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7542
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dbpedia
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3
| 45
|
https://www.talentcanada.ca/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image/
|
en
|
The news about Toronto Mayor John Tory’s affair destroyed his carefully cultivated public image
|
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"The Conversation"
] |
2023-02-24T16:08:56-05:00
|
By Sam Routley, Western University
|
en
|
Talent Canaea
|
https://www.talentcanada.ca/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image/
|
By Sam Routley, Western University
The Toronto Star broke news on Feb. 10 about Mayor John Tory’s extramarital affair with an employee in his office. An hour later, he had announced his resignation, and by the end of the following week, he was gone from the mayor’s office.
Sex scandals are nothing new in the world of politics. Many politicians have survived such scandals and held onto their jobs. These types of scandals are usually considered to be legal, minor and mostly personal indiscretions that don’t impact the ability of government officials to do their jobs.
What is interesting about the Tory case is how drastic and sudden the impact of the affair was. Why did the reports of Tory’s affair have such a shocking and impactful effect on his leadership? Why, in other words, has it brought an end to the now former mayor’s life as a politician?
Tory’s public image
Tory, while not commanding an enthusiastic following, was certainly not an unpopular politician at the time of his resignation. Just four months earlier, Tory easily won re-election as mayor. He is the only mayor of Toronto to receive a third consecutive term since the amalgamation of Toronto’s six boroughs.
In both the 2018 and 2022 contests, Tory’s hold on power was demonstrated by the fact that, while having many detractors, no popular or united oppositional movement provided any sort of genuine challenge to his leadership.
Academic research has shown that a large part of leadership is transactional, meaning that leaders are given their positions of authority because they can present aspects of their personal characteristics to establish and maintain specific expectations among voters. Put another way, leadership is as much about maintaining a successful brand as it is about policy outcomes.
Ultimately, Tory’s success emerged from the way that he was able to establish himself as a competent, effective and practical administrator with a plethora of good judgment. As a result, he could provide Torontonians with an imperfect, but tolerable sense of stability through specific goods.
These goods included, among others, the goods of necessary infrastructure development, adequate municipal services and fiscal responsibility without a significant increase in taxes. Tory is also credited with leading a very capable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
To put it another way, Tory was — at the very worst — boring.
The calm after the storm
Tory’s boring was a good kind of boring. Toronto municipal politics — since the 1998 amalgamation that merged downtown Toronto with each of the city’s inner suburbs to form one “mega-city” administration – has often been contentious and ideologically charged.
City council and the mayor’s office have come to reflect the divergent interests and voting patterns of the more conservative, working-class suburbs and the progressive, educated downtown core.
Toronto politics has been populated by a number of acrimonious, larger-than-life personalities. We might recall, for instance, the gaffe-prone nature of former mayor Mel Lastman, city councillors Giorgio Mammoliti and Gord Perks who were known for their theatrical shouting matches, or the scandal-prone former mayor Rob Ford.
As an exception rather than a rule, Tory will always be remembered as the mayor that stabilized the municipal government following the disorder, comedy and scandal of the Ford years.
With Tory’s departure, there are indications that this tendency towards political contention will re-emerge. The city’s suburban and downtown populations continue to be divided over the province’s initiatives surrounding “strong mayor” legislation, transportation infrastructure and housing developments in the Greenbelt.
The secure hold on power enjoyed by the Progressive Conservatives at Queen’s Park suggests the emergence of an insurgent, populist left-wing counter reaction. At the same time, growing concerns related to the breakdown of law and order may help elect right-wing candidates, as in Vancouver.
Tory’s moderation meant he was often caught in the middle. Conservatives attacked the mayor for failing to address issues related to crime and maintaining red tape that limited infrastructure development. Progressives attacked him for underfunding city services related to transit, maintenance and housing.
The nail in the coffin
Tory left office in the midst of an ongoing opioid and homelessness crisis, deteriorating public safety and issues with housing affordability.
The reality is that, while mostly popular, Tory relied predominately on his public image as a competent city manager to maintain support. He had to assure Torontonians that his leadership, while not perfect, was at the very least sound and characterized by good judgement.
Tory’s affair, however, immediately broke down and delegitimized this carefully crafted image. This is because, more than anything, it demonstrated a substantial error of judgment and lack of integrity. The basis of Tory’s public image meant the affair became inherently political, despite it being a personal issue.
Outside whatever personal impact the situation has had on Tory’s family and marriage, the power imbalance of the relationship also complicates matters. Sixty-eight year old Tory’s relationship was with a 31 year old professional subordinate, raising questions about consent and power differentials. There are a number of unanswerable concerns over how the mayor understood, used and made decisions in light of his position of authority.
In the face of all this, there were few remaining factors or strengths the mayor could rely on to weather the storm. While some did defend Tory and argue he should stay on as mayor, nobody was able to point to a set of policy accomplishments or goals that, after nearly ten years and a worsening city environment, outweighed the assassination of Tory’s character.
Sam Routley, PhD Student, Political Science, Western University
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mayor_of_Toronto
|
en
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Mayor of Toronto
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2004-06-10T01:52:33+00:00
|
en
|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mayor_of_Toronto
|
Incumbent
Olivia Chow
since July 12, 2023
City of Toronto
Office of the MayorStyleMember ofToronto City CouncilSeatToronto City HallAppointerDirect electionTerm length4 years;
renewableConstituting instrumentCity of Toronto ActInaugural holderWilliam Lyon Mackenzie (historic)
Mel Lastman (post-amalgamation)FormationMarch 6, 1834 (historic)
December 1, 1998 (current)DeputyDeputy MayorSalaryCA$202,948.20[1]Websitewww .toronto .ca /mayor
The mayor of Toronto is the head of Toronto City Council and chief executive officer of the municipal government. The mayor is elected alongside city council every four years on the fourth Monday of October; there are no term limits.[2] While in office, mayors are styled His/Her Worship.[3]
Olivia Chow has served as the 66th and current mayor of Toronto since July 12, 2023, after winning the 2023 by-election.[4]
Role and authority
[edit]
The role and powers of the mayor of Toronto are set out in the 1997 City of Toronto Act, an Ontario statute, and its update in 2006. It outlines the mayor's role as head of council and chief executive officer of the City of Toronto. In September 2022, the province passed legislation known as the Strong Mayors, Building More Homes Act, 2022, followed by the Better Municipal Governance Act, 2022, both of which expanded the executive power of the mayor.
As head of council, the mayor is responsible for ensuring business is carried out efficiently during council meetings. This has been delegated to the speaker of Toronto City Council, however, the mayor retains the ability to take over as chair during council meetings.[5] Items can be added by the mayor directly to city council's agenda without going through a committee.[6] Additionally, the mayor also holds ex officio membership on all council committees, chairs the Executive Committee, Striking Committee and the Civic Appointments Committee. The mayor has the power to appoint the chairs of other city committees as well as the deputy mayor.[5][7] With the consent of the mayor, another member of council may take the mayor's place on committees. The head of council is also responsible for declaring states of emergency in the city.[8][9][10]
Before the passage of the Strong Mayors Act, Toronto's government operated on what has been described as a "weak-mayor" system where all powers were vested in Council as a whole. In order to advance policy objectives, the mayor had to act as a consensus builder.[7][11] The Strong Mayors Act shifted Toronto's government structure into one which resembles a "strong-mayor" system, assigning several administrative powers to the mayor which were previously held by City Council or an officer of the city.[12]
The Strong Mayors Act expands the mayor's role in managing City Council's committee system and the overall organization of the city. Much of the work of the council is done in committees. The mayor sets out this structure by creating and dissolving committees, appoints their chairs and vice-chairs (this is a power that was delegated by council before 2022), and assigning their functions.[12][7][13] Without the need for a motion by council, city staff can also be directed by the mayor to produce reports, develop policy and provide advice for city council to consider.[13][11]
The mayor is also responsible for determining the organizational structure of the city. This includes the ability to create or dissolve city divisions, and appoint or terminate executive staff such as the city manager (who is the chief administrative officer) and the heads of city divisions.[NB 1][11][6]
Developing the annual budget of the City of Toronto is another key function of the mayor. Previously, the power to set the budget was a function of city council, which was assigned to the Budget Committee, allowing the mayor to exercise significant influence on the budget process.[6] The power to draft the annual city budget is now assigned to the mayor. The mayor proposes the budget to council, which can adopt it or propose amendments.[11][6]
Certain powers of the mayor can only be exercised in order to "advance provincial priorities",[11] as outlined in the Better Municipal Governance Act, the Strong Mayors Act and through regulation.[12] While city by-law allows the mayor to add items directly to council's agenda, this power is expanded by the Strong Mayors Act, which asserts that the mayor can do so to advance a provincial priority, irrespective of council's procedural by-law.[11] The mayor is also granted a veto, which would allow an override of a city council decision if it is not consistent with a provincial priority, however, council can override the mayor's veto with a two-thirds majority vote.[12][13] The Better Municipal Governance Act, which was passed shortly after the Strong Mayors Act further expands this power, allowing the mayor to pass a by-law for the purpose of advancing a provincial priority with one-third support on council.[14][15] The provincial priorities are set by the Executive Council of Ontario (provincial cabinet), through issuing regulations.[11]
Deputy mayor
[edit]
Main article: Deputy Mayor of Toronto
City councillors may be appointed by the mayor to exercise statutory powers assigned to the mayor, or on an honorary basis.
Portrait Deputy mayor Term began Area represented/policy role Constituency as councillor Ausma Malik August 10, 2023 Statutory deputy mayor; Toronto and East York Ward 10 Spadina—Fort York [16] Jennifer McKelvie August 10, 2023 Non-statutory; Scarborough Ward 25 Scarborough—Rouge Park [16] Michael Colle August 10, 2023 Non-statutory; North York Ward 8 Eglinton—Lawrence [16] Amber Morley August 10, 2023 Non-statutory; Etobicoke Ward 3 Etobicoke—Lakeshore [16]
Statutory deputy mayor
[edit]
The first deputy mayor performs the statutory roles and functions assigned to the "deputy mayor" as defined in various chapters of the municipal code.[17] The first deputy mayor is a member of council who is appointed to the role by the mayor, and assists him/her as vice-chair of the executive committee and acts as mayor when the mayor is away, ill or the office of the mayor is vacant. The deputy mayor has all the rights, power and authority of the mayor, save and except the "by-right-of-office powers" of the mayor as a member of a community council.[5]
Role of mayor vacancy
[edit]
When the office of Mayor of Toronto is vacant, the deputy mayor assumes limited mayoral powers which are granted to the mayor by city council, to ensure city business can continue to be carried out. This includes acting as the city's chief executive officer, representing the city, and special privileges during council sessions. The deputy mayor also assumes responsibility for the administrative management of the mayor's office.[18]
The deputy mayor does not become "acting" or "interim" mayor, nor does the deputy mayor assume the "strong-mayor" powers, which are granted by the province to the head of council, a role which remains vacant.[18][19]
Non-statutory deputy mayors
[edit]
In 2014, city council approved the creation of three additional non-statutory deputy mayor positions. Non-statutory deputy mayors are members of council, appointed by the mayor, who advise him/her on local issues and represent him/her at events and ceremonies. Each (along with the first deputy mayor) represent a geographic area of the city, and are responsible for a specific policy role. The deputy mayors and the mayor meet each month to discuss efforts to bring the city together.[20]
History
[edit]
From 1834 to 1857, and again from 1867 to 1873, Toronto mayors were not elected directly by the public. Instead, after each annual election of aldermen and councilmen, the assembled council would elect one of their members as mayor. For all other years, mayors were directly elected by popular vote, except in rare cases where a mayor was appointed by council to fill an unexpired term of office. Prior to 1834, Toronto municipal leadership was governed by the chairman of the General Quarter Session of Peace of the Home District Council.
Through 1955 the term of office for the mayor and council was one year; it then varied between two and three years until a four-year term was adopted starting in 2006. (See List of Toronto municipal elections.)
The City of Toronto has changed substantially over the years: the city annexed or amalgamated with neighbouring communities or areas 49 times from in 1883 to 1967.[21] The most sweeping change was in 1998, when the six municipalities comprising Metropolitan Toronto—East York, Etobicoke, North York, Scarborough, York, and the former city of Toronto–and its regional government were amalgamated into a single City of Toronto (colloquially dubbed the "megacity") by an act of the provincial government. The newly created position of mayor for the resulting single-tier mega-city replaced all of the mayors of the former Metro municipalities. It also abolished the office of the Metro chairman, which had formerly been the most senior political figure in the Metro government before amalgamation.
Fourteen out of the first 29 mayors were lawyers, and 58 of Toronto's 64 mayors (up to Ford) have been Protestant, white, English-speaking, Anglo-Saxon, property-owning males.[22] There have been two women (Hall and Rowlands) and three Jewish mayors (Phillips, Givens[23] and Lastman).
Art Eggleton is the longest-serving mayor of Toronto, serving from 1980 until 1991. Eggleton later served in federal politics from 1993 until 2004, and was appointed to the Senate of Canada in 2005. David Breakenridge Read held the post of mayor of Toronto for the shortest period. Read was mayor for only fifty days in 1858.
No Toronto mayor has been removed from office. Toronto's 64th mayor, Rob Ford, lost a conflict of interest trial in 2012, and was ordered to vacate his position; but the ruling was stayed pending an appeal, which Ford won to remain in office.[24][25] Due to his substance abuse admission and controversy in 2013, Council stripped him of many powers on November 15, transferring them to the deputy mayor.[26] From May until July 2014, Ford took a leave of absence from the mayoralty to enter drug rehabilitation.
Post-amalgamation mayors of Toronto
[edit]
The current City of Toronto was formed in 1998 from the amalgamation of Metro Toronto and its constituent municipalities. The following is a list of mayors of the current post-amalgamation Toronto.
No. Photo Mayor Terms of office Took office Left office Statutory Deputy Mayor 62 2 January 1, 1998 November 30, 2003 Case Ootes 63 2 December 1, 2003 November 30, 2010 Joe Pantalone 64 1 December 1, 2010 November 30, 2014
Doug Holyday (2010–2013)
Norm Kelly (2013–2014)
65 3 December 1, 2014 February 17, 2023
Denzil Minnan-Wong (2014–2022)
Jennifer McKelvie (2022–2023)
Office vacant February 17 – July 12, 2023 66 Olivia Chow 1 July 12, 2023 —
Jennifer McKelvie (2023)
Ausma Malik (2023—present)
See also
[edit]
Canada portal
Toronto City Council
Notes
[edit]
References
[edit]
Further reading
[edit]
Graham, K. (2018). Leading Canada's Cities? A Study of Urban Mayors. University of Western Ontario.
|
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7542
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dbpedia
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| 2
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https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-final-day-mayor-1.6751834
|
en
|
John Tory officially resigns as Toronto mayor after admitting to extramarital affair
|
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"CBC News"
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2023-02-17T11:35:00+00:00
|
John Tory handed over his mayoral powers at Toronto city hall on Friday, saying leaving the job breaks his heart but is the "right thing to do" given recent events. But he made no direct mention in his final statement of the reason for his decision to step down: an extramarital affair with a former staffer.
|
en
|
/a/apple-touch-icon.png
|
CBC
|
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-final-day-mayor-1.6751834
|
John Tory handed over his mayoral powers at Toronto city hall on Friday, saying leaving the job breaks his heart but is the "right thing to do" given recent events.
Tory made no direct mention in his last public statement as mayor of the reason for his decision to step down: an extramarital affair with a former staffer. He took no questions from reporters after delivering his remarks.
In his statement, Tory thanked his staff, his colleagues, the city's public service and the people of Toronto, saying he tried to unite the city during his tenure.
"All I tried to do was to be a mayor whose energy and drive matched that of the city itself, a mayor who tried hard to ensure that every part, every community, every person was included in the success story that is Toronto."
The clock on Tory's mayoral tenure ran out at 5 p.m., one week after he shocked the city by announcing his resignation and admitting he had an "inappropriate relationship" with a former staffer. He announced he would resign shortly after details of the relationship were first published by the Toronto Star.
Tory's undoing comes just months after he handily won a third-term re-election bid, promising steady leadership in uncertain times. His resignation brings about a period of political uncertainty in Toronto, marshalling an indefinite stint of interim leadership and an eventual mayoral byelection.
His final statement as mayor came hours after a man threw multiple eggs at Tory's office window at city hall early Friday morning.
Deputy mayor asked Tory to consider leave of absence
Tory said when the COVID-19 pandemic hit the city, he continued to work hard, "by always being ready to serve." Doing so honoured essential workers in Toronto, including health-care workers, he said.
"That's what makes being Mayor of this city the best job anyone could have. And it's why it breaks my heart to leave. But leaving was the right thing to do, hard as it may be," he said.
Tory said he hoped to be remembered for doing the work of keeping the city stable. He said he also wants to be known for building new transit lines, getting housing built, keeping taxes affordable while investing in front-line services and demonstrating respect for all of Toronto's communities.
He added he will be focused on rebuilding trust with his family, but will also be looking for other ways to contribute to the city "in the days ahead."
Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie told reporters immediately after Tory's statement that she burst into tears on Friday evening, when he told her "that there was going to be a story, that it was true and that he would be resigning."
McKelvie was in Ottawa. She said she was emotional then and was emotional on Friday when he resigned.
She said she asked him if he would consider taking a leave of absence instead but he said "this is what he wanted to do for his family."
"I admire his sense of duty, I admire his sense of honour and I admire how he has taken full responsibility and how he has resigned," she said.
"I think he uses his heart and he looked at what was best for him and his family and what was best for the city of Toronto and I think that's admirable."
Deputy mayor says her focus is on 'good governance'
McKelvie thanked Tory for his years of service, wished him well and said she "fully respects" his request for privacy.
"He worked very long days, often seven days a week, because he loved this city and wanted to do a good job for all residents," she said.
McKelvie said she has spoken to the city clerk and a report on the impending byelection — "the largest byelection ever held in Canada" — will be delivered to city council at its next scheduled meeting on March 29.
The report will allow councillors to formally declare the mayor's office vacant and pass a bylaw to initiate the mayoral byelection.
A nomination period would open the next day and last anywhere between 30 and 60 days, with the vote to be held 45 days after that.
"I will be making sure that we continue to deliver on the priorities on which Mayor Tory received a mandate from voters last October: keeping our city safe, getting housing built, getting transit built and making sure the nuts-and-bolts city services continue to be delivered in the best possible way," McKelvie said.
"Residents can rest assured that my entire focus of this time is ensuring a smooth transition and continued good governance."
McKelvie assumed mayoral powers at 5 p.m. when Tory's resignation took effect. She said she won't be running to replace him. In his remarks, Tory had said she has the intelligence, dedication and experience to step into the role.
Tory calls public life 'a sacrifice' in memo
In a memo to councillors Friday morning, Tory thanked his colleagues and called public life "a sacrifice."
"Public life is a sacrifice for anyone and one you have made to contribute to a better future for our city," he wrote.
"As for me, you can be sure I will be an engaged, contributing citizen trying to ensure, as you are, a bright future for our great city," he said in the memo.
In the memo, Tory said to "ensure good governance," he was delegating to the city manager authority to hire most senior officials and amend the city's organizational structure.
Council will have the authority to hire deputy city managers and the city solicitor, as part of what Tory's office is calling a standard transition process.
Despite announcing his resignation last Friday, Tory stayed on to see his budget approved by council this week.
In the memo, he called the budget, "a reasonably good example of working together in challenging circumstances."
Toronto's next council meeting will see the city clerk bring a report that allows councillors to formally declare the mayor's office vacant and to pass a bylaw to initiate a byelection.
A nomination period would open the next day and last anywhere between 30 and 60 days, with the mayoral byelection held 45 days after that.
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For other uses, see John Tory (disambiguation).
John Howard Tory OOnt KC (born May 28, 1954) is a Canadian broadcaster, businessman, and former politician who served as the 65th mayor of Toronto from 2014 to 2023. He served as leader of the Official Opposition in Ontario from 2005 to 2007 while he was leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario from 2004 to 2009.
After a career as a lawyer, political strategist and businessman, Tory ran as a mayoral candidate in the 2003 Toronto municipal election and lost to David Miller. Tory was subsequently elected as Ontario PC leader from 2004 to 2009, and was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario representing Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey and serving as the leader of the Opposition in Ontario from 2005 to 2007. After his resignation as PC leader in 2009, Tory became a radio talk show host on CFRB. Despite widespread speculation, Tory did not run for mayor again in 2010. He was also the volunteer chair of the non-profit group CivicAction from 2010 to 2014.
On October 27, 2014, Tory was elected mayor of Toronto, defeating incumbent mayor Rob Ford's brother, councillor Doug Ford and former councillor and member of Parliament (MP) Olivia Chow. On October 22, 2018, he was re-elected mayor of Toronto in the 2018 mayoral election, defeating former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat. He was elected to a third term as mayor on October 24, 2022, after defeating urbanist Gil Penalosa. Tory formally left office on February 17. He was succeeded by Olivia Chow as mayor of Toronto.
Early life and education
John Howard Tory, the eldest of four, was born on May 28, 1954, in Toronto, Ontario, to Elizabeth (née Bacon) and John A. Tory, president of Thomson Investments Limited and a director of Rogers Communications. His grandfather was lawyer John S. D. Tory and his great-grandfather founded Sun Life of Canada.
He attended the University of Toronto Schools, at the time a publicly-funded high school affiliated with the University of Toronto. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from Trinity College at the University of Toronto in 1975. He received his Bachelor of Laws degree in 1978 from Osgoode Hall Law School of York University. He was called to the bar in Ontario in 1980.
Business and early political career
From 1972 to 1979, Tory was hired by family friend Ted Rogers as a journalist for Rogers Broadcasting's Toronto radio stations CFTR and CHFI. From 1980 to 1981, and later from 1986 to 1995, Tory held various positions at Tory, Tory, DesLauriers & Binnington including partner, managing partner, and member of the Executive Committee.
From 1981 to 1985, Tory served in the office of the premier of Ontario, Bill Davis, as principal secretary to the premier and associate secretary of the cabinet. After Davis retired as premier in 1985, Tory joined the office of the Canadian Special Envoy on Acid Rain, as special advisor. The special envoy had been appointed by the Mulroney government to review matters of air quality with a United States counterpart. Tory supported Dianne Cunningham's bid to lead the Ontario PCs in 1990.
Tory later served as tour director and campaign chairman to then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and managed the 1993 federal election campaign of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell. In his role as the Progressive Conservative campaign co-manager that year, he authorized two infamous campaign ads that ridiculed Liberal candidate Jean Chretien's face, which is partially paralyzed due to a childhood disease. The ads were greeted with much outcry among the Canadian public. They were withdrawn ten days after their first airings, and the Progressive Conservatives would proceed to be decimated in the federal election.
From 1995 to 1999, he returned to Rogers Communications, but this time as president and CEO of Rogers Media which had become one of Canada's largest publishing and broadcasting companies. Rogers has interests in radio and television stations, internet, specialty television channels, consumer magazines, trade magazines and, at the time, the Toronto Sun and the Sun newspaper chain.
In 1999, he became president and CEO of Rogers subsidiary Rogers Cable, which he led through a period of transition from a monopoly environment to an open marketplace, overseeing a significant increase in operating income. Tory stepped down after Ted Rogers announced that he would stay on as president and CEO of parent company Rogers Communications. He served as the ninth commissioner of the Canadian Football League from 1996 to 2000.
Tory continued to have an interest in being a broadcaster throughout his life and, as a Rogers executive, hosted a public affairs program on Rogers Cable's community access channel for many years. He sat as a board member of Metro Inc., the Quebec-based parent corporation for Metro and Food Basics grocery stores.
