Crane privately published this first novel under a pseudonym. His second novel, The Red Badge of Courage, won him international fame following its publication in 1895. During the mid-1890s, Crane continued to work as a journalist, traveling throughout the American West and Mexico writing for a news syndicate. He later used his experiences as the basis for fictional works, including the stories in his early short fiction collections The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War (1896) and The Open Boat and Other Tales of Adventure (1898). In 1897 Crane met Cora Taylor, proprietor of the dubiously named Hotel de Dream, a combination hotel, nightclub, and brothel. Living together as common-law husband and wife, the couple moved to England, where Crane formed literary friendships with Joseph Conrad, H. G. Wells, and Henry James. By 1900 Crane's health had rapidly deteriorated due to his own general disregard for his physical well-being. After several respiratory attacks, Crane died of tuberculosis at the age of twenty-eight on June 5, 1900.
PLOT AND MAJOR CHARACTERS
The Red Badge of Courage presents a series of episodes that trace the experiences and conflicting emotions of a new Civil War Union Army recruit, Private Henry Fleming, who is referred to as "the youth" throughout the narrative. As the novel opens, the young soldier's regiment is camped along a riverbank, where they have been awaiting orders for several weeks. The narrator describes the young soldier's reminiscences about his departure from home. Though the youth had felt daring and confident upon enlisting, he worries about remaining courageous during his first engagement. Marching orders eventually arrive, and the young soldier's regiment advances to the front line. As the Confederate Army charges toward him, Fleming readies himself and manages to fire a shot as rival troops rush by in pursuit. Yet, when the enemy reappears unexpectedly for another skirmish, Fleming is overtaken with fear and runs away. He thinks his fellow soldiers foolish for not having retreated until he overhears a Union general declare that the enemy has been repulsed. Fleming feels angry and cheated out of his opportunity for valor. He decides to flee into the woods, imagining Nature as a protective goddess. While rationalizing his continued retreat, he stumbles upon the rotting corpse of a Union soldier. Shrieking, he runs back toward the front. Fleming falls in with a group of wounded soldiers and encounters "the tattered man," a mortally wounded compatriot who questions Fleming about his nonexistent injury. Deeply ashamed of his cowardice, Fleming escapes from the tattered man and drifts into the crowd of injured men. Fleming is embarrassed and envious of their wounds and wishes for his own "red badge of courage." Among the crowd, Fleming recognizes his friend, Jim Conklin, "the tall soldier," who is near death. With the help of the tattered man, Fleming carries Conklin to a nearby field where he can rest without being trampled by the artillery. The youth and the tattered man watch as Conklin dies. Enraged by what he has witnessed and agitated by the tattered man's inquiries, Fleming leaves the dying tattered man wandering aimlessly in the field. Contemplating whether to rejoin his regiment, Fleming notices groups of Union infantry retreating in mass confusion from combat. One of the fleeing soldiers hits Fleming on the head with his rifle. Dazed and bleeding, Fleming is led back to his regiment by an anonymous soldier. The youth's injury is misidentified as a battle wound, which his companions interpret as the reason for his absence. Fleming's comrade, Wilson, who early in the novel is the belligerent "loud soldier," dresses his wound. The next day, Fleming demonstrates the skills of a fine, upstanding soldier, fighting bravely alongside Wilson and rescuing the regimental flag. Displaying camaraderie and leadership, Fleming wins the praise of officers. In the final battle charge, Fleming accompanies Wilson as he captures the enemy flag, which signals the regiment's victory. The novel concludes with Fleming's reflections on the past days' events. Though haunted by his abandonment of the tattered man, he is proud of his accomplishments in battle and celebrates his entrance into manhood.
MAJOR THEMES
The Red Badge of Courage explores notions of bravery and cowardice through the thoughts and actions of an inexperienced soldier on the verge of maturity. The novel contemplates the definition of heroism, illustrating how Fleming's romantic conception of courage evolves into a mature, complex assessment as he transitions from adolescence to adulthood. Critics have analyzed coming-of-age themes in the novel, underscoring the symbolic function of Conklin and Wilson—both of whom exhibit self-assurance and leadership as well as vulnerability—as authentic representations of masculinity. Crane incorporated motifs of noise and silence to signal the maturity of his characters. The sounds of artillery and male bravado that permeate the early chapters turn to quiet reflection at the novel's end. The author also utilized irony to demonstrate the complicated nature of heroism, as evidenced by Fleming's so-called "red badge of courage," which he receives when a retreating Union soldier strikes him on the head with his weapon. In addition to themes concerning valor and maturation, the novel addresses the power and indifference of Nature, emphasizing the relative insignificance of man. By referring to his characters as "the youth," "the loud soldier," "the tattered man," and "the tall soldier," Crane imbued the narrative with allegorical significance reminiscent of the Everyman parable. Scholars have highlighted religious imagery in the book, such as the gathering of foliage which Fleming designates as a "chapel" during his respite in the woods. Fleming's sense of sanctuary, however, is quickly shattered by the discovery of the decomposing Union soldier, which suggests a fatalistic counterpoint to the character's inarticulate spirituality. Other significant motifs include the symbolic use of color, such as Crane's description of the sun at the time of Conklin's death as "a fierce red wafer," and the use of mechanical imagery to depict combat.
CRITICAL RECEPTION
A major critical debate surrounding The Red Badge of Courage concerns the textual alterations made by Crane just prior to the book's publication. Some scholars have contended that the abrupt changes in Fleming's character at the end of the novel are the result of unwise deletions from the original manuscript, and that these cuts deprive the text of its ironic thrust. Others have viewed these modifications as integral to the streamlined nature of the narrative. The coexistence of naturalism and symbolism throughout the novel has been cited by critics as a significant development in American fiction. Moreover, the basic plot and structure of Crane's book has been frequently analyzed according to Joseph Campbell's concept of the archetypal hero-quest. Though The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded as a masterpiece in its own right, reviewers have favorably compared it to such works as Homer's Iliad and Ambrose Bierce's "An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge," noting its influence upon such renowned authors as Joseph Conrad. Furthermore, the novel has been read by some critics as an indication of prevailing attitudes towards masculinity in late nineteenth-century America. Praised for its narrative technique, artful characterization, and honest depiction of combat, The Red Badge of Courage has been consistently celebrated as a seminal work of war literature.
PRINCIPAL WORKS
Maggie: A Girl of the Streets—A Story of New York [as Johnston Smith] (novella) 1893
The Black Riders and Other Lines (poetry) 1895
The Red Badge of Courage: An Episode of the American Civil War (novel) 1895
George's Mother (novel) 1896
The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War (short stories) 1896
The Third Violet (novel) 1897
The Open Boat, and Other Tales of Adventure (short stories) 1898
Active Service (novel) 1897
The Monster and Other Stories (short stories) 1899
War Is Kind (poetry) 1899
Whilomville Stories (short stories) 1900
Wounds in the Rain: A Collection of Stories Relating to the Spanish-American War of 1898 (short stories) 1900
Last Words (short stories and journalism) 1902
The O'Ruddy: A Romance [with Robert Barr] (unfinished novel) 1903
The Work of Stephen Crane. 12 vols. [edited by Wilson Follett] (novellas, short stories, poetry, and journalism) 1925-1926
The Collected Poems of Stephen Crane [edited by Wilson Follett] (poetry) 1930
The Correspondence of Stephen Crane. 2 vols. [edited by Stanley Wertheim and Paul Sorrentino] (letters) 1988
CRITICISM
Harold Frederic (review date 26 January 1896)
SOURCE: Frederic, Harold. "Stephen Crane's Triumph." In Critical Essays on Stephen's Crane's "The Red Badge of Courage," edited by Donald Pizer, pp. 35-41. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co., 1990.
[In the following review, originally published in the January 26, 1896 issue of the New York Times, Frederic hails The Red Badge of Courage as among the finest American novels of his generation.]
London, Jan. 15—Who in London knows about Stephen Crane? The question is one of genuine interest here. It happens, annoyingly enough, that the one publishing person who might throw some light on the answer is for the moment absent from town. Other sources yield only the meagre information that the name is believed to be a real, and not an assumed, one, and that its owner is understood to be a very young man, indeed. That he is an American, or, at least, learned to read and write in America, is obvious enough. The mere presence in his vocabulary of the verb "loan" would settle that, if the proof were not otherwise blazoned on every page of his extraordinary book. For this mysteriously unknown youth has really written an extraordinary book.
The Red Badge of Courage appeared a couple of months ago, unheralded and unnoticed, in a series which, under the distinctive label of "Pioneer," is popularly supposed to present fiction more or less after the order of The Green Carnation,1 which was also of that lot. The first one who mentioned in my hearing that this Red Badge was well worth reading happened to be a person whose literary admirations serve me generally as warnings what to avoid, and I remembered the title languidly from that standpoint of self-protection. A little later others began to speak of it. All at once, every bookish person had it at his tongue's end. It was clearly a book to read, and I read it. Even as I did so, reviews burst forth in a dozen different quarters, hailing it as extraordinary. Some were naturally more excited and voluble than others, but all the critics showed, and continue to show, their sense of being in the presence of something not like other things. George Wyndham, M. P., has already written of it in The New Review as "a remarkable book." Other magazine editors have articles about it in preparation, and it is evident that for the next few months it is to be more talked about than anything else in current literature. It seems almost equally certain that it will be kept alive, as one of the deathless books which must be read by everybody who desires to be, or to seem, a connoisseur of modern fiction.
If there were in existence any books of a similar character, one could start confidently by saying that it was the best of its kind. But it has no fellows. It is a book outside of all classification. So unlike anything else is it, that the temptation rises to deny that it is a book at all. When one searches for comparisons, they can only be found by culling out selected portions from the trunks of masterpieces, and considering these detached fragments, one by one, with reference to the Red Badge, which is itself a fragment, and yet is complete. Thus one lifts the best battle pictures from Tolstoï's great War and Peace, from Balzac's Chouans, from Hugo's Les Misérables, and the forest fight in '93, from Prosper Mérimée's assault of the redoubt, from Zola's La Débâcle and Attack on the Mill, (it is strange enough that equivalents in the literature of our own language do not suggest themselves,) and studies them side by side with this tremendously effective battle painting by the unknown youngster. Positively they are cold and ineffectual beside it. The praise may sound exaggerated, but really it is inadequate. These renowned battle descriptions of the big men are made to seem all wrong. The Red Badge impels the feeling that the actual truth about a battle has never been guessed before.
In construction the book is as original as in its unique grasp of a new grouping of old materials. All the historic and prescribed machinery of the romance is thrust aside. One barely knows the name of the hero; it is only dimly sketched in that he was a farm boy and had a mother when he enlisted. These facts recur to him once or twice; they play no larger part in the reader's mind. Only two other characters are mentioned by name—Jim Conklin and Wilson; more often even they are spoken of as the tall soldier and the loud soldier. Not a word is expended on telling where they come from, or who they are. They pass across the picture, or shift from one posture to another in its moving composition, with the impersonality of one's chance fellow-passengers in a railroad car. There is a lieutenant who swears new oaths all the while, another officer with a red beard, and two or three still vaguer figures, revealed here and there through the smoke. We do not know, or seek to know, their names, or anything about them except what, staring through the eyes of Henry Fleming, we are permitted to see. The regiment itself, the refugees from other regiments in the crowded flight, and the enemy on the other side of the fence, are differentiated only as they wear blue or gray. We never get their color out of our mind's eye. This exhausts the dramatis personae of the book, and yet it is more vehemently alive and heaving with dramatic human action than any other book of our time. The people are all strangers to us, but the sight of them stirs the profoundest emotions of interest in our breasts. What they do appeals as vividly to our consciousness as if we had known them all our life.
The central idea of the book is of less importance than the magnificent graft of externals upon it. We begin with the young raw recruit, hearing that at last his regiment is going to see some fighting, and brooding over the problem of his own behavior under fire. We follow his perturbed meditations through thirty pages, which cover a week or so of this menace of action. Then suddenly, with one gray morning, the ordeal breaks abruptly over the youngster's head. We go with him, so close that he is never out of sight, for two terribly crowded days, and then the book is at an end. This cross-section of his experience is made a part of our own. We see with his eyes, think with his mind, quail or thrill with his nerves. He strives to argue himself into the conventional soldier's bravery; he runs ingloriously away; he excuses, defends, and abhors himself in turn; he tremblingly yields to the sinister fascination of creeping near the battle; he basely allows his comrades to ascribe to heroism the wound he received in the frenzied "sauve qui peut" of the fight, he gets at last the fire of combat in his veins, and blindly rushing in, deports himself with such hardy and temerarious valor that even the Colonel notes him, and admits that he is a "jimhickey." These sequent processes, observed with relentless minutiae, are so powerfully and speakingly portrayed that they seem the veritable actions of our own minds. To produce this effect is a notable triumph, but it is commonplace by comparison with the other triumph of making us realize what Henry saw and heard as well as what he felt. The value of the former feat has the limitations of the individual. No two people are absolutely alike; any other young farm boy would have passed through the trial with something different somewhere. Where Henry fluttered, he might have been obtuse; neither the early panic nor the later irrational ferocity would necessarily have been just the same. But the picture of the trial itself seems to me never to have been painted as well before.
Oddly enough, The Saturday Review and some other of the commentators take it for granted that the writer of the Red Badge must have seen real warfare. "The extremely vivid touches of detail convince us," says The Review, "that he has had personal experience of the scenes he depicts. Certainly, if his book were altogether a work of imagination, unbased on personal experience, his realism would be nothing short of a miracle." This may strike the reader who has not thought much about it as reasonable, but I believe it to be wholly fallacious. Some years ago I had before me the task of writing some battle chapters in a book I was at work upon. The novel naturally led up to the climax of a battle, and I was excusably anxious that when I finally got to this battle, I should be as fit to handle it as it was possible to make myself. A very considerable literature existed about the actual struggle, which was the Revolutionary battle of Oriskany, fought only a few miles from where I was born.2 This literature was in part the narratives of survivors of the fight, in part imaginative accounts based on these by later writers. I found to my surprise that the people who were really in the fight gave one much less of an idea of a desperate forest combat than did those who pictured it in fancy. Of course, here it might be that the veterans were inferior in powers of narration to the professional writer. Then I extended the test to writers themselves. I compared the best accounts of Franco-German battles, written for the London newspapers by trained correspondents of distinction who were on the spot, with the choicest imaginative work of novelists, some of them mentioned above, who had never seen a gun fired in anger. There was literally no comparison between the two. The line between journalism and literature obtruded itself steadily. Nor were cases lacking in which some of these war correspondents had in other departments of work showed themselves capable of true literature. I have the instance of David Christie Murray in mind. He saw some of the stiffest fighting that was done in his time, and that, too, at an early stage of his career, but he never tried to put a great battle chapter into one of his subsequent novels, and if he had I don't believe it would have been great.3
Our own writers of the elder generation illustrate this same truth. Gen. Lew Wallace, Judge Tourgée, Dr. Weir Mitchell, and numbers of others saw tremendous struggles on the battlefield, but to put the reality into type baffles them. The four huge volumes of The Century's Battles and Leaders of the Civil War are written almost exclusively by men who took an active part in the war, and many of them were in addition men of high education and considerable literary talent, but there is not a really moving story of a fight in the whole work. When Warren Lee Goss began his Personal Recollections of a Private, his study of the enlistment, the early marching and drilling, and the new experiences of camp life was so piquant and fresh that I grew quite excited in anticipation. But when he came to the fighting, he fell flat. The same may be said, with more reservations, about the first parts of Judge Tourgée's more recent Story of a Thousand. It seems as if the actual sight of a battle has some dynamic quality in it which overwhelms and crushes the literary faculty in the observer. At best, he gives us a conventional account of what happened; but on analysis you find that this is not what he really saw, but what all his reading has taught him that he must have seen. In the same way battle painters depict horses in motion, not as they actually move, but as it has been agreed by numberless generations of draughtsmen to say that they move. At last, along comes a Muybridge, with his instantaneous camera, and shows that the real motion is entirely different.4
It is this effect of a photographic revelation which startles and fascinates one in The Red Badge of Courage. The product is breathlessly interesting, but still more so is the suggestion behind it that a novel force has been disclosed, which may do all sorts of other remarkable things. Prophecy is known of old as a tricky and thankless hag, but all the same I cannot close my ears to her hint that a young man who can write such a first book as that will make us all sit up in good time.
Notes
1. Robert Hichens's The Green Carnation (1894), a popular novel of fashionable London life.
2. Frederic, the London correspondent of the New York Times, was himself a major novelist, with a number of his works set in the upstate New York area where he was born and raised. He refers here to his Revolutionary War novel In the Valley (1890).
3. Murray was a popular British novelist and travel writer. Early in his career he had reported on the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-78.
4. Earweard Muybridge, a photographer and naturalist, had in the 1870s demonstrated through photography that all four of a running horse's hooves are at times simultaneously off the ground.
Donald B. Gibson (essay date 1988)
SOURCE: Gibson, Donald B. "Heroism." In The Red Badge of Courage: Redefining the Hero, pp. 45-59. Boston, Mass.: Twayne Publishers, 1988.
[In the following essay, Gibson examines how The Red Badge of Courage offers nontraditional reflections on the nature of heroism and how the protagonist's sense of bravery towards the novel's conclusion are not necessarily reflective of Crane's own opinions.]
One of the implications of the traditional view of heroism is that its chief motivation is internal, that it springs from resources within the psyche. It is generally believed that the relationship between courage and character is such that the two are not separable. Cowardice, most feel, stems from bad or weak character, and courage from strength of character. These are the assumptions with which we are likely to start reading The Red Badge of Courage, and they underlie the meaning of courage in the culture. Certainly the heroism as defined by implication in Western mythology and fairy tale is of this kind, and Henry Fleming's reference to fairy tale and mythology suggests that his view of the issue is not a different one. It would seem, however, that Crane in his novel calls these assumptions into question. The advocate of the nontraditional reading of the novel would argue that readers who see Henry as the traditional hero are not distinguishing between Henry's perspective and Crane's. Henry is the unknowing, unaware traditionalist, not Crane.
The implication of the foregoing is that Henry's sense of heroism is a false sense because, having its roots in myth and fairy tale, it does not derive from experience, but from knowledge transmitted through tradition. He need merely have the model of the courageous actor in order to emulate it. Little does he know that he absolutely cannot act in any way contrary to or unrelated to his personality and his own peculiar history. Heroism does not exist in a vacuum, apart from other aspects of personality. Hence Henry's conviction that heroism is defined by fairy tale and mythology is false, for it does not consider the social nor specifically psychological elements of heroism. Henry does not wish to be a hero for heroism's sake but because he does not want his fellows to regard him scornfully. On the contrary, he sorely desires their respect and high regard. Therefore his character is no better nor worse at the beginning of the novel than at the end because courage, at least the kind of courage brought under scrutiny by Crane's novel, has nothing to do with character. One need not be good in order not to flee from the line of battle. For that reason Henry's moral lapses—as when he conceals the origin of his wound and allows his comrades to infer its source—have no relation to his behavior in battle. His having run from battle can be concealed, for it is, though relevant in Henry's eyes, irrelevant in Crane's eyes and in the eyes of the careful reader.
Because he believes that there is a relation between courage and character, Henry's perception of himself is modified. He believes that a conflict exists between his heroism and his flight during the first encounter, for if the exhibition of courage is a manifestation of good character, then exhibition of cowardice manifests bad or weak character. By the same token he believes that his desertion of the tattered man may diminish the significance of his heroism if that act should become known. The text establishes clearly these associations. Immediately after the passage quoted above where Henry refers to his "public deeds" as "performances which … marched now in wide purple and gold," the narrator observes: "He saw that he was good. He recalled with a thrill of joy the respectful comments of his fellows upon his conduct" (131). Undoubtedly Henry feels he is good because he feels himself a hero and that feeling is confirmed by the responses of his comrades. By implication, the lines mean that Henry saw that he was good and they too saw that he was good. Immediately following the passage last quoted, Henry thinks of his flight: "Nevertheless, the ghost of his flight from the first engagement appeared to him and danced…. For a moment he blushed, and the light of his soul flickered with shame" (131-132). The very next line reads: "A specter of reproach came to him. There loomed the dogging memory of the tattered soldier." Clearly the association of these thoughts reveals a connection of some kind among them.
But how do we know how to read these lines? How do we know that Henry does not deserve credit for true guilt and remorse for past actions that are less than creditable? There is, first of all, the juxtaposition of ideas that shows that Henry is looking at the question of heroism from a rather unsophisticated perspective, that he thinks it some kind of fairy-tale affair. Beyond that Crane makes clear that the source of any sense of guilt or remorse is Henry's fear that his less-worthwhile deeds will be discovered by his comrades. Henry will go to any length not to be laughed at. There is also the clear irony of the final paragraphs pointed out above.
In addition, there is one line appearing in the novel's final chapter, quoted above for other purposes, whose ironic intent cannot be mistaken. The line is: "He saw that he was good." Recall in the account in the Old Testament of Genesis the line that recurs as one of a series of patterned refrains as the creation, step by step, is described: "And God saw that it was good." The rhythm and syntactical structure of the two sentences are nearly identical. Crane, the son of a deeply religious Methodist minister (who was raised as a strict Presbyterian), could not possibly have missed the parallel or created it by chance, especially since the creation myth was probably drilled into his head in Sunday school if not at home as well. Note that Henry Fleming does not speak the sentence. Rather, the narrator attributes the sentiment to Henry. The implication is, then, that the line becomes a comment on Henry, a critical comment suggesting that Henry's pride at this point is so overweening that he would compare himself with God. If so, then we certainly may see him as deluded and his whole assessment of himself and his situation at this crucial juncture in the novel, a few paragraphs from the end, is called into question. This ironic thrust supports the view that though Henry is in a different place, he is not in a better place at the conclusion of the novel than he was at the beginning.
An enormous amount of further evidence suggests that Crane is not in sympathy with Henry during the final pages of the novel and that Henry is not seeing things as they are, but since this evidence is external evidence, i.e., excluded from the final version of the text as Crane presented it for publication, it does not have the same standing as evidence drawn from the text as he presented it to his publisher. The material referred to here comes from two manuscript versions of the novel, a shorter version, the first version of the novel as it was serialized in December 1894 for use by the Bacheller syndicate of newspapers, and the expanded version of that manuscript that became after further alteration the novel we know. Crane changed the manuscript version when it was in galley proof and produced the final text. Whether he changed his intentions between the preparation of the final manuscript and the version as printed in 1895 or whether changes in the text were made for some other reason, the expunged passages will give us some sense of how Crane was looking at his materials and will perhaps offer a clue as to how to read the text as it finally emerged.