First campaign for mayor (2003)
After six years as a key backer of retiring Toronto Mayor Mel Lastman, Tory ran in the November 2003 election for mayor of Toronto. He finished in second place, behind councillor David Miller and ahead of former mayor Barbara Hall, former councillor and MP John Nunziata, and former councillor and budget chief Tom Jakobek.
Tory and Miller both entered the race with limited name recognition and support, but each quickly claimed a core base—Miller among progressives and Tory among more conservative voters. Meanwhile, Hall's initially commanding lead slowly dissipated over the course of the campaign, and the campaigns of both Nunziata and Jakobek were sidelined by controversies.
Tory also accepted an endorsement from the Toronto Police Association. He held the traditional suburban conservative vote that had helped to elect Mel Lastman in the 1997 mayor's campaign, but lost the overall vote to Miller in a close race. After the election, Tory helped Miller and Hall raise funds to repay their campaign debts.
Leader of the Ontario PC Party
For more details, see 2004 Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario leadership election
In March 2004, Tory hinted that he would be seeking the leadership of the Progressive Conservatives, after Ernie Eves announced his intention to resign from that post. The provincial PC leadership election was announced for September 18, 2004, and Tory made his candidacy official on May 6, 2004. John Laschinger was appointed to be Tory's campaign manager. Tory won the support of former provincial cabinet ministers Elizabeth Witmer, David Tsubouchi, Jim Wilson, Janet Ecker, Chris Hodgson, Cam Jackson, Phil Gillies and Bob Runciman as well as backbench members of Provincial Parliament (MPPs) Norm Miller, Laurie Scott, Ted Arnott and John O'Toole.
Tory's opponents for the leadership post were former provincial minister of finance Jim Flaherty and Oak Ridges MPP Frank Klees. Tory defeated Flaherty with 54 per cent on the second ballot. When Flaherty later left provincial politics to seek a seat in the House of Commons as a member of the Conservative Party of Canada, Tory endorsed his former rival in the 2006 election; Flaherty was elected and was appointed the federal minister of finance. Tory also campaigned prominently with Flaherty's wife Christine Elliott in the provincial by-election held March 30, enabling her to win the seat formerly held by her husband.
Tory told the media in November 2004 that he would seek election to the legislature in time for the spring 2005 legislative session.
On January 31, 2005, after much public speculation and some delay, Ernie Eves resigned his seat and cleared the way for Tory to run in Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey, the safest PC seat in the province. As a "parachute candidate", Tory faced some criticism about his commitment to the riding. Nevertheless, he easily won the March 17, 2005 by-election with 56 per cent of the vote. Former premier Bill Davis appeared for Tory's first session in the legislature as PC leader.
2007 Ontario general election
See also: 2007 Ontario general election
In the 2007 general election, Tory ran in the Toronto riding of Don Valley West, the area where he grew up, raised his family and lived most of his life.
Tory released his platform on June 9, 2007. The platform, A Plan for a Better Ontario, commits a PC government to eliminate the health care tax introduced by the previous government, put scrubbers on coal-fired power plants, address Ontario's doctor shortage, allow new private health care partnerships provided services are paid by the Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP), impose more penalties on illegal land occupations in response to the Caledonia land dispute, fast-track the building of nuclear power plants, and invest the gas tax in public transit and roads. A costing of the platform released in August estimated that the PC promises would cost an additional $14 billion over four years.
The PC campaign was formally launched on September 3. Most of the campaign was dominated by discussion of his plan to extend public funding to Ontario's faith-based separate schools, during which Tory supported allowing the teaching of creationism in religious studies classes. Earlier in the year, indications were that the party would have been a strong contender to win the election, but the school funding promise resulted in the Liberals regaining the lead in popular support for the duration of the campaign. Later in the campaign, in the face of heavy opposition, Tory promised a free vote on the issue.
With the beginning of the official campaign period on September 10, the PC campaign made clear its intention to make the previous government's record a key issue. In particular, Tory focused on the Liberals' 2003 election and 2004 pre-budget promise not to raise taxes and their subsequent imposition of a health care tax.
On election night, the PCs made minor gains and remained the Official Opposition while Dalton McGuinty's Liberals were re-elected with a majority. Tory was defeated in Don Valley West by the incumbent Ontario Liberal MPP, Minister of Education Kathleen Wynne. Although Tory was defeated in both his riding of Don Valley West and the race for the premiership, he said that he would stay on as leader unless the party wanted him to resign.
Leading from outside the legislature
As a result of the election loss, the party decided to hold a leadership review vote at its 2008 general party meeting in London. Tory received 66.9 percent support, lower than internal tracking which showed him in the more comfortable 70 percent range. Three hours after the leadership review vote, Tory announced to the delegates that he would be staying on as leader. He came under heavy criticism from several party members following this delay, with his opponents signalling that they would continue to call for an end to what they called his 'weak' leadership. Other party members supported Tory, saying that his opponents should accept the results and move on.
Throughout 2008, Tory's leadership of the party was perceived to be tenuous, as he faced widespread criticism for his seeming failure to convince a sitting MPP to resign in order to open a seat for him. Most notably, Bill Murdoch called for Tory to resign as party leader in September, resulting in his suspension from the party caucus on September 12. Six days later, Murdoch was permanently expelled from the party caucus. In December 2008, media pundits speculated that Prime Minister Stephen Harper would appoint PC MPP Bob Runciman to the Senate in order to clear the way for Tory to run in Runciman's comfortably safe riding of Leeds—Grenville. However, Harper did not do so.
On January 9, 2009, PC MPP Laurie Scott announced her resignation from the legislature, allowing Tory to run in the resulting by-election in Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes—Brock, a normally safe PC riding in central Ontario. In exchange for agreeing to resign, Scott was given the post of chair of the party's election preparedness committee until the 2011 election, and $100,000 in severance pay. On March 5, 2009, he lost the by-election to Liberal candidate Rick Johnson. Tory announced his resignation from the party leadership the next day and was succeeded by Bob Runciman as interim leader; Runciman had served twice as leader of the opposition during the two times Tory did not have a seat in the legislature. Niagara West—Glanbrook MPP Tim Hudak won the 2009 Ontario Progressive Conservative leadership election to become party leader and opposition leader.
Return to broadcasting
Several weeks following the end of his provincial political career, Tory announced he was returning to broadcasting, to host a Sunday evening phone-in show on Toronto talk radio station CFRB. The John Tory Show simulcast on CHAM in Hamilton and CKTB in St. Catharines. He was also looking for opportunities in business, law or the non-profit sector.
In the fall of 2009, CFRB moved Tory to its Monday to Friday afternoon slot, for a new show, Live Drive, airing from 4pm to 7pm. The show first broadcast on October 5, 2009.
Tory was considering challenging incumbent Toronto Mayor David Miller in the 2010 municipal election as was Ontario Deputy Premier George Smitherman. On September 25, 2009, Miller announced he was not running for re-election. Tory announced on January 7 that he was not running in order to continue his radio show and also become head of the Toronto City Summit Alliance. On August 5, 2010, after a week of press speculation that he was about to re-enter the race, Tory confirmed that he would not be running in 2010 for mayor of Toronto.
Tory's last broadcast was February 21, 2014, after which he declared his candidacy for mayor.
Mayor of Toronto (2014–2023)
Elections
Tory registered as a candidate for the 2014 Toronto mayoral election on February 24, 2014. In his launch video he stated that building a Yonge Street relief line was "job one" if elected mayor. On May 27, he announced his Toronto relief plan, entitled SmartTrack, providing electric commuter rail along existing GO train infrastructure with service from Unionville to Pearson Airport. SmartTrack construction has still not begun as well as having seen several changes. On October 27, 2014, Tory was elected as mayor of Toronto.
Tory became mayor of Toronto on December 1, 2014. He spent his first day meeting with Premier Kathleen Wynne, emphasizing the importance of working with other levels of government. He also announced that Councillor Denzil Minnan-Wong would be his deputy mayor. Minnan-Wong remained in the position for two terms, but did not seek re-election in 2022, and Tory selected Councillor Jennifer McKelvie as deputy mayor for his third term.
On May 1, 2018, Tory registered his candidacy for re-election.
Tory retained a high approval rating at 58%, with only 24% disapproving, and 18% undecided. He was a front runner in the polls for the mayoral election at 65–70% support.
Tory was re-elected mayor of Toronto on October 22, 2018, defeating former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat with 63.49% of the vote.
Tory was re-elected to a third term in 2022, defeating urbanist Gil Penalosa.
Community safety and policing
Tory has sat on the Toronto Police Services Board (TPSB) since his election as mayor in 2014. The TPSB oversees the Toronto Police Service (TPS) by hiring the chief of police, setting policies, and approving the annual police budget.
Soon after the 2014 election, the TPSB quashed rules governing the use of the community contacts policy ("carding"), a controversial practice allowing police to randomly and routinely stop and demand identification and personal information from any individual deemed suspicious. The information collected is kept on record for an unspecified period and is easily accessible by police officers. Opponents allege it disproportionately targets Black people. The previous rules, brought in by former police chief Bill Blair, had required police to inform stopped individuals of their rights and to keep a record of each stop. Blair had also suspended the practice pending new rules.
Despite public demand to completely end carding, Tory initially defended the policy in general, stating it should be reformed, but not stopped. The practice was defended by the police union, which maintained that it was a "proven, pro-active police investigative strategy that reduces, prevents and solves crime". On June 7, 2015, Tory called for an end to the policy, describing it as "illegitimate, disrespectful and hurtful" and stating it had "eroded the public trust". In the TPSB meeting on June 18, Tory introduced a motion to end carding, however, the motion was subsequently amended to return to an initial 2014 version of the policy, which required officers to notify those they stop that the contact is voluntary and issue a physical receipt following the interaction. Carding was effectively ended province-wide in 2017 when the provincial community safety minister, Yasir Naqvi, issued a regulation banning police from collecting data arbitrarily.
Police reform
On June 25, 2020, in response to calls for police reform, councillors Josh Matlow and Kristyn Wong-Tam introduced a motion to cut the Toronto police budget by $122 million, or 10 per cent, and reallocate funds to community programming. Tory, along with a majority of council, rejected the proposal, instead passing a series of motions supported by Tory which did not include immediate defunding of the police. Among the motions included the creation of a non-police crisis response pilot program and a $5 million funding increase to allow for front-line officers to be equipped with body cameras. Tory claimed that a reduction in budget was likely if the program was successful.
During his term of office, he insisted on strengthening the resources of the police, the municipality's main financial asset. The priority given to the police was at the expense of social services and housing, whose budgets were reduced.
Toronto Community Crisis Service
At its meeting on June 25, 2020, Toronto City Council considered a series of motions aimed at reforming policing and crisis response in the city. Tory tabled a motion to "detask" the police. The city would explore how duties currently assigned to sworn officers would be assumed by "alternative models of community safety response" to incidents where neither violence nor weapons are at issue. The proposal would "commit that its first funding priority for future budgets [be] centered [sic] on a robust system of social supports and services" and make an itemized line-by-line breakdown of the police budget public; a reduction in the police budget would likely ensue, according to the motion. Tory's motion passed unanimously on June 29.
On January 26, 2022, the Executive Committee approved a staff report outlining an implementation plan for the pilot program. It was subsequently adopted by city council on February 2. According to Tory, "the pilots will allow the city to test and to evaluate and to revise this model before we implement it on a larger scale but make no mistake it is our intention to implement it on a larger scale and to have it city-wide by 2025 at the latest".
In March 2022, the city launched the Toronto Community Crisis Service pilot program.
TTC safety
In 2022 and 2023, Toronto saw a series of violent incidents on the transit system, which saw employees and passengers seriously injured or killed in seemingly random attacks. Union leaders and passenger advocacy groups demanded action from the city, calling for increased mental health programs, social services and security. On January 26, 2023, Tory, along with police chief Myron Demkiw and TTC CEO Rick Leary announced that the city would deploy 80 additional police officers to patrol the transit system, using off-duty officers in an overtime capacity. Additionally, the TTC announced it would deploy 20 workers to provide outreach services to the homeless population on the TTC, and 50 security guards.
Transportation
SmartTrack
Main article: SmartTrack
As part of his campaign in 2014, Tory proposed utilizing existing GO Transit rail corridors to construct an above ground relief line, building on the existing GO Regional Express Rail expansion plan. The proposal would see the service operate 22 "surface subway" stations alongside GO trains from Mississauga's Airport Corporate Centre south through Etobicoke towards Union Station, then north towards Markham. Tory initially said that the proposal would cost $8 billion, with the city covering $2.5 billion, funded through tax increment financing, and that SmartTrack would be completed in seven years.
After his election, as city and Metrolinx staff began studying his proposal, SmartTrack plans began to change, with stations changing, and questions raised surrounding the costs and integration. An updated plan saw the western portion being dropped in favour of extending the Eglinton Crosstown LRT. As other transit projects emerged, such as the Ontario Line, stations were dropped which would be serviced by new proposals.
The plan currently in place sees the construction of five new transit stations being completed in 2026, at a cost of $1.463 billion to the city.
Scarborough Subway extension
Tory supports a one-stop extension of Toronto subway Line 2 to serve a proposed transit hub at the Scarborough Town Centre as opposed to the three-stop Scarborough previously approved and fully funded under Ford. The LRT alternative failed in council in 2016. The Scarborough Subway Extension has completed the planning stage and as of 2016 was in the detailed design stage, with an estimated operation date of 2023.
Gardiner Expressway
In 2016, council faced a decision on the future of the elevated portion of the Gardiner Expressway east of Jarvis Street, as the aging structure would require significant renovations it was to remain in service beyond 2020. Citing his election promise to improve traffic, Tory supported a hybrid option, which would see roughly $1 billion spent to reconstruct the structure with on and off ramps reconfigured. The alternative proposal would have seen the expressway torn down at a cost of $461 million. On this issue, three members of his executive committee opposed him. Other politicians, including former mayor David Crombie and former chief city planner and 2018 Toronto mayoral candidate Jennifer Keesmaat opposed the renovation of the Gardiner Expressway, and prefer to tear it down instead.
Road tolls
During the 2003 election, Tory initially positioned himself against road tolls. As mayor, Tory's position softened in 2016 when the city considered how it could raise revenue to fund transit projects. In November 2016, Tory's announced that he would support tolls on the two municipally-owned expressways, the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway, which would have raised roughly $200 million annually. The proposal passed city council, however, as the municipal government is a creation of the provincial legislature, the city would need approval from the province to implement tolls, as the City of Toronto Act, which lays out the city's legal powers did not allow for road tolls.
The provincial government ultimately rejected the idea in January 2017, with Premier Wynne stating that her government could not endorse road tolls on the Gardiner and Don Valley Parkway until better transit alternatives were in place for commuters outside of the city to enter downtown. Wynne instead committed to increasing the municipal share of the gas tax, which would give the city $170 million annually by 2022. While Tory was thankful for the increased gas tax share, he harshly criticized the province for denying the city a long-term option.
During the 2022 municipal election, Tory once again floated the idea of introducing road tolls. The provincial government under Premier Doug Ford once again rejected the idea.
Housing
In 2014, Tory selected Councillor Ana Bailão to be the chair of the affordable housing committee.
Modular housing
In September 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, the city launched a housing response plan which would see 1000 units of modular housing contracted. The initiative identifies city owned sites to place the units and is part of the city's housing strategy.
Toronto Seniors Housing Corporation
In 2021, the city launched a senior-focused social housing provider known as the Toronto Seniors Housing Corporation. It provides housing to 15,000 low and moderate income seniors in 83 Toronto Community Housing Corporation buildings, and employs staff from Toronto Community Housing's former seniors unit.
ModernTO
Initially launched in 2019 to optimize the city's office space, the ModernTO initiative was adopted by Toronto City Council in April 2022 and seeks to redevelop a number of city-owned properties as affordable housing. The initiative sees the city reduce its office footprint from 55 to 15 locations by creating office hubs in central buildings such as City Hall, the civic centres and Metro Hall. Eight buildings will be repurposed into affordable housing, creating 500 to 600 units.
2023 housing action plan
Following the 2022 election, Tory introduced a suite of proposals in city council which would overhaul the city's housing strategy. The proposals include ending exclusionary zoning, which would update by-laws to legalize laneway suites and garden suites, as well as exempting developments of four units or less from development charges. It includes incentivizing construction of rental housing by reducing fees and charges, the creation of a new Development and Growth Division, which aims at speeding up approval times. The proposal also allocates a portion of city-owned land to be developed by non-profits, asks the province to allow the city to create a "use it or loose it" policy for developers sitting on approved but undeveloped land. City staff will report back to council in March 2023 with a report on how to implement the changes.
While introduced with the housing action plan, a separate item includes legalize rooming houses city-wide by March 2024, which was previously deferred due to lack of support on council.
The proposal was described as "a profoundly bold plan" by former chief planner Jennifer Keesmaat, who ran against Tory for mayor in 2018, and praised by housing advocacy groups. Councillor Stephen Holyday described the plan as a "death blow" to detached homes such as those in his Etobicoke Centre ward.
Parks and recreation
Rail Deck Park
Main article: Rail Deck Park
In August 2016, Tory proposed the development of a 21-acre greenspace in the downtown core constructed above the Railway Lands. The proposed park would span between the Rogers Centre and Bathurst Street. The proposal was priced at $1.66 billion.
The plan was contingent on the city securing air rights to the lands above the railway, owned by Canadian National Railway and Toronto Terminals Railway. A group of private developers disputed this, claiming they had already owned the air rights. City council moved to re-zone the area above the railway for park use only, which would prevent developers from building residential buildings as is the case in the surrounding area. The developers sided with the city in the provincial government's Local Planning Appeal Tribunal (LPAT), which sided with the city, noting the growing downtown core and a lack of open space. The developers wished to build a 12-acre park as part of a development of eight condo and office towers.
In May 2021, LPAT issued a new ruling in response to sided with the developers, ruling the city should not have rejected a proposal to build a "mixed use community" over the land. The tribunal decision effectively ended the city's plans to develop the land as park space. In a statement, Tory said he was "deeply disappointed" by the ruling and "the possible impact on the future of Rail Deck Park".
The development group plans to build a park at half the size of the city's original proposal, with mixed use towers taking up the remaining space.
COVID-19 pandemic
On March 23, 2020, a state of emergency was declared in Toronto by Tory, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. This came six days after Ontario Premier Doug Ford declared a state of emergency in the province, which included prohibition of all public events of over 50 people (later reduced to 5 people on March 28), closure of bars and restaurants (with the exception that restaurants could continue to provide takeout and delivery services) as well as libraries, theatres, cinemas, schools and daycares. On March 31, Tory announced that the City of Toronto would cancel all city-led major events, festivals, conferences, permits and cultural programs until June 30.
Beginning after Canada Day, street parking enforcement as well as fare evasion enforcement returned to Toronto and the Toronto Transit Commission respectively. From July 2, 2020, face masks or coverings were required to be worn on the TTC. After July 7, masks were required in enclosed, public places.
Strong-mayor powers
Prior to the 2022 election, at the request of Tory, Premier Doug Ford's provincial government introduced legislation known as the Strong Mayors, Building More Homes Act, 2022, which granted Tory additional powers including the development of the budget, creating council committees, appointing the chairs and vice chairs of those committees, the power to reorganize departments, appointing department heads, and appointing the city manager. Tory was also granted the power to veto council decisions which do not align with priorities set by the province. On November 16, 2022, the province proposed further changes the powers of the mayor, introducing the Better Municipal Governance Act, 2022 which would allow by-laws to be passed with only one-third of council voting in favour if Tory declared it to be in line with provincial priorities.
At a press conference, Tory stated that when speaking to the public, he often hears complaints relating to housing and community safety, but nobody has complained about the new powers. The mayor's office has also said he would make very limited use of new powers. The Ford government defended the new powers by pointing out the mayor's "city-wide mandate", having received more votes than the rest of council. The National Post's Adam Zivo argued that the mayor is just as legitimate as council and that the changes will increase Tory's "political capital and influence," which he can use to push for the city's interests to other levels of government.
The new legislation was condemned by Toronto City Council, which had not been consulted on the changes, some of which were introduced after the election. All five living former Toronto mayors, David Crombie, David Miller, Barbara Hall, Art Eggleton and John Sewell, wrote a letter to Tory describing the new powers as an "attack" on local democracy and majority rule. Political science professors such as Harvard's Pippa Norris and Laval's Louis Massicotte were puzzled by the legislation, as no other democratic legislature in the world can pass laws with only one-third support. Critics have urged Tory to reject some, or all, of the new powers as Ottawa mayor Mark Sutcliffe had done. Toronto Sun commentator Brian Lilley supports expanded powers for the mayor due to his city-wide mandate, but argues that those powers should not include minority rule. The Globe and Mail's Marcus Gee questioned why Tory had chosen not revealed his plans to the public, and described the changes as "offensive in principle and dangerous in practice". The Toronto Star's editorial board also called on Tory to reject the new powers.
In December 2022, Tory asked the provincial government to amend the legislation to include a sunset clause after his term ends in 2026.
Taxes
Tory has promised to keep property tax increases at or below the rate of inflation. He had previously made the same promise during the last municipal election and kept it as mayor.
Post mayoralty
In December 2023, several months after he resigned as mayor, Tory joined Bell Media as a municipal affairs commentator appearing on CFRB as a commentator and substitute host as well as on CTV News and CP24. In March 2024, it was announced that Tory would rejoin the board of directors of Rogers, after being a member of the board between 2010 and 2014 prior to running for Mayor of Toronto.
Personal life
Tory has been married to Barbara Hackett, a home builder and renovator, since 1978. They met in 1976 at York University, where they both studied law and Hackett also studied business. Hackett was diagnosed with Guillain–Barré syndrome in 1991. They have four children.
Tory has two brothers, Michael and Jeffrey, and one sister, Jennifer. One of Tory's ancestors, James Tory, was a soldier in the 71st Scottish Regiment. He was captured and held as a prisoner of war during the American Revolution. He later settled in Nova Scotia in the 1780s. His maternal grandmother, Helen Yvonne Solomon, was born in 1909 to a Russian Jewish family that had immigrated to Canada six years earlier and settled in Toronto. Helen Solomon married Howard English Bacon, an Anglican, and their daughter Elizabeth Bacon was raised a Christian and married Tory's father, John A. Tory, in 1953.
Honours
In 2012, Tory was made a member of the Order of Ontario in recognition for being "a consummate champion for the Greater Toronto Region as a founding member and chair of CivicAction and chairs and volunteers on countless fundraising campaigns". Tory is also a recipient of the Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal, and holds a commission as King's Counsel. In 2011, Tory was awarded a Harry Jerome Award for his work as co-chair of DiverseCity.
Election results
2022 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 342,158 62.00 Gil Penalosa 98,525 17.85 Chloe-Marie Brown 34,821 6.31 Blake Acton 8893 1.61 27 other candidates 67,493 12.22 Total 551,890 100.00
2018 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 479,659 63.49 Jennifer Keesmaat 178,193 23.59 Faith Goldy 25,667 3.40 Saron Gebresellasi 15,222 2.01 64 other candidates 56,752 7.51 Total 755,493 100.00
2014 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 394,775 40.28 Doug Ford 330,610 33.73 Olivia Chow 226,879 23.15 64 other candidates 27,913 2.84 Total 980,177 100.00
Ontario provincial by-election, Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes—Brock March 5, 2009 due to resignation of Laurie Scott Party Candidate Votes % ±% Liberal Rick Johnson 15,542 43.88 +14.37 Progressive Conservative John Tory 14,595 41.20 -8.79 Green Mike Schreiner 2,330 6.58 -0.58 New Democratic Lyn Edwards 2,112 5.96 -5.95 Independent Jason Taylor 280 0.79 Family Coalition Jake Pothaar 258 0.73 +0.11 Freedom Bill Denby 140 0.40 -0.41 Independent John Turmel 94 0.27 Libertarian Paolo Fabrizio 72 0.20 Total valid votes 35,423 100.00 Liberal gain from Progressive Conservative Swing +11.58 Source: Elections Ontario
2007 Ontario general election: Don Valley West Party Candidate Votes % ±% Liberal Kathleen Wynne 23,059 50.4 - Progressive Conservative John Tory 18,136 39.7 - Green Adrian Walker 2,202 4.8 - New Democratic Mike Kenny 2,135 4.7 - Family Coalition Daniel Kidd 183 0.4 -
Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey by-election, March 17, 2005
resignation of Ernie Eves Party Candidate Votes % ±% Progressive Conservative John Tory 15,610 56.3 Liberal Bob Duncanson 4,625 16.7 New Democratic Lynda McDougall 3,881 14.0 Green Frank de Jong 2,767 10.0 Family Coalition Paul Micelli 479 1.7 Independent William Cook 163 0.6 Libertarian Philip Bender 135 0.5 Independent John Turmel 85 0.3
Toronto municipal election, 2003: Mayor of Toronto Party Candidate Votes % David Miller 299,385 43.26 John Tory 263,189 38.03 Barbara Hall 63,751 9.21 John Nunziata 36,021 5.20 Tom Jakobek 5,277 0.76 39 other candidates 24,462 3.53 Total valid votes 692,085 100.00
For full results, see Results of the 2003 Toronto election.
See also
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https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-resigns-1.6746306
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John Tory to lead 2023 budget meeting, days after announcing he would resign as mayor
|
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"Sara Jabakhanji",
"CBC News"
] |
2023-02-13T19:28:00+00:00
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John Tory will remain in his role as mayor for Wednesday’s budget meeting, days after announcing he would step down following a relationship with a former staffer, the city's budget chief confirms.
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/a/apple-touch-icon.png
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CBC
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https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-resigns-1.6746306
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John Tory will remain in his role as mayor for Wednesday's budget meeting, days after announcing he would step down following a relationship with a former staffer, the city's budget chief confirms.
On Friday, Tory said he was resigning after having a relationship with a former employee in his office, something he called a "serious error in judgment" that risked "tarnishing" the city's top job.
Tory's budget chief, Coun. Gary Crawford, said the mayor is committed to staying on to push the 2023 budget though council, where deliberations could potentially drag on for weeks.
"This is an incredibly important budget for the City of Toronto after a challenging time, and we need his leadership," Crawford told reporters Monday.
"He has been a strong leader for this budget, a strong leader for this city. He needs to continue doing that. I do not want to play politics with this budget, it's too important."
Tory played a major role in crafting the proposed budget. Under the "strong mayor" powers created by the province last year, he only needed the support of one-third of councillors to pass it — though in reality his support base far exceeds that share.
The province has said the powers, including a veto over council changes to the budget, would not transfer to an interim or acting mayor.
In a statement Monday, Tory's office told CBC Toronto that he will be attending Wednesday's meeting to "ensure the 2023 City of Toronto operating and capital budgets are finalized.
"The budget makes key investments in housing, transit, and community safety and the Mayor will be working to ensure it is approved," said Tory spokesperson Taylor Deasley.
The move appeared to be a way for Tory to preserve his "strong mayor" powers, a political observer said.
"It's a play to hold on to what I would characterize as uncollegial and ultimately undemocratic strong powers over the rest of council," said Myer Siemiatycki, professor emeritus of politics at Toronto Metropolitan University.
If Tory had resigned before the budget passed, some councillors may have looked to seize the chance to undo some of his controversial proposals, Siemiatycki said, including a $48.3-million hike to the police budget and cuts to transit service.
'Further details' of resignation to come: Tory's office
Councillors could also try to undo the Tory-backed decision to scrap a recommendation to keep the city's warming centres for the homeless population open until mid-April, Siemiatycki said. But a successful challenge is significantly harder to mount with Tory in the mayor's chair, he said.
If Tory does veto a council change to the budget, it could add weeks to the budget process and his tenure. If council amends the budget, the mayor has up to 10 days to exercise his veto, according to budget scenarios published by the city. After that, council then has up to 15 days to vote to override the veto.
Tory's office said he met with Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie and city staff Monday morning to talk about how best to ensure "an orderly transition," signalling his intention to leave once budget talks are complete.
Deasley noted "further details" on the transition will be announced after the budget meeting.
As of Monday morning, the city confirmed that Tory had not submitted a letter of resignation to the city clerk, noting that he remains in his role as mayor.
Wondering what Tory's resignation means for the city? CBC Toronto answered some big questions here.
Tory should stay on for budget, some allies say
Some councillors expressed support for Tory to stay in the mayor's seat until the budget is passed, earlier in the day Monday.
Speaking to CBC Radio's Metro Morning, veteran Coun. Shelley Carroll said she expects the budget deliberations to be "very contentious." There are several provisions in the budget, such as an additional $48 million for Toronto police and clawbacks to TTC service, which have drawn significant criticism from some councillors.
Coun. Anthony Perruzza, who has held a seat since 2006, told CBC Toronto he would prefer if Tory put off resigning until after the budget is passed.
"After all, it is his budget," he said. "I think that for us, that would be the simplest way forward."
WATCH | Tory says he will step down in stunning announcement Friday:
Coun. James Pasternak, who represents Ward 6, York Centre, also said he thinks Tory should wait to step down, and that his presence at the budget debate could prevent it from devolving into a "chaotic mess."
Asked whether he believes Tory retains the moral authority to preside over the meeting, Pasternak did not answer directly, but conceded it will be difficult for Tory if he chooses to wait.
"I think he's going to have a tough time on the council floor keeping that package together. You bet there is going to be a lot of discussions and cross motions and lively debate," he said Monday.
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With John Tory resigning, Ontario PC machine revs up for Toronto mayor race
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2023-02-12T09:00:00+00:00
|
Conservative political organizers in Toronto have shifted into high gear in the wake of John Tory's announcement that he will resign as mayor and names of potential candidates are starting to emerge. The two names being floated the most frequently by Ontario PC and Conservative Party of Canada sources who've spoken with CBC News since Tory's shock announcement on Friday night: Beaches-East York councillor Brad Bradford, who's chair of the city's planning and housing committee Willowdale MPP Stan
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https://s.yimg.com/rz/l/favicon.ico
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Yahoo News
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https://ca.news.yahoo.com/john-tory-resigning-ontario-pc-090000736.html
|
Conservative political organizers in Toronto have shifted into high gear in the wake of John Tory's announcement that he will resign as mayor and names of potential candidates are starting to emerge.
The two names being floated the most frequently by Ontario PC and Conservative Party of Canada sources who've spoken with CBC News since Tory's shock announcement on Friday night:
Beaches-East York councillor Brad Bradford, who's chair of the city's planning and housing committee
Willowdale MPP Stan Cho, who's currently associate minister of transportation in Premier Doug Ford's government.
"We'll make sure there's only one credible centre-right candidate," said a senior political organizer with connections to both the Ontario PCs and federal Conservatives. CBC News agreed not to name the organizer to allow them to speak freely about political strategy.
The organizer said the concern among conservatives is that a left-wing candidate could become mayor if multiple centre-right candidates split the vote.
Although mayoral candidates do not run under a political party banner, most high profile candidates have links to provincial or federal parties, or rely on campaign organizers who've worked in party backrooms.
Bradford's political background is not closely tied to the Conservatives. In Beaches-East York, he represents a ward that both provincially and federally swings between New Democrat and Liberal. His mother, Valerie Bradford is the Liberal MP for Kitchener South-Hespeler.
However, three Ontario PC Party sources said people connected to Bradford have been exploring support for him in Conservative political circles.
In an interview on Saturday, CBC News asked Bradford if he's considering running
"What I can tell you is I care deeply about this city," Bradford said. "I think what the city needs right now is a moment of unity, leadership bringing people together. It would be really unfortunate if we saw us descend into a world of politics and spiking the football for personal gain."
Bradford said what's needed in municipal government is leadership that can work with everyone.
"I've always wanted to to work with everyone down at City Hall. I think that's what we're elected to do, work together, get things done," he said
Four Ontario PC Party sources independently told CBC News that Cho is a potential mayoral candidate.
Cho declined comment when contacted on Saturday.
A source close to him said that Cho is flattered by the number of people asking him to run, but hasn't given it any real thought.
Despite some speculation in Conservative circles that deputy mayor Jennifer McKelvie would launch a campaign, CBC News has learned that she is not going to run.
McKelvie is in line to become acting mayor once Tory officially resigns, and would lead council through the upcoming budget process.
"Jenn will not run," a source close to McKelvie said Sunday. "Jenn is taking her duty as deputy mayor seriously. She is not running as she wants to ensure that she is focused on the near future of the city during this important transition period."
CBC News been unable to reach McKelvie for comment.
Kory Teneycke, who managed both of Ford's winning provincial election campaigns, described Bradford and Cho as credible potential candidates.
"They're a younger generation of leadership ,and I think that's probably a healthy thing to see a bit of renewal," said Teneycke, co-founder and CEO of the political affairs firm Rubicon Strategies.
Teneycke said there are lots of names being bandied about as potential candidates from all parts of the political spectrum.
"But what they all have in common is relatively low name recognition compared to that of John Tory, who's spent the last decade being the most popular political figure in the GTA," he said.
'Strong mayor' powers means plenty at stake
Kevin Gaudet, a longtime Conservative insider and president of BrightPoint Strategy, said the potential for vote-splitting among multiple candidates on the left "creates room for a reasonable and focused centrist candidate."
Gaudet agrees that lack of name recognition hampers Cho and Bradford.
"No candidate is perfect," he said. "Can Bradford be consistent? Cho is a Ford minister and a suit. Can he break out on his own? It would take a bold communications and policy plan."
WATCH | Tory's departure could provide opportunity for opponents:
For the Ford government, there's plenty at stake in who becomes mayor of Toronto, in part because the province has given Toronto's mayor extra powers to push through certain bylaws and policies with the support of just one-third of council.
The Ford government said the "strong mayor" powers were designed to speed the pace of housing development. If a left-wing candidate were to become mayor, the plan might not work out quite the way the PCs intended.
"Irrespective of the outcome of the race, I don't think that the premier is going to have any trouble working with whoever is elected," said Teneycke.
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https://ontariopc.ca/toronto-and-mayor-tory-have-a-partner-they-can-depend-on-in-pc-leader-patrick-brown/
|
en
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Toronto and Mayor Tory have a partner they can depend on in PC Leader Patrick Brown
|
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2017-05-01T18:09:00+00:00
|
TORONTO, ON - Ontario PC Leader Patrick Brown met with Toronto Mayor John Tory at City Hall today to express his disappointment at the lack of measures to help Toronto in Kathleen Wynne's Liberals' recent budget, and to outline a number of concrete promises the Ontario PCs are making to Mayor Tory and Toronto.“Premier Wynne...
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en
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PC Party of Ontario
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https://ontariopc.ca/toronto-and-mayor-tory-have-a-partner-they-can-depend-on-in-pc-leader-patrick-brown/
|
7 years ago
TORONTO, ON – Ontario PC Leader Patrick Brown met with Toronto Mayor John Tory at City Hall today to express his disappointment at the lack of measures to help Toronto in Kathleen Wynne’s Liberals’ recent budget, and to outline a number of concrete promises the Ontario PCs are making to Mayor Tory and Toronto.
“Premier Wynne and the Liberals have taken Toronto for granted for too long,” said Brown. “I am committed to being a partner the mayor can depend on, someone who will keep his word to Torontonians, and who is committed to making life more affordable in the city. Last week’s budget is another reminder that Premier Wynne has turned her back on Toronto taxpayers, the city, and the mayor. Toronto deserves a premier that will stand up for the city, and the mayor deserves a partner he can trust to fulfill commitments from the province to Toronto.”
Brown announced the first in a series of concrete promises outlining what he would do differently than Wynne and her Liberals. These initial promises will be complemented closer to the next provincial election with additional measures to respond to Toronto’s priorities.
Today, Brown promised to Tory that the Ontario PCs would:
Say yes, where Wynne has said no, by putting vulnerable and law-abiding Toronto residents in community housing ahead of criminals who have been evicted from community housing. Brown has said he will approve the Mayor’s request to allow the city to block violent criminals from re-applying to live in community housing. The Ontario PCs will introduce a private members’ bill to amend relevant legislation to allow the city to block these ex-convicts from going to the top of the waiting list and bumping families in need further down the list.
Say yes, where Wynne has said no, and help save Toronto taxpayers $6.3 million annually by allowing Toronto Community Housing Corporation (TCHC) to purchase natural gas independently, as the mayor has requested. Currently, TCHC is forced to purchase natural gas through the provincial bulk purchasing entity called the Housing Services Corporation (HSC). HSC does a poor job negotiating the best prices possible for municipalities and the City of Toronto has calculated that it can save $6.3 million a year by purchasing natural gas on their own. The Ontario PCs have previously helped expose lavish expenses at the HSC, including paying a board member to go on a luxury trip to South Africa. Toronto taxpayers should not have to pay more for natural gas to cover lavish junkets by Liberal appointees.
Support Mayor Tory in his efforts to reduce red tape and streamline development processes to increase supply and affordability in the housing market. Brown committed to act in concert with the Mayor where provincial approval may be necessary, a commitment left out of Wynne’s recent housing announcement.
Commit to getting shovels in the ground on the Scarborough subway project to reduce congestion plaguing the GTA. Mayor Tory and the Ontario PCs have been advocates of the subway, but Wynne and Liberal MPPs from Scarborough have been fair-weather friends, only vocally and publicly defending the Scarborough subway during the 2013 Scarborough-Guildwood by-election.
Direct Metrolinx to make SmartTrack fares uniform with TTC fares. Wynne has been silent on SmartTrack fares. The Ontario PCs would also continue to fund SmartTrack and direct Metrolinx to treat it as a priority.
Call on Premier Wynne to personally intervene and show leadership to ensure Bombardier vehicles for the Eglinton Crosstown project are delivered on time and on budget. Wynne recently bragged about her support for the Eglinton Crosstown, but continues passing the buck to Metrolinx rather than personally intervening to ensure Bombardier fulfills its agreement.
Commit to regular meetings between Mayor Tory and PC Leader Brown to discuss shared priorities, as well as to formalize the regular meetings between Mayor Tory’s staff and Brown’s staff that have already been occurring.
“Unlike Premier Wynne and her Liberals, under my leadership, the Ontario PCs are not taking any part of Toronto for granted. Mayor Tory deserves a partner he can trust and rely on, and who honours commitments the Province has made,” said Brown. “The Ontario PCs will be that partner, and ensure Toronto families who work hard pay less and get ahead in life.”
5 months ago
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Ontario PCs the only party fighting the Liberal carbon tax and the only party that will build Highway 413 April 3, 2024 – With by-elections called in the ridings of Milton and Lambton—Kent—Middlesex, the Ontario PCs are the only party fighting the Liberal carbon tax to keep costs down for people and the only party […]
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More Latest News
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John Tory resigns as Toronto mayor over affair with former staff member
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2023-02-11T04:58:54+00:00
|
TORONTO — John Tory, who served two scandal-free terms as mayor of Toronto and had just been re-elected for a third, announced late Friday he was resigning from the job due to an "inappropriate relationship" he had with a former member of his staff.
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en
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https://www.vmcdn.ca/files/ui/glacier/deop/favicon.ico
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Delta Optimist
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https://www.delta-optimist.com/ontario-news/john-tory-resigns-as-toronto-mayor-over-affair-with-former-staff-member-6526954
|
TORONTO — John Tory, who served two scandal-free terms as mayor of Toronto and had just been re-elected for a third, announced late Friday he was resigning from the job due to an "inappropriate relationship" he had with a former member of his staff.
The announcement came at a hastily called news conference, during which Tory offered few details about the affair.
He said the relationship with the employee in his office developed during the COVID-19 pandemic when he was spending long periods of time away from his wife Barbara, to whom he has been married for over 40 years.
"I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgement on my part," Tory said at city hall.
"As a result, I have decided I will step down as mayor so I can take the time to reflect on my mistakes and to do the work of rebuilding the trust of my family."
Tory said the relationship with the staffer ended by mutual consent earlier this year and the employee is now working at another job.
Tory did not immediately name his replacement, saying he will be working with senior city staff and Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie to ensure an orderly transition.
Tory also notified the Office of the Integrity Commissioner of the relationship and asked him to review it, he said.
"I think it is important for the Office of the Mayor not to in any way be tarnished and not to see the City government itself put through a prolonged period of controversy, arising out of this error in judgement on my part, especially in light of the challenges we face as a city," Tory said.
"I am deeply sorry and apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto and to all those hurt by my actions including my staff, my colleagues and the public service."
Tory thanked the people of Toronto for trusting him as mayor, a position he called "the job of a lifetime."
"I believe I did some good for the city I truly love, particularly during the pandemic," he said.
He asked for privacy for all affected by his actions, including his wife, family and himself.
In accordance with the City of Toronto act, a byelection will likely be held in the coming weeks or months to fill Tory's position as mayor, head of council and chief executive officer.
Tory, 68, was first elected mayor in 2014, partially on a promise to restore respectability to the office following the scandal-plagued tenure of his predecessor Rob Ford.
Tory was re-elected to a third term in October, after a campaign that saw him tout his years of experience in the top office of Canada's most populous city.
He secured about 62 per cent of the vote compared to 18 per cent for progressive urbanist Gil Penalosa, who came second. Tory beat out 30 mostly unknown candidates after many criticized his record on transit and housing – two issues he had highlighted as priorities.
In a tweet late Friday night, Penalosa said "now Torontonians have a chance to elect better."
Tory's most recent election win came as he faced criticism about the state of Toronto under his leadership. His opponents noted the high cost of housing, aging infrastructure, overflowing garbage bins and shuttered parks.
His leadership saw increased scrutiny in recent weeks over his announcement of a proposed $48.3-million increase to the city's police budget, which would bring police funding to just over $1.1 billion for 2023 — a figure Tory's critics said was grossly inflated compared to other line items and underfunded social services.
Tory also saw criticism for his handling of the city's housing crisis, as thousands of people are experiencing homelessness and Toronto's shelter capacity is stretched to its limits.
Just this week, Toronto city council scrapped a recommendation to keep its warming centres open around the clock until mid-April after a bout of extreme cold, as well as to declare a public health crisis over lack of shelter space. With support from Tory, council voted instead to call for more federal support and have staff study the idea further.
Kristyn Wong-Tam, a former Toronto city councillor who often disagreed with Tory's positions and current member of the Ontario legislature, issued a tweet calling Tory's affair with a staffer "not a simple, one-time lapse of judgement," but "an abuse of power."
Toronto city council is set to debate Tory's proposed budget at a Wednesday meeting. It will be the first under new so-called strong mayor powers granted to Toronto by the province, which Tory had said he would use in a limited and responsible way.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 10, 2023.
Tyler Griffin and John Cotter, The Canadian Press
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https://strategycorp.com/2023/02/toronto-mayor-john-tory-out-much-uncertainty-ahead/
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en
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Toronto Mayor John Tory out – Much uncertainty ahead
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"John Perenack"
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2023-02-12T06:33:45+00:00
|
John Tory’s looming resignation creates an immediate power vacuum at Toronto City Council. The City was already facing substantial challenges to funding its Operating and Capital Budgets, concerns growing from residents about the degradation of services, issues with violence and mental health in the public realm, and continued concern about the interference of the province [...]Read More...
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en
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StrategyCorp
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https://strategycorp.com/2023/02/toronto-mayor-john-tory-out-much-uncertainty-ahead/
|
John Tory’s looming resignation creates an immediate power vacuum at Toronto City Council.
The City was already facing substantial challenges to funding its Operating and Capital Budgets, concerns growing from residents about the degradation of services, issues with violence and mental health in the public realm, and continued concern about the interference of the province on municipal governance. Having no strong hand steering the proverbial ship will lead to a period of uncertainty and a slower decision making on Council until a new Mayor is elected.
As recently amended through the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 (Bill 3), the City of Toronto Act stipulates that once the Mayor or “Head of Council” resigns, the seat must be declared vacant, and a by-law adopted within 60 days outlining the timelines for a by-election.
There is already substantial interest from City Councillors to see the void filled and have the strategic and policy direction for Council reset.
Resignation comes at pivotal time
Council is working toward the approval of the first Operating and Capital Budget that is entirely proposed and adopted by the Mayor though changes made through Bill 3. Councillors and staff will now have to determine how to proceed should the Mayor’s formal resignation occur before the budget is introduced and passed.
Once the budget for 2023 is dealt with, expect all Council office efforts to be put toward supporting the upcoming by-election. In a short election period without an incumbent, name recognition will be integral and we can expect some big names to seek the Office of the Mayor, potentially from the ranks of the provincial, or federal caucuses.
The substantial changes proposed by the Mayor’s 2023 Housing Action Plan will still be popular enough to pass Council, policy issues like the Gardiner Expressway, SmartTrack expansion, and approaches to financial sustainability may all have doubt cast upon them as targets for the Mayoral candidates, and will potentially be used as examples of how the new Mayor would transform the City of Toronto.
Expect Council and staff to pause major policy announcements until a new Mayor is elected and sets the tone for the new administration.
What to expect immediately
Bill 3’s changes to the City of Toronto Act stipulate that once a member of City Council resigns, Council must declare their seat vacant at their next meeting and a by-election be held.
In the case of the Mayor, once the seat is vacant, the Deputy Mayor (in this case, Jennifer McKelvie) assumes their role as the interim ‘Head of Council’ and Mayor until a by-election can be held.
City Council meets on February 15, but since this is a special meeting to deal with the Operating and Capital Budget, Council may be unable to add the resignation of a member to the agenda.
Council may opt for an additional Special Meeting of City Council to quickly deal with the resignation and declare the seat vacant. However, this does not mean we will know the details of a by-election immediately.
After declaring the seat vacant, Council will have 60 days to adopt a by-law outlining the details of the by-election. This will include the date at which nominations will start being accepted, last day for nominations to be filed, expense limits, and the by-election date.
Bill 3 does not say how quickly the by-election must be held, but there will be an interest from most Councillors to see the Mayor’s seat filled quickly. Until the by-law (which is largely determined by City-staff, led by the Clerk) is proposed and passed by Council, we cannot know for certain how long this process will take.
Importantly, sitting Councillors are not required to resign to run for Mayor. This will change the political calculus for many, where losing an election does not mean a loss of their seat on Council, as would be the case in a normal election.
Should a sitting Councillor win the upcoming by-election, their seat would be declared vacant, and an additional by-election would be called to fill that vacancy.
Sitting MPPs and MPs would both be required to resign their positions if they seek a position at a different level of government.
Impacts to the current City of Toronto legislative agenda
The next Mayor of Toronto will set the legislative agenda. But first City Council needs to pass its proposed Operating Budget for 2023.
Before the introduction of Bill 3 by the province (providing Strong Mayor powers), Tory’s resignation would have only meant that there is one less vote on Council decisions.
However, Bill 3 put the power for proposing and passing the budget into the hands of the elected Head of Council. While there is some debate at this time, it does not appear that those powers shift to the Deputy Mayor as they are not an elected Head of Council.
The City of Toronto Clerk and Legal team will need to determine how to proceed with the passing of the budget should the position of Mayor be vacated before the vote on the budget.
Undoubtedly, there will be political manoeuvring by many on Council to take power away from any one individual setting the budget and reverting the process to a full vote of Council as has historically been the case.