The textual changes were in general made for different reasons. Some were made to sharpen the focus of the narrative, especially in cases where Crane's impressionistic style produced extended vagueness or misdirection of the reader's attention. Most of the names were deleted and the characters identified by attributes, for example, the "tall" soldier, the "loud" soldier, the "youth." A great deal of the change has to do with economy of style. The most significant changes, however, are extremely important changes that are intended to effect the very basic meaning of the novel; these are the ones with which we are primarily concerned. Interestingly enough, they appear in the final chapter where Crane attempts by careful manipulation of his words to handle his closure in such a way as to make the novel mean exactly what he intends it to mean. The modulations of style and meaning occurring there are most carefully wielded.
In the paragraph referred to above, where Henry thinks of himself as good, the final sentence, apparently expunged by Crane reads: "It was a little coronation" (131). The reference is to Henry's memory of the lieutenant's compliment to him after his performance during the third encounter: "By heavens, if I had ten thousand wild cats like you, I could tear the stomach outa this war in less'n a week!" (100). The "coronation" reference echoes an earlier passage in the text, also expunged by Crane, that clearly in its context indicates that Henry is not seeing things as they truly are. This passage occurs in chapter 15 after Henry has returned to his regiment and before the third engagement: "He returned to his old belief in the ultimate, astounding success of his life…. It was ordained because he was a fine creation. He saw plainly that he was the chosen of some gods. By fearful and wonderful roads he was to be led to a crown" (90-91). Clearly and severely ironic, this passage suggests that Henry is deluding himself. So does the "coronation" line in the final paragraphs of the text also suggest that Crane wants us to see Henry as deluded, especially as it stood before deletion, juxtaposed against "He saw that he was good."
Henry thinks back to his flight during the second encounter and in a heavily ironic passage he attempts to justify his past actions in obviously unintelligent and self-serving ways. For a moment after he recalls his flight, "his soul flickered with shame." The next line reads: "However, he presently procured an explanation and an apology" (132). This makes no literal sense, for there is no agency allowed for in the world of the novel to proffer such explanation or apology. The implication is that the universe explains his flight and apologizes to him for its necessity. Henry is being stringently ridiculed. The expunged passage continues: "He said those tempestuous movements [his flight] were of the wild mistakes and ravings of a novice who did not comprehend. He had been a mere man railing at a condition, but now he was out of it and could see that it had been very proper and just." The suffering occasioned by his fear of death and his fear of discovery are neither proper nor improper, neither just nor unjust; they simply are.
But Henry attempts at the novel's end, as he had earlier with fairy tale and mythology, to place his experience within a larger framework in order better to comprehend it. In this case he tries to see things in terms of a partially conceived conception of the relation of his experience to universal process. Thus: "It had been necessary for him to swallow swords that he might have a better throat for grapes" (132). There is nothing in the universe of the novel to account for such a necessity, and Henry is being foolish to account for his experience in such fashion. He simply seems more foolish, as the novel concludes, in his understanding: "Fate had in truth been kind to him; she had stabbed him with benign purpose and diligently cudgelled him for his own sake" (132)—again clearly ironic. When has anyone ever been "benignly" stabbed or "diligently cudgelled" out of kindness? The passage continues: "It was suddenly clear to him that he had been wrong not to kiss the knife and bow to the cudgel."
Crane seems here to intimate several things about Henry in this deleted passage. We see Henry structuring the universe as though the process is an exercise in the composition of fiction. He knows nothing about Fate yet in his egotism he is able to imagine that there is such a thing as Fate and that she (note the personalization) takes particular interest in his life. His thinking here probably derives from classical mythology just as his earlier thinking about war and heroism did. On another level, Crane is saying that even if the universe is structured as Henry implies, then he is still foolish to respond as he does. If there is an agency responsible for his fate, he is foolish indeed to see that agency as in any sense whatsoever benevolent. The irony is biting, and Henry seems the butt of sardonic humor. Is it possible to take the person seriously who so understands his experience when he sums it up as Henry does?
He is not through philosophizing, and the quality of the thought does not improve: "He was emerged from his struggles with a large sympathy for the machinery of the universe. With his new eyes he could see that the secret and open blows which were being dealt about the world with such heavenly lavishness were in truth blessings. It was a deity laying about him with the bludgeon of correction" (134). The implication here is that whatever misery, pain, and suffering are in the world exist for a purpose, for the purpose of correcting human error. They are blessings in disguise and should be welcomed. He feels in total sympathy with the processes of nature and the universe, and as such, "He could no more stand upon places high and false, and denounce the distant planets" (134). There is nothing obvious in his experience that would justify his conclusions. In fact, his experience should have shown him a quite different universe from that he creates. His belief seems also to express a religious fundamentalism, though we do not know its source. The notion that mankind are sinners and adversity is a sign of God's displeasure and intent to correct behavior and therefore a blessing is hardly enlightened theology. The deleted passage goes on: "He beheld that he was tiny but not inconsequent to the sun. In the spacewide whirl of events no grain like him would be lost" (134). What he learns is that "His [God's] eye is on the sparrow"; what he should have learned is that he is alone in an alien universe, entirely on his own.
Crane wrote a poem, which appeared in his volume of poetry, The Black Riders, whose meaning expresses the exact opposite of Henry's thinking. The poem's epigraph, the occasion of the poem, is a biblical quotation:
"And the sins of the fathers shall be visited upon the heads of the children, even unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me."
Well, then, I hate Thee, unrighteous picture;
Wicked image, I hate thee;
So, strike with Thy vengeance
The heads of those little men
Who come blindly.
It will be a brave thing.
If we assume, without entering the labyrinth of critical theory that might legislate against it, that the poem (published the same year as The Red Badge, 1895) expresses ideas that Crane held when he wrote it, then that would suggest he uses the ideas professed by Henry to express his own thinking in an obverse way. In other words, we need merely turn Henry's thinking upside down in order to know what Crane thinks. Is, then, Henry "tiny but not inconsequent to the sun?" No. He is tiny but inconsequent to the sun. "In the spacewide whirl of events" would a "grain like him … be lost?" Yes, a grain like him (and like all of us) would be lost.
The irony is on the verge of bitterness, and the final excised phrase is no less severe in its tone than the passages so far discussed. Let me put the expunged passage in its context, even though I have quoted the following passage before without the deleted passage, which is placed in brackets below: "He felt a quiet manhood, nonassertive but of sturdy and strong blood. He knew that he would no more quail before his guides wherever they should point. He had been to touch the great death, and found that, after all, it was but the great death [and was for others]. He was a man" (134). The phrase, "and was for others," is a mighty phrase, for it indicates that Henry's vision is so entirely warped that he has come to the point of believing that he cannot die. What is the effect of the irony of the bracketed phrase on the sentence that follows? "He was a man" becomes itself ironic and reflective of a deluded man. Without doubt, Henry is perceiving faultily; his psychological orientation dictates entirely what he sees. He is incapable of the least objectivity because his sense of actuality is governed by an idealism whose force is so great as to prevent him from understanding his experience even on the most basic level.
Given the context we have just examined, the final line of the novel cannot but be ironic: "Over the river a golden ray of sun came through the hosts of leaden rain clouds," especially in view of the lines preceding it in the penultimate paragraph: "Yet the youth smiled, for he saw that the world was a world for him, though many discovered it to be made of oaths and walking sticks." And of course, if the final line is ironic, then that means the novel has a completely different meaning than it has if the line is not.
Most of the material deleted by Crane from the novel has to do with controlling how we are seeing Henry Fleming. It would seem that Crane expunges for the most part material that is heavily ironic and makes Henry appear to be a fool or deluded. He did not attempt to remove all such signals, but he wanted to alter the effect of the ironic substance on the reader's judgment of Henry. Had Crane left in the text all those deleted passages, the novel would be a different novel indeed. It would have been a confused text; as it is, however, Crane's sense of reality and actuality has left us a far more meaningful piece of work. The deleted material had to be removed in order to prevent our dismissing Henry out of hand. As it is, there are two major perspectives in the novel, the narrator's (Crane's—since there is no evidence that any disparity exists between the narrator's perspective and the author's) and Henry Fleming's. There is no question about which is the more authoritative. The narrator constantly judges Henry, from the moment we meet him until the close of the narration. Henry has no access to the narrator. He does not even know that the narrator exists. The narrator has a far more embracing consciousness than Henry, a far broader capacity to judge. A great deal of the difficulty surrounding the question of how to interpret the novel arises because the narrator's judgment of Henry is variable (not inconsistent), and that is one of the most realistic elements of the novel. Henry can be sympathetic, heroic, and sensitive; he nonetheless is quite capable of being selfish, stupid, and immeasurably cloddish.
In other words, we see Henry throughout the novel at his best and at his worst. We have discussed Henry at his best, at those times when the narrator is most sympathetic toward him and less censorious, and we have discussed him when he was not entirely good. We have yet to discuss him at his worst, when he is at his most dreadful, insensitive, and prideful moment. We can forgive Henry for running in the face of what he sees as imminent destruction, for the response is not conscious and intentional, but, rather, as he says, instinctive. It is less easy to forgive him for his handling of the letters of his friend, the loud soldier, Wilson (all one and the same person though the fact is obscured because he is referred to alternately by these appellations). Wilson gives the letters to Henry at the end of the third chapter in anticipation of his death during the forthcoming battle. It is an act of trust and faith. There is about the act an aura of self-pity and there exists something of a desire to have Henry commiserate with him in his fear and trembling. "‘It's my first and last battle, old boy,’ said the latter, with intense gloom. He was quite pale, and his girlish lip was trembling" (35). When Henry returns to his regiment after his flight during the second encounter, the first person he meets is Wilson who is most solicitous toward him. Wilson gives him coffee, binds up his wound, acting toward him as a nurse. "Well, come, now … come on. I must put yeh to bed an' see that yeh git a good night's rest" (83). Finally he covers Henry with his own blankets, leaving himself no covers to sleep on or under. Henry objects. "The loud soldier snarled: ‘Shet up an' go on t' sleep. Don't be makin' a fool 'a yerself,’ he said severely." (83).
Crane delivers a strong judgment against Henry in having him decide to use the letters as a potential weapon against Wilson should he raise questions about Henry's whereabouts on the previous day after his running from battle. "He now rejoiced in the possession of a small weapon with which he could prostrate his comrade at the first signs of a cross-examination" (89). The same stringent irony leveled at Henry earlier is directed toward him again. Unlike the loud soldier, "He had performed his mistakes in the dark, so he was still a man. Indeed, when he remembered his fortunes of yesterday, and looked at them from a distance, he began to see something fine there. He had license to be pompous and veteranlike" (89). Henry uses the occasion of the letters and Wilson's shame at having to ask for them back as a means to make him feel superior to Wilson and to justify his atrocious conduct: "As he contemplated him, the youth felt his heart grow more strong and stout. He had never been compelled to blush in such manner for his acts; he was an individual of extraordinary virtues" (92). Chapter 15 concludes with Henry imagining that he is relating heroic tales of war to his mother and the young lady at the seminary who he believes (perhaps ironically because we cannot tell whether his perception of her reaction to him is true) has some romantic interest in him.
Between this chapter and the concluding paragraphs of the novel the irony slows somewhat and what there is is comparatively mild. This is an interesting phenomenon, for the question arises, what is happening here? Why does Crane no longer subject Henry to the same degree of ironic treatment, and why does he subject him any longer to ironic treatment at all? Let us first of all identify the irony occurring between the fifteenth chapter and the final paragraphs of the final chapter, the twenty-fourth, and then try to answer the other questions.
Henry, after he has found his way back to his regiment, begins to imagine that he has not run from battle and that he may judge his superiors as one might who had been an active participant in the preceding day's battle events. The "sarcastic man," unknown to himself, reminds him of his true role in the events of late: "Mebbe yeh think yeh fit th' hull battle yestirday, Fleming" (95). The effect of the words is chastening: "The significance of the sarcastic man's words took from him all loud moods that would make him appear prominent. He became suddenly a modest person" (95). Thereafter Henry is not treated ironically until the conclusion of the next (the third) encounter with opposing troops.
His response after that encounter, during which he fights and is commended by the lieutenant ("If I had ten thousand wildcats like you …"), is markedly similar to his response after the very first encounter where he holds his ground. The manner of his fighting is the same too. In both instances he seems in a trancelike state ("The youth in his battle sleep heard this [the comments of another soldier] as one who dozes hears" (42) and he is enraged. During the first encounter "A burning roar filled his ears. Following this came a red rage. He developed the acute exasperation of a pestered animal, a well-meaning cow worried by dogs" (42). His response during the third encounter is quite the same. "He began to fume with rage and exasperation…. He had a wild hate for the relentless foe…. He was not going to be badgered of his life, like a kitten chased by boys, he said" (98). Many verbal parallels exist between the two scenes, e.g., "His impotency appeared to him, and made his rage into that of a driven beast" (42). This parallels a sentence describing the third encounter: "His knowledge of his inability to take vengeance for it [his feeling that he is taunted] made his rage into a dark and stormy specter" (98).
As the first encounter ends, Henry returns to consciousness as one waking from a deep sleep. "The youth awakened slowly. He came gradually back to a position from which he could regard himself. For moments he had been scrutinizing his person in a dazed way as if he had never before seen himself" (45). As he regards the meaning of his experience, he concludes: "So it was all over at last! The supreme trial had been passed. The red, formidable difficulties of war had been vanquished. He went into an ecstasy of self-satisfaction" (45). Henry's conclusion is retrospectively ironic because we know that during the next encounter, shortly after this moment, he flees.
At the end of the third encounter, again Henry considers the meaning of his battle experience and his conclusions are essentially the same as after the first. "These incidents made the youth ponder. It was revealed to him that he had been a barbarian, a beast. He had fought like a pagan who defends his religion…. He had been a tremendous figure no doubt…. He had overcome obstacles…. They had fallen like paper peaks and he was now what he called a hero. He had slept, and, awakening, found himself a knight. He lay and basked in the occasional stares of his comrades" (100).
The irony of the parallels between the earlier encounter and the later one is multifaceted. First of all, there is irony in the fact that Henry does not recognize that his responses in the two cases have been nearly identical, for if he did, he would not on the second occasion announce to himself that his problem is solved. He would have remembered that, after his first encounter when he believed "the difficulties of war have been vanquished," he fled. He therefore should recognize that the real test is in the next encounter, when he will see how he acts; whether he will run as in the encounter following the first occasion when he felt he was no longer afraid.
There is also irony in Henry's casting his inferences in the particular terms he chooses. That "he had slept and, awakening, found himself a knight" finds him using those terms of fairy tale and mythology that he had used when he first began thinking about himself in war. Those terms reflected his innocence and naïveté, and his use of them brings up the possibility that he is deceiving himself once again, not seeing things in a mature and reasonably objective way. We might also wonder whether he is seeing things as they are when he thinks, "He had been a tremendous figure, no doubt." We have seen him time and time again express a warped sense of self, and we may well wonder whether he is doing the same thing again.
It seems difficult to tell whether some passages after the fourth encounter and before the fifth should be read as ironic. How, for example, should the following passage be interpreted: "He [Henry] had had very little time previously in which to appreciate himself, so that there was now much satisfaction in quietly thinking of his own actions" (117). Again, before the fifth encounter, when a soldier reports to Henry and his friend that he has overheard the colonel and the lieutenant complimenting them on their courageousness in battle we are told: "They speedily forgot many things. The past held no pictures of error or disappointment. They were happy and their hearts swelled with grateful affection for the colonel and the youthful lieutenant" (120). Is it simply human nature that makes Henry forget that shortly before he was extremely irritated with both officers, or is it that his interpretation and judgment of the world alters with the wind?
Whether Crane intends these particular passages to be read ironically, the point remains the same. By his deletions (we have yet to consider his deletion of the whole of an original manuscript chapter 12) and his varying the existence or the intensity of the irony throughout, Crane intends to maintain control of the reader's response to the character of Henry Fleming. Irony serves well in Crane's attempt to modulate the reader's response, for he may withdraw the irony entirely, apply it heavily, or modulate its application through infinitely variable degrees between the two extremes. And this is what Crane, to the consternation of the reader who would have things one way or another, does. Throughout the text Henry appears more or less sympathetic, more or less deserving of blame or censure. This modulation of the reader's response is carefully and intentionally managed, largely through irony—and, as well, through editing of the irony when the negative or positive response elicited toward Henry seems too great or too little. The answer to the questions raised earlier, (why does Crane no longer subject Henry to the same degree of ironic treatment between the chapter in which he proposes to use Wilson's letters as emotional blackmail against him, and why does he subject him any longer to ironic treatment at all) is implicitly answered here. After Henry is at his most despicable moment, during the "letters" episode, he threatens to take over the text, to control the meaning and values expressed therein. It is not Henry alone who threatens to take over the text but a whole complex of values, the values contained within Henry's metaphors describing his own situation and condition. Tradition, the tradition that surrounds Henry on all sides, the iron laws of tradition, of which Henry thinks in chapter 3, also threatens Crane. Crane's counteraction is primarily through irony. That is why Henry is subjected to irony at the same time that he appears most sympathetic, when he seems most heroic and when his activity and behavior seem most acceptable. The irony is intended to counteract other textual movement. During the period when Henry is most positively presented, Crane must make sure that we do not misunderstand his intention. His irony is intended to insure that we interpret other things rightly. We need to see, for example, Henry's quite positive relation to Wilson, his friend, the loud soldier (all one and the same person, as pointed out before), in proper perspective. The irony allows this.
John Conder (essay date 1989)
SOURCE: Conder, John. "The Red Badge of Courage: Form and Function." In Modern American Fiction: Formand Function, edited by Thomas Daniel Young, pp. 28-38. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 1989.
[In the following essay, Conder argues that the figure of Henry Fleming in The Red Badge of Courage is less of a literary character and more of a representation of Crane's interest in determinism and freedom of will.]
The function of the form of The Red Badge of Courage remains an especially significant issue because some recent criticism ignores the compelling conclusions that follow from the novel's subject. Those conclusions affect our understanding not only of this novel but of two of the three other crucial works in the Crane canon as well. This criticism might be seen as a continuation of the second of the two stages that criticism of Crane has gone through in the past: an avowal that determinism is a central presence in his work and a denial that it is a central presence or a presence at all. ("The Open Boat" is an exception to Crane's determinism because the story treats a primitive society whose very simplicity permits the existence of freedom.)1
The basic materials of the novel are the same as those of "The Blue Hotel" and Maggie. They are the conditions that generate the thoughts, emotions, and actions of the characters. This emphasis on conditions governing character, as opposed to an emphasis on character as autonomous agent, emerges because the characters are not individuals. Certainly the youth Henry Fleming is not an individual. What little history we learn of him from the flashback hardly individualizes him. What Bergson would have called "lived time," the growth and development of the inner life of a human being, is not a concern in The Red Badge, because Henry Fleming is not really a person.2 He is in fact a case study, a psychological type—the complex type called adolescence—and the novel is about the psychological type called adolescence meeting the congeries of conditions called war.
If the history of Henry in the flashback does not point to him as an individual, it does point to him as a social type. Though his adolescence is of primary concern in the novel, he is also a farm boy, a hick, and thus a social type recalling the treatment of character as social type in Maggie. (The distinction between social and psychological type in Maggie is not a hard and fast one, of course, but is a matter of emphasis.) The understated treatment of Henry as a social type also forecasts the various social types who constitute the world of "The Blue Hotel" —an Easterner, a cowboy, a hotel keeper, a ne'er-do-well, a gambler, and a host of nameless people of the small town who represent the average person writ large: the community. In these shorter works as well as within the novel, conditions emerge as the dominant basic material precisely because the characters are not individuals, then, but types. And this emphasis on types permits us to see characters as governed rather than as autonomous agents, either because the line between the type and the environment producing it is impossible to draw or because character is treated idiosyncratically so that it acts as condition for behavior.
This view of character in general in Crane's world is reinforced by an understanding of the form of The Red Badge. By its form, I mean the nature of the narrator, the special arrangement of materials that produces irony, and the use of the device of a sharp shift in perspective to emphasize the function of the irony. The point of view is third-person limited, and the narrator presents the conditions giving rise to Henry's changing thoughts, emotions, and actions in such minute detail that the clear effect is to see the narrator studying the youth as though this youth were a rabbit or a chicken being put through a series of behavioral tests. The narrator, in other words, is detached, and his is the voice of the behavioral scientist, the voice that says: "The youth cringed as if discovered at a crime."3
The character of that voice is best captured by a line used in "The Blue Hotel" to describe the Easterner: "The Easterner's mind, like a film, took lasting impressions of three men." It is the voice that opens "The Blue Hotel" with the words, "The Palace Hotel at Fort Romper was painted a light blue, a shade that is on the legs of a kind of heron." It is the voice in Maggie that says, "The girl, Maggie, blossomed in a mud puddle."4 Such detachment does not deny that a human being is different from other creatures in nature, any more than it denies that there is a difference between a chicken and a heron or between a heron and a panther. So this fact should be kept in mind when objecting that there is a separation between two worlds, the human and the natural, in The Red Badge. The human world is viewed in the same way as the natural world in the novel, and the same narrative angle of vision prevails in these other works as well.
The second aspect of form, the internal arrangement of materials producing irony, in fact produces two types of irony. The first, dramatic irony, surfaces when a character, or what passes as a character, is thoroughly ignorant of facts or aspects of reality known to the audience or reader. Both the narrator and the reader are spectators of Henry Fleming's thoughts, feelings, and actions, and through Crane's adroit juxtaposition of details, they see dramatic irony everywhere—in Henry's failing to recognize that a creature pouncing on a fish, for example, does not support his recently adopted view that nature is "a woman with a deep aversion to tragedy" (46).
In The Red Badge Henry's failure of recognition is a function of an overwhelming emotional state, guilt, and therefore he is beyond judgment. Likewise, in Maggie, Pete, Jimmie, and Mrs. Johnson are beyond judgment for their ignorance of their behavior as a factor in Maggie's downfall. The reader who has finished Chapter 4 of the novella knows that these characters are types, that as types they are products of an environment, and that these products are incapable of serious or prolonged introspection.