One option is Tory may be able to still pass the budget for 2023 before his resignation is made official. This will likely be heavily challenged at City Council where the changes proposed and implemented by Bill 3 were already unpopular among Councillors.
With respect to the other key policy platforms proposed by Tory, it is safe to assume that the next Mayor will be the one to set the tone and direction of Council. However, we can still expect some key policy pieces to be maintained given the current political climate, including continued actions toward reforming the City’s planning and permit processes to support more housing.
A murky few months coming up for City Council and Staff
The Mayor had been facing recent criticisms for his handling of violence on the TTC, services being reduced on the TTC while increasing fares, providing a budget bump to the Toronto Police, and declining to open more warming centres for people experiencing homelessness and/or looking for a place to get out of the cold. All of these will likely become key election issues as they remain top of mind for Toronto residents.
Less clear is whether approved projects carrying a substantial price tag will continue to see Council support, such as the Gardiner Expressway maintenance and SmartTrack stations.
The City of Toronto had also started down a path toward determining their long-term fiscal plan. The new Mayor will play a substantial role in shaping the framework for the staff and stakeholders working on this monumental roadmap to financial security for Toronto.
Getting ready for a short and intense election
When City Council determines a by-election date, the Clerk will open registration to residents looking to run for the Office. It is likely that the campaign period will be much shorter than the usual cycle which permits registration and campaigning for 6 months from May to October of an election year.
A short campaign period, even one that will receive significant media coverage, will still be one where the candidate will not be able to get their message out to voters easily.
The candidate must also be able to demonstrate the ability to fundraise substantial amounts of money, and quickly. Resources will need to be poured into getting their name into people’s homes.
With no clear front-runner in a short campaign, this will lead to an election where name recognition will be tantamount to success, in an environment where having a recognizable name already conveyed significant advantages.
In addition, with Council members able to run without giving up their council seats we can expect one or more of them to throw their hat into the ring in this safer race.
These factors may result in a highly fractured field.
An unpredictable field of candidates
John Tory was a consensus candidate in his 2018 and 2022 elections, winning substantial majority support across the City.
In a fractured field, without a consensus candidate, the final victor may emerge with a much lower share of the vote – perhaps not even clearing the 50 percent threshold. This would see them gain “Strong Mayor” powers without an equally strong electoral win.
The left, right, and centre factions on Council will all be looking to put their best candidate forward in an attempt to not crowd the field.
We are hearing from many previous Councillors, candidates, and their election teams that they are testing the waters and considering a run. Expect the more media savvy and well-known candidates taking advantage of this early pre-campaign period to introduce or re-introduce themselves to voters.
Council’s left faction
The Council’s left faction will see the first clean opportunity to regain the Office of the Mayor, now with enhanced powers, since the 2010 election that introduced most Torontonians to the Ford family. It will need to evaluate whether it can stand up a compelling enough candidate that can maintain the support of the Left-leaning voters while appealing to enough progressives, and thus discourage a centrist challenger that would compete for the votes it needs. Several of the highest profile left-wing Councillors chose not to run against Tory or Council at all in 2022, and may decide to make a comeback.
Council’s right faction
The right faction on council has lost its most effective mayor since the City was amalgamated in 1998, able to advance a centre-right agenda with little opposition and a mostly supportive province both under the Wynne Liberal Government and now the Ford Progressive Conservative Government – the latter reducing council size and substantially enhancing the mayor’s legislative authority.
They face the same challenge as the Council’s left, that is: picking someone that can appeal to enough moderate voters as to discourage a moderate-right, or even progressive candidate, competing for their votes.
Council’s centrist block
Council’s growing centrist block remain a bit of a wild card. Many were either aligned with Mayor Tory, or recently elected with no voting record to indicate a clear alignment yet. This is where most of the chatter is about existing Councillors who may take the plunge. This will be tempting for many but a failed bid for the Mayor’s chair would have lasting consequences to their Council relationships and their political longevity.
No matter what, Toronto is in for an unprecedented election
This election will be like none other in Toronto’s history.
An empty seat. A mayor with as yet untested powers that were not part of the conversation mere months ago. Sitting councillors safe to run without losing their seat. Former councillors rethinking retirement. Recently unsuccessful candidates with residual name recognition.
This may be shaping into Toronto’s most competitive and consequential Mayoral race since amalgamation in 1998. And it couldn’t have come at a more critical moment.
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Who wants John Tory’s job?
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"John Tory",
"John Tory resignation",
"Mayor",
"toronto city hall",
"Toronto mayor",
"Toronto Mayor Race",
"Toronto Mayoral Race",
"Tory"
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[] | null |
Watch Who wants John Tory’s job? Video Online, on GlobalNews.ca
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/134ef81f5668dc78080f6bd19ca2310b?s=32
|
Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/video/9484347/who-wants-john-torys-job
|
Peter Nygard’s lawyers are asking for a 6 year prison sentence for the former fashion mogul convicted of four counts of sexual assault
02:39 | July 25, 2024
Since Toronto mayor John Tory announced last Friday that he’s planning to step down because of a sex scandal, many potential candidates are considering their options. As Sean O’Shea reports, some are in, some are out and many haven’t made up their minds.
1 dead, 1 injured after being shot at by 4 police officers outside home in Innisfil, Ont.
0:36
1 day ago
‘Did you just call me daddy?’: Morning show hosts can’t hold back laughter after on-air mixup
1:14
25 months ago
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| 71
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https://navltd.com/insights/toronto-mayor-john-tory-remains-a-political-juggernaut-2-2/
|
en
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Toronto Mayor John Tory ‘Remains A Political Juggernaut’
|
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2018-05-27T04:00:00+00:00
|
As the Ontario provincial election race careens into its final weeks, there is already one clear winner: Toronto Mayor John Tory. After decades in and around…
|
en
|
Navigator
|
https://navltd.com/insights/toronto-mayor-john-tory-remains-a-political-juggernaut-2-2/
|
As the Ontario provincial election race careens into its final weeks, there is already one clear winner: Toronto Mayor John Tory.
After decades in and around political arenas at the national and provincial level, Tory has hit his stride as the leader of the fourth-largest city in North America. After decades as a partisan politician, Tory’s clout now transcends that past.
Over time, his experience as a Conservative party leader, candidate and counsellor has been transformed into a power that is rooted in a collaborative, ecumenical approach. An approach that allows him to win trust and forge alliances that go well beyond traditional party lines. It ensures whatever the outcome of the bitter provincial contest, his influence – and his agenda for Toronto – will not be diminished.
As provincial election drama has ebbed and flowed, Tory’s strategy has, from the outset, been as simple as it is straightforward. Regardless of his past affiliations, he has consistently supported the parties and candidates with initiatives that benefit Toronto and challenged those who might do otherwise. That measured approach will serve him well in the municipal election coming this October.
While Tory has declared he is running for a second term, he’s made it clear he will not seek a third. That transparency has contributed to a (for now, at least) muted response from rival candidates.
Furthermore, since he registered as a mayoral candidate, Tory has remained low key. Foregoing splashy campaign launch events, he is instead pushing ahead the approval for a transit plan – one that faces some headwinds – before city council breaks at the end of July. Throughout a turbulent provincial race, Tory has remained disciplined.
As the leader of the Ontario Progressive Conservative party from 2004 and 2009, he learned how to work with a provincial caucus that is known for being difficult to manage. Specifically, he learned how to lobby various factions, seek common ground and build agreement wherever possible.
He also learned how to manage a politically disparate city council. Over the last four years, Tory has cobbled together unlikely voting coalitions to make progress on previously toxic issues, such as the ongoing Scarborough subway saga, regulating ride sharing companies, such as Uber, and his key election promise – SmartTrack.
As mayor, Tory is known for engaging with MPs, MPPs and councillors of all stripes. He attends their functions, supports their causes and walks the high road.
For example, despite the frequent criticism of Adam Vaughan, Liberal MP for Spadina-Fort York, Tory tweeted his congratulations on Vaughan’s recent remarriage. He has worked successfully with Premier Kathleen Wynne, who defeated him in his Don Valley West riding in 2007. He and Jim Flaherty, whom he defeated in the race for the Ontario PC leadership in 2004, worked together to provide counsel to former mayor, the late Rob Ford. Tory defeated Doug Ford, Rob’s brother, in the 2014 mayoral election, but is well-positioned to work with him in future.
That ability to play nicely with all others has paid off, contributing to his ability to extract $9 billion from both the provincial Liberals under Premier Wynne and the federal Conservatives under former prime minister Stephen Harper for transit and housing projects.
That’s not to say he doesn’t face the potential of challengers in the months ahead. The results of the provincial election could well shake loose erstwhile hopefuls who no longer have plum ministerial roles waiting for them at Queen’s Park, or one of the mayor’s biggest critics, Councillor Josh Matlow, could still throw his hat in the ring.
Even so, Tory has clearly played his cards right. He remains a political juggernaut. Should potential rivals choose to bide their time, as all signs indicate they will, he’ll turn his sights to local council races, and to leveraging his considerable political capital to squeeze more promises – and funding – out of the incoming premier.
In the aftermath of June 7, Tory’s collaborative arts and his ability to reach across the aisle may well be more important than ever.
|
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| 87
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https://www.toronto.ca/news/mayor-john-tory-launches-artworxto-torontos-year-of-public-art-2021-2022/
|
en
|
Mayor John Tory launches ArtworxTO: Toronto’s Year of Public Art 2021–2022
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2021-09-10T10:23:18-04:00
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News Release September 10, 2021 Today, City of Toronto Mayor John Tory unveiled a new temporary work of public art at the Ontario Place lagoon as part of the launch of ArtworxTO: Toronto’s Year of Public Art 2021–2022 which kicks off on September 22. The installation at Ontario Place, titled ‘Over Floe’, by John Notten, […]
|
en
|
City of Toronto
|
https://www.toronto.ca/news/mayor-john-tory-launches-artworxto-torontos-year-of-public-art-2021-2022/
|
News Release
Today, City of Toronto Mayor John Tory unveiled a new temporary work of public art at the Ontario Place lagoon as part of the launch of ArtworxTO: Toronto’s Year of Public Art 2021–2022 which kicks off on September 22. The installation at Ontario Place, titled ‘Over Floe’, by John Notten, depicts five icebergs made almost entirely of Styrofoam salvaged from a Toronto demolition site, offering a sharp contrast to the natural impermanence of melting ice.
Mayor Tory was joined for this announcement by Deputy Mayor Michael Thompson (Scarborough Centre), Chair of the Economic and Community Development Committee; Councillor Gary Crawford (Scarborough Southwest), Co-Chair of the Mayor’s External Advisory Committee for the Year of Public Art; and project artist, John Notten.
As part of one of the largest investments in arts and culture in the City’s history, new City and Toronto Arts Council grants – funded by corporate and government partners – will provide Toronto artists with more than $4.5 million to produce more than 350 new murals, installations, exhibitions, art events, performances and productions in 2021 and 2022.
The City’s new 10-Year Public Art Strategy signals Toronto’s renewed commitment to public art, and celebrates the incredible public artwork in the city, while also working to address gaps in that collection, such as the under-representation of equity-deserving communities and their histories, as well as geographic areas of the city where there are fewer public art works.
ArtworxTO would like to thank all of its sponsors, donors and media partners: QuadReal Property Group, the Ontario Cultural Attractions Fund – a program of the Government of Ontario through the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport, administered by the Ontario Cultural Attractions Fund Corporation, RBC Foundation, TD Ready Commitment, Power Corporation of Canada, Collecdev, Union Station, Metropia, Castlepoint Numa, KingSett Capital, Canada Lands Company, Northcrest Developments, Oxford Properties, OUTFRONT Media, Branded Cities, Bell Media, Bill Morneau & Nancy McCain Foundation, Weston Family Foundation, The Woodbridge Company Limited, EllisDon, The McLean Foundation, Goodmans LLP, Paul and Emma Bain, The Ouellette Family Foundation, Partners in Art and Toronto Star.
Over Floe will be available for public viewing at Ontario Place until October 31.
Read the City’s 10-Year Public Art Strategy.
More information about ArtworxTO: Toronto’s Year of Public Art 2021–2022, including an interactive map of Toronto’s extensive collection of public art, is available at the City’s website.
Quotes:
“As we look to rebuild our city post-pandemic and bring about a renewed sense of hope and vibrancy, the arts and culture sector will play a big role in our success. ArtworxTO comes at a time where residents need confidence to move forward and at a time where our artists need support to continue to create remarkable pieces of art. The unveiling of Over Floe is just a taste of what’s to come and I am looking forward to the launch of Toronto’s Year of Public Art 2021-2022. I encourage residents across our city to participate over the coming year and to learn more about the public art in our city and the talented artists behind it.”
– Mayor John Tory
“Toronto artists have been hit hard by measures to contain the spread of COVID-19. As we expand our efforts to reopen, providing opportunities for artists to share their work and vision with the public will be crucial to Toronto’s cultural and economic recovery.”
– Deputy Mayor Michael Thompson (Scarborough Centre) Chair of the Economic and Community Development Committee
“In its breadth and its vision, ArtworxTO carries incredible promise for Toronto: support for artists, animation of our public spaces, and a city-wide invitation to return to commerce and community.”
– Councillor Gary Crawford (Scarborough Southwest), Co-Chair of the Mayor’s External Advisory Committee for the Year of Public Art
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https://www.complex.com/life/a/tara-mahadevan/toronto-mayer-john-tory-resigns-affair-staffer
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en
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Toronto Mayor John Tory Resigns After Confirming Affair With Former Staffer
|
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Toronto Mayor John Tory has stepped down from his office after he admitted to having a months-long relationship with a former staffer who left in 2021.
|
en
|
https://images.complex.com/complex/images/w_144/complex-icon_m74wk2/complex-favicon.ico
| null |
Toronto Mayor John Tory has resigned from his position.
The Toronto Star reports that he made the decision after admitting to having a relationship with a former staffer became public. The months-long affair happened during the pandemic and “ended by mutual consent earlier this year,” according to a letter from Tory’s lawyer, Peter A. Downward.
The ex-staffer is a 31-year-old woman who served as an advisor to Tory. Her identity isn’t known. She apparently left her job at the mayor’s office in 2021 for a job outside city hall. While there is no definitive guidance for council members who want to pursue romantic relationships, the Toronto city council’s Code of Conduct seems to frown upon it.
“The relationship was a serious error of judgment on the Mayor’s part. It came at a time when he and his wife of more than 40 years were enduring many lengthy periods apart while he carried out responsibilities during the pandemic,” the letter added. The woman and other employees traveled with Tory for work to Los Angeles, Ottawa, Austin, Texas, New York City, and Europe from 2018 to 2020.
Tory was re-elected to his office less than fourth months ago. The 68-year-old has been in office since 2014, after campaigning “to restore respectability to city hall after the scandal-ridden administration of his predecessor Rob Ford,” the Star writes.
He’s been married to his wife, Barbara Hackett since 1978 and the couple shares four children and has six grandchildren.
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https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/council/office-of-the-mayor/
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en
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Office of the Mayor
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2017-08-18T11:23:48-04:00
|
en
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City of Toronto
|
https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/council/office-of-the-mayor/
|
Invite the Mayor to an Event
Submit a formal request to invite the Mayor to an event.
Proclamations, Congratulatory Scrolls & Letters of Greeting
Request a proclamation, congratulatory scroll or letter of greeting.
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7542
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0
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https://stlawyers.ca/blog-news/toronto-mayor-john-tory-resigns-workplace-relationship/
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Toronto Mayor John Tory Resigning: Are Workplace Relationships Legal?
|
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2023-02-16T03:00:38+00:00
|
News of Toronto Mayor John Tory's workplace relationship raises questions about the legalities of office romance.
|
en
|
Samfiru Tumarkin LLP
|
https://stlawyers.ca/blog-news/toronto-mayor-john-tory-resigns-workplace-relationship/
|
John Tory is resigning as mayor of Toronto after a Toronto Star report revealed that the third-term politician had a months-long relationship with a former member of his staff during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Multiple news outlets claim that the 68-year-old submitted his resignation letter to the city clerk on Feb. 15. Tory is set to step down at 5 p.m. on Feb. 17.
WATCH: Employment lawyer Jon Pinkus spoke to CTV News about Tory’s resignation and the possible repercussions of workplace relationships.
The formal resignation comes a few days after Tory held a news conference to address the situation.
On Feb. 10, the outgoing mayor told reporters:
“I did not meet the standards to which I hold myself as mayor and as a family man.”
“I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgement on my part.”
“While I deeply regret having to step away from a job that I love, in a city that I love even more… it is best to commit myself to the work that is required to repair these most important relationships.”
Tory has asked the City of Toronto’s integrity commissioner to look into the relationship.
He added that he will work with various members of the City’s administration, including the city manager, city clerk and deputy mayor, to ensure an organized transition.
SEE ALSO
• Toronto Star interview: Experts weigh in on office relationships
• 640 Toronto: Lior Samfiru talks Tory’s resignation and dating at work
Is it illegal to have a romantic relationship with my boss?
News that Tory engaged in an allegedly consensual relationship with a staffer has raised questions about whether it’s legal for a boss to have a romantic relationship with their employees.
There are no laws in Ontario (or Canada) that prevent consensual workplace romance between a boss and an employee.
It’s legal for consenting co-workers to date or engage in intimate relations with one another.
While political settings are a workplace like any other, there could be even more emphasis placed on the importance of maintaining a balance of power among all staff.
While there are no laws in the country prohibiting relationships between employees, it’s generally not a good idea for a superior to date a subordinate that they have power over.
The fact that there is a power imbalance between a boss and an employee means that it’s unlikely that a relationship can be completely voluntary.
WATCH: Employment Lawyer Alex Lucifero spoke to CTV News about Ottawa city council’s policy on workplace relationships.
Can companies ban workplace relationships?
The short answer is yes. Employers can choose to ban staff from forming romantic relationships with co-workers in an effort to protect themselves from legal liabilities.
However, this approach is considered outdated and potentially harmful to the company for two reasons:
The business may lose talented employees who are forced to choose between their job and their workplace relationship
Employees may not report non-consensual relationships out of fear that they could lose their job
Instead of banning office dating, a better solution for employers is to implement workplace dating policies that address intimate relationships between superiors and subordinates — or those that could cause conflicts of interest.
LEARN MORE
• Try Guys remove Ned Fulmer over workplace relationship
• McDonald’s CEO and Navigating Workplace Relationships
• Employment lawyer talks employee rights in GMA hosts scandal
Is there a policy about relationships between the mayor and staff?
Toronto city council’s Code of Conduct doesn’t speak to romantic relationships between members of council — including the mayor — and their staff.
The Code claims that “members should perform their duties and arrange their private affairs in a manner that promotes public confidence and bears close public scrutiny.”
In general, a company’s dating policy can:
Include rules about workplace relationships (i.e. what constitutes “inappropriate” behaviour, such as no public displays of affections or favouritism)
Require employees to report workplace relationships to HR with written confirmation that it’s consensual
Explain how the policy will be enforced if it’s breached, including disciplinary action and dismissal (which should only be reserved for very serious circumstances)
Dating policies don’t have to apply to employees only. They can also cover contractors, vendors, and suppliers to prevent potential conflicts of interest.
While companies in Canada aren’t required to have a policy on office relationships, they are legally obligated to make sure that the workplace is free of discrimination and harassment.
Human rights legislation at the federal and provincial level does cover a variety of situations, including unwanted sexual advances by someone in a position of power towards a subordinate.
|
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7542
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 48
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/pressroom/toronto-mayor-john-tory-featured-at-connect-forum
|
en
|
TORONTO MAYOR JOHN TORY FEATURED AT WILSONHCG'S CONNECT STRATEGIC RECRUITMENT FORUM
|
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2015-10-09T10:01:00
|
WilsonHCG, a global talent solutions leader, welcomed Toronto Mayor John Tory to this year’s CONNECT Strategic Recruitment Forum to speak about the City of Toronto’s youth employment initiatives. The forum for HR professionals, held annually, explored how candidate engagement initiatives drive better business results.
|
en
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/hs-fs/hub/441864/file-1911374908-ico/images/favicon.ico
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/pressroom/toronto-mayor-john-tory-featured-at-connect-forum
|
October 2015 | Toronto
WilsonHCG, a global talent solutions leader, welcomed Toronto Mayor John Tory to this year’s CONNECT Strategic Recruitment Forum to speak about the City of Toronto’s youth employment initiatives. The forum for HR professionals, held annually, explored how candidate engagement initiatives drive better business results.
“We couldn’t have been more excited to have Mayor Tory at Toronto’s premier recruitment solutions summit,” said Paul Dodd, WilsonHCG President of Canada. “Having the mayor’s support in helping to bring talent solutions and best practices to Toronto’s HR business leaders is inspiring.”
CONNECT was held at Rogers Communications in downtown Toronto. The forum examined the role employment branding, candidate experience and employee engagement play in a proactive talent acquisition strategy.
Tory spoke about Toronto’s Partnership to Advance Youth Employment (PAYE) program in celebration of Toronto’s Workforce Development Month for October.
“Businesses have a role to play in helping young people get access to career-track work opportunities and to build skills they will need to succeed,” said Mayor John Tory. “PAYE is a successful City of Toronto initiative that has a track record we can be proud of and is the key to building a fair and prosperous city. I am committed to making sure we connect more young people to jobs through this program. There’s still a lot of work to be done, and we need to tap into our business networks to encourage like-minded employer leaders to give youth access to this vital first step.”
SPEAKING ALONGSIDE TORY AND DODD WERE:
Jim Reid, chief human resources officer (CHRO) at Rogers Communications
Maura Dyer, senior director, recruitment at Rogers Communications
Leah Wilson, senior manager of talent acquisition at Rogers Communications
Naki Osutei, director of executive talent management at CIBC and formerly of the Organizing Committee of the TORONTO 2015 Pan/Parapan American Games
Kim Pope, executive vice president of client solutions at WilsonHCG
As a global talent solutions provider, WilsonHCG will create more than 50 new jobs in Toronto in the next year.
|
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7542
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 5
|
https://www.cp24.com/news/former-toronto-mayor-john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-communications-board-of-directors-1.6821018
|
en
|
Former Toronto mayor John Tory to rejoin Rogers Communications board of directors
|
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2024-03-25T10:59:29-04:00
|
Former Toronto mayor John Tory is set to rejoin the board of directors at Rogers Communications Inc.
|
en
|
https://static.ctvnews.ca/bellmedia/cp24/img/favicon.ico
|
CP24
|
https://www.cp24.com/news/former-toronto-mayor-john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-communications-board-of-directors-1.6821018
|
Former Toronto mayor John Tory is set to rejoin the board of directors at Rogers Communications Inc.
Tory is listed among the 14 proposed management nominees in the company's information circular ahead of Rogers' annual meeting set for April 24.
He previously served as a Rogers director from 2010 to 2014 and chief executive of Rogers Cable Inc. from 1999 to 2003 and Rogers Media Inc. from 1995 to 1999.
Tory's return to the Rogers board comes after sisters Melinda Rogers-Hixon and Martha Rogers settled their differences with their brother Edward Rogers and announced their retirement from the company's board earlier this year.
Tory is a member of the advisory committee of the Rogers Control Trust, which holds voting control of the company.
He resigned as mayor of Toronto in 2023 after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 25, 2024.
Companies in this story: (TSX:RCI.B)
|
||||
7542
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 12
|
https://www.thenation.com/article/world/olivia-chow-hope-toronto/
|
en
|
Olivia Chow Offers Hope to a Toronto in Crisis
|
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2023-07-24T18:21:36+00:00
|
The Nation Magazine
|
en
|
https://www.thenation.com/wp-content/themes/thenation-2023/images/favicon.ico?ver=3.0
|
The Nation
|
https://www.thenation.com/article/world/olivia-chow-hope-toronto/
|
After Toronto Mayor John Tory resigned in February amid political scandal, Torontonians were eager for a different political direction. In June, they voted for it.