If dramatic irony does not imply moral censure but instead exposes ignorance, much the same can be said of the second kind of irony operative in Crane's world: situational irony, in which an event gives birth to an unexpected outcome. Several examples appear in The Red Badge, one of which is at the heart of the action: a deserting soldier gives a wound to a deserter (Henry) that permits Henry to return to his unit with honor. There are other such ironies. The tattered man's expression of concern leads not to Henry's social reinstatement but to his further flight and alienation. Henry's actual reinstatement in his unit leads to his feeling of superiority over Wilson. Henry's uncontrolled, blind fighting earns him the commendation of "wildcat" and leads to his regarding himself as a hero. The sun appears through the clouds as if to confirm Henry's view of benign nature. Like dramatic irony, this second kind exposes ignorance, though in this case the reader must be included among the ranks of the ignorant. Neither reader nor character can foresee the unexpected consequence of an act. Neither dramatic irony nor situational irony, therefore, implies moral censure. Each does imply the weakness of man's mental machinery, so this fact should take care of the view that irony is necessarily moral in its thrust.
In The Red Badge of Courage a spatial retreat to a distance appears in references to the sun, but a pronounced shift in perspective of a different kind also appears in the last chapter of the novel. I will reserve full discussion of that chapter till later because I wish to discuss its special change in perspective in tandem with another major point, the novel's determinism. Here I note that the novel's various references to the sun issue collectively in the meaning of the novel's dramatic irony in the most comprehensive way possible. The youth may be astonished "that nature had gone tranquilly on with her golden processes in the midst of so much devilment" (38) when he first sees the sun, and his astonishment may very well change to gratitude that the appearance of the sun, at the end of the Appleton manuscript, confirms his view of a friendly nature, a view appearing in both endings of the novel.5 But the reader witnesses Henry's (and man's) relation to nature from the true perspective of the sun—that is, from the eye of nature's cosmic indifference, a sight that shows man's place in nature to be pretty much the one exposed by the spatial retreat to a distance found in "The Open Boat."
Critics who object to the view that The Red Badge is deterministic fail to see that the novel's form—in this case, the arrangement of those governing conditions that constitute the basic materials of the novel—functions to meet a definition of determinism because they never offer such a definition. I stress this fact because a failure to define determinism handicaps critics of the novel, whether they deny or affirm its determinism or whether they simply ignore the issue by assuming the existence of freedom. Bernard Berofsky has issued a warning to philosophers that should be issued to literary critics as well: "In discussions of human freedom it is not uncommon to omit a definition or clarification of the thesis of determinism, although reference to it may be made. This is quite serious if one considers … the fact that this thesis often plays a fundamental role in conceptions of human freedom."6 I hasten therefore to offer this definition of determinism, one that in fact is not my own but that seems to me pertinent to discussions of literary naturalism: "Determinism is the general philosophical thesis which states that for everything that ever happens there are conditions such that, given them, nothing else could happen."7
Traditional novelists assumed human freedom within obvious limitations. Crane's distinctiveness as a novelist depends on his fashioning his work into a coherent vision that forces the reflective reader to question the authenticity of man's freedom. The novel's form forces the reader to see that it advances the definition of determinism I have just provided, and the same form makes the appearance of freedom an illusion.
Of the innumerable ways of classifying novels, one can divide them into two groups according to the kind of axis they possess. A nondeterministic novel usually has a moral axis. It rests on the assumption that at some point or other characters could have acted in a way different from the one they did under the same conditions, an assumption that permits moral judgment because it grants freedom to the individual. Crane's novel has what one might call a would-have-been axis. It rests on the assumption that the youth would have behaved differently if—if conditions had been different. And its basic material, the conditions generating the youth's thoughts, emotions, and actions, suggests that given these conditions, he could not behave other than as he does behave, a fact that undermines the possibility of moral judgment because it denies man's freedom.
The first skirmish in which the youth participates can demonstrate what I mean about the novel's axis. It divides into two parts that the reader inevitably juxtaposes in his mind. In the first, the youth does not run from battle because conditions permit him to be sustained by his consciousness of "the subtle battle-brotherhood" (35). He would have run from battle if conditions had been different, if he had not been conscious of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." That fact seems the whole point of Crane's having the youth initially hold fast in the first part of this skirmish and then run in the second part. And in the second part, run he does. He would not have run if he had still been conscious of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." But conditions have changed, the youth now sees panic-stricken faces among the brotherhood, and he also sees some men who seem to be running from the brotherhood. Thus he becomes the pawn of that overwhelming fear that earlier had been subdued by his sense of "the subtle battle-brotherhood." These two battle scenes, with their contrasting outcomes, emphasize the dominance of conditions governing thought, emotion, and action throughout the novel. The youth's discovery that his regiment had in fact held fast while he ran then becomes the condition for his guilt and subsequent rationalizations—feelings and thoughts which he would not have been bombarded with if conditions had not changed to induce his uncontrollable panic.
This would-have-been axis continues throughout the novel and challenges recent readings that dismiss the issue of the novel's naturalism (or determinism) with a flat, unsupported denial that it belongs in that camp and offer an analysis that simply assumes the existence of freedom in The Red Badge. Since both Donald Pease and William Wasserstrom treat Henry's first blind, wild fighting in battle (Chapter 17) as an expression of rage, it will be useful to focus on their treatment of the way that rage develops in order to illustrate my point. Pease locates the beginning of the rage with Henry's aborted philippic, whereas Wasserstrom locates it later, after Henry's learning "the lesson of yesterday" about retribution.8 Despite this disparity, the forms of their arguments show the same deficiency, and so they can be treated as types of the same argument.
Pease argues that Henry deliberately and freely manipulates his emotions—especially fear and shame—for two related reasons: first, to create an identity for himself based on a rereading of conventional war narratives, though with significant variations to accommodate his own experience; and second, to give coherence to the incoherent. The literal experience of battle, that is, is incoherent, but Henry replaces this incoherence with narratives that by their very nature as narrative possess coherence. Through a "personal act of choice" he develops "an ethos of fear as his basis for a unique personality." By becoming a "‘mental outcast,’" for example, he becomes the star of the show through his special way of handling his fear. The coherence that he gives his experience in this way, breaks down with Jim Conklin's death (and is symbolized by the sun imaged as a wafer). Thereafter, Henry essentially reacts "with rage against the inadequacy of all rationales," and his blind fighting is a part of his waging "war on the discourses" that he used earlier to give coherence to his experience.9
I cannot go into all the steps in Pease's complicated argument but quote enough to show that he endows Henry with a good deal of self-control. The fact that Pease largely ignores the narrative voice that renders Henry's thoughts and instead makes Henry appear to be creating his own narrative reinforces this impression of autonomy.10
William Wasserstrom also gives Henry a good deal of autonomy. Reading the book in the light of William James's theory of human behavior in extraordinary situations, he finds Henry's instincts suppressed by a genteel civilization symbolized by his mother, and he thinks Henry escapes such suppression when he discovers that "the lessons of yesterday had been that retribution was a laggard and blind" and that "he could leave much to chance" (86). According to this argument, Henry comes to see through the ethics of an America that promised sure and swift retribution for sin, an America represented by the mother who said, "Don't think of anything 'cept what's right" (7). Seeing the fraud, Wasserstrom writes, Henry "plans to replace this muddle of morals with plain fury." Like Pease, but for a different reason, Wasserstrom gives Henry a good deal of control by seeing his enraged fighting as a response to a lesson in fraud autonomously absorbed by a now-educated Henry. Wasserstrom writes: "Yesterday when his world had buckled he'd ‘imagined the universe to be against him.’ Today he knows that the universe is neutral, that his sole adversary is ‘the army of the foe,’ an enemy against which he now feels a ‘wild hate.’"11
Both arguments miss the novel's would-have-been axis, the compelling relation between condition and perception or condition and action. Although the novel traces a thorough network of causal conditions leading from Henry's initial fear to his blind fighting, the details that I choose here will be governed by my attempt to show that the arguments that I have just summed up are but variants of Marston LaFrance's treatment of his selection of events leading to Henry Fleming's fighting successfully in battle; that a refutation of LaFrance's treatment can show that determinism is a presence in this sequence of events, as it is throughout the major action of the novel; and that a proper understanding of this sequence of events shows that determinism comes to embrace the novel's controversial ending, which does not initially appear to be deterministic and which Pease treats within a context of will.12
Marston LaFrance called attention to a "carefully wrought sequence" of "silly illusions," which he says collapse and lead to what he calls Henry's "willed commitment" to fight after his return to his regiment.13 He had in mind those illusions that make Henry seem so obnoxious when he confronts the "formerly loud soldier" and that are represented by the ironic statement: "He had performed his mistakes in the dark, so he was still a man" (86). Wasserstrom ignores these illusions, and Pease alludes to them in a context of Henry's anticipating and neutralizing judgment against himself.14 But those illusions are germane here both because they lead to Henry's blind fighting and because Crane treats them in a way that makes conditions of primary importance here as elsewhere. Henry's obnoxiousness, his feeling of superiority to Wilson, it should be stressed, has its condition: his release from his intense fear of exposure as a deserter. Such relief manifests itself through an exaggerated sense of superiority, and that sense in turn acts as the condition for Henry's lesson about retribution, a lesson that is only partly true. If "the lesson of yesterday" was accurate in teaching that "he could leave much to chance," nonetheless chance does not always see to it that "retribution was a laggard and blind." But this illusion is of great importance as a link in the chain of causation leading to Henry's fighting. The illusion permits the youth to gain sufficient confidence, through a chain of psychological causes and effects, to fight the enemy, a chain that terminates in these words: "He had a wild hate for the relentless foe. Yesterday, when he had imagined the universe to be against him, he had hated it, little gods and big gods; to-day he hated the army of the foe with the same great hatred" (94). Crane thereby shows that he understood the meaning of the psychological phenomenon called transference even if he was not aware of the term. For he stresses the youth's unconscious transference of hatred from hatred for a nonhuman universe that threatened him because it would not support his rationalizations for having run, to hatred for a human enemy that now threatens him. The confidence generated by the youth's unwarranted feeling of superiority, though momentarily deflated by the sarcastic man, remains sufficiently strong in his psyche to permit him to redirect his hate.15
The careful reader thus can see that these illusions in fact are parts of a causal network permitting Henry to fight, and thus the view that they lead to Henry's "willed commitment" to fight is undermined. So, too, is the assumption of freedom and autonomy underlying treatments of Henry's perceptions and thoughts prior to his enraged fighting. Conditions create Henry's fear and shame, conditions permit his reinstatement into his unit, conditions create his illusions, conditions induce his (partly false) education about the nature of retribution, conditions inspire Henry's hatred, his rage against the enemy, and conditions thus permit him to fight.
Were the adolescent to have that authentic freedom asserted or implied by all these treatments, one must find somewhere in the novel some evidence that conditions do not dictate, that under the same conditions, this adolescent could behave in a way different from the way he does. To accommodate free-will readings of the novel, in other words, one must find a free-will axis in the work, for its existence implies that a character could act differently under the same conditions.
The emphasis on conditions in the major action of the novel seems to me to undermine any free-will axis there, but there does seem to be one in the flashback and in the ending of the novel, both in the version by Henry Binder and in the one that I choose as aesthetically superior, the edition of Fredson Bowers.16 In this discussion of form and function, my emphasis on the events leading to Henry's enraged fighting makes it pertinent that I discuss the ending rather than the flashback, which is also part of the causal chain of mental and physical events constituting the career of that psychological type named Henry Fleming.17 In both versions of the ending, we find that Henry is released from "the condition" of the "animal blistered" in war and can now activate his hitherto idle "machines of reflection" to reflect on, among other things, his "sin," and the very word sin thus suggests the presence of a free-will axis, here a moral axis that presupposes freedom (133, 135). Of course the reader knows that when Henry committed his "sin," that sin had no moral status, because it was impelled by his overpowering fear of social censure. Yet that Henry thinks in terms like sin suggests that he has entered a realm in which he can act other than as he does under the same conditions. But in fact the chain of causation that seems clearly deterministic in the major part of the work is related to the ending. In the conclusion, the reflective reader sees that a release from battle becomes the "new condition" (133) that makes the youth feel "that the world was a world for him" (135), and nature now seems distinctly friendly, not indifferent. The reader becomes conscious of conditions existing off the battlefield as well as on, in other words, and he becomes aware that off the battlefield they breed illusions just as they do on it. The major part of the novel and the novel's ending thus share an emphasis on a causal link between condition and illusion, and this shared emphasis deprives the reader of any certainty that the youth has entered the world of could-have-been. The reader is certain only of the existence of a would-have-been axis. And that axis is perfectly consistent with, in fact is an expression of, the thesis of determinism, the thesis that states that "for everything that ever happens there are conditions such that, given them, nothing else could happen."18
But there is even more to the matter of this novel's form because of what I have tried to show earlier. If the form of The Red Badge of Courage undermines current assumptions about freedom in its pages, then the fact that The Red Badge is a paradigm of two of Crane's three other major works makes it clear that such assumptions cannot be made about those works either.
Notes
1. John Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction: The Classic Phase (Lexington, Ky., 1984), 1-2. On "The Open Boat," see pp. 22-30.
2. In describing duration, Bergson called it "the form which the succession of our conscious states assumes when our ego lets itself live." Henri Bergson, Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness, trans. F. L. Pogson (London, 1910), 100.
3. Stephen Crane, The Red Badge of Courage, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1975), 45. Vol. II of The Works of Stephen Crane. Subsequent references to The Red Badge are to this edition and will appear in the text.
4. Stephen Crane, "The Blue Hotel," in Crane, Tales of Adventure, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1970), 159, 155. Vol. V of The Works of Stephen Crane; Stephen Crane, Maggie, in Crane, Bowery Tales, ed. Fredson Bowers (Charlottesville, 1969), 24. Vol. I of The Works of Stephen Crane.
5. For a discussion of the endings, see the bibliographical essay in Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 213-15.
6. Bernard Berofsky, "General Introduction: Determinism," in Berofsky (ed.), Free Will and Determinism (New York, 1966), 1.
7. Richard Taylor, "Determinism," in Paul Edwards (ed.), Encyclopedia of Philosophy (8 vols.; New York, 1967), II, 359.
8. See Donald Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation in The Red Badge of Courage," in Eric J. Sundquist (ed.), American Realism: New Essays (Baltimore, 1982), 155-75. For his denial of Crane's naturalism and also for his analysis of the beginning of Henry's rage, see p. 169. See also William Wasserstrom, "Hydraulics and Heroics: William James, Stephen Crane," in Wasserstrom, The Ironies of Progress: Henry Adams and the American Dream (Carbondale, Ill., 1984), 77-99. For his rejection of Crane's naturalism, see p. 86; for his treatment of the beginning of Henry's rage, see p. 93.
9. Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation," 162-63, 171, 173.
10. For Henry as creating his own narrative, see Ibid., 160, 161, 162, 169. For other examples of emphasis on Henry's will see pp. 163, 165, 174.
11. Wasserstrom, "Hydraulics and Heroics," 93.
12. Marston LaFrance, A Reading of Stephen Crane (London, 1971), 112-17. For will in the ending, see Pease, "Fear, Rage and the Mistrials of Representation," 174.
13. LaFrance, A Reading of Stephen Crane, 116-17.
14. Pease, "Fear, Rage, and the Mistrials of Representation," 172-73.
15. For a fuller discussion of the sequence of events between Henry's meeting Wilson again after his return to camp and the period when he develops his hatred, see Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 58-61.
16. See note 5 above.
17. For a discussion of the flashback, see Conder, Naturalism in American Fiction, 53-56.
18. See note 7 above.
Karl E. Avery (essay date 1990)
SOURCE: Avery, Karl E. "The Red Badge of Courage." In Beacham's Guide to Literature for Young Adults, Volume 3, edited by Kirk H. Beetz and Suzanne Niemeyer, pp. 1095-103. Washington, D.C.: Beacham Publishing, Inc., 1990.
[In the following essay, Avery offers a bio-critical reading of The Red Badge of Courage, emphasizing Crane's intense distaste for war and his belief that war "holds no redemptive qualities."]
About the Author
Stephen Crane was born on November 1, 1871, in Newark, New Jersey, the youngest child of the Reverend Dr. Jonathan Townley Crane and Mary Helen Peck Crane. The Cranes dated their roots in New Jersey back to 1665, when an ancestor also named Stephen Crane had settled in the area. The Reverend Crane died on February 16, 1880, after a brief illness. After her husband's death, Mrs. Crane moved her family to the nearby town of Roseville. In 1882 the Cranes moved to Asbury Park, a seaside town on the Jersey shore where Crane attended school for the next six years.
In 1888 Crane enrolled at Hudson River Institute (also called Claverack College), a semi-military academy. Crane entered Hudson with a less than stellar academic background, but although he failed to post an impressive academic record here, too, he did enjoy the cadet life at the academy. He stayed at Hudson for two years, working summers at his brother's news service in Asbury Park, and it was during these years that he began his lifelong rebellion against religious dogmatism. In 1890 Crane entered Lafayette College, which, like Hudson, was a Methodist school.
He rarely attended classes, failed his courses, and dropped out at the end of the semester. His next school was Syracuse University, where again he lasted for only one semester. While there, in 1891, Crane wrote the first draft of Maggie: A Girl of the Streets. After returning to New Jersey, he met Hamlin Garland, an established writer of realistic fiction who exerted a strong influence on Crane's writing.
In the fall of 1891 Crane moved to New York City, where he lived with art students in a boarding house and explored the slums of the city, particularly the Bowery. Following the advice of his mentor, Garland—who maintained that in order to depict slum life realistically, a writer must experience the pain endured by slum dwellers—Crane visited soup kitchens and other places where poor people congregated. Crane knew genuine deprivation during this period, and his health, never robust, was weakened. For the rest of his life he had a racking cough and a low resistance to disease. The Bowery became the fictional locale for Maggie: A Girl of the Streets, which was privately printed in 1893. The novel won the praise of William Dean Howells, an important writer whom Crane met through Garland.
In 1894 an abridged version of The Red Badge of Courage, which Crane had started writing the previous year, was published by the Bacheller Syndicate in its newspapers. Crane traveled in the West and Mexico from January to May 1895, and returned to see a book version of The Red Badge of Courage published by D. Appleton and Company in October. Before going West, Crane had become infatuated with a beautiful young society girl, Nellie Crouse. Some of his most revealing letters were written to her. Largely uninterested in social status, which was very important to Crouse, Crane knew his infatuation was hopeless. Their relationship was limited to the seven letters he sent her.
George's Mother, another novel set in the New York slums, and a revised version of Maggie were both published in June 1896. That December, The Little Regiment and Other Episodes of the American Civil War was published. These stories capitalized on the success of The Red Badge of Courage, and Crane was now obsessed with the wish to see a war firsthand. An attempt to reach revolution-torn Cuba failed when his ship sank off the coast of Florida on January 2, 1897. "The Open Boat," published in June, is a fictionalized account of Crane's experiences as he and three others rowed through high seas to shore.
Having failed to reach Cuba, Crane decided to go to Greece to cover the Greco-Turkish War. He was accompanied by Cora Taylor, whom he had met while waiting for passage to Cuba in Jacksonville, Florida, where she ran a bordello. Both Crane and Taylor worked as war correspondents in Greece. Twice divorced and five years older than Crane, Taylor was still legally married to an Englishman who refused to grant her a divorce. Nonetheless, Crane and Taylor were married on August 25, 1898. After covering the war in Greece, the couple settled in England, where Crane made friends with many leading writers of the time, including Joseph Conrad, H. G. Wells, Ford Madox Ford, and Henry James. Always short of funds, the Cranes nonetheless entertained lavishly at their elegant house in Ravensbrook. Crane wrote constantly, but could not become solvent. When the United States and Spain went to war in Cuba in 1898, he sailed for New York, having borrowed money from Conrad and other friends. The U.S. Navy would not accept Crane as a seaman, but he was hired by Joseph Pulitzer's New York World as a war correspondent. In Cuba, fellow correspondents were impressed by his courage.
In 1897 Crane had been diagnosed with tuberculosis, but the disease seemed to be in remission. While in Cuba, however, he fell ill with malaria, an event that possibly reactivated his tuberculosis. His health deteriorating, Crane still managed to get out his dispatches, some of which rank among his best work as a reporter. Fired by Pulitzer as the result of a misunderstanding, he returned to New York and was hired by William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal as a war correspondent. In all, Crane covered the war from April to November 1898. Meanwhile, several of his better stories had been published, including "The Monster," "The Bride Comes to Yellow Sky," and "The Blue Hotel."
Crane returned home to England in 1898, and he and Taylor moved to Brede Manor, Sussex. As their extravagance continued, Crane, gravely ill, turned his hand to any kind of writing to pay his debts. He published a novel, Active Service, in 1899, its quality far below his usual standard. A volume of poems, War Is Kind, also appeared in 1899.
During a large Christmas week party at Brede, on December 29, 1899, Crane collapsed with a severe pulmonary hemorrhage. He died on June 5, 1900, at a sanatorium in Badenweiler, Germany. The Whilomville Stories and Wounds in the Rain were published posthumously the same year.
Overview
The Red Badge of Courage attempts to recreate the combat experiences of a young, frightened soldier in the American Civil War. Henry Fleming, the protagonist, has never seen a real battle and worries about how he will behave under pressure. Crane's novel has been praised ever since it first appeared in print as highly realistic in its presentation of the psychology of a young man facing injury and possible death. One of the best American short novels, Crane's work vividly presents some of the horrors, both physical and psychological, that soldiers encounter in battle.
Setting
The battle of Chancellorsville in northern Virginia, waged from May 1 to May 3, 1863, seems to have been Crane's model for the fictional battle in The Red Badge of Courage. The action of the novel follows that of the original conflict—a Confederate victory—quite closely. Chancellorsville is not mentioned in the novel, nor is General Joseph "Fighting Joe" Hooker, the leader of the Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville. At one point in the novel, though, Crane does name the Rappahannock River, which separates the two armies. The real setting of The Red Badge of Courage, however, is the consciousness of Henry Fleming. The battle, his fellow Union soldiers, and the landscape are all seen through his eyes. His attitudes, which change frequently, determine what he and the reader see.
Themes and Characters
War, for Crane, was a favorite metaphor for human life, equally applicable to coal miners ("In the Depths of Coal Mine," 1894) or to the people living in the slums of New York (Maggie: A Girl of the Streets ). Courage and heroism come under Crane's scrutiny in his classic book about wartime, The Red Badge of Courage. Henry has read classical tales of heroism, and dreams of performing brave deeds on the battlefield, but he is deeply worried about what will happen when the regiment finally goes into action. He and his regiment have marched into northern Virginia, but since then have done nothing but wait. His concern is not "How will we men of the 304th New York Regiment do when we go into battle" but "How will I do?" In the course of his self-questioning, he has been "forced to admit that as far as war was concerned he knew nothing of himself." Of course, although Henry does not consider it, all the men around him are also worried about the coming battle and how they will behave under fire.