There is no doubt that Toronto is falling apart, from its decaying infrastructure, traffic gridlock, a Toronto Transit Commission that can’t effectively transport residents, a housing crisis, and an affordability crisis fueled by sky-rocketing rents. The city is broke, and judging from the disposition of people on the street, residents are feeling a range of emotional defeatism—from frustration to anger. However, on June 26, Torontonians voted for hope and change in a race that saw its first Hong Kong–born Canadian mayor elected.
Backed by the New Democratic Party’s labor apparatus, Olivia Chow captured 37.2 percent of the vote, while her opponent, Ana Bailão, secured 32.5 percent. Although many know Chow as the other half of a blockbuster political duo with her late husband, former NDP member of Parliament and former leader of the federal NDP, Jack Layton, who died of cancer in 2011, she entered the public sphere in 1985 as a school board trustee, a position she held for six years. Over the next 30 years, she was elected as a Toronto city councillor (serving from 1992 to 2000); as a NDP MP for a Toronto riding (electoral districts in Canada) from 2006 to 2014; and now as Toronto’s third female mayor.
In June, the Western Standard illustrated Chow’s difficulties in carving out her own sexism-free political identity: “After all, she is former NDP leader Jack Layton’s wife.” To assume that the name recognition she enjoyed during this campaign is due to her former husband’s social status reeks of casual misogyny.
But it’s still better than her last election, where the headwinds of misogyny and racism were more blatant.
Olivia Chow first ran for Toronto mayor in 2014 where she finished third after neoliberal centrist John Tory, and right-wing populist Doug Ford, respectively. Those were the days when being a “tax-and-spend socialist” was seen as detrimental to one’s political trajectory. Although Chow was leading in the polls, her campaign fizzled out amid “bad luck, bad timing, blatant racism and sexism,” as described in the Toronto Star. The blatant racism and sexism that Chow faced in 2014 is well-documented. The Toronto Sun published a cartoon that showed Chow in a Chairman Mao outfit, standing on the coattails of a jacket with the name of her deceased husband. Chow was also told to go “back to China” at a debate. But nearly a decade later, Toronto is a different city after the ravages of a pandemic and George Floyd–inspired protests.
In many ways, Toronto is the diversity jewel that many liberals like to praise as a reflection of Canadian exceptionalism, which is the Canadian belief of moral superiority over their neighbors to the south because of a perceived adherence to principles of diversity, relative openness to immigrants, and ethnic diversification. Indeed, three of the four front-runners for the Toronto mayoral race were born outside of Canada: Chow in Hong Kong, Bailão in Portugal, and former police chief Mark Saunders, was born in England. But this Canadian ethos is underpinned by the erroneous belief that there Canada had never been home to slavery (slavery existed in Canada for 205 years), and that the country’s only intersection with the barbaric practice was as a node of freedom at the end of the Underground Railroad. In Canada, multiculturalism is enshrined in our Constitution. The Library of Parliament instructs: “With the adoption of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms [the Charter] in 1982, the multicultural heritage of Canadians was recognized in the Constitution.” Thus, immigration is one of the lenses through which Canada sees its exceptionalism.
Once immigrants arrive in Canada, however, their dreams can often turn into nightmares. Currently, there is a burgeoning refugee crisis in Toronto. African asylum seekers have been sleeping on the streets of Toronto thanks to a policy denying them accessibility to shelters. As a response to the growing crisis, Mayor Chow promises to rescind the policy of former deputy mayor Jennifer McKelvie, which created this turmoil in a tug-of-war with the federal government over funding to provide housing for these asylum seekers.
Though immigration is federal jurisdiction, the housing of refugees falls on the shoulders of provincial and municipal governments. In contrast, Canada brought in approximately 166,000 Ukrainian refugees through the Canada-Ukraine authorization for emergency travel, which allowed them a temporary, three-year visa. CBC News reports: “They benefited from a variety of measures meant to speed up the visa process, including prioritized processing and waived fees.” The Toronto City Council is allocating $10 million to the Red Cross to house Ukrainian refugees, while the shelter system received an additional $97 million top-up from the federal government last week, “to support refugee shelter needs.” These discrepancies over the treatment of refugees by country of origin (and, by proxy, race) have prompted accusations of anti-Blackness, as Evy Kwong wrote about in Vice: “But advocates of the camp called this is an example of anti-Black racism in a press conference last week.”
The experiences are only marginally better for economic immigrants to Canada. Their credentials aren’t recognized, forcing many of them into minimum-wage jobs that ignore their prior accomplishments and work experience. The Toronto Star recorded these experiences and found the following: “Successive waves of newcomers have struggled to get their foreign credentials accredited and satisfy employers’ preference for Canadian work experience.” Citizenship rates among immigrants continue to decline: “45.7 per cent of permanent residents became citizens within 10 years, down from 60 per cent in 2016 and 75.1 per cent in 2001.” Chow referenced similar struggles with her parents’ inability to integrate economically throughout her mayoral campaign. In Hong Kong, her father served as a superintendent in the Department of Education. But despite speaking fluent English, he struggled to find work in Canada. Instead, he was resigned to food delivery or taxi driving to support his family. With the soaring cost of living and Toronto’s being home to 13.9 percent of Canada’s immigrant population, this is a personal story that many across the racial, gender, and (to an extent) class spectra throughout the city can relate to.
For 13 years, the city had been run under the auspices of center-right mayors espousing neoliberal economic policies, and had very little to show for it except a broken transit system, ubiquitous condo developments, a string of failed public-private partnerships, and a fiscal system of austerity that has become the culprit responsible for dwindling and unreliable public services. Chow represents the first center-left Toronto mayor since David Miller left office in 2010. She ran and won on a progressive platform that included raising funds for a supplement for renters, improving transit and cycling infrastructure (Chow is known for riding around Toronto with her blue bike adorned with plastic flowers), expanding library hours, and introducing a mansion and vacant home tax, the profits of which the city will use for a range of more affordable housing initiatives. But what is most astonishing is that Chow won by telling voters the truth—in order to fix Toronto’s problems, she’ll have to raise property taxes.
Like other municipalities, neoliberal ideologies of the last 30 years have resulted in rollbacks of public services, such as cuts to libraries, public health, and youth and recreation programs. As the journal of the University of Toronto Undergraduate Geography Society, Landmarks, pointed out: “As neoliberal policies are adopted at higher levels of government, the responsibility for public service provision is ‘downloaded’…to municipalities, who, lacking the financial base to support these programs, must either roll-back, privatize, or cut these programs.”
Consequently, cities can then rely only on property taxes (and in Ontario, a municipal land-transfer tax paid by home buyers) to fund services. Despite the notion that political ruin should befall any candidate that proposes raising taxes, Chow read the room correctly.
For many Torontonians, her message of hope and change is the ointment to disasters that have already befallen what Canadians like to mock as the “center of the universe.”
|
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https://thelocal.to/toronto-municipal-election-2022-results-john-tory/
|
en
|
A John Tory Landslide, and New Faces on Council
|
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2022-10-24T13:48:44+00:00
|
With dismal voter turnout and a third term for Tory, the city’s election presented some expected results—and a few big surprises
|
en
|
The Local
|
https://thelocal.to/toronto-municipal-election-2022-results-john-tory/
|
John Tory has been elected to his third term as mayor of Toronto and will become the longest serving mayor in post-amalgamation Toronto.
Tory cruised to victory, receiving 62 percent of the vote and holding second place finisher Gil Penalosa to under 18 percent. Tory won the mayoral vote in all 25 wards. With just 29.2 percent of eligible voters casting a ballot in the mayoral race, voter turnout is well below the record low in 2018 of 40.9 percent.
Despite the resounding win, the results also showed the limits of Tory’s influence. The mayor spent the final week of the election campaigning with challenger Siri Agrell and incumbents Mark Grimes and Frances Nunziata. Grimes and Agrell were both defeated on Monday, and Nunziata barely squeaked past challenger Chiara Padovani, winning by just 94 votes. Other Tory allies the Mayor campaigned with in Willowdale and Davenport were also defeated at the polls.
All told, 17 of the 18 incumbents, including Tory, were victorious on election night, furthering Toronto’s notoriety as the city with the worst incumbency advantage in North America. Amber Morley’s defeat of Mark Grimes was the only exception.
With many councillors choosing not to run for re-election—and one, Cynthia Lai, dying just days before election day—the number of new councillors at city hall will mean that this session of council will look very different from the last. At a pivotal moment in the city, the next four years in Toronto will be determined by the path Tory chooses, given his significant new “strong mayor” powers, and how this new council chooses to work with him or push against him.
Mayoral Race
Tory’s victory was widely expected. No high–profile candidates opposed him, there were only two debates throughout the campaign, and enthusiasm never coalesced around any of Tory’s 30 challengers.
The majority of Tory’s voter base was in the inner suburbs.
Gil Penalosa—the planning expert and the founder of the urbanist non-profit 8 80 Cities who ran an energetic campaign of progressive ideas—came in second place with less than 20 percent of the vote. That was below 2018’s second place finisher, Jennifer Keesmaat, who was supported by 24 percent of voters. Penalosa’s base was centred around Toronto’s progressive downtown core; in the outer reaches of the city, his support was down in the single digits.
Chloe Brown, a project coordinator at Future Skills Centre, finished third with 6 percent. No other mayoral candidate amassed more than two percent of the vote.
New Faces in City Council
With eight wards without an incumbent, this election represented a rare opportunity to bring new faces to a council that has long been far less diverse than the city it leads.
In total, seven new councillors were elected (and two former councillors, John Burnside and Vincent Crisanti, who had been defeated in previous elections were voted back into power). Those new faces will make city hall a far more diverse place than it was last session. Chris Moise, Ausma Malik, Lily Cheng, Alejandra Bravo, Jamaal Myers, and Amber Morley are all BIPOC councillors, pushing the city’s political representation to better reflect the city itself.
In Davenport and Willowdale, Tory’s endorsements didn’t prove to be enough. Alejandra Bravo, a community organizer and think tank director, won by nearly 60 percent over her competitor Grant Gonzales, a current government relations manager and former lobbyist. This is Bravo’s third run for municipal office, in addition to a 2021 provincial campaign. In Willowdale, Lily Cheng defeated Markus O’Brien Fehr, Tory’s favoured candidate.
Much of downtown Toronto will have new representation, after progressive councillors Kristyn Wong-Tam, Mike Layton, and Joe Cressy all chose not to run for re-election.
In Spadina-Fort York and Toronto Centre, new progressives have entered the ring, both with histories as school trustees.
Chris Moise won by 30 percent over his competitors in Toronto Centre. Moise was previously elected TDSB trustee in 2016, and was vice-chair of the board from 2017-19.
Spadina-Fort York was one of the most competitive races in the city, but had one of the lowest voter turnouts at 23 percent. Winner Ausma Malik, who has a non-profit background and was TDSB trustee from 2014-18, won with a 15 percent advantage over the runner-up.
In University-Rosedale, Dianne Saxe won by just 123 votes over Norm Di Pasquale, who had been endorsed by outgoing councillor Mike Layton. Saxe is an environmental lawyer who previously ran in the provincial election as part of the Green party.
Surprises and Tight Races
In one of the biggest turns of the night, Etobicoke-Lakeshore candidate Amber Morley—a young community advocate—defeated long-time incumbent Mark Grimes. Morley narrowly lost to Grimes last election, after a series of last-minute robocalls from Tory’s campaign in support of Grimes. This time she beat him despite Tory campaigning with Grimes in the closing days of the election.
In another rematch from 2018, York South-Weston councillor Frances Nunziata, the longest-serving member of council, narrowly defeated challenger Chiara Padovani, a social worker who was born the year Nunziata first took office.
Another long-time incumbent, Gord Perks, hung onto his seat in Parkdale-High Park, but was caught in a tight three-way race between community organizer Chemi Lhamo and former Tory staffer Siri Agrell. The ward had the highest voter turnout of any in the city, at 38 percent—though even that is a historic low compared to previous elections.
In Ward 21 — Scarborough Centre, long-serving councillor Michael Thompson was re-elected with more than 50 percent of the vote. In late September, news broke that Thompson had been charged with two counts of sexual assault. (Thompson has said he will plead not guilty). Those charges do not appear to have deterred voters at the polls.
After councillor Cynthia Lai’s shocking death just days before the election, voters in Ward 23 — Scarborough North went to the polls in a state of confusion. Lai’s name remained on the ballot, but voters were instructed at the polling stations of her death, and any votes cast for Lai in advance voting or via mail were discounted. Jamaal Myers, a lawyer and community organizer, won the race with over 50 percent of the vote.
Trustees
This year, there has been surprising controversy in the normally sleepy school trustee races. The race for Ward 3 school trustee in the secular French school board Viamonde was voided last week, after news emerged that neither of the candidates spoke French and one was ineligible to run. A similar controversy also voided the election for Ward 4 trustee in MonAvenir (the Catholic French school board). By-elections for both will be held at a later date. This means that there were no results to report for the five Toronto French school board races on election night: two were voided, and the other three were won by acclamation because the winners ran unchallenged.
In the Toronto District School Board (TDSB), 11 of 12 incumbents were re-elected. However, Alexander Brown, the TDSB chair, was narrowly defeated by challenger Weidong Pei. Pei is a dentist and dental professor who was running for the first time.
In the Toronto Catholic District School Board (TCDSB), incumbent Joseph Martino held on by the slimmest of margin—just one vote—over Robert Pella, a candidate committed to “gospel values” and preventing government overreach.
All results are unofficial until the election has been certified, and may be subject to a recount.
|
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2
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https://breachmedia.ca/how-left-populism-can-win-power-in-toronto/
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en
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How left populism can win power in Toronto ⋆ The Breach
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2022-11-10T19:55:31+00:00
|
As conservative John Tory begins a third term, election maps show us the city could build a winning progressive coalition.
|
en
|
The Breach
|
https://breachmedia.ca/how-left-populism-can-win-power-in-toronto/
|
The typical story about Toronto municipal politics is very short: amalgamation destroyed the city.
In 1998, Mike Harris’ provincial Progressive Conservatives “amalgamated” Toronto with its surrounding suburbs of Etobicoke, York, North York, East York and Scarborough. This, the tale goes, saddled a progressive downtown core with conservative suburbs.
The result: three of the megacity’s four mayors to date—Mel Lastman, Rob Ford and the current Mayor John Tory—were conservatives with suburban bases, and instituted austerity regimes in line with their home-owning, car-driving, small-business-loving constituents’ interests.
Public transit has been sacrificed at the altar of the car; infrastructure and city services have deteriorated to the point that they became the subject of a guerilla Nuit Blanche exhibit, AusterityTO; restrictive zoning bylaws that protect single-family homes have choked development and contributed to a housing crisis that, by some estimates, is the worst in the world.
But is that really the whole story?
Here’s another way of looking at it. Prior to amalgamation, Toronto was famously conservative. In many ways, it still is. Downtown is both wealthier and whiter than the city as a whole. Downtown residents’ associations stand alongside suburban voters against the tax hikes that fund city operations and against the development that could threaten their property values.
Downtown also voted for Tory three times—more weakly than other parts of the city, but still. Meanwhile, Toronto’s suburbs aren’t just the McMansions of North York; they’re also the apartment blocks and bungalows of Etobicoke and Scarborough. In this story, amalgamation didn’t just throw conservative shackles on a progressive city. It also brought swaths of working- and middle-class people into the city without really incorporating them into its institutions.
Basing their understanding of city politics on the defeatist interpretation of amalgamation, Toronto’s progressives have accepted defeat preemptively: Tory has run essentially unopposed in two of the last three elections. Candidates Gil Penalosa and Jennifer Keesmaat, whatever their merits, did not have the public profile or political acumen of veteran politicians. All the likely candidates declined to run.
There are good reasons not to adopt this defeatist account of Toronto municipal politics.
The megacity’s one progressive mayor, David Miller, won not only the downtown core but also in diverse, working-class suburban areas. Jack Layton’s NDP did likewise in 2011, as did Justin Trudeau’s Liberals in 2015. In this year’s otherwise dispiriting re-coronation of Tory, city council candidates endorsed by Progress Toronto—a new advocacy organization headed up by Michal Hay, a former Jagmeet Singh campaign director and Mike Layton staffer—showed that progressives can still be viable across the city beyond the downtown core. Looking at these campaigns should point us in the direction of the kind of politics that might win in these areas.
Until now, winning Toronto’s mayoralty may not have seemed terribly important for progressives. Under the weak-mayor system, the mayor was just one vote on council, with limited executive authority, though with agenda-setting and budget-writing prerogatives and substantial patronage opportunities.
Under Premier Doug Ford’s new strong-mayor legislation, it has become urgent. A progressive mayor could do away with austerity and begin the process of reinvesting in essential services, transit and housing, funded by higher taxes and diverted funds (from policing and the Gardiner reconstruction, say). They would also be an indispensable lobbyist for the city’s interests at the provincial level, which holds many of the policy levers that should be held by the city—like rent control.
Progressives must find a way to win. This starts with taking stock of recent losses.
The Tory Era: post-fact but solidly conservative
Tory won the 2014 election by virtue of not being Rob Ford. Embarrassed by Ford’s antics, a coalition of high-profile Torontonians from across the political spectrum drafted Tory and promoted him as the candidate most likely to defeat first Rob and then Doug Ford. This resonated not only in the suburbs but also in much of downtown, which abandoned progressive icon Olivia Chow to vote for Tory—strategically or otherwise.
To appease this ad hoc pan-ideological anti-Ford coalition, Tory presented himself as the Fords’ opposite: capable, pragmatic, a team player. Since becoming mayor, though, he has largely proven to be their Bay-Street counterpart. Tory’s communications director Chris Eby chalked up his successful 2014 mayoral campaign to a newfound comfort with “post-fact politics”: saying whatever he needs to say to win. Underneath Tory’s genteel façade, that essential nihilism persists.
There are, as came to light in the course of the 2018 election, long, deep and documented ties between Tory and the Ford family that reflect their shared commitment to conservative politics. That includes their shared comfort with corruption (it transpired that Tory has been receiving $100,000 a year from Rogers throughout his tenure to sit on its board) and—Covid response aside—their shared incompetence. None of Tory’s signature proposals—SmartTrack, Sidewalk Labs, Rail Deck Park, Housing Now, Vision Zero, tolls on the Gardiner Expressway and the Don Valley Parkway, Music City—have come to pass.
Tory’s neglect is not benign.
Encampment evictions, dilapidated infrastructure, incompetent service delivery and ambitious programs that fail to launch are just the tip of the iceberg. Swiss investment bank UBS recently identified Toronto as having the worst housing bubble in the world. Though it is now beginning to deflate, it’s too late for the people who have already been displaced or extorted. Mike Moffatt, senior director of the Smart Prosperity Institute and a regular commentator on Ontario housing issues, calls the displacement process “drive until you qualify” (for a mortgage) and those who stay downtown are greeted by astronomical rents.
Toronto progressives’ focus on urbanist issues—bike lanes, parks, heritage designations, trash on sidewalks—is well-meaning but superficial in the context of the housing crisis. Whether or not downtown is cleaned up and made bike- and pedestrian-friendly is ultimately immaterial for those who can’t afford to live there. It’s the housing market, stupid.
“There is a John Tory who has lived in the imaginations of progressive Torontonians,” wrote the Toronto Star’s Edward Keenan back in 2018: a responsible Red Tory à la his mentor, former Ontario premier Bill Davis. Not only do these fantasies reflect serious limitations on progressive imaginations in Toronto—Davis himself is famous mostly for being boring (his motto was “bland works”) and any goodwill he has in downtown is a reward for having capitulated to Jane Jacobs and halted construction of the Spadina Expressway—they are also just that: fantasies. This Tory doesn’t exist. He is, as he’s always been, a dyed-in-the-wool conservative.
In the run-up to this year’s election, the city’s deterioration under Tory’s regime finally began drawing more pointed criticism.
But it was too late: though all of this would have been excellent fodder for an insurgent progressive campaign, no such thing took place. The three most prominent progressives on city council, Joe Cressy, Mike Layton and Kristyn Wong-Tam, all declined to run. The non-Tory vote, such as it was, largely coalesced around urbanist Gil Penalosa. He ran an amateurish campaign that, even with friendly media coverage, never seriously challenged Tory, who steamrolled his way to victory with over 60 per cent of the vote, much as he did in 2018, when city planner Jennifer Keesmaat was progressives’ avatar-by-default.
Toward a Torontonian left populism
There is little to learn from these doomed campaigns except in the negative: technocratic urbanism, incoherent policy positioning and amateur campaigning isn’t a winning formula. But investigating the election maps from 2003 onwards reveals patterns that should point the way towards rebuilding a progressive coalition.
In 2003—against Tory, in his first mayoral run—and 2006, David Miller won not only the downtown core but also poor and ethnically diverse inner suburban areas like Weston, Jane and Finch, Rexdale and Malvern. Miller was unabashedly progressive—outspoken in favour of transit, union rights and the environment—and also a bit of a populist: years before Rob Ford’s “stop the gravy train” rhetoric, Miller’s classic election stance had him holding up a broom to promise he would clean up City Hall after the corruption of the Lastman years. Barbara Hall, the de facto Liberal candidate of the election, also did respectably in the city’s northeast and northwest corners. As late as the 2000s, a progressive could do well in large parts of the suburbs without compromising on an unabashedly left-wing platform—all the better if it came with a bit of populist grandstanding.
In the 2010 municipal election, there was no progressive candidate on the ballot. Adam Giambrone, Miller’s successor, stepped back in the wake of a sex scandal—which may have played a role in Rob Ford’s successful campaign against wooden Liberal George Smitherman.
In the next year’s federal election, Jack Layton’s Orange Wave swept through not only downtown but also Scarborough—Rouge River and York South—Weston. Layton’s pledge to clean up Ottawa and restore a sense of optimism to politics resonated far beyond the usual progressive bulwarks. In 2015—running, in many ways, as Layton’s successor, employing similar rhetoric and branding—Justin Trudeau brought the Liberals back from the dead and won every riding in the Greater Toronto Area.
In the 2018 election, though her numbers were small, left-wing mayoral candidate Saron Gebresellassi did best in areas that largely map onto Miller’s; much the same goes for 2022 candidate Chloe Brown.
In this year’s municipal election, even without the galvanizing force of a strong progressive mayoral candidate to focus popular attention, candidates endorsed by Progress Toronto did very well. In the night’s biggest surprise, community health worker Amber Morley won in Etobicoke—Lakeshore, defeating Tory ally Mark Grimes, who was the only incumbent to lose in this election. Jamaal Myers won Scarborough North after the death of incumbent Cynthia Lai. On top of that, Chiara Padovani came heartbreakingly close in York South—Weston, losing by fewer than 100 votes to another Tory ally, Frances Nunziata. Chemi Lhamo also came within striking distance of establishment progressive Gord Perks in Parkdale—High Park.
This electoral history speaks to a latent left-populist coalition joining diverse, working-class suburbs and the ideologically progressive downtown. Constructing this coalition requires disposing of the caricature of the conservative suburbs once and for all.
The suburban half of the coalition is best thought of not as conservative but as alienated. It is physically alienated from the city through lack of transit. Its ethnic and linguistic diversity contribute to a degree of social alienation from mainstream media and goings-on at and around City Hall. And—most importantly—it is politically alienated: its turnout rate is low and it veers between the left and right. This must be stressed: there are areas that voted for David Miller twice, for the NDP in 2011 and the Liberals in 2015, and also voted for Rob Ford in 2010 and Doug Ford in 2014. This suggests we should be talking about Miller-Ford voters the way we talk about Obama-Trump (and Trump-Sanders) voters—a reflection of populism’s ability to cut across ideological identities.
If Miller, Layton and Trudeau are any indication, a left-wing candidate should be able to reach this latent coalition by playing both the left-populist-a-la-Canadienne—the anti-corruption crusader and people’s champion—and the technocrat, the steady hand. It’s not exactly socialism, or even especially radical, but given the constraints of municipal government in Canada and the social profile of Toronto and its suburbs, it is a prescription for a feasible progressive campaign and government. A Canadian version of Barcelona’s mayor Ada Colau—fighting the housing crisis with rent controls and affordable-housing construction, fighting the climate crisis with largely car-free “superblocks”—may be unthinkable. But a Torontonian Anne Hidalgo (of Paris) or Valérie Plante (of Montreal), who works to expand cycling and public transit infrastructure, introduce a modicum of police reform and fund basic services, surely isn’t.
Progressives, get your brooms
The question is: why have prominent, capable, credible progressives declined to run? Outside of 2003, 2006 and 2014, a credible progressive hasn’t even been an option on the ballot. Cressy, Layton and Wong-Tam are just the newest cohort to back out. Keesmaat, for all her imperfections, only decided reluctantly to run at the last minute and mounted a half-hearted campaign.
In that same election, activist and journalist Desmond Cole was also rumoured to have his sights on the mayoralty; he did not run either. In the leadup to 2014, city councillor Adam Vaughan tested the waters before deciding to run for the federal Liberals instead.
Cressy and Layton both pled overwork and untenable separations from their families as reasons for abandoning politics. Fair enough—the premier’s shrinking of city council burdened these councillors with the lion’s share of the city’s development proposals as well as large populations to service.
Vaughan and Wong-Tam, for their part, are rumoured to have done outreach in suburban areas to test their viability. Evidently, whatever they heard dissuaded them from running. Vaughn and Wong-Tam had not responded to queries about potential Mayoral campaigns at publication time.
Without throwing their hat (or broom) into the ring and campaigning, it’s impossible to know how they would have done. John Tory loves to say that in 2003 he started off polling at 3 per cent and ended up at 38 per cent. Campaigns matter.
Still, Toronto is a daunting environment for any challenger. The Local reports that Toronto’s City Council incumbents win well over 90 per cent of their election bids. Only twice in the last 56 years has Toronto failed to re-elect an incumbent mayor. Many reasons have been proposed for this incumbency advantage. Incumbents are better-resourced than challengers. Toronto does not have term limits, allowing incumbents to retain their seats indefinitely. Most importantly, as a recent Spacing op-ed argues, uniquely among Canadian cities, Toronto does not have political parties at the municipal level, making it very difficult for challengers to gain traction against recognized names with local connections and “proven results.”
Some, like the Star’s Shawn Micallef, have also identified the city’s shadowy political machines—like the one that recruited Tory in 2014 and continues to support him—as reasons that progressives don’t run. These machines, apparently, are so strong that progressive insurgents just don’t stand a chance.
Though there are obviously behind-the-scenes machinations, it is unclear what exactly to make of them in a context of sub-30-per-cent turnout rates. The success in this election of Progress Toronto—a sort of incipient left-wing machine—shows the limits of this kind of defeatism. Even without a mayoral candidate at the top of the ballot to drive attention and turnout, and lacking official party status to collect and distribute resources and identify candidates ideologically, Progress Toronto-endorsed candidates did very well, largely through supporting the efforts of activists like Chemi Lhamo and Amber Morley with bases in non-traditional territory for progressives.
There’s a lesson there: you can’t win if you don’t run.
Decades of uncompetitive Toronto elections have made people apathetic and defeatist. Progressives can organize and win if they speak clearly to the struggles of their constituents—and experience shows a bit of theatre can make the difference.
|
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7542
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dbpedia
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https://www.canadianclub.org/events/john-h-tory-q-c/
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en
|
John H. Tory, Q.C.
|
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John H. Tory, Q.C.
|
en
|
Canadian Club Toronto
|
https://www.canadianclub.org/events/john-h-tory-q-c/
|
Canada has long been a global leader in communications technology. Today’s challenge is to remain there and it will require a careful mix of initiatives to ensure both plentiful and on-going investment, as well as strengthened Canadian values and cultural industries.
John Tory was appointed President and CEO of Rogers Cable in April, 1999. Prior to that he held a similar position at Rogers Media. Before joining Rogers Mr. Tory was a managing partner of Tory Tory DesLauriers & Binnington (now Torys), and prior to that, served as Principal Secretary to the Premier of Ontario in the early 1980s.
|
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7542
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https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/tory-to-enlist-former-mayoral-rivals-we-ve-got-to-bring-the-city-together-1.2075372%3Fcache%3DyesclipId104062%252F5-things-to-know-for-tuesday-july-30-2019-1.4529103
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Tory to enlist former mayoral rivals: 'We've got to bring the city together'
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2014-10-28T13:40:00-04:00
|
Toronto mayor-elect John Tory says he intends to reach out to his former election campaign rivals, including Olivia Chow and Doug Ford, when he takes over the city’s top political job.
|
en
|
Toronto
|
https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/tory-to-enlist-former-mayoral-rivals-we-ve-got-to-bring-the-city-together-1.2075372?cache=yesclipId104062%2F5-things-to-know-for-tuesday-july-30-2019-1.4529103
|
Toronto mayor-elect John Tory says he intends to reach out to his former election campaign rivals, including Olivia Chow and Doug Ford, when he takes over the city’s top political job.
Tory said he also wants to recruit former TTC Chair Karen Stintz and David Soknacki, both of whom dropped out of the mayoral race ahead of election day. He also said he’d approach Ari Goldkind, who participated in some mayoral debates during the campaign.
Soknacki was one of 19 people named to Tory’s Transition Advisory Council, which will be chaired by former councillor Case Ootes. Ootes was also in charge of Rob Ford’s transition team in 2010.
Other members of the team include Ryerson University President Sheldon Levy, CivicAction Chair Rod Phillips and Olympian Marnie McBean.
According to a news release, the team members will “provide advice” on three priority areas: transportation planning and Tory’s SmartTrack plan; congestion and gridlock; and housing.
Meanwhile, Christopher Eby has been named the mayor-elect’s chief of staff, while Vic Gupta was named principal secretary.
At a news conference outside city hall Tuesday afternoon, Tory said that he wants “all hands on deck to build up” Toronto.
“And I don’t think anybody’s point of view, anybody’s background, anybody’s history is going to be a bar to that in my books,” Tory said.
Tory said he’ll also seek advice from his predecessor in the mayor’s office, Rob Ford, who was elected Monday as a city councillor in Ward 2, Etobicoke North.
“We’re beginning the process, obviously, of reaching out to the members of council and talking to them, which I will do over the next couple of days,” Tory said.
Tory said he’s also begun doing “his homework,” which includes going over governance-related matters and various “issues that sit on the city’s plate at this point in time.”
“I want to put myself into this with every ounce of energy and determination I have and get the job done for people,” Tory said.
In an interview earlier Tuesday, the former leader of the Ontario Progressive Conservative party said he’s hoping to leave partisan politics at the door to city hall.
“We’ve got to bring the city together and forget the team sweaters,” Tory said, later adding: “I want people to work together to build up the city and I’m quite prepared to take a good idea from a New Democrat or a Liberal, because we’re all there to do the same thing.”
Tory said his new council colleagues – including seven new faces -- “all got elected fair and square and now it’s my job to get the best out of them all in terms of their ideas.”
|
|||||
7542
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 64
|
https://strategycorp.com/2023/02/toronto-mayor-john-tory-out-much-uncertainty-ahead/
|
en
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory out – Much uncertainty ahead
|
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"John Perenack"
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2023-02-12T06:33:45+00:00
|
John Tory’s looming resignation creates an immediate power vacuum at Toronto City Council. The City was already facing substantial challenges to funding its Operating and Capital Budgets, concerns growing from residents about the degradation of services, issues with violence and mental health in the public realm, and continued concern about the interference of the province [...]Read More...
|
en
|
StrategyCorp
|
https://strategycorp.com/2023/02/toronto-mayor-john-tory-out-much-uncertainty-ahead/
|
John Tory’s looming resignation creates an immediate power vacuum at Toronto City Council.
The City was already facing substantial challenges to funding its Operating and Capital Budgets, concerns growing from residents about the degradation of services, issues with violence and mental health in the public realm, and continued concern about the interference of the province on municipal governance. Having no strong hand steering the proverbial ship will lead to a period of uncertainty and a slower decision making on Council until a new Mayor is elected.
As recently amended through the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 (Bill 3), the City of Toronto Act stipulates that once the Mayor or “Head of Council” resigns, the seat must be declared vacant, and a by-law adopted within 60 days outlining the timelines for a by-election.
There is already substantial interest from City Councillors to see the void filled and have the strategic and policy direction for Council reset.
Resignation comes at pivotal time
Council is working toward the approval of the first Operating and Capital Budget that is entirely proposed and adopted by the Mayor though changes made through Bill 3. Councillors and staff will now have to determine how to proceed should the Mayor’s formal resignation occur before the budget is introduced and passed.
Once the budget for 2023 is dealt with, expect all Council office efforts to be put toward supporting the upcoming by-election. In a short election period without an incumbent, name recognition will be integral and we can expect some big names to seek the Office of the Mayor, potentially from the ranks of the provincial, or federal caucuses.
The substantial changes proposed by the Mayor’s 2023 Housing Action Plan will still be popular enough to pass Council, policy issues like the Gardiner Expressway, SmartTrack expansion, and approaches to financial sustainability may all have doubt cast upon them as targets for the Mayoral candidates, and will potentially be used as examples of how the new Mayor would transform the City of Toronto.
Expect Council and staff to pause major policy announcements until a new Mayor is elected and sets the tone for the new administration.
What to expect immediately
Bill 3’s changes to the City of Toronto Act stipulate that once a member of City Council resigns, Council must declare their seat vacant at their next meeting and a by-election be held.
In the case of the Mayor, once the seat is vacant, the Deputy Mayor (in this case, Jennifer McKelvie) assumes their role as the interim ‘Head of Council’ and Mayor until a by-election can be held.
City Council meets on February 15, but since this is a special meeting to deal with the Operating and Capital Budget, Council may be unable to add the resignation of a member to the agenda.
Council may opt for an additional Special Meeting of City Council to quickly deal with the resignation and declare the seat vacant. However, this does not mean we will know the details of a by-election immediately.
After declaring the seat vacant, Council will have 60 days to adopt a by-law outlining the details of the by-election. This will include the date at which nominations will start being accepted, last day for nominations to be filed, expense limits, and the by-election date.
Bill 3 does not say how quickly the by-election must be held, but there will be an interest from most Councillors to see the Mayor’s seat filled quickly. Until the by-law (which is largely determined by City-staff, led by the Clerk) is proposed and passed by Council, we cannot know for certain how long this process will take.
Importantly, sitting Councillors are not required to resign to run for Mayor. This will change the political calculus for many, where losing an election does not mean a loss of their seat on Council, as would be the case in a normal election.
Should a sitting Councillor win the upcoming by-election, their seat would be declared vacant, and an additional by-election would be called to fill that vacancy.
Sitting MPPs and MPs would both be required to resign their positions if they seek a position at a different level of government.
Impacts to the current City of Toronto legislative agenda
The next Mayor of Toronto will set the legislative agenda. But first City Council needs to pass its proposed Operating Budget for 2023.
Before the introduction of Bill 3 by the province (providing Strong Mayor powers), Tory’s resignation would have only meant that there is one less vote on Council decisions.
However, Bill 3 put the power for proposing and passing the budget into the hands of the elected Head of Council. While there is some debate at this time, it does not appear that those powers shift to the Deputy Mayor as they are not an elected Head of Council.
The City of Toronto Clerk and Legal team will need to determine how to proceed with the passing of the budget should the position of Mayor be vacated before the vote on the budget.
Undoubtedly, there will be political manoeuvring by many on Council to take power away from any one individual setting the budget and reverting the process to a full vote of Council as has historically been the case.
One option is Tory may be able to still pass the budget for 2023 before his resignation is made official. This will likely be heavily challenged at City Council where the changes proposed and implemented by Bill 3 were already unpopular among Councillors.
With respect to the other key policy platforms proposed by Tory, it is safe to assume that the next Mayor will be the one to set the tone and direction of Council. However, we can still expect some key policy pieces to be maintained given the current political climate, including continued actions toward reforming the City’s planning and permit processes to support more housing.
A murky few months coming up for City Council and Staff
The Mayor had been facing recent criticisms for his handling of violence on the TTC, services being reduced on the TTC while increasing fares, providing a budget bump to the Toronto Police, and declining to open more warming centres for people experiencing homelessness and/or looking for a place to get out of the cold. All of these will likely become key election issues as they remain top of mind for Toronto residents.
Less clear is whether approved projects carrying a substantial price tag will continue to see Council support, such as the Gardiner Expressway maintenance and SmartTrack stations.
The City of Toronto had also started down a path toward determining their long-term fiscal plan. The new Mayor will play a substantial role in shaping the framework for the staff and stakeholders working on this monumental roadmap to financial security for Toronto.
Getting ready for a short and intense election
When City Council determines a by-election date, the Clerk will open registration to residents looking to run for the Office. It is likely that the campaign period will be much shorter than the usual cycle which permits registration and campaigning for 6 months from May to October of an election year.
A short campaign period, even one that will receive significant media coverage, will still be one where the candidate will not be able to get their message out to voters easily.
The candidate must also be able to demonstrate the ability to fundraise substantial amounts of money, and quickly. Resources will need to be poured into getting their name into people’s homes.
With no clear front-runner in a short campaign, this will lead to an election where name recognition will be tantamount to success, in an environment where having a recognizable name already conveyed significant advantages.
In addition, with Council members able to run without giving up their council seats we can expect one or more of them to throw their hat into the ring in this safer race.
These factors may result in a highly fractured field.
An unpredictable field of candidates
John Tory was a consensus candidate in his 2018 and 2022 elections, winning substantial majority support across the City.
In a fractured field, without a consensus candidate, the final victor may emerge with a much lower share of the vote – perhaps not even clearing the 50 percent threshold. This would see them gain “Strong Mayor” powers without an equally strong electoral win.
The left, right, and centre factions on Council will all be looking to put their best candidate forward in an attempt to not crowd the field.
We are hearing from many previous Councillors, candidates, and their election teams that they are testing the waters and considering a run. Expect the more media savvy and well-known candidates taking advantage of this early pre-campaign period to introduce or re-introduce themselves to voters.
Council’s left faction
The Council’s left faction will see the first clean opportunity to regain the Office of the Mayor, now with enhanced powers, since the 2010 election that introduced most Torontonians to the Ford family. It will need to evaluate whether it can stand up a compelling enough candidate that can maintain the support of the Left-leaning voters while appealing to enough progressives, and thus discourage a centrist challenger that would compete for the votes it needs. Several of the highest profile left-wing Councillors chose not to run against Tory or Council at all in 2022, and may decide to make a comeback.
Council’s right faction
The right faction on council has lost its most effective mayor since the City was amalgamated in 1998, able to advance a centre-right agenda with little opposition and a mostly supportive province both under the Wynne Liberal Government and now the Ford Progressive Conservative Government – the latter reducing council size and substantially enhancing the mayor’s legislative authority.
They face the same challenge as the Council’s left, that is: picking someone that can appeal to enough moderate voters as to discourage a moderate-right, or even progressive candidate, competing for their votes.
Council’s centrist block
Council’s growing centrist block remain a bit of a wild card. Many were either aligned with Mayor Tory, or recently elected with no voting record to indicate a clear alignment yet. This is where most of the chatter is about existing Councillors who may take the plunge. This will be tempting for many but a failed bid for the Mayor’s chair would have lasting consequences to their Council relationships and their political longevity.
No matter what, Toronto is in for an unprecedented election
This election will be like none other in Toronto’s history.
An empty seat. A mayor with as yet untested powers that were not part of the conversation mere months ago. Sitting councillors safe to run without losing their seat. Former councillors rethinking retirement. Recently unsuccessful candidates with residual name recognition.
This may be shaping into Toronto’s most competitive and consequential Mayoral race since amalgamation in 1998. And it couldn’t have come at a more critical moment.
|
|||||
7542
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 90
|
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-toronto-mayor-john-tory-will-seek-third-term-in-oct-24-election/
|
en
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory will seek third term in Oct. 24 election
|
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2022-03-25T11:56:02.854000+00:00
|
If John Tory is re-elected and serves a full term, he would become the longest-serving mayor in Toronto’s history
|
en
|
The Globe and Mail
|
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-toronto-mayor-john-tory-will-seek-third-term-in-oct-24-election/
|
Toronto mayor John Tory said on Friday that he will seek a third term, arguing that he can provide continuity and stable leadership at city hall.
The 67-year-old former broadcaster and executive, a veteran Conservative insider, had long been expected to run again. If he is re-elected and completes his term, he will become the longest-serving mayor in Toronto’s history, bucking a wave of turnover in the top political jobs at other cities across the country.
Polls have already shown that he will be a formidable candidate in the Oct. 24 municipal election. Other potential mayoral candidates had been waiting to see if he would run before announcing their own bids.
Mr. Tory will be running in an election he had promised not to contest.
During his first successful campaign for mayor, in 2014, he pledged repeatedly that he would run only twice, usually adding a joke to the effect that his wife would kill him otherwise. Shortly before the 2018 election, he began backing away from that promise. Throughout his current term, he has dropped regular hints about extending his time in office.
In an interview Friday, Mr. Tory said his pledge not to run again was a personal commitment to his wife, Barbara Hackett, and not a formal commitment to the citizens of Toronto. And Ms. Hackett, he said, has now given her blessing to a third term.
“The people will get to decide about this and how important it is to them,” he said. “I think they’ll decide in favour of having continuity of steady leadership.”
While he can point to achievements on affordable housing and transit over his two terms in office, the picture of the city’s progress over the course of his mayoralty is not clear-cut.
Living in Toronto has become increasingly expensive since the start of his first term. Although this is largely due to factors beyond any mayor’s control, the trend has made the city less attractive to some. And the public-transit file has been taken over by the provincial government, whose decisions don’t always match the priorities at city hall.
Matti Siemiatycki, a professor at the University of Toronto’s School of Cities, thinks Mr. Tory could also be vulnerable on road-safety issues. The city’s “Vision Zero” plan, which aims to eliminate traffic deaths and serious injuries, has made only halting progress since it launched in 2016.
“There have continued to be issues around safety and people getting seriously injured and killed on the roads,” Prof. Siemiatycki said.
“And you know, it has been the community that has held the mayor accountable on this, because there have continued to be these horrific and tragic incidents. Every time one of these happens, it shows that our city has not gone as far or as fast as is needed to get to zero.”
The city is also facing great challenges as the pandemic recedes. The downtown economy is still struggling, with fewer workers commuting to their offices. The local transit system is bleeding vast amounts of money, as ridership remains low. Toronto’s population dropped in the 12 months ending last summer, albeit by a small amount.
Mr. Tory would not offer any ideas about how a third term might differ in direction or vision from the first two. He said specific policy promises would have to wait until the campaign begins formally, in May.
“A lot of what needs to be done is to get done what has been started,” he said, listing as examples transit construction, housing affordability and expanding the city’s economy.
Mr. Tory’s references to steady leadership hint at a key question for voters: are today’s challenges best met by continuity, or does overcoming them require a new leader at city hall? In a number of Canadian cities, this has been a time of leadership change. Incumbent mayors in Calgary, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Ottawa and other places have all recently decided not to run again.
“I think the challenges here are much bigger and more complex than elsewhere,” Mr. Tory said.
“I think that people will be looking to make sure that, in the face of whether it’s financial challenges, housing challenges, you know, economic challenges – that they have someone here who can forge the partnerships, who can exercise the discipline and who can provide the leadership necessary to get the city into that recovery we talk about that’s stronger than ever.”
York University political scientist Dennis Pilon thinks Mr. Tory might benefit from the fact that the pandemic is higher on the public’s priority list than municipal politics. City hall no longer dominates the news cycle the way it did during the tenure of scandal-plagued former mayor Rob Ford.
“People’s energies are elsewhere right now,” Prof. Pilon said. “It’s like, okay, the guy’s got control of his job. You know, he’s looking after the store, there doesn’t appear to be any fires, great. I got enough to worry about right now.”
|
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7542
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 82
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https://www.stalbertgazette.com/national-news/a-closer-look-at-john-tory-resigning-as-mayor-of-toronto-over-affair-6527262
|
en
|
A closer look at John Tory, resigning as mayor of Toronto over affair
|
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"Liam Casey, The Canadian Press"
] |
2023-02-11T04:34:56+00:00
|
TORONTO — John Tory, a 68-year-old born-and-bred Torontonian and member of the city's business and political elite, resigned as its mayor on Friday after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer.
|
en
|
St. Albert Gazette
|
https://www.stalbertgazette.com/national-news/a-closer-look-at-john-tory-resigning-as-mayor-of-toronto-over-affair-6527262
|
TORONTO — John Tory, a 68-year-old born-and-bred Torontonian and member of the city's business and political elite, resigned as its mayor on Friday after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer.
Tory was born into a successful family with a major law firm, Torys, founded by his grandfather.
His father, John A. Tory, worked at the firm, but later moved on to work with the Thomson family to run their financial holding company. His father also served on the board of directors of Rogers Communications.
The younger Tory completed high school and post-secondary school in Toronto in the 1970s, eventually graduating with a law degree.
Tory worked for Rogers-owned radio stations before getting into politics. He worked in then-premier Bill Davis's Progressive Conservative government in the early 1980s.
He'd later work as a lawyer while also serving on campaigns for then-prime minister Brian Mulroney, as well as his successor Kim Campbell in 1993.
In 1995, Tory moved over to run Rogers Media as its CEO and president. He took the helm of the company's cable division around the turn of the millennium
During that stretch he also served as the Canadian Football League's commissioner.
But Tory returned to politics and won the race to lead the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party.
Tory served as its leader for five years starting in 2004. He was elected in a byelection in 2005 in a central Ontario riding, but vowed to run in Toronto in the 2007 general election.
He faced many warnings he would lose the head-to-head battle with the popular Liberal holding the Don Valley West seat he was eyeing then-education minister Kathleen Wynne.
He lost the race for that seat, and his party fared little better provincially. Tory's controversial campaign promise to extend public funding to religious schools led the Progressive Conservatives to a disappointing showing.
Despite calls to resign and a dismal 66.9 per cent approval rating in a leadership vote the year before, Tory vowed to stay and learn from his mistakes.
Eventually in 2009, caucus member Laurie Scott gave up her Haliburton-Kawartha Lakes-Brock seat so Tory could run in a byelection there, but he lost that race as well and resigned as party leader.
He settled in as a radio host weekdays for several hours on Live Drive during Toronto's notoriously long rush-hour.
But he waded back into politics to run as mayor.
When Tory launched his mayoral bid in 2014, he faced off against scandal-plagued incumbent Mayor Rob Ford. Tory ran on a platform of change, a transit vision for the city and low taxes.
With weeks to go before the election, Rob Ford pulled out of the race due to health concerns.
Doug Ford, the mayor's older brother and councillor of his old ward, stepped in to run in his stead.
Tory beat Ford by 64,000 votes.
In 2018, he ran against the city's Chief Planner, Jennifer Keesmaat, and won handily.
He became an ally to Doug Ford, who became premier of Ontario that year.
Tory cruised to a third mayoral term less than four months ago, garnering 62 per cent of the vote in last October's municipal election.