Henry, more often referred to as "the youth," has a small circle of friends that includes Jim Conklin, "the tall soldier," whom he has known all his life, and Wilson, "the loud soldier," who constantly struts and brags. Most characters in the novel remain unnamed except for epithets such as these. Henry's identification with his companions is not strong enough to give him a sense of community with them. The regiment is often pictured as a powerful organism breathing, snorting, and shooting flames like a dragon.
The regiment goes into action after its long period of inactivity, and although Henry is relieved in a sense, his anxieties soon increase. When the enemy forces make their first charge, Henry's training helps him perform in the accepted manner; he and the regiment stand their ground, and the enemy is repelled. But all too soon a second charge is under way. The tired men of the 304th Regiment resume firing, but soon many of them throw down their rifles and run. Panic-stricken, Henry also heads for the rear, running "like a blindman" and crashing into trees.
As his panic subsides, Henry rationalizes his desertion: he has behaved in a highly reasonable fashion; he has saved the U.S. government a piece of valuable equipment, himself; and he has followed the dictate of nature, which bids every creature to protect itself. Guilt-ridden despite his rationalizations, Henry falls in with some wounded men who have been forced to seek shelter in the rear. He finds the company of the wounded preferable to that of his own regiment, which he hopes has been soundly defeated, for its defeat would vindicate him completely.
But Henry's conscience undergoes further assault when he notices a man referred to as a "spectral soldier," walking as if he were a dead man looking for a grave. Henry suddenly realizes that this mortally wounded soldier is Jim Conklin, his best friend. Henry, hysterical with grief, promises to take care of his friend, but Jim recognizes Henry only for a moment before he shakes off Henry's hand. In a fit of panic, Jim runs from the road into a field, where he convulses and dies as Henry looks on helplessly.
Henry later suffers a head wound when a frightened deserter unexpectedly hits him with the butt of his rifle. An unnamed friendly soldier leads Henry back to his regiment, where Wilson, previously known as the "loud soldier," is on sentinel duty. Henry finds that Wilson has matured from a swaggering braggart to a quietly confident soldier. Wilson and the corporal who examine Henry assume that he has been shot.
The wound is Henry's means of entry back into the military society, and he realizes that this is the only society available to him.
After Henry's cover story has been accepted, his remorse practically disappears. He still worries that his cowardice will be exposed, but his ego has been restored. No longer an isolated wanderer in the company of the wounded and dying, Henry learns to take pride in his regiment and in his own ability to contribute to the war effort. Going into battle he fights like a madman, firing so furiously that he wins the admiration of his fellow soldiers. Henry becomes less self-centered as he begins to identify with Wilson and the other soldiers, and he finds the strength of purpose to atone for his earlier cowardice.
Throughout Henry's transformation, Crane emphasizes that coming of age involves an awareness of and concern for others. Henry learns that he is a person of contradictory impulses and actions, at times brave, at times cowardly, and this knowledge allows him to identify with the society around him. He thinks of others as well as himself; his is no longer an egocentric universe.
But Crane is careful not to present war as a simple rite of passage; he emphasizes that war brings out the most horrible aspects of life. War indeed tests souls, but in the process it ruins more men than it converts to higher ideals. Although the survivors of war were sometimes stronger, more compassionate men, Crane could never reconcile this phenomenon with the horror and the suffering of innocent creatures everywhere. Henry is able to change, but Crane himself never came to terms with a God who could tolerate wars.
Literary Qualities
In preparation for writing The Red Badge of Courage, Crane studied the Civil War photographs of Matthew Brady and illustrations by painter Winslow Homer and drew on his own highly empathic imagination. The writers Joseph Conrad and Ford Madox Ford, Crane's good friends in England, claimed that Crane subscribed to the impressionistic literary movement and strictly observed the canon of impressionism: "render; never report." By means of his sharply etched and poetic images, Crane hoped to help his readers feel as if they were actually on a battlefield. For example, Crane describes the wounded enemy standard-bearer behaving as if he had "invisible ghouls fastened greedily upon his limbs" as he tries to escape with his flag; Crane also renders a vivid image of the dirt and smoke assaulting the regiment: "Wallowing in the fight, they were in an astonishingly short time besmudged…. Moving to and fro with strained exertion, jabbering the while they were, with their swaying bodies, black faces, and glowing eyes, like strange and ugly fiends jigging heavily in the smoke."
Ending The Red Badge of Courage was difficult for Crane. The professional writers among his friends marveled at how rapidly he produced his work, whether prose or poetry, and how rarely he revised what he had written. But three attempts to bring his second novel to a close were required, and even then he probably was not satisfied. Although he wrote the first draft of The Red Badge of Courage in nine days, he told Willa Cather that "he had been unconsciously working the detail of the story through most of his boyhood."
"It was essential that I should make my battle a type and name no names," Crane said when explaining the overall plan of his book. As several critics have noted, this choice makes The Red Badge of Courage resemble an allegory. What makes it different from typical allegories such as John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (1678) or William Langland's Piers Plowman (c. 1395) is Crane's attitude toward conventional Christianity. Raised in a family of ministers and religious workers, he himself became an agnostic. Some of the imagery of the novel is drawn from religion, such as "the chapel," where Henry hopes to escape from the battle. But throughout the novel, everybody curses, nobody prays, and Crane uses imagery from his religious training to show that, for him, war is demonic; demons and devils abound in his poetic metaphors. Critic R. W. Stallman sees the death of Jim Conklin as a crucifixion and notes that the soldier's initials are the same as those of Jesus Christ. Critic Bettina L. Knapp sees the battle as an initiation similar to the one religious devotees experience before they receive illumination, the knowledge that God is with them and that they are one with him. The novel may well invite such interpretations because of its stark simplicity.
The best-drawn characters in Crane's books are usually those from low socioeconomic backgrounds—inner-city residents, soldiers, coal miners, seamen, and farmers. Crane did not romanticize his characters because he recognized that poverty-stricken people are quite capable of making their have-not status a basis for conceit. Crane found this attitude quite prevalent in the Bowery, and he made it as much the target of his ironic barbs as he did the conceit of the rich.
Social Sensitivity
Crane's novels reflect his basic beliefs about humanity. The chronic misery of the poor aroused his sympathy, as did the plight of common soldiers in wars. Having rejected traditional theological explanations as a boy, Crane never found a philosophy that adequately explained the hardships inherent in the human condition.
Because Crane's theme in The Red Badge of Courage is the fear and isolation common to all war, he deliberately avoids all specific references to the Civil War itself. The battle is presumed to be Chancellorsville, but neither its name nor the names of commanding generals are mentioned. Few characters have names or identities, and even Henry is usually referred to simply as "the youth." Crane is not concerned with the causes of the war, the implications of slavery, the tactics of the armies, or even the outcome of his battle. For the purposes of the story, it makes no difference that this is the American Civil War, or that in the real battle of Chancellorsville thirty thousand men were killed.
The novel vividly depicts the ravaging emotions that lead Henry to abandon his idealism, reevaluate his conception of bravery, recognize nature as a malevolent force, and repudiate the existence of God. The violence that he experiences holds no redemptive qualities. What he has learned in war—the indifference of death, the folly of valor and patriotism, and the illusion of God—becomes distorted and tangled in his memory by the novel's end, so that even the reality is lost and everything becomes a lie. There is no glory in war, not even for the heroes. There is only death for the victims and confusion for the survivors.
James Cox (essay d
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The Red Badge of Courage
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Find out how to watch The Red Badge of Courage. Stream The Red Badge of Courage, watch trailers, see the cast, and more at TV Guide
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951)
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In director John Huston's historical epic and 'coming-of-age' tale faithfully based upon Stephen Crane's 1894 Civil War novel - it told about a young 'green' private recruit fighting for the northern Union forces, with intensely realistic battle sequences and a constant voice-over Narrator (James Whitmore) with the poetic words from the novel's text:
the film's prologue about Stephen Crane's book and the theme of the novel, by the voice-over Narrator: "His story is of a boy who, frightened, went into a battle and came out of it a man with courage. More than that, it is a story of many frightened boys who went into a great Civil War and came out as a nation of united, strong and free men"
in September of 1862, on the eve of battle, youthful recruit Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy) in the Union Army's 304th Regiment of Volunteers heard troubling rumors of an impending attack of the Rebel forces, and the Narrator noted that Henry was worried he would flee the battlefield in fear rather than be courageous: "There was a youthful private who was deeply troubled by the talk of his comrades. They were so sure of their courage...So they were at last going to fight. Tomorrow, perhaps, there would be a battle and he would be in it. Was it possible that he would be a part of a great battle in a great war? In the darkness, he saw visions of a thousand-tongued fear who would babble at his back, and cause him to flee"
Henry Fleming (Audie Murphy) Worried About His Courage As a Sentry Warned in the Moonlight Impatient about Fighting
in the moonlight while on sentry patrol that evening, Henry was confronted (in the distance) by a Reb voice across the river who ominously warned for him to get out of view to avoid being shot and injured (to acquire a 'red badge'): ("Don't go getting one of them little red badges pinned on you"); the next day, Henry groused about more regimental drilling and was impatient to begin fighting: ("Thunder, I joined up to fight! I want to smell gun smoke for once. What are these guns for, anyway, to shoot or to drill with? Might as well be broomsticks")
when orders arrived to finally march to battle: ("Grab your knapsacks! We're marching!"), the Narrator described Henry's increasing doubts: "He felt alone in space. No one else seemed to be wrestling with such a terrific personal problem. He was a mental outcast"; he left the troops during their march to war to be by himself under a tree; a confident recruit named Loud Soldier/Tom Wilson (Bill Maudlin) (who described him as "getting blue" and "looking thundering peaked") joined Henry, who was uncertain about his courage and asked: "How do you know you won't run when the time comes?"; Wilson answered assuredly: "The man that bets on my running is going to lose his money, that's all"
in the first scene of actual battle, after the Union forces set up a battle line at the edge of an open field, Wilson rushed to Henry and asked him to deliver his pocket watch to his parents if he was to die: ("Something tells me it's my first and last battle. I'm a gone goose. I just know it. I want you to send this to my folks. They gave it to me last year when I turned 21")
one of the Union officers back behind the line of fighting (and on horseback) was swinging his sword while ordering a suicide charge by the ground troops - he called his men cowards as they were retreating: ("Go back, you cowards! Get back in there and fight!")
Fearing He Would Die, Wilson Gave Henry His Pocket Watch Union Officer Calling His Men Cowards Henry In the Heat of Battle
after the first wave of a Rebel attack (with some casualties) followed by their retreat, the Union soldiers discussed their reactions to seeing a man killed in their midst: ("The men look much bigger through the powder smoke. Bayonets as thick as a spiked iron fence. I was so scared, my feet was froze . I never seen a man killed before. Lost a pile of men, they did. We lost some too!"); the narrator described Henry's reaction: ("So it was all over at last. The supreme trial had been passed. The red, formidable difficulties of war had been vanquished. He felt that he was a fine fellow. He saw himself even, with those ideals which he had considered as far beyond him")
when the fierce Rebel attack resumed a second time, the Narrator spoke: ("The youth stared. Surely, he thought, this impossible thing was not about to happen. He waited as if he expected the enemy to suddenly stop, apologize, and retire bowing"); Henry fled in retreat as fast as he could run; in the woods to his surprise, he overheard Union officers proclaiming victory: ("We've held them, General!") and then he felt pangs of guilt for betraying his comrades: (Narrator: "The youth cringed, as if discovered in a crime. So his regiment had won after all. His imbecile comrades had remained. And their very ignorance had brought them victory. He felt betrayed. He wondered what they would remark, when later he appeared in camp. His mind heard howls of derision")
With a New Charge, The Cowardly Henry Fled on Foot Henry's Pangs of Guilt The Victorious Yet Ragged Regiment That Henry Had Deserted
the sequence of Henry's return to his wounded regiment, that was limping down a hillside: (Narrator: "He regarded the wounded soldiers in an envious way. He conceived persons with torn bodies to be peculiarly happy. He wished that he, too, had a wound. A red badge of courage"); one of the group of 'red-badged' soldiers began to sing 'Glory, Glory Hallelujah'; when asked by the Tattered Man (Royal Dano): "Where are you hit, old boy?", Henry didn't respond out of guilt
while marching along, seriously wounded, gaunt and dazed Jim Conklin/The Tall Soldier (John Dierkes) expressed his dying worries to Henry: ("I'm afraid I'll fall down, and then you know them darned artillery wagons they're like to run over me"); sensing he was about to expire, he broke from the ranks when wagons thundered by, ran up a hill, and said to Henry: "Leave me be" before he fell down dead in a field
the sequence of Henry, separated from his regiment (like many others) and being knocked down when he grabbed a retreating Union soldier, who tussled with him and knocked him in the back of his head with the butt of his gun; with the serious head injury, Henry was returned to his regiment that night with assistance from the garrulous Cheery Soldier (Andy Devine) - Henry told everyone that his head wound was from a bullet ("I got shot in the head") and was treated and gladly received back; as he rested that night, the Narrator described Henry's redemption: ("He had performed his mistakes in the dark so he was still a man")
the next day as the regiment proceeded toward the next battle, Henry bragged to Wilson about his courage the previous day: ("Why, man, you didn't see none of the fight"); when the fight commenced, Henry suddenly became bold: "They'd better watch out. By jiminy, if they keep on hitting at us, well, they just better watch out, that's all I say!" - and suddenly found himself jumping up from the trench and advancing toward the enemy on foot: (Narrator: "The youth was not conscious that he was erect upon his feet. He lost every sense but his hate. For the first time in his life, he was possessed by a great passion: The passion to destroy the enemy. He felt the power of an army in himself. He was a battle cry, a bullet, a sword!"); he was called a "wildcat" by the Lieutenant (Douglas Dick) for his bravery
just before the upcoming next surge of Rebs in battle, the General (Tim Durant) (riding on a majestic white horse) personally encouraged the "mule-drivers" in the 304th Regiment to fight for him as a kind of pep talk, and invited himself for supper with three different units after they'd "licked the Rebs" for a meal of "hardtack and sowbelly"
a second chance came for Henry to prove his worth when the Rebs counter-attacked a second time, as Henry encouraged his fellow soldiers by heroically leading the charge from the front: ("What are you, soldiers or a bunch of mule drivers? Come on!"); when the Union flag bearer was killed, Henry grabbed the flag to keep it waving, and continued to be at the front of the attack; he also grabbed the tattered Confederate flag when the standard bearer (Edwin Breen) of the opposing side was felled, to claim and signify the Union victory
Henry Grabbing the Union Flag While Leading the Charge Henry's Heroic Bravery During the Battle Acquiring the Fallen Confederate Flag
after the battle was won, the Union soldiers spoke casually with the defeated prisoners of the Confederates, one of whom claimed: "I wish I was dead"
one of Henry's comrades Thompson (Robert Easton) reported that the Colonel praised and was impressed by the brave lad who carried the flag at the forefront of the charge, along with Tom Wilson ("They deserve to be major generals"); however, Henry felt undeserving, and was compelled to confess to Tom, in private, that he had run away from battle earlier: ("Yesterday, when things started getting hot, I-I was mighty scared...I lit out....Not very far. I was only scared for a minute, you understand. Just a minute. After that, I was that ashamed that I couldn't get back in the fight soon enough"); Tom revealed that he had also 'skedaddled' from the fighting: ("I'm glad you did, Henry, because it makes me feel a sight better. I skedaddled myself yesterday, when about half the other fellas did. Only, the Captain caught me and made me stay. Reckon I was more scared of him than I was of the Rebs"); Henry was relieved: "I guess confession's good for a fella, Tom. What I mean is, it's good for the soul"
Mutual Confessions of Cowardice Henry to Tom Tom to Henry
in the film's conclusion, it appeared that the recent victory was going to be credited to General Whiterside who had led another Union Army unit from another flank; the soldiers joined ranks to begin marching away, mostly thankful that they were still alive; Bill Porter (Arthur Hunnicutt) quipped about how he was still in one piece: "I got holes in my cap, holes in my pants, but there ain't no holes in me except the ones that was intended!"; another Union soldier mused: "You know, it's mighty pretty country around here. I mean, it would be if they wasn't fighting battles all over it"; Bill spoke about being home soon for spring planting: "Reckon we'll be home for spring planting?" Another soldier added: "Just listen to them birds"; Henry spoke hopefully too: "They don't take no time to tune up and start singing. Soon as the shooting stops and the smoke clears, they're right back at it"
the Narrator's poetic summary ended the film: "So it came to pass, that as he trudged from the place of blood and wrath, his soul changed. He had been to touch the great death and found that after all, it was but the great death. Scars faded as flowers and the youth saw that the world was a world for him. He had rid himself of the red sickness of battle. The sultry nightmare was in the past. He turned now, with a lover's thirst to images of tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks. An existence of soft and eternal peace"
Stephen Crane's 'The Red Badge of Courage': Prologue
War Announced - Henry's Reaction: "He felt alone in space..."
Henry to Tom Wilson/Loud Soldier: "How do you know you won't run when the time comes?"
Battle Lines Drawn
After Their First Charge, Rebels Retreated
One of the Badly Dazed and Wounded - Jim's Death Scene
Henry's Own Wound - A 'Red Badge of Courage'
Henry Found in the Dark by the Cheery Soldier
Narrator: "...he was still a man"
Henry Advancing Toward the Enemy by Himself
Three Times, The General Invited Himself For Dinner After the Next Battle
Henry's Final Words
Marching Home
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The Red Badge of Courage: At the movies (1951) The Greatest Literature of All Time
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The Red Badge of Courage
Critique Quotes Text At the movies
Real war hero Audie Murphy, right, captures both fear and bravery under fire in The Red Badge of Courage.
Many a discouraging word
The Red Badge of Courage (1951): Film, 69 minutes; director John Huston; writers Huston, Albert Brand; featuring Audie Mukrphy, Bill Mauldin, Andy Devine, Robert Easton
We'll never know how good John Houston's The Red Badge of Courage is, as the great director's adaptation of the great Civil War novel was drastically cut by the studio. The trimmed footage was apparently destroyed, so no director's cut will ever be available.
But those Hollywood butchers must have had some sensitivity because we still have a pretty good film of the book left. The studio also added a voice-over by James Whitmore to introduce and conclude the film, as well as to occasionally provide the main character's thoughts, quoting from the book directly to stress the connection with the literary classic. There is disagreement over how long the director's version was—anywhere from ninety minutes to well over two hours—but even at just sixty-nine minutes, the 1951 Red Badge catches the essence of Stephen Crane's meditation on war and individual valour.
"Meditation" may be too high-falutin' a word. Like the novel, the black-and-white film is deceptively simple. We follow a group of soldiers, one in particular—Henry Fleming—who obsesses about how he'll act under fire. And we're with him all the way, through the fearful anticipation, the exhilaration, the desperation and shame, and the manic overcompensation that passes as bravery.
Most surprising for me is the central acting job by Audie Murphy. As America's most decorated soldier of World War Two, Murphy is an heroic choice to play the cowardly youth of Red Badge. In his other movie roles he had always been earnestly appealing but barely adequate as an actor. In Houston's hands, he's everyman. The camera in close-up loves his every twitch, swagger and hollow stare.
Around him is an army of mainly unknown but skilled actors who bring home the ordinary recruit's personal perspective on fighting—both trivially and movingly. A cast of Gary Coopers or Jimmy Stewarts in this film would never have been able to give us this authentic experience.
If only they all had more time though. The story is raced through too quickly in this heavily edited version. Fleming's flight from the battlefield and his wandering around in the chaos behind the lines is especially condensed. We hardly have time for the impact of each scene to sink in. But still, all the scenes that we do get are staged brilliantly and filmed dramatically. No wonder Houston thought this was going to be his greatest cinematic achievement yet.
Part of what the studio—and apparently test audiences—objected to in Huston's cut was the bloody violence of the battle scenes. Some viewers, it seems, actual found it risible. Today of course we find the fighting, cleaned up by the studio, somewhat antiseptic as the injured and killed just fall in their tracks without the blasted bone and spattered blood of today's films.
The horror of warfare is a major part of the novel, and film has the opportunity to bring this home visually. Reference to blood is in the very title of both the film and book. But in this, as in other ways, Huston may have been ahead of his time, though the studio overruled him. Nonetheless, the battle scenes as edited are tremendous—confusing, smoky, frightening and yet coherent.
Battle scene and aftermath in 1951's The Red Badge of Courage.
We cannot know for sure, but we can imagine how the greater sweep and emotional effect allowed by a little longer running time could have raised this film to being one of the masterpieces of war movies.
Maybe. Or maybe not. For all we know, the studio may have saved Huston from delivering a bloated, over-the-top production that would undercut its genuine emotional impact. We'll never know.
In any case, we can appreciate The Red Badge of Courage as a minor classic in its present state.
— Eric
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THE RED BADGE OF COURAGE
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1. See Discussion Questions for Use With any Film that is a Work of Fiction.
2. When Fleming was standing sentry in the moonlight by the river, why did the rebel soldier call to him to go back into the shadows? Why didn’t the rebel soldier just shoot him?
3. What types of guns were the soldiers using? How did they work?
4. Why was the soldier trying to take the pig? Was this legal? Have you ever heard the term “live off the land” or “requisition?” What do they mean?
5. What was so important about taking the Confederate flag?
COURAGE IN WAR
1. Why did the soldiers in the regiment think at first that they had lost half their men but realize later that only a few had been killed?
2. What is a little red badge of courage as the term is used in this film?
3. Why did the officers drill and drill the soldiers until the soldiers were sick of it?
4. Remember that just before the Union soldiers charged, the drummer boys started playing their drums. What was the purpose of the drummers?
5. Why were officers posted to positions behind the lines during each battle?
REDEMPTION AND COMING OF AGE
6. After Henry ran away, he heard a bird singing and threw a stick at it. Then, at the end of the movie, after Henry had been carrying the flag, he heard another bird singing and had a different reaction. Why?
7. When Henry came back to the front lines, why wasn’t it enough for him to simply stand and fight like most of the other soldiers? Why did he put himself in special danger?
8. Why did Henry confess to Wilson? Why didn’t he make a full confession?
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44 Facts About The Movie The Red Badge Of Courage
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Discover 44 fascinating facts about The Red Badge of Courage movie, from its captivating plot to its celebrated cast and behind-the-scenes trivia.
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Reviewed by Sherman Smith
Source: Plex.tv
The Red Badge of Courage is an iconic American war film that was released in 1951. Directed by John Huston, the movie is based on the novel of the same name written by Stephen Crane. Set during the American Civil War, the film follows the journey of a young Union soldier named Henry Fleming, played by Audie Murphy, as he confronts the harsh realities of battle, fear, and bravery.
With its gripping storyline and powerful performances, The Red Badge of Courage has solidified its place as a classic piece of cinema. In this article, we will delve into 44 fascinating facts about the movie, ranging from the production process to behind-the-scenes anecdotes. Whether you are a fan of the film, an avid history enthusiast, or simply curious about the iconic movie, these facts will surely enhance your understanding and appreciation of The Red Badge of Courage.
Key Takeaways:
“The Red Badge of Courage” is a classic war film that explores the psychological toll of combat, featuring realistic battle scenes and a haunting score.
Audie Murphy’s performance as Private Henry Fleming helped launch his acting career, and the film has gained recognition as a must-watch for film enthusiasts.
Table of Contents
01The Red Badge of Courage is a 1951 war film directed by John Huston.
02The movie stars Audie Murphy, an actual World War II hero, in the lead role of Private Henry Fleming.
03The Red Badge of Courage was filmed in black and white to capture the gritty realism of war.
04The film received mixed reviews upon its release but has since gained recognition as a classic war film.
05The Red Badge of Courage was nominated for four Academy Awards, including Best Cinematography and Best Film Editing.
06The movie was partially shot on location at the Gettysburg National Military Park in Pennsylvania.
07The Red Badge of Courage explores themes of fear, courage, and the moral complexities of war.
08The film employs innovative camera techniques, including handheld shots and close-ups, to immerse viewers in the chaos of war.
09The Red Badge of Courage was not a commercial success upon its release.
10The screenplay for the film was written by John Huston and Albert Band.
11The Red Badge of Courage is known for its haunting score composed by Bronislau Kaper.
12The film’s title is derived from the practice of soldiers receiving a “red badge of courage” in the form of a wound.
13The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first Hollywood films to explore the psychological toll of war on soldiers.
14The movie includes powerful performances by supporting actors such as Bill Mauldin and Douglas Dick.
15The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its realistic battle sequences and attention to historical detail.
16The film’s cinematography was done by Harold Rosson, who expertly captured the stark beauty of the battlefield.
17The Red Badge of Courage was released during a time when war films were popular in Hollywood.
18The movie’s dialogue is rich with literary references and poetic language.
19The Red Badge of Courage stands as a powerful anti-war statement, showcasing the futility and brutality of armed conflict.
20The film’s production design is meticulously crafted, with period-accurate costumes and props.
21The Red Badge of Courage was John Huston’s first venture into directing a war film.
22The movie’s release was delayed due to conflicts between the studio and the director.
23The Red Badge of Courage has since become a staple in film studies and is often analyzed for its artistic and thematic merits.
24The movie’s runtime is approximately one hour and 9 minutes.
25The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its nuanced portrayal of the realities of war.
26The film’s screenplay stays true to the essence of Stephen Crane’s novel while making necessary adjustments for the medium of film.
27The Red Badge of Courage features several memorable and poignant scenes that have become iconic in the history of war cinema.
28The movie’s cinematography and lighting choices contribute to its overall somber and contemplative tone.
29The Red Badge of Courage serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by soldiers throughout history.
30The film’s characters are complex and multidimensional, each grappling with their own fears and insecurities.
31The Red Badge of Courage was adapted into a radio drama in 1953, further contributing to its enduring legacy.
32The movie’s impact can still be felt in contemporary war films, as its themes continue to resonate with audiences.
33The Red Badge of Courage highlights the camaraderie and bonds formed between soldiers during times of adversity.
34The film’s editing is masterfully done, combining different shots and scenes to create a cohesive narrative.
35The Red Badge of Courage explores the concept of heroism and what it means to be a hero in the midst of war.
36The movie’s sound design plays a crucial role in heightening the tension and immersing viewers in the war environment.
37The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its strong performances, which bring the characters to life.
38The film’s themes of resilience and the human spirit resonate with audiences across generations.
39The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first major films to examine the psychological trauma experienced by soldiers.
40The movie’s reception has evolved over time, with critics and audiences recognizing its artistic merits and cultural significance.
41The Red Badge of Courage is a poignant reminder of the human cost of war and the lasting impact it has on individuals.
42The film’s title is a reference to a Union soldier’s wound, symbolizing the sacrifice and bravery of those who serve.
43The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded for its honest portrayal of the chaos and confusion of battle.
44The movie ends on a bittersweet note, leaving viewers with a sense of contemplation and introspection.
45Conclusion
46FAQs
The Red Badge of Courage is a 1951 war film directed by John Huston.
The film is based on the novel of the same name by Stephen Crane.
The movie stars Audie Murphy, an actual World War II hero, in the lead role of Private Henry Fleming.
Murphy’s performance in the film was highly praised and helped launch his acting career.
The Red Badge of Courage was filmed in black and white to capture the gritty realism of war.
This decision was made to enhance the dramatic impact of the story.
The film received mixed reviews upon its release but has since gained recognition as a classic war film.
Many critics have praised its realistic portrayal of the psychological effects of war.
The Red Badge of Courage was nominated for four Academy Awards, including Best Cinematography and Best Film Editing.
While it did not win any awards, its nominations solidified its reputation as a well-crafted film.
The movie was partially shot on location at the Gettysburg National Military Park in Pennsylvania.
This added to the authenticity of the battle scenes depicted in the film.
The Red Badge of Courage explores themes of fear, courage, and the moral complexities of war.
It delves into the inner struggles of the protagonist as he grapples with his own bravery.
The film employs innovative camera techniques, including handheld shots and close-ups, to immerse viewers in the chaos of war.
This adds a sense of immediacy and intensity to the story.
The Red Badge of Courage was not a commercial success upon its release.
However, it has since amassed a cult following and is considered a must-watch for film enthusiasts.
The screenplay for the film was written by John Huston and Albert Band.
They adapted Stephen Crane’s novel into a script that captured the essence of the original work.
The Red Badge of Courage is known for its haunting score composed by Bronislau Kaper.
The music adds depth and emotional resonance to the film’s scenes.
The film’s title is derived from the practice of soldiers receiving a “red badge of courage” in the form of a wound.
This symbolizes the bravery and sacrifice of those who have fought in war.
The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first Hollywood films to explore the psychological toll of war on soldiers.
It paved the way for future war films that delved into the mental and emotional scars left by combat.
The movie includes powerful performances by supporting actors such as Bill Mauldin and Douglas Dick.
They bring depth and authenticity to their respective roles as fellow soldiers.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its realistic battle sequences and attention to historical detail.
The filmmakers went to great lengths to accurately recreate the look and feel of the Civil War era.
The film’s cinematography was done by Harold Rosson, who expertly captured the stark beauty of the battlefield.
His shots evoke a sense of both awe and terror.
The Red Badge of Courage was released during a time when war films were popular in Hollywood.
It capitalized on the public’s interest in stories of heroism and sacrifice.
The movie’s dialogue is rich with literary references and poetic language.
This elevates the script and adds depth to the characters’ interactions.
The Red Badge of Courage stands as a powerful anti-war statement, showcasing the futility and brutality of armed conflict.
It forces the audience to confront the harsh realities of war.
The film’s production design is meticulously crafted, with period-accurate costumes and props.
This attention to detail immerses viewers in the world of the Civil War.
The Red Badge of Courage was John Huston’s first venture into directing a war film.
He would later go on to direct other acclaimed war movies such as “The Battle of San Pietro” and “The Misfits.
The movie’s release was delayed due to conflicts between the studio and the director.
Several scenes had to be reshot and edited, causing the film to undergo significant changes.
The Red Badge of Courage has since become a staple in film studies and is often analyzed for its artistic and thematic merits.
It is studied alongside other influential war films from the same era.
The movie’s runtime is approximately one hour and 9 minutes.
Despite its short length, it manages to pack a powerful emotional punch.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its nuanced portrayal of the realities of war.
It avoids glorifying or romanticizing combat, instead offering a somber and introspective examination of its effects.
The film’s screenplay stays true to the essence of Stephen Crane’s novel while making necessary adjustments for the medium of film.
This ensures that the story’s core themes and messages are faithfully translated to the screen.
The Red Badge of Courage features several memorable and poignant scenes that have become iconic in the history of war cinema.
These moments linger in the minds of viewers long after the credits roll.
The movie’s cinematography and lighting choices contribute to its overall somber and contemplative tone.
It creates a sense of realism and authenticity that draws viewers into the story.
The Red Badge of Courage serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by soldiers throughout history.
It honors their bravery and explores the complex emotions that come with being thrust into war.
The film’s characters are complex and multidimensional, each grappling with their own fears and insecurities.
This adds depth and complexity to the narrative.
The Red Badge of Courage was adapted into a radio drama in 1953, further contributing to its enduring legacy.
The radio adaptation allowed audiences to experience the story in a different medium.
The movie’s impact can still be felt in contemporary war films, as its themes continue to resonate with audiences.
It has influenced filmmakers who aim to explore the psychological and emotional toll of war.
The Red Badge of Courage highlights the camaraderie and bonds formed between soldiers during times of adversity.
It portrays the deep connections forged in the face of a shared struggle.
The film’s editing is masterfully done, combining different shots and scenes to create a cohesive narrative.
Transitions are seamlessly woven together to enhance the storytelling.
The Red Badge of Courage explores the concept of heroism and what it means to be a hero in the midst of war.
It challenges traditional notions and delves into the complexities of bravery.
The movie’s sound design plays a crucial role in heightening the tension and immersing viewers in the war environment.
Gunshots, explosions, and the sounds of battle create a visceral experience.
The Red Badge of Courage has been praised for its strong performances, which bring the characters to life.
The actors’ portrayals contribute to the film’s emotional impact.
The film’s themes of resilience and the human spirit resonate with audiences across generations.
It offers a timeless exploration of the triumphs and struggles faced by individuals in the face of adversity.
The Red Badge of Courage was one of the first major films to examine the psychological trauma experienced by soldiers.
It shed light on a subject that was not often explored in mainstream cinema at the time.
The movie’s reception has evolved over time, with critics and audiences recognizing its artistic merits and cultural significance.
It is now regarded as a standout film in the war genre.
The Red Badge of Courage is a poignant reminder of the human cost of war and the lasting impact it has on individuals.
It prompts viewers to reflect on the consequences of armed conflict.
The film’s title is a reference to a Union soldier’s wound, symbolizing the sacrifice and bravery of those who serve.
This imagery is present throughout the story, capturing the essence of the protagonist’s journey.
The Red Badge of Courage has been lauded for its honest portrayal of the chaos and confusion of battle.
It refuses to shy away from the harsh realities of war.
The movie ends on a bittersweet note, leaving viewers with a sense of contemplation and introspection.
The final scene lingers in the mind, serving as a powerful conclusion to the story.
In conclusion, The 44 Facts about the movie The Red Badge of Courage highlight the film’s historical significance, its impact on the war film genre, and its exploration of the psychological effects of war on soldiers. It is a powerful and thought-provoking film that continues to resonate with audiences to this day.
Conclusion
The Red Badge of Courage is a timeless classic that has captivated audiences for decades. With its compelling storyline, exceptional performances, and thought-provoking themes, the film continues to resonate with viewers of all ages. From its historical significance to the impact it has had on the world of cinema, The Red Badge of Courage is a movie that will always be remembered and celebrated.
FAQs
Q: Who directed The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The Red Badge of Courage was directed by John Huston.
Q: When was The Red Badge of Courage released?
A: The movie was released on March 28, 1951.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage based on a book?
A: Yes, the film is based on the novel of the same name by Stephen Crane.
Q: Who are the main actors in the movie?
A: The film stars Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, and John Dierkes.
Q: What is the runtime of The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The film has a runtime of approximately 69 minutes.
Q: What is the genre of The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The movie falls under the genres of war, drama, and action.
Q: Has The Red Badge of Courage won any awards?
A: The film received an Academy Award nomination for Best Film Editing in 1952.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage a color or black and white film?
A: The movie was originally shot in color, but it was released in black and white.
Q: Is The Red Badge of Courage a historically accurate portrayal of the Civil War?
A: While the film takes place during the Civil War, it is a fictional story and should not be considered a documentary.
Q: Where can I watch The Red Badge of Courage?
A: The movie is available on various streaming platforms and can also be purchased or rented on DVD.
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The Red Badge of Courage now has a sequel in which Henry Fleming becomes mayor.
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2021-12-13T18:34:18+00:00
|
Stephen Crane’s The Red Badge of Courage ends as Henry Fleming, Private in the 304 New York Infantry Regiment in the American Civil War, exits his final battle: “He had rid himself of the red sickn…
|
en
|
https://s26162.pcdn.co/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/favicon.ico
|
Literary Hub
|
https://lithub.com/the-red-badge-of-courage-now-has-a-sequel-in-which-henry-fleming-becomes-mayor/
|
Stephen Crane’s The Red Badge of Courage ends as Henry Fleming, Private in the 304 New York Infantry Regiment in the American Civil War, exits his final battle: “He had rid himself of the red sickness of battle. The sultry nightmare was in the past. He had been an animal blistered and sweating in the heat and pain of war. He turned now with a lover’s thirst to images of tranquil skies, fresh meadows, cool brooks, an existence of soft and eternal peace. Over the river a golden ray of sun came through the hosts of leaden rain clouds.”
It’s a final image of hope—but we don’t know what happens next; we never see Fleming’s return, his life after his war experience. What does he do next? One possible version of events: he inherits a winery and becomes the mayor of a small town in New York. At least, this is the version Donald Yost has envisioned in his sequel, Henry, which follows Henry Fleming after he returns from war.
Yost, a professor at Montgomery County Community College, felt particularly suited to continue Crane’s story, as he was a combat infantryman and war correspondent in the Vietnam War from 1968 to 1969 (unlike Crane, who never went to war). Some of Henry, which chronicles Henry learning to live with his war injury and grapple with his traumatic experience, is drawn from life. “If you give yourself respect,” Yost told Montgomery County Community College, “you figure out what happened to you and realize everybody suffers through things like this. Because of my experience, I was able to go back and have Henry suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, alienation, rage, and guilt and turn it around to learn a lesson of empathy.”
Though Yost’s story picks up while Crane’s left off, Yost didn’t feel bound to Crane’s style, and believes readers don’t need to read The Red Badge of Courage to understand its sequel. “I don’t write in the same style. Mine’s more modern, more conversational. There’s more dialogue,” said Yost. “I would certainly like my students to read the book, because I think it offers lessons for their generation.”
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428
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dbpedia
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1
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https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043961/reviews
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en
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Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille (1951)
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Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille (1951) on IMDb: Movies, TV, Celebs, and more...
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1951-10-11T00:00:00
|
Die rote Tapferkeitsmedaille: Directed by John Huston. With Audie Murphy, Bill Mauldin, Douglas Dick, Royal Dano. Truncated adaptation of Stephen Crane's novel about a Civil War Union soldier who stuggles to find the courage to fight in the heat of battle.
|
en
|
IMDb
|
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0043961/
|
Truncated adaptation of Stephen Crane's novel about a Civil War Union soldier who stuggles to find the courage to fight in the heat of battle.Truncated adaptation of Stephen Crane's novel about a Civil War Union soldier who stuggles to find the courage to fight in the heat of battle.Truncated adaptation of Stephen Crane's novel about a Civil War Union soldier who stuggles to find the courage to fight in the heat of battle.
|
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428
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https://www.loc.gov/collections/jazz-on-screen-filmography/articles-and-essays/overview-of-jazz-on-the-screen/
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Overview of Jazz on the Screen by David Meeker
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The cultural, sociological and technical histories of jazz and motion pictures have run in parallel, sometimes intersecting, lines ever since both forms emerged at the end of the nineteenth century. Neither found it easy to be accepted as a legitimate form of personal or artistic expression. The early days, spent at the very fringes of respectable society, were difficult in each case. Film grew up in vaudeville houses, traveling fairgrounds, and penny arcades, jazz in the lower depths of New Orleans and the Mississippi Delta. Few supposedly respectable people dared to be seen at screenings and performances in those first years. In the 1920s jazz and film both faced the tremendous challenge of the electric recording revolution. They slowly and painfully adapted themselves, eventually growing to freedom, maturity and respectability until finally they were acknowledged to be two of the most important and influential cultural forces in our civilization.
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en
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The Library of Congress
| null |
The cultural, sociological and technical histories of jazz and motion pictures have run in parallel, sometimes intersecting, lines ever since both forms emerged at the end of the nineteenth century. Neither found it easy to be accepted as a legitimate form of personal or artistic expression. The early days, spent at the very fringes of respectable society, were difficult in each case. Film grew up in vaudeville houses, traveling fairgrounds, and penny arcades, jazz in the lower depths of New Orleans and the Mississippi Delta. Few supposedly respectable people dared to be seen at screenings and performances in those first years. In the 1920s jazz and film both faced the tremendous challenge of the electric recording revolution. They slowly and painfully adapted themselves, eventually growing to freedom, maturity and respectability until finally they were acknowledged to be two of the most important and influential cultural forces in our civilization.
It could be thought ill advised for any one person to state quite categorically exactly where and when the history of "Jazz on the Screen" should begin for the sands shift as our knowledge of history unfolds. There were certainly plenty of appearances by jazz groups and individuals in silent pictures. The golden days of silent films were the 1920s; not for nothing were those days also known as The Jazz Age for, although the word Jazz in that context covered a much wider area than that of the music that we know today, it was a period when the music started to achieve the popularity that was to become so huge later on, when pre-electric jazz recordings became standard display items on record shop counters, when jazz bands became the centre of the evening's entertainment at dances and social occasions.
The cinema was, as always, quick to catch on to this new phenomenon, portraying an endless stream of flappers and their beaus gyrating madly to a succession of jazz or dance bands in literally dozens of movies. Few of these bands and the individual musicians in them have ever been identified or ever will be. In the silent days the bands would actually have been playing for the dancers on set, so they were comprised of genuine performing musicians, whereas in all but very early sound films the musicians, more often than not actor-musicians or sideliners, as they were later to become known, would be miming to pre-recorded tracks. A few name personnel working at this time can, however, be identified. Mutt Carey's Liberty Syncopators, for instance, are clearly playing for the dancers in LEGION OF THE CONDEMNED (1928). Speed Webb and his Orchestra were active at the Fox Studios and can be seen in several features including RILEY THE COP (1928).
Throughout the first three decades of the twentieth century much of the groundwork was laid down by both the film and the recording industries for the eventual marriage of sound with film as a commercial proposition. Using Bell Laboratory's sound-on-disc system, the specially recorded music soundtrack to Warner Bros.' feature, DON JUAN, premiered on 6th August 1926, together with a full program of all-talking shorts. It alerted the general public to the possibility of what was to come. However, it was more than a year later, on 6th October 1927, that the part-talkie, THE JAZZ SINGER, was eventually shown to ecstatic New York City audiences - though still with its sound played on 16" discs. It is, of course, ironic that this seminal presentation was so-titled for Al Jolson is hardly anyone's idea of a jazz singer in today's terms. Yet, the jazz/movie relationship was now set to change forever as wiring for sound became an urgent priority for motion picture exhibitors across the world. It was a slow process for which the film industry compensated by continuing to produce silent versions of their product for some time to come. (Bizarrely, a silent version of THE JAZZ SINGER, with the standard intertitles, was released in many countries in Europe and elsewhere so audiences must have wondered what all the fuss was about. The sound version of THE JAZZ SINGER wasn't shown in Paris, for instance, until as late as 1929). But by 1930 most studios and, once again, the theater chains, had re-equipped. Now their soundtracks could be recorded and played back on optical film.
With sound an integral component of the moving image, and with music of all kinds in constant demand by the film studios, the jazz musician had an opportunity to extend himself and to earn new money through both performance and composition. Perhaps the earliest evidence of this being done is to be found in the two short films made by the pioneer sound engineer Lee DeForest in 1922, which featured performances by Eubie Blake and Noble Sissle. They were soon followed by the numerous one-reel shorts produced by Warner's Vitaphone Corporation in which many of the comedians, dancers, singers, bands and sundry entertainers of the time appeared. It is now clear that the short film units attached to the major Hollywood studios - Universal, Columbia, Warner Bros., MGM, Twentieth Century-Fox, and Paramount - did a great service to the history of jazz. On account of their work we can still see and hear the wealth of jazz talent active during those halcyon years immediately after Warner Bros. created the Vitaphone Corp. in 1926. Among the films are ARTIE SHAW'S CLASS IN SWING (1939), Duke Ellington in BUNDLE OF BLUES (1933), BOB CROSBY AND HIS ORCHESTRA (1938), Louis Prima in SWING CAT'S JAMBOREE (1938), Ethel Waters in RUFUS JONES FOR PRESIDENT (1933), MILLS BLUE RHYTHM BAND (1933), Claude Hopkins in BY REQUEST (1935), Eubie Blake in PIE, PIE, BLACKBIRD (1932), GENE KRUPA, AMERICA'S ACE DRUMMER MAN AND HIS ORCHESTRA (1941), Nina Mae McKinney in PASSING THE BUCK (1932), The Mound City Blue Blowers in NINE O'CLOCK FOLKS (1929), Billie Holiday in SYMPHONY IN BLACK - A RHAPSODY OF NEGRO LIFE (1935), Red Nichols in MILLION DOLLAR NOTES (1935), CAB CALLOWAY'S HI-DE-HO (1934) and Ina Ray Hutton in ACCENT ON GIRLS (1936).
In the early 1930s, once the cinema had learnt to talk properly, producers began to use the talents of jazz men and women to provide lively musical interludes in their feature films, many of which were backstage musicals or show business melodramas. During the decade it became quite routine for audiences to see the popular bands of the period such as the ones led by Duke Ellington, Louis Armstrong, Jimmie Lunceford, Les Hite, Louis Prima, Paul Whiteman, Cab Calloway, Ted Lewis and Benny Goodman. But often the appearances by black bands were carefully designed to be in self-contained sequences. This made them easy to delete should exhibitors in the southern United States decree. (In the 1940s the singer Lena Horne suffered this indignity quite regularly.)