Recent legislation from Ford's government granted Toronto strong mayor powers in return for help building houses quickly. Tory supported the controversial measure.
He presided over the COVID-19 pandemic and tough financial straits at the city. Tory faced heavy criticism for his pro-police stance. He angered the homeless population and their supporters.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 20, 2023.
--with files from Allison Jones
Liam Casey, The Canadian Press
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Episode 02: John Tory, Mayor of Toronto
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Toronto Metropolitan University
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https://www.torontomu.ca/tedrogersschool/podcast/john-tory/
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Well, let me deal with the most important part of this first, which is to do with how we chose to regulate Uber in the end, although that has become a model the people around the globe are looking at as being successful, but the most important thing is obviously that we make sure that Toronto residents, in any vehicle or in any place, are safe from being assaulted, sexually or otherwise and in that case, one of the advantages to the Uber system is that it actually does allow you more so than any other kind of vehicle of its kind to know who the driver is, to know when the pickup took place, and a lot of those kinds of details that oftentimes in a taxi cab you don't know.
And so we have to count on the company and they have been very cooperative when incidents of this kind have come up to provide that information to the police when an allegation of this kind or an incident of this kind happens, and I think that that is actually one advantage to that system in that the technology actually allows you to see who the passenger was, who the driver was, exactly what time and place things happened because it does record that. Having said all of that, I think we have to, and we certainly have indicated to Uber as we do to the taxi industry, that we have zero tolerance for that sort of thing and when I say we, we are the regulators of those businesses. We are not the police. The city oversees the police but the police operate under their own leadership accountable to a Police Services Board of which I am a member, and I can only say that I think the message has been sent loud and clear that there's zero tolerance for that kind of thing or anything even approaching it.
And I think as these incidents have come up, fortunately they have been few and far between, they've been death with by Uber and/or by the taxi companies and/or by us in a stricter manner as you possibly could expect and the police have, again, tried to do their job. I want to just say on the general subject of Uber and how it was admitted into the Toronto marketplace, they came into the Toronto marketplace in a way that I did not approve of where they just came in here and operated without any regulation at all, and just figured they could just arrive and so on. I came to the conclusion partly for reasons of what I think is sound strategy for the city and partly for reasons of accepting reality. By the time I took office, they were into the hundreds of thousands of customers in Toronto, and so if I was to do what people were urging me to do from the cab industry and other quarters who supported the status quo, they just wanted me to send them out of town packing and tell them to sort of roll up their carpets and leave.
I didn't think that was either realistic or good for the city. I believe this city should be serving as a home for people who have disruptive technologies who represent the way of doing things in the future, but that they have to come into a city and do business on a basis that is fair. So instead of trying to chance them out of town as they've tried to do in a number of other cities and had huge conflicts in the process, we worked instead to develop a series of regulations that essentially accomplish two things.
One, it brought Uber under regulation so there was a degree of control, and this is important to your question, the sexual assault part, that there were screenings done of the drivers that were satisfactory to us that were similar to the screenings that are done on cab drivers, screenings as in personal background checks that met a standard we set. Two, that there was insurance in place to protect people that is equivalent to what taxi cab drivers are required to have. And three, that the rules under which they operated were equitable vis a vis fair competition with the cab industry who've been around for a long time and paid money for their licenses.
At the same time, the second objective we were trying to set was to lessen the regulatory load on taxis so that they could compete more fairly because over time they'd become subject to a lot of long pages and books full of regulations, and we actually did reduce some of that regulatory load and reduce some of the requirements on that, and the idea was to create a circumstance in which people could be safe. First and foremost, safe from assault, safe from accidents, safe from drivers that had bad backgrounds, could have choice and including the adoption of and embracing of the latest technology of which Uber was a representative, and that they would compete fairly with taxis.
And I am proud of what we achieved there because you haven't heard much about it in terms of conflict since that time, and unlike some other cities where they "successfully" chased Uber out of town, we have Uber here and I quite frankly hope some of the other companies like Lyft will come here and compete as well so we'll have even more choice, because I think that's good for consumers to have choice as long as it's fair choice, safe choice, and regulated choice and I think that's what we have in Toronto now.
Well, I don't accept the premise of the question and what a sanctuary city is meant to mean, and I think anybody should take a look at the wording of what is said, and I think actually the notion of Toronto being a sanctuary city, if you look at it for what it is, is something that we would buy into as part of those sort of pretty basic values that I talked about earlier on. What it says is that if somebody shows up for a city of Toronto service, so if they show up to use the library or if they show up to public health to get a vaccination for their children, they're not going to be asked to show their documentation that proves their citizenship.
We will say look, they're a resident of the city. Their immigration status actually doesn't matter in the context of their getting their child vaccinated or using the library, and that it is not consistent with the way we generally do business that you'd be asked for your immigration papers. I mean, think about it for a minute. Some of you in this room are probably permanent residents of Canada as opposed to citizens. Do we go around saying to people, "We want you to show us your documentation to show whether you're a citizen or a permanent resident." No, we don't.
Now, I'm not condoning the fact that people will enter the country outside of the law and there are people who have done that over time and some of them have now lived here for 20 or 25 or 30 years and have had three or four children here who are Canadians themselves, and I would say that that is a failure of the federal governments over time of all parties, to sort of decide they were going to do something to allow those people to regularize their documentation because it's a politically explosive issue and nobody's been prepared to sort of deal with it, which would be the sort of fair and appropriate way to address the fact there are people living in our midst who every day perform important functions in the city working somewhere, doing work for people, and have families that go to school and so forth and so on.
But having said that, given that we have those people, are we going to get into a situation where we're going to start to get people to show their documentation that sort of proves what their citizenship is any time they're wanting to access a city service? And so I guess I would just say I'm comfortable with where we are as a sanctuary city because I think it sends the message out that obviously, and I said this in a letter I wrote on refugees today or yesterday to the Minister of Immigration, it is very important to me in the context of even our very open hearted and open minded and open arms approach to refugees in the current global context that due process be followed, we have a system that has worked well for us over time to apply due process to both those who are applying as refugees and to the country, to represent the country's best interests, and I think that has to continue, but at the same time I think we have to be open hearted and open minded with respect to the fact there are people in this city who are here today that we don't want to be.
For example, let me give you an even more stark example. Are we going to turn away somebody at a city operated shelter on a cold night like tonight because we have somehow somebody decides it's in their best interest to ask them to show their papers? Their papers with regard to their immigration status. Is that a relevant consideration to those people being admitted to a shelter overnight or not, and I would say it's not. They're human beings that are living in the city and they may be living in a different status or on a different basis than some of the rest of us are, and that should probably be resolved over time, but that it certainly shouldn't affect their access to basic services, which is really what the sanctuary city designation says.
Well the obvious response you often hear, and thank you for the question, is that we should sort of more strictly enforce the hate crime laws, but that's complicated and I don't know if you've discussed those laws but what actually has to happen there is that the police, in consultation with the [inaudible] attorneys, have to designate to give an offense as being something motivated by hatred and it then gets treated differently in terms of the penalty that's applied and so on, and that law's under review right now in Ottawa. I don't think law at the end of the day is going to represent the answer, because a lot of these people I would describe as being sort of deranged and obsessed people who the law to them doesn't really matter. I mean, the fact that like last night somebody would try to burn a Mosque is like, to me, such an act of treachery and so on that those people don't pay attention to what the law says.
So I think what we have to do, and I had a meeting yesterday in the wake of these events, the anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim events, I had a meeting of all the different faith leaders from every faith you could possibly imagine. I mean, when I say every one there was like 40 people in the room so there were 40 faiths represented but I'm sure there are others. But we have 40, or 20, 35 faith leaders in the room, and what they focused on was a couple of things. I would say coming out of that meeting, and we're now going to take the list away, they focused on education, and I know it sounds like something we would say, "Well, education." We always hear that and people will roll their eyes.
We simply have to have people understand more about each other's faiths, understand that the strength of Toronto is represented by the fact that people have come here from different faith groups that oftentimes didn't get along at all in other places where they might have come from, but have been able to coexist here on the basis that we made an effort to understand each other and to understand we're all in this together, and if we could have people learn about each other's faiths... And they told me some interesting stories yesterday about programs where people have gone to visit a group of Jewish leaders will go to a Mosque and they'll talk to each other about their respective faiths.
And what you figure out, by the way, because when you're in a job like mine I've been to every kind of religious institution that you could name, a religious place, and seen every kind of service and you come to realize, of course, that pretty well all of them are based on the same core set of values about how you treat each other and things you don't do and things you do and how you look after each other and so forth. They really are. I mean, the Quran and the Bible and the Torah and so on, if you look at those they contain many of the same fundamental underlying values and I think the more we understand that, the more we realize what an artificial division it is between people who are Muslim and Jewish and Christian and Buddhist and all the rest.
So education was something they named and then secondly they said, "We've got to keep demonstrating in the city every day the fact that we do live differently here." We are weaving a different narrative for the world of how instead of moving in the direction as we're seeing in many places in the world, including some close to home where we're trying to polarize people based on their faith or their skin color or a bunch of other stuff, their sexual orientation, what have we done here? We've said, "No. We recognize people are going to be different. We're going to celebrate that. We're going to learn from that. We're going to strengthen ourselves for that," and they felt that the outward articulation of that by leaders but also events that show that you'll have people standing together.
This is one of the great strengths of Pride in Toronto is that Pride isn't a million people who are all LGBTQ. I mean, there are many who are but there are lots of other people who aren't who are there to say, "Hey, we all live here together. You're fabulous fellow citizens. We're celebrating that you've had certain victories in your rights and certain other challenges that still lie in front of you," and so on and so on. It's a celebration, and so that was the underlying message that came from this was yes, make sure the law is applied and strengthened as much as it can be, make sure we make a huge effort at education so people understand the importance of this and not letting our way of life get messed up by what's going on around the world, and thirdly to make sure we have people see every day the strength that comes from diversity and the strength that comes from inclusion, as opposed to the downside of polarization that you're seeing happening elsewhere.
And so I'm trying to be upfront about that every single day, just about, and there are people who criticize me for that because they have a slightly different view and if they don't like it, I guess they can vote me out at the next election and I hope they won't, for a bunch of reasons, but I hope that's one of them that we need to stay the course on our values. Our values are the ones that are admired around the world and I think we are not perfect, but we're weaving a much different narrative than many other places.
Well that's a good question, [Tassy], and I would only say to you that a lot of things that are controversial strike fear into the hearts of politicians. The question of underfunding is a different question and I think I covered that by sort of saying that one person would say it's underfunded, one person would say it's overfunded. So I think what we did was we established a budget, which is in the 10s of millions of dollars of new money put in this year's budget, to do the things that we felt were going to be effective in cutting down to zero, hopefully, the number of pedestrians that were killed, because we did have a very, very unacceptable year last year. I mean, any death is unacceptable but last year it got to kind of new record levels, and we're actually out there doing the things now that need to be done.
So when you mention speed limits, there are speed limits being changed all over the city. All over the city, the road safety plan that sets a zero target changed speed limits in many areas where there had been a particular incidence of pedestrians and drivers getting into collisions, and so those were changed. In the city of Toronto itself, like the city of Toronto, the downtown part, they have a community council. It took the decision to change all the speed limits on their streets because it's a local decision they can make within the context of our city government.
We have sought and received permission, although it's not been legislated yet, it's frustrating because it takes so long, to reintroduce photo radar, which was very controversial. I mean, a lot of people didn't like it but we got permission to reintroduce it in school zones so that in school zones we can cover a lot more of them, make kids safer but not have police officers' time tied up sitting in a car with a radar gun, which is frankly the old fashioned, very expensive, non-sustainable way of doing it. We are changing the configuration of the roads all over the city, the intersections, so that we're making it more necessary for cars to pay more attention to pedestrians because they're forced to by the configuration of the roads.
We've changed traffic signals all over the city to take account of the fact that seniors with the aging population are taking longer to cross the street so we should allow them that time even if it makes drivers wait a little bit longer so seniors can get across the street and not be unsafe. We're creating senior safety zones, which are zones where there will be signage and speed limits and so on that will be different because a majority, about 60% of all the pedestrian deaths that happened last year happened to people who were, I think, 55 or 60 years of age and older, so there are a lot of things we're doing as part of this plan and it's not representing any lack of courage or boldness. There's only so much you can do at a time. I think the money that's been allocated is certainly very sufficient to get a very substantial amount done in the next few years and we're out doing it because we take this very seriously and we have set the goal of saying zero, which is a goal that we're going to work hard to achieve.
Well I have been like a broken record on the latter point, which is to make sure the federal government comes through with its commitments that they made during the election campaign, and I will tell you they have been good partners for Toronto on transit funding so far, and we've had extensive discussions because they haven't announce their plan for housing funding. It's going to come in the budget will come sometime in the next probably 30 days, and I have joined together with all of the other big city mayors, so we're a united front on this, in asking them to specifically carve out, because they have something now call a social infrastructure fund which could cover a whole bunch of things, and we've said housing is so urgent in the big cities that we've calculated a number we think that would be adequate to allow us to get a much better head start than the rather small number of 4000 units spread across the country. That doesn't do much when there's thousands of people looking for affording housing.
And so we've asked them to carve out of the infrastructure plan over the next number of years 12.6 billion dollars for housing and Toronto would be the single biggest recipient of that money, simply because the scale of the problem here is bigger than it is obviously anywhere else in the country. If they come through with that, and I have reason to believe they will, first of all you'll see me commending them heartily because that was the right thing to do. Secondly, we've said to them they must insist in the next round of announcement of this money that the province's match their money, because what happened with the transit money is in some provinces, the province did not match the federal government's money and if they do match then you get obviously twice as much, and then the municipality adds some of its own money and you end up with a very substantial sum of money to build affordable housing because addressing the supply issue is really the number one key to trying to make more affordable housing available to more people.
Simply passing laws to say, "Well, we're going to put on a foreign buyers tax or we're going to impose rent controls," I happen to believe that when rent controls were imposed in this province previously back 25 or 30 years ago, they didn't work because what they succeeded in doing was creating a false environment in which rents were controlled, but all that succeeded in doing was making sure that nobody built any rental apartments at all. There were none built for probably 20 years in Ontario because people said, "Well, why would we put our money into that when we're going to get no return because the government's saying we're not allowed to get a proper return on their money? So instead we'll go build something else." They either build single family homes or they went and built apartments somewhere else, and I just think they've been proven over and over again in all parts of the world not to work, and so if you don't favor that then you have to favor the only other alternative, which is increase the supply of affordable rental housing, and I'll mention one last thing.
We have taken some steps as the city, regardless of what the other governments do, to encourage developers to build affordable rental housing by, for example, putting up I think 15 now valuable pieces of city land. We've said, "We'll put up that land which is a big cost of a developer, obviously, when they come to build a building, if you will come along and build only affordable rental and ownership housing. It has to be affordable and we will either give you that land, we'll lease it to you for a dollar a year, or make some very favorable arrangement with that piece of land," and on the first three pieces of land out of the 15 or whatever the number is, we've had huge competitive response to it, so we have a competition among developers to get the right to build it, and we've created as opposed to the last year before I took office where we had zero units of affordably housing, I think this year we've already approved hundreds of units of affordable housing that are going to be built.
And it's still not enough, but I'm hopeful with this money that's going to come, I'm confident in the budget we'll both be able to get on with the appalling backlog of repairs on the social housing in which we ask our most vulnerable people to live, citizens, and the supply of affordable housing that you talked about.
No, and that's why the Police Services Board... I mean, the way you described the history, I won't go back and give you the entire history, but the bottom line is that by virtue of provincial regulation that they subsequently took on and passed a regulation province wide which the Toronto Police Services Board has adopted and put a policy in place underneath that regulation. The practice of carding, which is you have to be careful how you use these words, but carding was the arbitrary stopping of people in the street who were not suspected of or accused of doing anything merely for the purposes of kind of asking them questions about who they were and why they were there and so forth and so on.
And if you said to me do I believe, and of course the facts have shown that especially in the years when carding was most prevalent which was around 2011 and 2011, when in Toronto there were 250000 people and the carding name came from the fact that there was a card that police officers filled out that had information about the person they stopped, and there were 250000 people stopped in each of those years, and disproportionately they were people of color and from racialized communities and in all cases, though, of the carding pretty much they were people who weren't doing anything. They were just sort of walking down the street or wherever they were, and it might have been in the middle of the night, it might have been in the middle of the day.
And do I think under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in this country that we have the right to walk down the street and not be stopped arbitrarily unless there is some suspicion that we're involved in a crime or for purposes of investigating a crime that's occurred? No, I don't think that police should be doing that and I voted accordingly to institute a policy that is now in place and the training has happened underneath that policy, it goes a couple of steps further which you'll be interested to know that that doesn't mean, and that's one of the things that's been misunderstood in the city is that people now think no one will ever be stopped by the police again unless they literally sort of just left the bank with a gun in their hand and a bag of money.
The police are now still have to go on stopping people because they might believe they're suspicious of something happening or because they are trying to investigate a crime, but they now have to inform people if they do stop them that you have the right not to answer the police's questions if they are just asking you how you're going or why you're where you are, and they have to tell you that right proactively and say to you, "Now, you do have the right not to talk to me if you don't want to," and that didn't necessarily sit that well with the police who felt that would make it difficult for them to have conversations that can be very beneficial.
I mean, conversations between the police and people in the community lies at the heart of having a proper relationship between the police and the community where they build trust in each other, but the bottom line is I can tell you that the policies that are in place today if you read them, and are voted for by me and other members of the Police Board, it was unanimous, quite expressly set out that this arbitrary stopping of people on the street just in the hopes you might find something out or you might take down some information about them has now been precluded from happening and there are very strict rules in place, including the proactive information to be given to people about their rights that now applies and information about how the data that is collected from people will be safeguarded, so that's where the thing stands today.
It's a very difficult issue and I had to learn about it, I'll be honest with you. And you know, I'm a [inaudible]. I'm the first mayor, I think, ever elected to the mayoralty city of Toronto without having first served on the city council, so if I told you I had a lot to learn when I walked into this place where many of the people had served there for 25 years, including about the police and about the practices of the police and how things unfolded, and I'll admit I've made some mistakes in things that I've said or done on some of these issues.
I'm a human being. I'm not perfect, far from it. My wife would tell you that in spades, and my kids, and my grandchildren, but I'm a human being and I'm learning as I go and I hope I'm working hard and learning fast, but a lot of these issues are incredibly complicated and you're going to put a foot wrong in the odd time. I think I've done not too much of that, but that was an issue where I got off to a bit of a rocky start in terms of exactly how to deal with it the right way, but I think we arrived at the right place in the end, which is what's really important.
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Toronto Mayor John Tory Resigns, Admitting to Relationship With Employee
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The mayor, John Tory, who had led the city since 2014, apologized for what he called a serious error in judgment.
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TORONTO — Toronto’s mayor resigned unexpectedly on Friday night after admitting to a relationship with a staff member.
John Tory made the announcement at a news conference several hours after receiving questions from The Toronto Star, which broke the story, about the relationship with a woman the newspaper said was a former employee of his office.
The relationship began during the pandemic and “ended by mutual consent earlier this year,” Mr. Tory said, calling the episode “a serious error in judgment.”
“It came at a time when Barb, my wife of 40-plus years, and I were enduring many lengthy periods apart while I carried out my responsibilities during the pandemic,” he said.
Mr. Tory said he had alerted the city’s integrity commissioner of the relationship for review, and would work with senior staff members, including Jennifer McKelvie, Toronto’s deputy mayor, on a transition “in the coming days.”
Michael Thompson, the previous deputy mayor, a largely ceremonial post, resigned last fall after facing sexual assault charges.
A lawyer by training and a former leader of Ontario’s Conservative Party, Mr. Tory was elected in 2014 as mayor of Toronto, Canada’s largest city. He succeeded Rob Ford, who was stripped of most of his power, but refused to resign, after he confessed to smoking crack cocaine. Mr. Ford began treatment for malignant liposarcoma, a rare cancer, in 2014 and died in 2016 at age 46.
Following four tumultuous years of Mr. Ford, who was criticized for a lack of civility at City Hall, Mr. Tory ushered in a period of stability, albeit with a mixed record. He promoted ambitious transit plans in his campaigns that critics say have fallen short in delivery, and successfully lobbied the Ontario premier, Doug Ford, for “strong mayor” powers. That measure, effective first in Toronto and Ottawa but later to be rolled out elsewhere in the province, gives mayors more sway over the city budget, as well as expanded power to pass or veto city bylaws.
Mr. Tory did not take questions from reporters on Friday.
“I deeply regret having to step away from a job that I love in a city that I love even more,” he said. “I’m deeply sorry, and I apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto.”
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Toronto Mayor John Tory to step down after admitting relationship with former staffer
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[
"CBC"
] |
2023-02-11T01:14:18+00:00
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory announced on Friday that he will step down from his office after admitting to a relationship with a former staffer. "During the pandemic I developed a relationship with an employee in my office in a way that did not meet the standards to which I hold myself as mayor and as a family man," Tory said during a brief statement at city hall. Tory said the relationship ended by "mutual consent" earlier this year. The employee found employment outside of his office during the rel
|
en
|
https://s.yimg.com/rz/l/favicon.ico
|
Yahoo News
|
https://ca.news.yahoo.com/toronto-mayor-john-tory-statement-011418659.html
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory announced on Friday that he will step down from his office after admitting to a relationship with a former staffer.
"During the pandemic I developed a relationship with an employee in my office in a way that did not meet the standards to which I hold myself as mayor and as a family man," Tory said during a brief statement at city hall.
Tory said the relationship ended by "mutual consent" earlier this year.
The employee found employment outside of his office during the relationship, he said.
"I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgment on my part."
LISTEN | What John Tory's resignation means for City Hall:
Tory said the relationship came at a time when he and his wife of more than 40 years were "enduring many lengthy periods apart while I carried out my responsibility during the pandemic."
Tory apologizes to 'those harmed by my actions'
The mayor said he will take time to reflect on his "mistakes" and will work to rebuild the trust of his family.
"I am deeply sorry and apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto and all those harmed by my actions, including my staff, my colleagues on city council and the public service for whom I have such respect," Tory said.
"Most of all, I apologize to my wife Barb and to my family who I have let down more than anyone else."
Tory said he has informed the integrity commissioner of the situation and has asked the office to review it. He said he will also work with the city manager, city clerk and Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie to ensure an "orderly transition" in the coming days.
"While I deeply regret having to step away from a job I love, in a city I love even more, I believe in my heart it is best to fully commit myself to the work required to repair these most important relationships," he said.
"As well, I think it is important for the office of the mayor not to in any way be tarnished and not to see the city government itself put through a prolonged period of controversy, arising out of this error in judgement on my part, especially in light of the challenges we face as a city."
Tory thanked Toronto residents for trusting him as mayor.
"It has been the job of a lifetime," he said.
In a report on Friday night, the Toronto Star said the woman, a former employee, is 31 years old and worked as an adviser in his office.
Kristyn Wong-Tam, a former downtown councillor who is now a provincial NDP MPP, said Tory had to step down.
"It's no secret that John Tory and I had many political disagreements," Wong-Tam tweeted Friday night.
"I fully agree that he should resign. This is not a simple, one-time lapse of judgment. Tory was her boss and this is an abuse of power."
Based on the City of Toronto Act, there will likely be a byelection in the coming weeks or months. City council is set to meet Wednesday to vote on this year's budget, a spending plan Tory introduced and championed.
Councillors express shock
Coun. Paula Fletcher, who represents Ward 14, Toronto Danforth, said she was "absolutely shocked" when she heard the news. She said it was a "terrible" lapse in judgment.