It was not long, however, before the cinema was promoting many of its jazz entertainers as movie stars in their own right. During World War II, with audiences desperate for escapist musical entertainment, Hollywood began to build pictures around their new-found musical artists much to the benefit of the likes of Gene Krupa, Glenn Miller, Tommy and Jimmy Dorsey, Jack Teagarden, Hoagy Carmichael, Count Basie, Artie Shaw, Harry James, Woody Herman, Les Brown and Stan Kenton. Jazz biopics (though mostly more fiction than fact) started to appear with ORCHESTRA WIVES (1942), IS EVERYBODY HAPPY? (1943), THE FABULOUS DORSEYS (1947) and YOUNG MAN WITH A HORN (1949), followed in later years by THE GLENN MILLER STORY (1953), THE BENNY GOODMAN STORY (1955), ST. LOUIS BLUES (1958), THE FIVE PENNIES (1959), THE GENE KRUPA STORY (1959), A MAN CALLED ADAM (1966), SWEET LOVE, BITTER (1966), LADY SINGS THE BLUES (1972), LOUIS ARMSTRONG - CHICAGO STYLE (1975), SCOTT JOPLIN (1976), SVEN KLANGS KVINTETT (1976), BIRD (1988), BIX UN'IPOTESI LEGGENDARIA (1991), FOR LOVE OR COUNTRY (2000) and RAY (2004).
Even the jazz life itself, at least as it was perceived by movie people, had soon became an exploitable product with fanciful pictures like SYNCOPATION (1942,) NEW ORLEANS (1947), PETE KELLY'S BLUES (1955) and ALL NIGHT LONG (1961) but, happily, real elements of a working musician's life began to be written into movies like THE CONNECTION and TOO LATE BLUES (both 1961), THE COOL WORLD (1963), BYL JAZZ (1981), MY IZ DZHAZA/WE FROM JAZZ (1983), THE GIG (1984), AUTOUR DE MINUIT (1986), LUSH LIFE (1993), KANSAS CITY (1995) and SWEET AND LOWDOWN (1999).
Soundies and Their Antecedents
One of the short-lived but quite fascinating phenomena of the 1940s was the RCM Soundie (the initials stood for Roosevelt, Coslow, Mills) which were 3-minute films produced during the years of World War II for use in a kind of visual juke box. Eight of them were spooled together and then projected one at a time, via a complicated system of reflectors, on to the rear of a glass screen (one major flaw in the technology was that in order to play, say, selection number eight, you had to sit through numbers one to seven first!). The Mills Panoram Soundies machines were rented to thousands of locations across America - bars, hotel lobbies, bus stations, restaurants and so on. The customer would insert a dime for each 3-minute selection - whichever one was next in line.
The Soundies were churned out cheaply and fast but they featured many of the popular entertainers of the time, usually performing their current, though now long-forgotten record hits. However, during the nationwide American Federation of Musicians' ban on new recordings in 1942/3 anxious producers were forced to call upon all their ingenuity to maintain the Soundies production schedule - some 50 titles per month were required - by contracting all kinds of non-musician performers such as dancers, jugglers, comics, acrobats and other vaudeville novelties.
Despite the impact of the recording ban, the Soundies are still invaluable film records of musicians, including Duke Ellington, Jimmy Dorsey, Fats Waller, Count Basie, Nat King Cole, the Mills Brothers and others, even though their rock bottom production values leave much to be desired. The music in Soundies was almost always recorded first and the artists would then mime on camera to playback with varying degrees of professionalism. For technical reasons the prints themselves were printed in reverse as the confined space inside the Panoram machines required a complex series of mirrors in order to project the image on to the inside of the screen. When the whole Soundie novelty eventually wore off in 1946 the surplus stocks of prints were sold off to television and to the home movie enthusiast. These were the prints that, with a corrected image, eventually found their way to the 16mm and film collectors' markets.
The Soundie production concept was revived between 1950 and 1952 by Lou Snader's Snader Telescriptions in order to produce a series of 3-minute musical performances to fill program junctions on television. Again, major jazz performers were involved, among them the Delta Rhythm Boys, Duke Ellington, Cab Calloway, Mel Tormé, Count Basie and Peggy Lee. In the 1960s, a similar system appeared in Europe called the Scopitone, produced in color and boasting magnetic sound. These were particularly popular in France but failed to travel successfully despite headlining such artists as Julie London, Claude Luter, Clark Terry, Claude Bolling and Sue Raney. Also in the early 1960s, and immensely popular in Britain and in Italy, was a series of over 600 Cinebox coin-box operated jukebox music shorts (renamed Colorama in the United States). They were produced mainly for the European market in Italy, though some were made in France and a few in Britain, promoting popular music entertainers with the occasional jazz group making appearances.
Jazz and the Animated Film
One of the most productive associations of jazz and the moving image is to be found in the area of the animated cartoon. Animators had fallen under the influence of jazz at around the same time as the sound film gained public acceptance. They were quick to exploit its rhythmic and harmonic possibilities using music numbers such as "Tiger rag" and commissioning the jazz inflected orchestras of Abe Lyman and Gus Arnheim to record their soundtracks. The animators Max and Dave Fleischer were particularly quick to realize the potential of the popularity of famous jazz personalities and produced some of their finest work around such figures as Cab Calloway in MINNIE THE MOOCHER (1932), SNOW WHITE (1933) and THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN (1933); the Boswell Sisters in SLEEPY TIME DOWN SOUTH (1932); Louis Armstrong in I'LL BE GLAD WHEN YOU'RE DEAD YOU RASCAL YOU (1932); the Mills Brothers in DINAH (1933), I AIN'T GOT NOBODY (1932) and WHEN YUBA PLAYS THE RUMBA ON THE TUBA (1933) and Don Redman in I HEARD (1933).
A further phase began when Hollywood animators produced a memorable series of cartoons caricaturing jazz celebrities such as Paul Whiteman, Louis Armstrong, Fats Waller, the Mills Brothers and Benny Goodman. Their titles included CLEAN PASTURES (1937), SWING WEDDING (1937), PORKY AT THE CROCADERO (1938), HAVE YOU GOT ANY CASTLES? (1938), WHOLLY SMOKE (1938), COAL BLACK AND DE SEBBEN DWARFS (1942), TIN PAN ALLEY CATS (1943), THE SWOONER CROONER (1944) and BOOK REVUE (1946). In the 1940s stereotypical jazz caricatures, usually black, were also the inspiration for Walter Lantz's brilliant series of Swing Symphonies whose titles alone are enough to set the feet tapping, SCRUB ME MAMA WITH A BOOGIE BEAT (1941), BOOGIE WOOGIE BUGLE BOY OF COMPANY B (1941), BOOGIE WOOGIE SIOUX (1942), COW-COW BOOGIE (1943), ABOU BEN BOOGIE (1944) and SLIPHORN KING OF POLAROO (1945). The Hungarian puppeteer, George Pál, gave us his fascinating series of Puppetoons featuring Charlie Barnet for JASPER IN A JAM (1946), Duke Ellington for DATE WITH DUKE (1947) and Woody Herman for RHAPSODY IN WOOD (1947).
Around the same time in Canada Norman McLaren tried a few jazz experiments with BOOGIE DOODLE (1948) to music by Albert Ammons and his famous BEGONE DULL CARE (1949) featuring soundtrack work by the Oscar Peterson Trio. The Walt Disney Studio rarely used jazz (despite later becoming the home of The Firehouse Five Plus Two) but they did come up with a couple of jazz sequences for Benny Goodman in MAKE MINE MUSIC (1945). Highlighting the 1950s was the emergence of the masterful team of John and Faith Hubley and the sadly neglected Ernest Pintoff. They showed genuine feelings for jazz when utilizing the talents of some of the period's finest instrumentalists and composers, including Dizzy Gillespie, Oscar Peterson, Benny Carter, Shorty Rogers, Quincy Jones, Stan Getz and Lionel Hampton.
The music was not, however, an entirely American prerogative and many worthwhile cartoons have been produced in Europe featuring the soundtrack work of such major jazz figures as John Dankworth, Martial Solal, Jacques Loussier, Claude Luter, Svend Asmussen, Romano Mussolini and Krzystof Komeda.The versatility and flexibility of jazz musicians, the abstract and free-form quality of their ideas and their adeptness at improvisation make them eminently qualified to work creatively with animation directors. The jazz musician's art is not, as some would have it, to play ‘jazzy' music but rather to create imaginative, unfettered musical lines - how much closer to the concept of the animator's art could one get?
Jazz Documentaries
A major shift in the genre took place in the late 1950s with the release of the first major jazz documentary, JAZZ ON A SUMMER'S DAY (1959), a mainly irrelevant but nevertheless hugely popular film record of the 1958 Newport Jazz Festival. The film was a commercial success and, despite its unfortunate tendency to sacrifice the music for crafty camera work, lighting effects, and cutaways to the Newport milieu,The film's commercial success the film's popularity had an enormous influence on the jazz and blues documentary tradition that is still current today. From then onwards, usually with television funding involved, many of the world's major jazz and blues festivals have been captured by the cameras and there is now a vast repository of performance footage in existence from such locations as Montreux, Newport, Montreal, Monterey and Berlin. Over the years documentaries of varying quality have now been made around a seemingly endless series of jazz subjects and themes. A few of the more creative documentaries have been THE LAST OF THE BLUE DEVILS (1979), BIX: AIN'T NONE OF THEM PLAY LIKE HIM YET (1981), DUKE ELLINGTON REMINISCING IN TEMPO (1991), BENNY GOODMAN ADVENTURES IN THE KINGDOM OF SWING (1993), ARTIE SHAW: TIME IS ALL YOU'VE GOT (1984), TALMAGE FARLOW (1981), LOUIS PRIMA: THE WILDEST (1999), ÅKE HASSELGÅRD STORY (1983), TO THE COUNT OF BASIE (1979), KEEPING TIME: THE LIFE, MUSIC AND PHOTOGRAPHS OF MILT HINTON (2002), CHICO HAMILTON DANCING TO A DIFFERENT DRUMMER (2002), ART PEPPER: NOTES FROM A JAZZ SURVIVOR (1982), THE WIZARD OF WAUKESHA (1979) (Les Paul), CHARLES MINGUS: TRIUMPH OF THE UNDERDOG (1997), LISTEN UP: THE LIVES OF QUINCY JONES (1990), BIRD NOW (1987) (Charlie Parker), SONG OF THE SPIRIT (1988) (Lester Young), KONITZ: PORTRAIT OF THE ARTIST AS A SAXOPHONIST (1987), TROLLKARLEN (1999) (Jan Johansson), ELLA FITZGERALD SOMETHING TO LIVE FOR (1999), SUN RA: A JOYFUL NOISE (1980) and THE LAST OF THE FIRST (2002) (The Harlem Blues & Jazz Band).
One of the great cinematic pleasures for the jazz enthusiast has always been to come across an unexpected appearance by one of their idols in a movie, particularly when it's entirely unexpected. For example, spotting Eddie Lang in KING OF JAZZ (1930), Sidney Bechet in EINBRECHER (1930), Stéphane Grappelly and George Shearing in ENGLISH WITHOUT TEARS (1944), Dorothy Donegan in SENSATIONS OF 1945 (1944), Svend Asmussen as a postman in PIPPI LÅNGSTRUMP (1949), Laurindo Almeida in SAILOR BEWARE (1951), Tal Farlow in TEXAS CARNIVAL (1951), Richie Kamuca in KINGS GO FORTH (1958), Billy May in NIGHTMARE (1956), Tubby Hayes in A KING IN NEW YORK (1957), Cleo Laine with Johnny Dankworth in SIX-FIVE SPECIAL (1957), Humphrey Lyttelton in THE TOMMY STEELE STORY (1957), Lucky Thompson in AIMEZ-VOUS BRAHMS? (1961), Pete Candoli in DAYS OF WINE AND ROSES (1962), Anita O'Day in THE OUTFIT (1973), Med Flory as a cop in HUSTLE (1975), John Surman in MERRY-GO-ROUND (1977/8), Dexter Gordon as a pianist in AWAKENINGS (1990), Lalo Schifrin as the conductor in RED DRAGON (2002) and so many more.
Jazz Motion Picture Scores
In 1951, once again at Warner Bros., yet another jazz revolution had occurred on a Hollywood recording stage, one which was to have far reaching effects on the music world extending until the very present...and beyond. Composer Alex North wrote and recorded the first ever jazz-orientated film score for a dramatic picture, A STREETCAR NAMED DESIRE (1951). The score served to color the sound of the film's steamy New Orleans setting. It has become a well-deserved landmark in the history of film music and paved the way for numerous movie jazz scores. Producers, ever on the lookout for new ways of cutting costs soon tumbled to the sad truth that jazz musicians were relatively cheap to hire and that a small ensemble, an octet, or even a quartet could satisfactorily provide the necessary musical background to a film's action.
Up until that time all the major Hollywood studios had kept their own full-time orchestras; their days were now numbered. The recent demise of the big band era had dumped hundreds of skilled, hard-working jazz instrumentalists in the Los Angeles and New York areas eager for the rewards offered by the film, TV, and recording studios. They could sight read and could play anything put before them. Jazz scores soon proliferated. Composer Leith Stevens started the ball rolling with his seminal use of source music jazz cues in THE WILD ONE (1953) arranged and played by Shorty Rogers and his Giants. Elmer Bernstein used rhythmic elements of jazz in his influential scores for THE MAN WITH THE GOLDEN ARM (1955), again performed by Shorty Rogers, and for SWEET SMELL OF SUCCESS (1957) featuring the Chico Hamilton Quintet. Johnny Mandel used the talents of top West Coast musicians for I WANT TO LIVE (1958). Suddenly jazz scores were hip.
Producer Blake Edwards was quick to jump on the bandwagon by adventurously hiring Henry Mancini for what was to become a groundbreaking jazz score to his television series featuring a jazz-loving detective, PETER GUNN (1958/61), soon followed by John Cassavetes' STACCATO (1959). Before long a whole school of jazz composers was busy churning out jazz-orientated music tracks for TV series - MIKE HAMMER (1957/59), RICHARD DIAMOND (1957/60), M SQUAD (1957/60), MR LUCKY (1959). Made-for-television movies gainfully employed Pete Rugolo, Gil Mellé, Quincy Jones, Shorty Rogers, Benny Carter, Oliver Nelson, Benny Golson, Artie Kane, and J. J. Johnson who all worked regularly in the studios during the 1960s and 1970s before the pendulum swung back to embrace symphonic scores or more fashionable styles of music making., isolated jazz and embraced more fashionable styles of music making.
Some jazz musicians still active today have worked on more than 1,000 film and television soundtracks since the 1950s though not always as jazz soloists, of course. Only occasionally in the past had their work received the screen credit due to them but a daring and influential step forward was taken by composer Quincy Jones when he listed his soundtrack musicians during the end titles of a major Hollywood studio production, THE HOT ROCK (1972). Main instrumental soundtrack soloists are sometimes credited nowadays though still not as often as one, or they, would wish.
The film industry in Europe too had welcomed the jazz composers' work. In France, jazz enthusiast and filmmaker Louis Malle enticed Miles Davis into the studio to improvise directly to the images in his film L'ASCENSEUR POUR L'ÉCHAFAUD (1957). Art Blakey and The Jazz Messengers were used on the soundtrack of Edouard Molinaro's DES FEMMES DISPARAISSANT (1958). Roger Vadim then recorded Art Blakey again, in addition to Thelonious Monk, for his film LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES 1960 (1959). Many of the stature of André Hodeir, Johnny Dankworth, Henry Crolla, Klaus Doldinger, Claude Bolling, Kenny Graham, Michel Portal, Giorgio Gaslini, Krzysztof Komeda and the jazz-orientated Michel Legrand have contributed between them to literally hundreds of movie scores. It is interesting to learn the extent to which jazz musicians have contributed to one composer's movie scores. A list of some of the major names who have worked on film soundtracks with the French maestro Philippe Sarde is impressive:
Brass: Chet Baker, Aimé Barelli, Lester Bowie, Billy Byers, Nat Peck, Malcolm Griffiths, Henry Lowther, Clark Terry, Jiggs Whigham.
Reeds: Stan Getz, Johnny Griffin, Hubert Laws, Claude Luter, Hubert Rostaing, Archie Shepp, Wayne Shorter, Alan Skidmore, Stan Sulzmann, John Surman, Phil Woods, Lee Konitz, Tony Coe, George Coleman.
Keyboards: Herbie Hancock, John Lewis, Eddy Louiss, Maurice Vander.
Guitars: Philippe Catherine, Larry Coryell.
Violins: Stéphane Grappelli, Didier Lockwood.
Harmonica: Toots Thielemans.
Vibes: Milt Jackson.
Bass: Ron Carter, Barry Guy, Percy Heath, Pierre Michelot, Guy Pedersen, Buster Williams, Chris Laurence.
Drums: Kenny Clarke, Steve Gadd, Billy Hart, Tony Oxley,Tony Williams.
Percussion: Billy Cobham, Frank Ricotti.
Ghosting
Apart from their anonymous employment on soundtracks there are many other areas of movie work open to the more articulate jazz musician - composing, arranging, orchestrating, supervising, copying, fixing, etc. One of the most fascinating areas of studio work is "ghosting" or "soundtracking" to someone else's moving image. An inordinate amount of precision and sheer professionalism is given over to this highly skilled work, playing and then synchronizing appropriate sounds to an actor's movements on screen. This can involve an entire band, as in BLAZING SADDLES (1974), or simply one or more solo instrumentalists. A number of examples, only a few of whom received screen credit for their extraordinary work:
Duke Ellington (piano) for Guy Lombardo - MANY HAPPY RETURNS (1934)
Bobby Hackett (trumpet) for Fred Astaire - SECOND CHORUS (1940)
Snooky Young (trumpet) for Jack Carson - BLUES IN THE NIGHT (1941)
Danny Polo (clarinet) for Bing Crosby - BIRTH OF THE BLUES (1941)
Mannie Klein (trumpet) for Melvyn Douglas - OUR WIFE (1941)
Phil Moore (piano) for Jimmy Conlin - THE PALM BEACH STORY (1942)
Frank Beach (trumpet) for Oliver Hardy - JITTERBUGS (1943)
Barney Bigard (clarinet) for Glenn Vernon - DING DONG WILLIAMS (1946)
Arnold Ross (piano) for Maureen O'Hara - DO YOU LOVE ME (1946)
Kenny Baker (trumpet) for Kay Kendall - GENEVIEVE (1953)
Johnny Williams (drums) for Ray Milland - LET'S DO IT AGAIN (1953)
Humphrey Lyttelton (trumpet) for John Mills - IT'S GREAT TO BE YOUNG! (1956)
Pete Candoli (trumpet) for Tony Curtis - KINGS GO FORTH (1958)
Red Nichols (cornet) for Danny Kaye - THE FIVE PENNIES (1959)
Uan Rasey (trumpet) for Robert Wagner - ALL THE FINE YOUNG CANNIBALS (1960)
Shake Keane (trumpet) for Roy Castle - DR TERROR'S HOUSE OF HORRORS (1964)
Ronnie Lang (alto sax) for Michael Caine - HURRY SUNDOWN (1966)
Nat Adderley (trumpet) for Sammy Davis, Jr. - A MAN CALLED ADAM (1966)
Justin Gordon (tenor sax) for Gene Hackman - THE CONVERSATION (1974)
Georgie Auld (tenor sax) for Robert De Niro - NEW YORK, NEW YORK (1977)
Maynard Ferguson (trumpet) for Burt Young - UNCLE JOE SHANNON (1978)
Branford Marsalis (soprano sax) for Sean Connery - THE RUSSIA HOUSE (1990)
Bob Cooper (tenor sax) for Jeff Goldblum - LUSH LIFE (1993)
Howard Alden (guitar) for Sean Penn - SWEET AND LOWDOWN (1999)
Arturo Sandoval (trumpet) for Andy Garcia - FOR LOVE OR COUNTRY (2000)
Terence Blanchard (trumpet) for Val Kilmer - THE SALTON SEA (2002)
Television
Following many years of experimentation, television--the most voracious medium of them all--finally began to appear (in very small numbers) in homes in Britain, Germany and the United States in the mid- to late 1930s. In Britain, Henry Hall and his Orchestra soon became regular performers on BBC Television's single channel with their programs of popular dance music. It wasn't until 1938, though, that the first recorded appearance by a jazz musician took place when Fats Waller, then on tour in Britain, performed on the pipe organ of Alexandra Palace in North London, BBC Television's studio at the time.
In the United States, it was during the early 1940s when the first jazz concerts were televised but, in Europe, the outbreak of World War II in 1939 put a temporary moratorium on regular television services. Sadly, no jazz footage from those days is known to have survived as all transmissions were live. (Although there were a few enthusiastic amateurs busily photographing programs on an ad hoc basis - and without any sound - the results were somewhat less than successful. It was not until 1947 that the American practice of making kinescopes was formally adopted. This was a method of filming off a television monitor while a show was actually being transmitted, sometimes necessary in the United States in order for a program to be repeated in a different time zone. Magnetic tape was not to be introduced in any worthwhile form until the 1950s.)
Evidently, as is the case today, much of the material transmitted was in the form of film so considerable quantities of what might be termed "early television" has in fact survived. German archives are preserving a lot of documentary material of this nature dating from the 1930s. In Britain television newsreels from 1948 have been kept. Until that time it is hardly likely that anyone would have thought it necessary to archive jazz performances - even if there were any. But before the 1940s had drawn to a close jazz had started to become a regular ingredient of light entertainment scheduling in the United States with the seminal series, EDDIE CONDON'S FLOOR SHOW (1948/9). The format was repeated later with such memorable series as Bobby Troup's STARS OF JAZZ (1956/8) featuring virtually every Californian jazz star of the day, TIMEX ALL STAR JAZZ SHOW (1957/9) and ART FORD'S JAZZ PARTY (1958), THE SUBJECT IS JAZZ (1958) and SWING INTO SPRING (1958/9).
The were, in addition, "specials", among them SATCHMO THE GREAT (1956), the justly famous THE SOUND OF JAZZ (1957), A DRUM IS A WOMAN and THE SOUND OF MILES DAVIS (1959). Further series soon followed: JAZZ SCENE USA (1962), FRANKLY JAZZ (1962) and JAZZ CASUAL (1962/69). Innumerable series of a similar nature have appeared in their wake. The televised history of jazz in America from the 1960s onwards is well preserved and much of it remains accessible to those who seek it out.
Although jazz is essentially an American-based musical form it has never been exclusively so. It is appreciated as much, if not more so, by audiences in Europe and in the Far East and the medium of television has reflected this. Most of the major jazz packages that regularly toured European capitals during the 1960s were seduced into the studios and recorded either on film or on tape. In Britain, BBC Television produced several series of classic programs such as JAZZ 625 (1964/6), JAZZ GOES TO COLLEGE (1966/7), JAZZ AT THE MALTINGS (1968/9) and JAZZ SCENE AT THE RONNIE SCOTT CLUB (1969/70) and so forth. With the honorable exception of the JAZZ 625 series, secured on 35mm Kinescope, many segments of the other series were lost when BBC TV wiped the tapes for re-use.
In Germany similar use was made of visiting groups for the JAZZ GEHÖRT UND GESEHEN series (1955/74). The same policy applied to television stations in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, France, Finland, Poland and also in Japan, etc., all of whom also regularly televised their local jazz and blues festivals. Berlin, Montreux, Munich, Burghausen, Baltica, North Sea, Cannes, Umbria, Bologna, Liège, Antibes/Juan-les-Pins and many others were all covered. Much is owed to the handful of producers whose enthusiasm and hard work secured such an enviable amount of valuable footage, particularly Jean-Christophe Averty, Terry Henebery, Joaquim-Ernst Berendt, Andrzej Wasylewski, Frank Cassenti, Per Møller Hansen and Jan Horne.
Jazz and those who create it have served the movies in many different guises. Only too often and for far too long, the musicians were exploited for all that they were worth. Quite enough has already been written elsewhere about the extent of their exploitation and the limitation of opportunity for black personnel working in the film industry (for instance, until the 1950s drummer Lee Young, Lester's Young's brother, was the only black staff musician in a Los Angeles film studio orchestra) but, even so, it is frightening to realize just how recently a modicum of equality has been won partly due to the courageous behind the scenes lobbying for integration and pay parity by established names such as Benny Carter and Buddy Collette - at the time there were separate union locals for (lower paid) black and for (higher paid) white musicians in the Los Angeles area. A good example of the rampant inequality was the practice at Universal Studios for white musicians in an otherwise black band to be replaced on camera by black ones and vice versa - a notorious example of this is in the short film SUGAR CHILE ROBINSON - BILLIE HOLIDAY - COUNT BASIE AND HIS SEXTET (1950) in which the white clarinetist Buddy De Franco, a key member of Basie's Sextet at the time, plays on soundtrack but is replaced on camera by the darker Marshall Royal. Quincy Jones has noted that when he composed the music for THE PAWNBROKER in 1964 he was the first black musician in the film studios permitted to score for strings; until then he would only have been allowed to write band music - much as Benny Carter and Phil Moore had done before him. And it was not until the 1960s that legendary bassist Milt Hinton was to become the first black player to be accepted fully into the tightly protected world of the New York session musician. Similar stories told, always anonymously, about the status of black instrumentalists in the Hollywood studios make one cringe. Such horrors were more prevalent in the United States, one reason why so many jazz musicians uprooted to Europe.
Today, jazz and the screen in all their manifestations are once again facing an uncertain future together as a result of constantly shifting audience tastes and with a wide range of alternative choices in both music and the visual arts - electronic experimentation, digital recording and synthesizers, video and lasers and a whole new world of computer, satellite and micro-technology cruising the information highways of the universe. They have survived successfully for over a century since before the days when man could fly or listen to the radio or before Don Ameche made that first telephone call. Ultimately, it won't matter what previously undreamed of technological achievements influence our lives as they will have combined to ensure that for many jazz scholars and enthusiasts, the music remains our religion.
Bibliography
JAZZ AU CINÉMA by Henri Gautier. Premier Plan, Belley (Ain) 1962
JAZZ IN THE MOVIES by David Meeker. British Film Institute, London 1972
JAZZ SUR FILMS by Jean-Roland. Hippenmeyer Éditions de la Thièle, Yverdon 1973
JAZZ IN THE MOVIES by David Meeker. Talisman Books, London 1977
JAZZ IN THE MOVIES by David Meeker. Talisman Books, London 1981/Da Capo Press, New York 1981
JAMMIN' IN THE MARGINS by Krin Gabbard. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1996
JAZZ IN FILM NOIR by David Butler. University of Manchester, Manchester 2000
JAZZ ET CINÉMA by Gilles Mouëllic. Collection Essais Cahiers du Cinéma 2000
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Lillian Ross’s Picture: A Chronicle of MGM’s Mutilation of John Huston’s The Red Badge of Courage — Cineaste Magazine
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https://assets.squarespace.com/universal/default-favicon.ico
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Cineaste Magazine
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https://www.cineaste.com/fall2019/lillian-ross-red-badge-of-courage
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“Production Number 1512” is what they were originally called—both John Huston’s 1951 film adaptation of Stephen Crane’s novel The Red Badge of Courage and the five-part story journalist Lillian Ross filed for The New Yorker the following year on the ins and outs of the production of Huston’s motion picture. Published under the title Picture, Ross’s five pieces form a “novel-like book” that is often described as the first in-depth behind-the-scenes look at the making of a movie.
The author of Picture was born on June 8th, 1918, in Syracuse, NY. She joined the staff of The New Yorker in 1945 during World War II (and continued to write there for seven decades). In 1950, early on in her tenure at the magazine, director John Huston invited her to tail him in the making of his next picture, an adaptation of The Red Badge of Courage (1895). Besides the lure of a raffish artist at the height of his powers (Huston was often seen as the Hemingway of the cinema), there was another, more personal reason why Ross said yes to the invitation. “In 1950, when I decided to take Huston up on his offer to come watch him make The Red Badge of Courage, I actually was taking that opportunity to try to escape from my personal entanglement with my editor, William Shawn,” she later explained. Shawn was married with children but had professed his love for Ross.
Whatever the medley of reasons pulling her out West, Ross decided to, in her own words, “follow the history of that particular movie from beginning to end, in order to learn whatever I might learn about the American motion-picture industry.” What would she make of such learning? She’d navigate a new literary frontier, which no doubt added another level of appeal to the project for her. “I don’t see why I shouldn’t try to do a fact piece in novel form, or maybe a novel in fact form,” she wrote to Shawn at the time.
Certainly, Picture had no clear antecedents. The “nonfiction novel” had yet to be “invented” by Truman Capote, whose In Cold Blood, the supposed founding document of the genre, wouldn’t be published for more than a decade. There’s a line of thinking that imagines Ross got the idea from Ernest Hemingway, whom she profiled for The New Yorker earlier that year and whose Green Hills of Africa was a forerunner of the genre. But Green Hills of Africa is focused on Hemingway, using extensively the first person pronoun—and is, thus, a memoir. Though the “I” pronoun shows up intermittently throughout Picture, Ross’s book is decidedly not a memoir. She is there only in the way the camera is in a movie; we see the world through her lens, her point of view, but otherwise she’s almost absent, a ghost haunting her own narrative. No, Picture was something new, something to take notice of.
Not only was the format novel (in both definitions of the word), but the subject was also surprising. Real journalists were supposed to stay away from the Tinseltown babble, not get mired in the muck that was the beat of the celebrity tabloids, trade papers, and gossip columns. Reporting on the inner workings of a business churning out “entertainments” was, for the most part, seen as beneath the dignity of the fourth estate. Yet Ross knew there was a story to be found in following around Huston and the cast of intriguing, offbeat, and unsavory characters involved in the production of The Red Badge of Courage. She couldn’t have known from the start the full arc of the story she would tell—the tragic tale of one of Hollywood’s most infamous “mutilated masterpieces”—but she sensed something special in these real-life “characters.”
The story’s potential dramatis personae included John Huston, the charming, rip-roaring, self-important director of films such as The Maltese Falcon, The Treasure of the Sierra Madre, and Key Largo, who determined early on that he was going to direct The Red Badge of Courage on horseback; producer Gottfried Reinhardt, the lovable, if somewhat bipolar, tragic hero who fought harder than anyone to make a picture that could be both artistically bold and commercially successful; Dore Schary, newly in charge of production at MGM, who also believed in the artistic and commercial viability of The Red Badge of Courage and pushed for the film’s production amidst major pushback from his higher-ups, but inevitably became the main architect of its mutilation; the head honcho at MGM, Louis B. Mayer, a sentimental, tyrannical philistine and the closest we get to a traditional villain in Picture; Albert Band, assistant to Huston, then Reinhardt, whom Reinhardt called “the most insensitive sensitive man” because of his biting humor; the wistful Audie Murphy, a real war hero, not yet a major star, who at one point, while looking vacantly out a window, declared “seems as though nothing can get me excited any more”; Reinhardt’s wife, Silvia, who spoke in strange non sequiturs and off-kilter haikus, often about her French poodle Mocha; Bronislau Kaper, the composer, armed always with a wisecrack, who believed that “every picture is sick” and that his job was to “find out what it needs to make it well and healthy”; and Nicholas M. Schenck, head of MGM’s parent company and the puppetmaster connected to all the goings-on through near-invisible threads.
“You see, if the story turns out to be what I think it is, it’s really almost a book, a kind of novel-like book because of the way the characters may develop and the variety of relationships that exist among them,” she explained to Shawn.
“It’s much better than most novels,” Hemingway said of Picture. “Brilliant and sagacious” were the adjectives Charlie Chaplin used to describe it. Graham Greene’s blurb captured the book perfectly: “A terrifying picture of how a great film, directed by one of the best living directors, based on an American classic, can be slashed into incoherence through the timidities and the illiteracy of studio heads.”
Though Ross’s writing—novelistic in detail, but always shrewdly journalistic in its restraint—is both measured and nuanced, it’s not hard to see where her sympathies lie. One of the heroes of Picture is Huston, the author, or what soon came to be known in critical circles as the “auteur,” of the film.
In 1951, the same year that Huston directed The Red Badge of Courage, the French magazine Cahiers du cinéma was founded. It was in the pages of this magazine that la politique des auteurs—later to be popularized in America as the “auteur theory” by film critic Andrew Sarris—was given its most eloquent expression: the concept that ideally the film belongs to its director, not the studio, not the producer(s), not the screenwriter(s), not the actors. Ross claims that Huston “was simply the raw material of his own art; that is, the man whose personality left its imprint, unmistakably, on what had come to be known as a Huston picture.”
The other hero of Picture is Reinhardt, no doubt a tragic figure, who always saw the film as more Huston’s than his own, and fought for it on the auteur’s behalf, even after Huston had given up and gone to Africa. “Maybe I have a special idea of a John Huston picture,” he wrote to Huston. “Maybe even more special than John Huston has.”
Ross was the author of her book, and it seems she thought Huston likewise should be considered the rightful author of his films—“the style of the Huston pictures, Huston being one of the few Hollywood directors who manage to leave their personal mark on the films they make, was the style of the man.”
Call The Red Badge of Courage a “Huston picture” all you like, but the story that plays out in the pages of Ross’s book shows that, at least in the Hollywood of the early 1950s, the struggle for authorial control of a film was anything but settled…
To read the complete review, click here so that you may order either a subscription to begin with our Fall 2019 issue, or order a copy of this issue.
Copyright © 2019 by Cineaste, Inc.
Cineaste, Vol. XLIV, No. 4
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https://www.bookforum.com/print/2305/a-new-history-of-a-famous-western-and-the-hollywood-blacklist-17199
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en
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Red Badge of Courage
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A new history of a famous Western and the Hollywood blacklist – A.S. Hamrah
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/favicon.ico
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Bookforum
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https://www.bookforum.com/print/2305/a-new-history-of-a-famous-western-and-the-hollywood-blacklist-17199
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Among the iconic Hollywood Westerns of the 1950s, High Noon, with Gary Cooper as Marshal Will Kane, remains a classic movie in the most basic sense. More people know what it is than have seen it. High Noon has, in many ways, been reduced to one black-and-white image: Gary Cooper walking down an empty western street, wearing his badge, ready to draw his gun and face his enemies alone. In 1989 this film still was used, with an added red splash, as the campaign poster for Poland’s Solidarity movement, Cooper-as-icon standing in for the trade-unionist Lech Wałęsa in his quest to become the country’s first post-communist president.
In the US, however, John Wayne long ago overshadowed Cooper as America’s heroic ideal of the West. Wayne did great, enduring work in the films of John Ford, lived eighteen years longer than Cooper (who died in 1961), and appeared in nearly thirty movies during that time. But Wayne replaced Cooper as an icon for other, better-known reasons, too, not least because he was so politically contentious, so quick on the draw as a right-winger. In the competition for mythic identity and meaning, the anti-communist, Red-baiting, hippie-hating John Wayne won, leaving Gary Cooper in the dust.
Wayne, in fact, actively participated in this semi-erasure. He disparaged High Noon for years after Cooper’s death, even though, in 1953, at Cooper’s request, he had gone onstage to accept Cooper’s Best Actor Oscar for the film while Cooper was working on location. Wayne’s speech at the Oscars praised Cooper, and he said he wished he had played the lead in High Noon himself, but even then, in private and in later interviews, Wayne said the movie offended him. With its stark portrait of a lawman abandoned by his townspeople, the movie raised issues of loyalty and authority during the time of the Red Scare. Wayne considered it the work of communist traitors. Desperation, cowardice, asking for help to defeat a common enemy—these themes troubled Wayne as an American. He saw High Noon‘s exploration of them as evidence of weakness and subversion. In 1959, seven years after High Noon came out but more than a year before the blacklist ended, Wayne and director Howard Hawks issued a response to it in the form of another movie. In Rio Bravo, Hawks’s ideological undoing of High Noon, Wayne played a counter-Kane, a sheriff who does not ask for help in his standoff against bad hombres. Almost against his will, he draws the most stalwart people in town to help him do what’s right. Even the useless town drunk is redeemed, transformed from High Noon‘s shabby Jack Elam into Rio Bravo‘s appealing Dean Martin.
Rio Bravo is a celebration of camaraderie in the face of danger, like Hawks’s films in general. It rejects bitterness and disappointment, feelings Hawks kept at arm’s length throughout his career. Hawks was a more skillful director, and a greater artist, than Fred Zinnemann, the director of High Noon. The film critic Andrew Sarris accused Zinnemann of “making antimovies for antimoviegoers,” of being unable to “risk the ridiculous” to get to the sublime. The popular success of Rio Bravo and another, lesser Wayne vehicle, North to Alaska, in 1960, had the side effect of turning many subsequent Hollywood Westerns into corny romps: overlit, all-star celebrations of rowdiness in which chairs splinter over heads with little pain or consequence. Rio Bravo‘s lighter touch may have added to its artistry for cinephiles, but in the Hollywood Westerns that followed it, the ridiculous routed the sublime. While Ford’s The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance (1962), also with Wayne, is a notable exception, it took Italian Westerns, which drew specifically on High Noon, to keep the genre from triviality. When Sam Peckinpah emerged with The Wild Bunch in 1969 and revised Hollywood Westerns for the Vietnam era, the genre returned to its dark core. Such films might have been made in America sooner if not for the blacklist.
Glenn Frankel, a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who has written books on Israel, South Africa, and another iconic dark 1950s Western, John Ford’s The Searchers (which also starred John Wayne), has now given us a production history of High Noon that is not far removed from a James Ellroy novel. The 1950s film industry portrayed in High Noon: The Hollywood Blacklist and the Making of an American Classic is, like Ellroy’s Los Angeles, stocked with hard-core commies, idealistic fellow travelers, paranoid Red-baiters, union busters, corrupt congressmen, power-hungry gossip columnists, secretive FBI agents and their snitches, philandering actors and eager starlets. But far from being a Hollywood Babylon of the Red Scare, Frankel’s book is a detailed investigation of the way anti-communist persecution poisoned the atmosphere around one film, which succeeded nonetheless, and damaged the lives of the people who made it.
The book’s twin heroes are High Noon‘s screenwriter, Carl Foreman, and Gary Cooper. Foreman, named as a communist by a jealous screenwriter before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) on live TV, saw his friends and colleagues desert him during the production of High Noon, with the exception of one person. Cooper—fading movie star in ill health, wealthy socialite and celebrity, staunch Republican, cheating husband, lead actor in the infamous screen adaptation of Ayn Rand’s novel The Fountainhead—stood up for a man who was his polar opposite because he thought he was talented and getting a raw deal. In the paranoid context of Hollywood at the time, Cooper’s behavior was unexpected. Maybe he was too big to care at that point, but he did it pretty much like he was acting in one of his Frank Capra movies.
The connection between Cooper in the movie and in real life is apparent, so Frankel does not have to overplay it. It’s obvious that Cooper and Foreman’s personal lives somehow doubled the film’s story after Cooper was cast in the lead. Foreman stood up to HUAC and Stanley Kramer (High Noon‘s producer), then exiled himself to London so he could continue working. Just as Kane hesitantly confronted the outlaw gang in the movie, Cooper reluctantly backed Foreman at great potential risk to his career, which Frankel suggests he had stopped believing in anyway.
Cooper went so far as to start a production company with Foreman after he was called by HUAC. (The company failed to get off the ground before Foreman had to leave the US.) When Cooper’s marshal in High Noon tosses his tin star to the ground and leaves town at the end of the film, the scene and gesture seem to encapsulate both men’s careers in Hollywood. In truth, Cooper was no hero. “Darkness and doubt just followed him about,” as the Mekons sang about John Wayne. Frankel relates how Cooper beat up Patricia Neal, his Fountainhead costar and mistress, after he found her in a clinch with Kirk Douglas. And Cooper came and went in various right-wing organizations, not just the Motion Picture Alliance. One, an armed “paramilitary polo club” called the Hollywood Hussars, drilled under the supervision of ex-Army officers and active-duty cops.
A pox lies dormant in American politics, like shingles, and it has broken out again. The Trump administration, even before taking power, began to request lists of government employees who might disagree with its policies on climate change, gender equality, and anti-terrorism; a right-wing website is compiling a watch list of professors it accuses of liberal bias. Frankel’s book makes clear how volatile and destructive such lists can become, and the kind of people they empower. Here we meet men like the New Jersey congressman J. Parnell Thomas, an anti–New Dealer and Red-baiter who was chairman of HUAC but was arrested for common fraud and ended up in the same prison as some of the Hollywood screenwriters he hounded out of work. Then there is Richard Arens, staff director of HUAC, a “paid consultant for a shadowy and racist pro-eugenics group known as the Pioneer Fund” who warned that the fight against communism was “a total war, a political war, . . . a diplomatic war, a global war, . . . a war that they and not us are winning internationally and domestically at an alarming rate.”
As such men return to government now, it is interesting to remember what the blacklisted writer-director Abraham Polonsky said about his fellow communists in the film industry: “The Communist Party was for years the best social club in Hollywood. You’d meet a lot of interesting people, there were parties, and it created a nice social atmosphere.” Despite their bonhomie, they were outmaneuvered by the stupid and venal men who made up HUAC and by the press that supported it—the Chicago Tribune ran stories with headlines like “Politically Infantile Film Folk Were Easy Marks for Reds,” and the New York Herald Tribune‘s “Red Underground” column outed fellow travelers once a week.
As Frankel points out when he invokes Thom Andersen and Noël Burch’s 1996 documentary, Red Hollywood, it is a myth that the work of the blacklistees was inconsequential, despite what viewers may have gleaned last year from Hail, Caesar!, the Coen brothers’ comedy of 1950s Hollywood. Foreman survived the blacklist, cowriting The Bridge on the River Kwai for David Lean while in exile in London. He got no on-screen credit, which instead went to Pierre Boulle, who wrote the novel, had nothing to do with writing the script, and did not speak English. When the screenplay won the Oscar in 1958, Boulle, according to legend, collected it onstage, delivering the shortest speech in Academy history: “Merci.”
Frankel includes another odd scene in his book, in which Hedda Hopper, the vicious anti-communist gossip columnist, meets with Foreman in a London hotel in the mid-1950s after working so hard to destroy his career. She was in her sixties, he in his forties, but they found themselves attracted to each other. They polished off a bottle of Jack Daniel’s and stopped just short of making out. Politics makes strange bedfellows, people rise to some occasions and fail in others. As our new era unfolds, with the explicit promise, or threat, to make America as great as these 1950s again, we will soon find out if the bizarre tales in Frankel’s book will be repeated with a new cast of actors and writers.
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https://foxedquarterly.com/william-palmer-stephen-crane-red-badge-of-courage-literary-review/
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en
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A Farmboy Goes to War
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2023-09-01T13:17:13+00:00
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William Palmer on The Red Badge of Courage | One day, and only because I asked her what life had really been like in the Blitz, my mother told me . . .
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en
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Slightly Foxed
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https://foxedquarterly.com/william-palmer-stephen-crane-red-badge-of-courage-literary-review/
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One day, and only because I asked her what life had really been like in the Blitz, my mother told me not about terrifying explosions and damage and injury, but about a cold rainy day in November 1940, when with many others she watched an endless procession of lorries and carts pass in silence through the bombed centre of Coventry. The vehicles were carrying the bodies of the dead to mass graves. Most of the memories of that time are now like this; a few words passed down through families. And, inevitably, adult witnesses of that war become fewer and fewer as the years pass.
In a way, the continuing production of war films – usually regarded with scorn by veterans of non-fictional wars – and books of popular military history is only the latest sign of a ceaseless nostalgia for the heroic; an endlessly unsatisfied need to somehow experience the feelings of those who suffered, who were there. Didn’t even Samuel Johnson, a gentle man under his crust, say to Boswell, ‘Every man thinks meanly of himself for not having been a soldier, or not having been to sea . . . The profession of soldiers and sailors has the dignity of danger. Mankind reverences those who have got over fear, which is so general a weakness.’
This is the direct theme of one of the first modern novels to show how war is experienced by the common soldier: The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane. Praised to this day as one of the few realistic accounts of battle, Crane’s book is set in the American Civil War of 1861–5. But Crane was not born until 1871, and the book was first published in 1895. How could such a powerfully convincing account have been written by someone with no experience of fighting?
Crane’s father was a clergyman and the males on his mother’s side seem to have been almost exclusively Methodist ministers. From childhood on Crane had no
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One day, and only because I asked her what life had really been like in the Blitz, my mother told me not about terrifying explosions and damage and injury, but about a cold rainy day in November 1940, when with many others she watched an endless procession of lorries and carts pass in silence through the bombed centre of Coventry. The vehicles were carrying the bodies of the dead to mass graves. Most of the memories of that time are now like this; a few words passed down through families. And, inevitably, adult witnesses of that war become fewer and fewer as the years pass.
In a way, the continuing production of war films – usually regarded with scorn by veterans of non-fictional wars – and books of popular military history is only the latest sign of a ceaseless nostalgia for the heroic; an endlessly unsatisfied need to somehow experience the feelings of those who suffered, who were there. Didn’t even Samuel Johnson, a gentle man under his crust, say to Boswell, ‘Every man thinks meanly of himself for not having been a soldier, or not having been to sea . . . The profession of soldiers and sailors has the dignity of danger. Mankind reverences those who have got over fear, which is so general a weakness.’ This is the direct theme of one of the first modern novels to show how war is experienced by the common soldier: The Red Badge of Courage by Stephen Crane. Praised to this day as one of the few realistic accounts of battle, Crane’s book is set in the American Civil War of 1861–5. But Crane was not born until 1871, and the book was first published in 1895. How could such a powerfully convincing account have been written by someone with no experience of fighting? Crane’s father was a clergyman and the males on his mother’s side seem to have been almost exclusively Methodist ministers. From childhood on Crane had no intention of following their example. At the age of 16, obsessed with the idea of becoming a soldier, he talked his mother into letting him transfer to a school with a military training department. He grew into an attractive, athletic boy who received a good schooling in the classics, literature, art and music – and military life. He excelled in drill and was soon promoted to first lieutenant in the cadet corps. He read much of the vast literature that the Civil War had produced but was disappointed by many of the memoirs – ‘these fellows don’t tell how they felt in those scraps!’ More to the point, actual vivid memories of war were provided by talk among the war veterans who helped to drill the cadets, men who had been through the fire of war in the most brutal and immediate way. Crane did not go on to West Point; he needed immediate adventure and by the age of 19 was a professional journalist, writing for the New York Tribune and other papers, mostly about life among the bums and prostitutes on the Bowery, in their world of saloons, cheap hotels and brothels. He attacked police corruption and the injustice of the courts. He disguised himself as a tramp, saying that he must experience directly how such a life felt. That is what interested Crane – how people behave, morally and physically, in extreme circumstances – how he himself would behave. The ultimate test was war, and the American Civil War had been devastating and bitterly fought: its causes and effects were still vividly present in the minds of ordinary Americans in Crane’s youth. By writing The Red Badge of Courage, Crane was determined to show as closely as he could how one man would experience the horrors of war.
The cold passed reluctantly from the earth, and the retiring fogs revealed an army stretched out on the hills, resting.
So the book opens. Apart from brief flashbacks it concerns itself with just a few days of battle. Crane chose as his protagonist a young private soldier, Henry Fleming, an uneducated farm boy who has joined up in a swell of patriotism. It is in Henry’s mind that we live during the battle – not in that of the young officer we see rallying and bullying his troops, who is perhaps Crane’s sardonic picture of how he might himself have behaved in action. Henry is in the Union Army camped in the hills. Across the valley and river is the camp of the Confederate Army. Henry is 18. He has joined up dreaming of valour and military glory, reflected in the admiring eyes of the girls who waved him off in his home town. He has spent months in camp, in drilling, in musketry and bayonet practice, and he has learned to accept the rough camaraderie of the other recruits. That first morning, as the fogs disperse, they march all day, to make camp again as night falls. The next day they descend to file across the river. They make camp and sleep again. At dawn he is kicked roughly out of sleep.
Before he was entirely awake, he found himself running down a wood road in the midst of men . . . His canteen banged rhythmically upon his thigh and his haversack bobbed softly. His musket bounced a trifle from his shoulder and made his cap feel uncertain upon his head . . . he felt carried along by a mob.
He feels excitement that ‘the time had come. He was about to be measured,’ and then, only a second later, terror that ‘they were taking him out to slaughter’. Locked in a mass of running men, there is no escape. He hears the first sounds of firing close at hand and the troops pass the first dead body in their path. In a clearing, they are ordered to dig in, piling mounds of earth in front of them to await the expected attack. It doesn’t come. They are ordered to withdraw. The seemingly irrational orders and counter-orders irritate and bewilder them. But then they are ordered to go forward once more and to make a stand. Through the enveloping smoke of cannon and musket, gun flashes give them their first sight of the troops rushing towards them. They fire and fire again, in seemingly endless and exhausting rounds of loading and reloading their weapons, amid smoke and shouts and screams, until the enemy suddenly retreats. Henry stands up and sees the result of the encounter on the ground.
They lay twisted in fantastic contortions. Arms were bent and heads were turned in incredible ways. It seemed that the dead must have fallen from some great height to get into such positions. They looked to be dumped out upon the ground from the sky.
In the valley below, men still move and fight in and out of the smoke, but it seems they have won the battle.
So it was all over at last! The supreme trial had been passed. The red, formidable difficulties of war had been vanquished . . . Upon his fellows he beamed tenderness and good will . . . There were some handshakings and deep speeches with men whose features were familiar but with whom the youth now felt the bond of tied hearts.
The new bond does not last long. Before the men have had time to celebrate further, a devastating counter-attack almost sweeps their line away.
A man near him who up to this time had been working feverishly at his rifle suddenly stopped and ran with howls . . . Others began to scamper away through the smoke. The youth turned his head. He yelled then with fright and swung about . . . He began to speed toward the rear in great leaps. His rifle and cap were gone. His unbuttoned coat bulged in the wind. The flap of his cartridge box bobbed wildly, and his canteen, by its slender cord, swung out behind.
The slightly comic but earnest figure who had set out newly uniformed just a few days before has become a coward and a renegade. The remaining two-thirds of this short book concern the shame and guilt and self-deception and deception of others in which Henry indulges to try and disguise what he has done – deserted in the face of the enemy. And more importantly it shows how he redeems himself in the eyes of others. That was what was important to Crane. He sets up the failure of a very young man and allows him a final triumph. So, although we call the book an early modern work (it had a tremendous influence on Ernest Hemingway when he came to write A Farewell to Arms and it changed how the great wars of the last century were dealt with in fiction), it is not a conventional ‘anti-war’ novel of the type that we now expect. The red badge of courage of the title is a visible wound sustained in action. The American Civil War may have been one of the first to display the characteristics of modern warfare in its use of entrenchment and heavy artillery, but it was also a war of muskets and bayonets, and the greater part of most battles was conducted in hand-to-hand combat. For a long time readers assumed that Crane’s experience of combat came from his experiences in the Greco-Turkish and the Spanish-American wars that he covered as a correspondent. But these came some years after his book was written. He proved a seemingly fearless reporter and acted with considerable bravery when carrying, under heavy fire, supplies to wounded men in Cuba. Stephen Crane was 23 when his novel was published. He had had a first novel privately published at his own expense and it had disappeared without trace, but The Red Badge of Courage was an immediate success in both America and Britain. Crane was only 28 when he died from tuberculosis in a Bavarian clinic in 1900, but his fiction, journalism and poetry fill ten volumes. In some strange way it was as if, knowing how short a span he would have to live, Crane contrived to live his life in reverse. Tortured by doubts about his own courage, he first wrote his totally imagined novel, and then went out to seek the real dangers – courageous campaigning journalism, shipwreck and foreign wars – that would test him. Above all, his book asks this question of every one of its readers – how would you behave in this inferno?
Extract from Slightly Foxed Issue 79 © William Palmer 2023
About the contributor
William Palmer is the author of several novels. His first non-fiction work, In Love with Hell, a study of alcohol in the lives and works of writers, was published in 2021. You can hear him in Episode 38 of our podcast, ‘Literary Drinking: Alcohol in the Lives and Work of Writers’.
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https://warmoviebuff.blogspot.com/2017/07/bookmovie-red-badge-of-courage.html
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The War Movie Buff: BOOK
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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/carter-crisis/
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Crisis of Confidence
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2019-01-18T14:39:13.619366-05:00
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Jimmy Carter delivered this televised speech on July 15, 1979.
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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/carter-crisis/
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Jimmy Carter delivered this televised speech on July 15, 1979.
Good evening. This is a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for president of the United States.
I promised you a president who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
During the past three years I've spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government, our nation's economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you've heard more and more about what the government thinks or what the government should be doing and less and less about our nation's hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future.
Ten days ago I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject -- energy. For the fifth time I would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the Congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been troubling many of you. Why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy problem?
It's clear that the true problems of our Nation are much deeper -- deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages, deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as president I need your help. So I decided to reach out and listen to the voices of America.
I invited to Camp David people from almost every segment of our society -- business and labor, teachers and preachers, governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I left Camp David to listen to other Americans, men and women like you.
It has been an extraordinary ten days, and I want to share with you what I've heard. First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the typical comments that I wrote down.
This from a southern governor: "Mr. President, you are not leading this nation -- you're just managing the government."
"You don't see the people enough any more."
"Some of your Cabinet members don't seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples."
"Don't talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common good."
"Mr. President, we're in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears."
"If you lead, Mr. President, we will follow."
Many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our nation.
This from a young woman in Pennsylvania: "I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power."
And this from a young Chicano: "Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives."
"Some people have wasted energy, but others haven't had anything to waste."
And this from a religious leader: "No material shortage can touch the important things like God's love for us or our love for one another."
And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a small Mississippi town: "The big-shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can't sell anything on Wall Street unless someone digs it up somewhere else first."
This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: "Mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a spiritual crisis."
Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I'll read just a few.
"We can't go on consuming 40 percent more energy than we produce. When we import oil we are also importing inflation plus unemployment."
"We've got to use what we have. The Middle East has only five percent of the world's energy, but the United States has 24 percent."
And this is one of the most vivid statements: "Our neck is stretched over the fence and OPEC has a knife."
"There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to follow in the future."
This was a good one: "Be bold, Mr. President. We may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment."
And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: "The real issue is freedom. We must deal with the energy problem on a war footing."
And the last that I'll read: "When we enter the moral equivalent of war, Mr. President, don't issue us BB guns."
These ten days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but it also bore out some of my long-standing concerns about our nation's underlying problems.
I know, of course, being president, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That's why I've worked hard to put my campaign promises into law -- and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But after listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can't fix what's wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.
I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might.
The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.
The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.
The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July.
It is the idea which founded our nation and has guided our development as a people. Confidence in the future has supported everything else -- public institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States. Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We've always believed in something called progress. We've always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than our own.
Our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as citizens to serve as the ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we know our past and we are proud of it. Our progress has been part of the living history of America, even the world. We always believed that we were part of a great movement of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom, and that belief has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in the future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.
In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in God, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we've discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. We've learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.
The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in the history of our country a majority of our people believe that the next five years will be worse than the past five years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The productivity of American workers is actually dropping, and the willingness of Americans to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people in the Western world.
As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for schools, the news media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or reassurance, but it is the truth and it is a warning.
These changes did not happen overnight. They've come upon us gradually over the last generation, years that were filled with shocks and tragedy.
We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. We were taught that our armies were always invincible and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony of Vietnam. We respected the presidency as a place of honor until the shock of Watergate.
We remember when the phrase "sound as a dollar" was an expression of absolute dependability, until ten years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. We believed that our nation's resources were limitless until 1973, when we had to face a growing dependence on foreign oil.
These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed. Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal government and found it isolated from the mainstream of our nation's life. Washington, D.C., has become an island. The gap between our citizens and our government has never been so wide. The people are looking for honest answers, not easy answers; clear leadership, not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.
What you see too often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-financed and powerful special interests. You see every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost to the last breath by one unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and without friends.
Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don't like it, and neither do I. What can we do?
First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. We simply must have faith in each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this nation. Restoring that faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this generation of Americans.
One of the visitors to Camp David last week put it this way: "We've got to stop crying and start sweating, stop talking and start walking, stop cursing and start praying. The strength we need will not come from the White House, but from every house in America."
We know the strength of America. We are strong. We can regain our unity. We can regain our confidence. We are the heirs of generations who survived threats much more powerful and awesome than those that challenge us now. Our fathers and mothers were strong men and women who shaped a new society during the Great Depression, who fought world wars, and who carved out a new charter of peace for the world.
We ourselves are the same Americans who just ten years ago put a man on the Moon. We are the generation that dedicated our society to the pursuit of human rights and equality. And we are the generation that will win the war on the energy problem and in that process rebuild the unity and confidence of America.
We are at a turning point in our history. There are two paths to choose. One is a path I've warned about tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.
All the traditions of our past, all the lessons of our heritage, all the promises of our future point to another path, the path of common purpose and the restoration of American values. That path leads to true freedom for our nation and ourselves. We can take the first steps down that path as we begin to solve our energy problem.
Energy will be the immediate test of our ability to unite this nation, and it can also be the standard around which we rally. On the battlefield of energy we can win for our nation a new confidence, and we can seize control again of our common destiny.
In little more than two decades we've gone from a position of energy independence to one in which almost half the oil we use comes from foreign countries, at prices that are going through the roof. Our excessive dependence on OPEC has already taken a tremendous toll on our economy and our people. This is the direct cause of the long lines which have made millions of you spend aggravating hours waiting for gasoline. It's a cause of the increased inflation and unemployment that we now face. This intolerable dependence on foreign oil threatens our economic independence and the very security of our nation. The energy crisis is real. It is worldwide. It is a clear and present danger to our nation. These are facts and we simply must face them.
What I have to say to you now about energy is simple and vitally important.
Point one: I am tonight setting a clear goal for the energy policy of the United States. Beginning this moment, this nation will never use more foreign oil than we did in 1977 -- never. From now on, every new addition to our demand for energy will be met from our own production and our own conservation. The generation-long growth in our dependence on foreign oil will be stopped dead in its tracks right now and then reversed as we move through the 1980s, for I am tonight setting the further goal of cutting our dependence on foreign oil by one-half by the end of the next decade -- a saving of over 4-1/2 million barrels of imported oil per day.
Point two: To ensure that we meet these targets, I will use my presidential authority to set import quotas. I'm announcing tonight that for 1979 and 1980, I will forbid the entry into this country of one drop of foreign oil more than these goals allow. These quotas will ensure a reduction in imports even below the ambitious levels we set at the recent Tokyo summit.
Point three: To give us energy security, I am asking for the most massive peacetime commitment of funds and resources in our nation's history to develop America's own alternative sources of fuel -- from coal, from oil shale, from plant products for gasohol, from unconventional gas, from the sun.
I propose the creation of an energy security corporation to lead this effort to replace 2-1/2 million barrels of imported oil per day by 1990. The corporation I will issue up to $5 billion in energy bonds, and I especially want them to be in small denominations so that average Americans can invest directly in America's energy security.
Just as a similar synthetic rubber corporation helped us win World War II, so will we mobilize American determination and ability to win the energy war. Moreover, I will soon submit legislation to Congress calling for the creation of this nation's first solar bank, which will help us achieve the crucial goal of 20 percent of our energy coming from solar power by the year 2000.
These efforts will cost money, a lot of money, and that is why Congress must enact the windfall profits tax without delay. It will be money well spent. Unlike the billions of dollars that we ship to foreign countries to pay for foreign oil, these funds will be paid by Americans to Americans. These funds will go to fight, not to increase, inflation and unemployment.
Point four: I'm asking Congress to mandate, to require as a matter of law, that our nation's utility companies cut their massive use of oil by 50 percent within the next decade and switch to other fuels, especially coal, our most abundant energy source.
Point five: To make absolutely certain that nothing stands in the way of achieving these goals, I will urge Congress to create an energy mobilization board which, like the War Production Board in World War II, will have the responsibility and authority to cut through the red tape, the delays, and the endless roadblocks to completing key energy projects.
We will protect our environment. But when this nation critically needs a refinery or a pipeline, we will build it.
Point six: I'm proposing a bold conservation program to involve every state, county, and city and every average American in our energy battle. This effort will permit you to build conservation into your homes and your lives at a cost you can afford.
I ask Congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby gasoline rationing. To further conserve energy, I'm proposing tonight an extra $10 billion over the next decade to strengthen our public transportation systems. And I'm asking you for your good and for your nation's security to take no unnecessary trips, to use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car one extra day per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act of energy conservation like this is more than just common sense -- I tell you it is an act of patriotism.
Our nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy Americans to cope with rising energy prices. We often think of conservation only in terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most painless and immediate way of rebuilding our nation's strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves is a new form of production. It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our own lives.
So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country. It can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give our nation and all of us individually a new sense of purpose.
You know we can do it. We have the natural resources. We have more oil in our shale alone than several Saudi Arabias. We have more coal than any nation on Earth. We have the world's highest level of technology. We have the most skilled work force, with innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we have the national will to win this war.
I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a quick way out of our nation's problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an all-out effort. What I do promise you is that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above all, I will act. We can manage the short-term shortages more effectively and we will, but there are no short-term solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid sacrifice.
Twelve hours from now I will speak again in Kansas City, to expand and to explain further our energy program. Just as the search for solutions to our energy shortages has now led us to a new awareness of our Nation's deeper problems, so our willingness to work for those solutions in energy can strengthen us to attack those deeper problems.
I will continue to travel this country, to hear the people of America. You can help me to develop a national agenda for the 1980s. I will listen and I will act. We will act together. These were the promises I made three years ago, and I intend to keep them.
Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. We can spend until we empty our treasuries, and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed only if we tap our greatest resources -- America's people, America's values, and America's confidence.
I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the days to come, let us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy secure nation.
In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God's help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.
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https://www.leaderonomics.com/articles/personal/why-brave-is-not-about-changing-your-fate
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Why ‘Brave’ Is Not About ‘Changing Your Fate’
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2014-02-24T04:00:14+00:00
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By TYA
While having been flashed many times by the image of this frizzy red-haired, bow-holding young woman on billboards for weeks prior to the film, I’d always wondered, Why ‘Brave’?
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Leaderonomics
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https://www.leaderonomics.com/articles/personal/why-brave-is-not-about-changing-your-fate
|
When I decided to sit through Pixar’s most recent instalment, ‘Brave’, I had a specific objective in mind. While having been flashed many times by the image of this frizzy red-haired, bow-holding young woman on billboards for weeks prior to the film, I’d always wondered, Why ‘Brave’?
It’s a petty question. But considering that I’d been well-marketed to that ‘Brave’ is a movie about ‘Changing your fate’, I was curious to find out what the connection between the two concepts is anyway. In the context of the story, I wondered, is being ‘Brave’ defined as having the courage to change your fate if you were given the opportunity to?
Watching the film with my 12 year-old sister and a studio half-full of other (theoretically) impressionable children and tweens, I frankly became quite concerned when the big question on fate finally came about. I was concerned that the act of passing the responsibility of fixing your life’s trouble to a complete stranger with an unsuccessful work history, with only the strength of your faith in a supernatural force assumed to be guiding you to the right path, may be considered an act of bravery.
Not to mention asking this shady stranger to solve the problem through someone else, much less your mother, rather than your own self; only to later put the blame on them when the work you haven’t given enough specifications for (unsurprisingly) turns out terribly wrong.
By then I’d become rather worried that Disney may have mistaken being ‘Brave’ with being a free-spirited daredevil adolescent with developmentally characteristic rebellious tendencies, autonomy-striving quality, and penchant for risk-taking and impulsivity.
But as the story progresses and follows both Merida and her mother go through the process of opening their minds to listen to and hearts to understand one another, acknowledging their own short-sightedness and owning up to their faults, setting aside their egos and learning to find perspective and virtue in each other, that’s when it hit me; That’s why.
For some of us, family is one of the most precious treasures we could have. For others, it can be one of life’s most challenging trials. The terms and conditions, however, are in most normal cases the same; we don’t choose the family we become a part of and that is a Fate we cannot change.
For those who face the latter, as is the case with Merida, we know how much easier it would be to just try to change them in some way or in some cases even leave them altogether; because we know how painful it would be to walk through pieces of glasses and try to mend what’s been broken. But as is the case with Merida and her mother, there’s one thing it takes to do just that, Courage.
In the context of the story, being ‘Brave’ is not about taking the chance to ‘change your fate’ when it seems to be working against you; it is about giving yourself the chance to undergo the trying process of viewing it with wisdom and making peace with it. Being ‘Brave’, is not about taking the opportunity to let yourself free from pain to seek for a fate you desire; it is about giving yourself the opportunity to walk through the pain in order to achieve something well beyond Fate – Peace with oneself and others. And that, I believe, is a Superhero tale worth passing along through generations.
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https://www.moviefone.com/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage/1028985/main/
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage (1951) - Movie
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Albert Band",
"John Huston"
] |
2020-06-29T00:00:00
|
Visit the movie page for 'The Red Badge of Courage' on Moviefone. Discover the movie's synopsis, cast details and release date. Watch trailers, exclusive interviews, and movie review. Your guide to this cinematic experience starts here.
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en
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https://cdn.moviefone.com/legacy/assets/favicon/mf_favicon_rounded.ico
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Moviefone
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https://www.moviefone.com/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage/1028985/main/
|
NR 1 hr 9 minWar
Henry Fleming is a young Union soldier in the American Civil War. During his unit's first engagement, Henry flees the battlefield in fear. When he learns that the Union actually won the battle, shame over his cowardice leads him to lie to his friend Tom and the other soldiers, saying that he had been injured in battle. However, when he learns that his unit will be leading a charge against the enemy, Henry takes the opportunity to face his fears and redeem himself.
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428
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0
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https://moviesanywhere.com/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage
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en
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The Red Badge of Courage | Full Movie | Movies Anywhere
|
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[] |
[
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[] |
1951-08-25T00:00:00
|
Purchase The Red Badge of Courage on digital and stream instantly or download offline. Audie Murphy--the most decorated American GI of World War II--stars in this adaptation of one of the great novels of American literature, a story of one man forced to confront both cowardice and courage within himself, The Red Badge of Courage. The United States Civil War: The first time young Henry Fleming (Murphy) faces battle, he turns and runs. Fleming is knocked unconscious, but when he returns to his unit, he lies, saying that he was shot. Yet, somehow, in this vicious internecine war with tens of thousands of soldiers dying in single battles, young Henry Fleming finds a deep well of courage within himself when his unit is commanded to lead a charge that Fleming knows will be suicidal.
|
en
|
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https://moviesanywhere.com/movie/the-red-badge-of-courage
|
Though [Courage] is a thin study, over-directed and underwritten... it is also the most sharply focused view of soldiering yet presented by Hollywood, and, in the pure sense, one of the most uncompromisingly artistic films ever made in this country.
September 15, 2021
Ross's portrait of cinematic conflict and compromise yields, in passing, a portrait of true artistry in movies that stands untarnished to this day.
May 17, 2019
But, if anything, I feel sympathy for Huston. His true sin was merely biting off more than he could chew.
December 28, 2018
The fall and redemption of the protagonist, while clearly predictable, is still intelligently and effectively executed
June 22, 2017
|