"I'm getting texts and calls. I think everybody is in a bit of a state of shock right now," she told reporters at city hall.
Fletcher said it's unclear when Tory will resign and McKelvie is in Ottawa at a conference.
"I really think this is the moment when council is going to have to show its stuff, as it has in the past."
WATCH | Mayor John Tory to step down after admitting to relationship with staffer:
She said council had to step in and take the reins when Rob Ford was mayor. She added the budget is coming before council next week.
"It's the mayor's budget. I have no idea what that's going to look like, but I do think that all councillors are going to have to step up and keep the best interests of the city at heart during this very difficult time until we have a byelection, which I'm pretty sure we're going to have."
Coun. Jamaal Myers, who represents Scarborough North, said he is shocked and feels "very sad" for Tory's family and for the mayor. He said Tory was well-respected on "all on sides."
"We're just all shocked and very, very sad," he said.
Myers added that council needs to guide the city through the mayor's resignation
"It really matters that we have a strong council, rather than a strong mayor," he said.
Myers said he appreciates that Tory has taken personal responsibility for his actions and he is praying for him and his family.
Tory has enjoyed strong support during tenure
Tory cruised to re-election in last October's municipal election and has enjoyed strong support throughout most of his time in office.
He first won in 2014, beating now-premier Doug Ford and Olivia Chow. He won again in 2018, defeating the city's ex-chief planner, Jennifer Keesmaat.
Tory first became mayor during the turbulent time following Rob Ford's tenure in office, and appeared focused on creating a sense of stability in the city.
He held property taxes at the rate of inflation while priding himself on building relationships with other levels of government. That served him well at some points — Ford's government recently gave him "strong mayor" powers over council — and stymied him at others.
He once bemoaned feeling like a boy in "short pants" while approaching Queen's Park for more power, like the ability to toll the city's two main highways: the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway.
In a statement Saturday morning, Ford thanked Tory for his public service and said he "will be remembered as a dedicated and hard-working mayor who served as a steady leader during the most difficult days of the pandemic."
"I wish nothing but the best for my friend in the days, weeks and months ahead," Ford said.
Tory leaves office with some of his legacy projects incomplete. SmartTrack, his 2014 plan to bolster the city's rail system using commuter lines, has been reduced to a shadow of the original promise. Building Rail Deck Park, another signature plan, appears unlikely.
Tory did, however, lead the city through the height of the pandemic, holding multiple news conferences per week. He also helped lead some reforms within the police department and was on the winning side of the lion's share of city council votes.
Tory will also be remembered as a mayor on the move. He frequently attended several events every day across the city and was in the media frequently.
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1
| 60
|
https://www.hackmancapital.com/mayor-john-tory-to-lead-first-in-person-toronto-film-industry-mission-to-los-angeles-since-2019/
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en
|
person Toronto film industry mission to Los Angeles since 2019
|
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"Audrey Hackman"
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2022-05-20T19:05:26+00:00
|
Plans for the mission were announced in Downsview, on the future site of a major new film and television production hub being built by Hackman Capital Partners and operated by The MBS Group. The studio complex will anchor a much larger innovation-themed district featuring high-tech, creative industries, housing, parks and vibrant public spaces, which are being master-planned by Northcrest Developments.
|
en
|
Hackman Capital Partners
|
https://www.hackmancapital.com/mayor-john-tory-to-lead-first-in-person-toronto-film-industry-mission-to-los-angeles-since-2019/
|
Press Release courtesy of the City of Toronto–Mayor John Tory will lead a film mission to Los Angeles next week to help deepen relationships with established studios producing in Toronto, and those that have not yet brought productions to the city.
This is the first in-person mission to Los Angeles since 2019. Mayor Tory made the announcement alongside Deputy Mayor Michael Thompson (Scarborough Centre), and Councillors Paula Fletcher (Toronto-Danforth) and James Pasternak (York Centre).
Plans for the mission were announced in Downsview, on the future site of a major new film and television production hub being built by Hackman Capital Partners and operated by The MBS Group. The studio complex will anchor a much larger innovation-themed district featuring high-tech, creative industries, housing, parks and vibrant public spaces, which are being master-planned by Northcrest Developments.
The Mayor’s Mission to Los Angeles is a collaborative public- and private-sector initiative, with support from all sectors of Toronto’s industry, including studio owners, unions, post-production companies, equipment suppliers, financiers, hoteliers and educators.
The more than 50 delegates travelling on the mission will carry one shared message in support of Toronto as a top production destination of choice. During the last Mayor’s Mission in 2019, the Mayor and delegates sought the views of existing and prospective film industry clients on how Toronto can be an even more competitive home for their productions. The upcoming Mission will report back on how the City of Toronto has responded to their feedback.
Beyond sharing the Toronto story, the Mission will report on the progress made addressing some industry concerns including:
Increasing studio space: Between now and 2026, studio space in the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area (GTHA) will grow from 3.7 million square feet to 6.2 million square feet – an increase of 68 per cent.
Growing the workforce and prioritizing diversity: Informed by The Toronto Screen Industry Workforce Study, the City has been working with union and industry partners, along with community groups, to co-design and offer innovative programs for practical and durable pathways into the industry, with a strong emphasis on diversity and inclusion.
Prioritizing green production infrastructure: The City will soon begin the installation of power-drops, strategically installed in areas frequently used for base camps, with the potential to save 400 tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions per year. The City is also part of Ontario Green Screen, launched by the Ontario Film Commission.
Tax Credit Stability: Credits for filming have remained stable, and they are a critical asset in maintaining Toronto’s competitiveness.
As a further, critical support to the industry, the City has earmarked almost 10 acres of City-owned waterfront land for a studio build. Hackman Capital Partners and The MBS Group were the winning bidders.
The Mayor’s Mission to Los Angeles is sponsored by 1 Hotel, ACTRA-Toronto, Bank of Montreal, BDP Quadrangle, Cinespace Film Studios, Company3, DGC-Ontario, Dufferin Gate Studios, Eastside Studios, Entertainment Partners Canada, FilmOntario, IATSE Local 411, IATSE Local 873, MBSE-Canada, Media One Creative, NABET 700-M UNIFOR, National Bank of Canada, Nieuport Aviation, Northcrest Developments, Ontario Creates, Panavision, Pinewood Toronto Studios, RBC, Rocket Science VFX, Sheridan SIRT, SPINVFX, Starline Trailers, The Stratagem Studios, Studio 550, William F. White International Inc., Wiseacre Inc. and York University.
Toronto has had two consecutive years of record-breaking production volume, with 2020 and 2021 totalling almost $5 billion. Toronto has one of the largest screen-based industries in North America, employing more than 35,000 people. More information about the screen production industry in Toronto, including planned productions through this spring and summer, is available at Toronto.ca/film.
Quotes:
“This mission is about securing investment and jobs in Toronto. Our city’s film and TV sector is thriving and growing at an expansive rate, and while we have many productions and numbers to be proud of, I am always looking for more investments in our city. This is particularly important as we move ahead in our reopening efforts. We have a great story to tell here in Toronto backed by a remarkable group of talented partners including unions, developers and much more who all share the same goal of building up the sector further. We have worked to make progress to help increase industry investments here including expanding studio space, growing our diverse talent pool, focusing on green production infrastructure and tax credit stability. I look forward to working with all of our partners to continue to grow the screen industry in Toronto.”
– Mayor John Tory
“Our film, television and digital industry is an important economic driver for Toronto. Projects from Los Angeles combined with local production to employ more than 35,000 local workers and register a record-breaking production volume of $2.5 billion in 2021. We are confident that this business mission to LA will continue to add fuel to the unprecedented growth of our screen industry.”
– Deputy Mayor Michael Thompson (Scarborough Centre), Chair of the Economic and Community Development Committee
“With 2021 being another record year for the Toronto screen industry, I’m looking forward to our L.A. business mission and the opportunity to help the industry continue to flourish in Toronto.”
– Councillor Paula Fletcher (Toronto-Danforth), Chair of the Film, Television and Digital Media Advisory Board
“During the 2019 L.A. mission, clients asked for expanded studio space in Toronto, which we delivered on. The continued growth of Toronto’s film industry including studio space even through the pandemic shows the opportunities for further expansion. That’s why I’m delighted that a 10-acre studio build will be coming to York Centre, which Hackman Capital Partners and The MBS Group are projected to complete and occupy by 2025.”
– Councillor James Pasternak (York Centre)
“York University is proud to join our industry colleagues in taking the message of Toronto as a world class and growing production jurisdiction to our clients in Los Angeles. By bringing together every segment of the industry, and traveling there together with one message, we demonstrate the collective power of our production community in an extraordinary way.”
– Ken Rogers, Director of the York University Motion Media Studio at Cinespace and Academic Director of the MBA Program in Arts Media and Entertainment at The Schulich School of Business
“We are grateful to the Mayor and other stakeholders for their collaborative spirit and strong, ongoing support of the Downsview and Basin Media Hub developments, as we further our deep commitment to Toronto’s film and television production industry. Toronto is already an economic hub for Canada’s creative economy and a leading destination for global content creators. These state-of-the-art studios will significantly increase the city’s capacity for film and television production to meet the industry’s surging demands.”
– Michael Hackman, founder and CEO of Hackman Capital Partners
|
|||||
7542
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dbpedia
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3
| 96
|
https://theclarion.ca/municipal/tory-deserves-second-term-toronto-mayor/
|
en
|
John Tory deserves a second term as Toronto’s mayor
|
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] | null |
[
"Michael Taube"
] |
2018-10-09T08:52:39-06:00
|
Tory has managed the city with grace and dignity. And he has kept the lid on taxes
|
en
|
Kindersley Clarion - Reinventing how Canadians stay in touch
|
https://theclarion.ca/municipal/tory-deserves-second-term-toronto-mayor/
|
Municipal elections throughout Ontario will be held on Oct. 22. As a resident of Toronto, I’ll be casting my vote for school trustee, city councillor and mayor.
With respect to the latter position, the top two candidates are John Tory and Jennifer Keesmaat.
Tory is the city’s incumbent mayor. He’s had a successful career as a lawyer, businessman and media personality. A former CEO of Rogers Media and Rogers Cable, he served as Canadian Football League commissioner from 1996 to 2000. He was a journalist for CFTR and CHFI (1972 to 1979), and a Newstalk 1010 radio host (2009 to 2014).
Politics has always been Tory’s first love. He was principal secretary to Ontario Premier Bill Davis. He ran in the 2003 Toronto mayoral election and lost to then-councillor David Miller. He led Ontario’s Progressive Conservatives from 2005 to 2009, and was an MPP for Dufferin-Peel-Wellington-Grey from 2005-2007. He won the 2014 Toronto mayoral election over Doug Ford, who is now premier of Ontario.
Tory has a moderate, centre-right platform. He supports less government, lower taxes and more private enterprise, but also touts affordable housing and better transit (through his existing SmartTrack plan). Most polls show his popular support around 62 to 65 per cent.
In contrast, Keesmaat was Toronto’s chief city planner from 2012 to 2017. She worked with Tory and, while they had public policy disagreements, she praised him for a willingness to “tolerate a chief planner who didn’t fit in a box.” She would later become CEO of Creative Housing Society, a non-profit organization that focuses on affordable housing.
With respect to politics, Keesmaat is a relative novice. She’s never run in any previous city election or under a party banner. She was briefly an executive assistant for both city Councillor Joe Mihevc and former city councillor Jane Pitfield.
Keesmaat’s platform is way to the political left. She announced a rent-to-own housing plan, similar to buying TVs and furniture, to be paid for by – predictably – taxing the wealthy. She wants to lower the speed limit on city streets, which is the kiss of death in politics. She refuses to reveal her position on property tax (take a wild guess). And, just before declaring her candidacy, she floated the ludicrous idea of Toronto seceding to become a province. Most polls show her popular support around 25 to 30 per cent.
Faith Goldy, a former reporter/political commentator at Sun News Network and Rebel Media, seems to be polling the highest among the other 33 mayoral candidates at around three to six per cent. She’s running on a small ‘c’ conservative platform that includes tackling crime, illegal immigration and phasing out the land transfer tax.
Goldy’s reputation has been tainted due to associations with individuals linked with the alt-right and white nationalism. She hasn’t been invited to debates, has been blocked from radio and TV advertising, and is generally being ignored by the media and leading candidates. While this is preposterous to see in a democracy, her campaign clearly has little to no room to grow.
Who’s my choice for mayor?
Few people would have been surprised if I’d announced I was voting for Tory. But I’m going one step further and formally endorsing him, which I haven’t done in quite some time.
I’ve known Tory for years. I like him as a person, and respect his intelligence, work ethic and ability to build political bridges with polar opposites. This has helped attract Liberals to his campaign, since you can’t get elected in Toronto with Conservative support alone.
The biggest divide has always been on ideological terms, since I’m far more right-leaning than he is. I supported his mayoral run in 2003, stayed home during the 2007 Ontario election (which he lost), and voted for Ford in the 2014 mayoral election.
To his credit, Tory has kept Toronto’s personal and property taxes low. He’s helped attract new businesses, which means more jobs and economic opportunities. SmartTrack is being built at a decent (albeit slow) pace. He supports the one-stop extension of the Scarborough subway. He’s proposed the construction of the Rail Deck Park, which could one day resemble Chicago’s Millennium Park and New York’s Hudson Yards.
Has he made mistakes?
Sure. Wading into the carding controversy at full tilt was unwise, and calling for a citywide gun ban was unnecessary and pointless.
But the positives far outweigh the negatives, in my view.
Tory has done an admirable job of managing the city with grace and dignity. I believe right-leaning conservatives in Toronto – and there are a few of us – should park our votes with the incumbent mayor. He deserves a second term in office.
Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.
|
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/toronto/tory-poll-has-ford-sitting-in-third-place-ahead-of-municipal-election/article19356836/
|
en
|
Tory poll has Ford sitting in third place ahead of municipal election
|
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[
"Jamey Heath",
"Rob Ford",
"Olivia Chow",
"John Tory",
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"mayoral race",
"David Soknacki",
"Karen Stintz",
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] | null |
[
"Robyn Doolittle"
] |
2014-06-27T10:00:00+00:00
|
Survey of 750 Torontonians had the mayor receiving only 20 per cent of the decided vote, with Chow and Tory neck-and-neck for first
|
en
|
The Globe and Mail
|
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/toronto/tory-poll-has-ford-sitting-in-third-place-ahead-of-municipal-election/article19356836/
|
Days away from Toronto Mayor Rob Ford's return to municipal politics, a rival campaign's polling data suggest he has a difficult road to re-election.
According to a recent survey of 750 Torontonians commissioned by John Tory's campaign, Mr. Ford is sitting in third with only 20 per cent of the decided vote. Meanwhile, Olivia Chow and Mr. Tory are locked in a virtual tie with 36 and 35 per cent respectively.
Mr. Tory's campaign agreed to release its internal numbers after being asked to comment on a Monday poll from Forum Research, which put Mr. Ford in second place with 27 per cent of the vote, Ms. Chow in first at 34 and Mr. Tory trailing in third with 24. (A Forum survey done in early June revealed a different landscape, with Mr. Ford at 20, Ms. Chow at 38 and Mr. Tory with 28.) The numbers left many wondering if Mr. Ford might be capable of a comeback. He will return to the race Monday after taking two months off for addiction treatment.
Ms. Chow's camp declined to reveal its data and would not say whether they believed the Forum numbers to be accurate.
"We're not discussing our internal strategic decision making, but repeatedly, people have said Rob Ford can't win. They said it in 2010, they said it after every revelation and our position from day 1 has been that Rob Ford is a formidable opponent who should not be underestimated, and if you don't want him as mayor you should vote for the candidate who does not share his values and can beat him," said Jamey Heath, Ms. Chow's communications director.
Mr. Tory's campaign, naturally, has a different take.
"The Chow campaign needs Ford in the race," said strategist Nick Kouvalis. "People are with her because they see her as the only one who can beat Ford – not because they actually want her to be mayor. Once people realize John Tory can win, he becomes the anti-Ford and the anti-Chow."
Mr. Kouvalis's firm, Campaign Research, conducted its poll over six days concluding Tuesday. It was a live agent survey that evenly targeted Etobicoke, North York, Scarborough and Toronto/East York. Each call lasted about 30 minutes and touched on a range of topics. (Forum's numbers were collected on Monday night using an automated push-button method.)
Mr. Kouvalis agreed to release a handful of the survey's findings, which he said did not directly relate to strategy. If Mr. Tory's data are correct, public transit will decide the election this fall.
Respondents were asked to comment on "some of the important issues you think need to be addressed in this city." A total of 62 per cent mentioned public transit; 23 per cent highlighted infrastructure; 21 per cent said traffic congestion; and 18 per cent identified leadership as an issue. Seniors, the environment, crime, daycare, hydro and garbage registered as important to only 2-3 per cent of those polled.
They also gauged brand recognition for Mr. Tory's Smart Track transit plan, which would use existing GO Transit lines to relieve the strain on the Yonge-University loop. The results showed 29 per cent of respondents knew about it and associated it with Mr. Tory. However, Mr. Ford is still leading on the transit file, with 51 per cent of those polled saying they were familiar with his vision.
Finally, the survey revealed an interesting story playing out in the inner suburbs. Ms. Chow is leading in Scarborough with 34 per cent (this is Mr. Ford's strongest area with 25), while Mr. Tory holds a commanding lead in North York with 45 per cent. Mr. Tory and Ms. Chow are running neck and neck in Etobicoke at 36 and 38 (Mr. Ford is at 23), but Ms. Chow rules the downtown with 43 per cent, according to the poll. Because of the smaller sample sizes, the margin of error is around 7.5 per cent for each borough.
Councillor Karen Stintz and former councillor David Soknacki finished with only 4 and 2 per cent, overall.
Polling numbers are often adjusted to reflect statistical realities around age and gender on the ground. If a survey captures too many women, for example, or too many suburban voters, it could skew the results. Mr. Kouvalis agreed to release his unweighted numbers in the candidate horse race. Before any adjustments, Mr. Tory had 33 per cent, Ms. Chow 32, Mr. Ford 17. A total of 10 per cent were undecided.
The overall results have a margin of error of 3.7 per cent, 19 times out of 20.
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dbpedia
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https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Tory
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Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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2014-12-12T18:32:57+00:00
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en
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Tory
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John Howard Tory (; born May 28, 1954) is a Canadian politician. He is the former mayor of Toronto, where he was born.[1]
Tory was a candidate for the 2003 Toronto mayoral election. He finished in second place and lost to David Miller. After this, from 2004 to 2009, he was the leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario. He was also a member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 2005 to 2007 for the riding of Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey.
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dbpedia
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1
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https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/john-tory-re-elected-as-toronto-mayor-for-third-term-1.6123061
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en
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John Tory re-elected as Toronto mayor for third term
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2022-10-24T08:20:00-04:00
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John Tory has been re-elected to a third term and will now have a chance to become Toronto’s longest serving mayor provided he remains in office for the full four years.
|
en
|
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Toronto
|
https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/john-tory-re-elected-as-toronto-mayor-for-third-term-1.6123061
|
John Tory has been re-elected to a third term and will now have a chance to become Toronto’s longest serving mayor provided he remains in office for the full four years.
CP24 declared Tory as the winner at 8:20 p.m. With 93 per cent of polls reporting Tory appears to have secured about 62 per cent of the vote, easily defeating urbanist Gil Penalosa who is currently in second with about 18 per cent of the vote. Chloe-Marie Brown is a distant third with about six per cent of the vote.
“Serving as your mayor in this great city continues to be the honour of a lifetime. I love our city and I love working for the people of this city, that is why I ran for re-lection in the first place,” Tory told supports during a victory party at the Fairmont Royal York on Monday night. “We have come so far over the last eight years but we have unfinished business that I am absolutely determined to see through. We have made so much progress on getting transit and housing built and growing our economy and now we have a strong mandate to continue with that progress.”
John Tory speaks after winning and being elected for a third term as the mayor of Toronto, Canada's most populous city, at his campaign headquarters in Toronto on Monday Oct. 24, 2022. The 68-year-old defeated 30 other mostly unknown candidates after many criticized his record on transit, housing and other municipal issues. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Nathan Denette
The victory means that Tory will have an opportunity to surpass Art Eggleton as Toronto’s longest serving mayor. Eggleton spent a total of 11 years in office from 1980 until his retirement from municipal politics in 1991.
More importantly, Tory will get to continue work on a number of major infrastructure projects that either began during his tenure or were heavily advanced under his leadership, including a $28 billion transit plan for the Greater Toronto Area that he helped negotiate with the Ontario government.
That plan includes the Scarborough subway extension, the Ontario Line and the Eglinton Crosstown West extension, all of which are in various stages of completion.
The former Rogers cable executive will also have significant new powers that could allow him to push forward more of his agenda.
LIVE: Toronto mayor and council results with ward-by-ward breakdowns
Those so-called “strong mayor” powers introduced by the Ford government will give him sole responsibility for preparing the city budget as well a veto on matters of provincial priority that can only be overridden by a two-thirds vote at city council
He will also have more control over personnel, including the ability to hire and fire department heads without council approval.
“We are going to work with the provincial and federal governments to keep getting the big things done,” Tory promised on Monday night. “We are going to get housing built, we are going to get the $28 billion transit plan built, we are going to do everything we can to keep our city affordable for the residents who live here and those who want to live here and we are going to do everything we can to keep our city safe and support the police as they continue to modernize.”
Race lacked high-profile challenger
Tory was one of 31 candidates running for mayor but the race lacked a high-profile challenger, outside of perhaps Penalosa.
Penalosa, who is the founder and chair of the non-profit organization 8 80 Cities, had the backing of former city councillor and current NDP MPP Kristyn-Wong Tam as well as ACORN, which is an organization that advocates for low- and moderate-income tenants.
He campaigned on cancelling a $1.4 billion plan to rebuild the eastern portion of the Gardiner Expressway and to instead turn the portion of the elevated highway east of Jarvis Street into an at-grade boulevard, freeing up land for up to 8,000 new homes in the process.
John Tory walks on stage after winning and being elected for a third term as the mayor of Toronto, Canada's most populous city, at his campaign headquarters in Toronto on Monday Oct. 24, 2022. The 68-year-old defeated 30 other mostly unknown candidates after many criticized his record on transit, housing and other municipal issues. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Nathan Denette
He also promised to build 62 kilometres of separated, high-speed bus lanes and another 30 kilometres of bus-only lanes as a means to supplement the city’s public transit network.
Tory, meanwhile, campaigned largely on the strength of his record.
He ran advertisements suggesting that “now is not the time for inexperience” and presented himself as the only candidate positioned to get transit built and begin to address Toronto’s housing crisis.
During the campaign, he even held a press conference to specifically reaffirm his commitment to the transit plan negotiated with the provincial government, noting that one of his primary reasons for seeking a third term in the first place was to make sure the “once in a lifetime transit expansion gets done.”
He also touted a five-point plan to create more housing, which includes a proposal to introduce a “use it or lose it” policy for developers sitting on approved, but undeveloped, land.
“I believe we need to get more housing built, we need to get more affordable and supportive housing built and we need to have housing that is obtainable for middle class Torontonians,” Tory told reporters at the time.
Toronto faces $875M budget shortfall
While Tory will get a chance to celebrate his victory tonight, the party is likely to be short-lived.
Toronto has an $875 million shortfall in its 2022 budget that staff had hoped would be filled through another round of funding from the provincial and federal government to offset financial impacts related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
But neither government has come to the table so far and the city has already had to put $300 million in planned capital projects on hold while it awaits further clarity on the matter.
It also remains unclear what impact an ongoing housing correction will have on revenue the city brings in through its land transfer tax, though Tory has argued that he can addresses the city’s fiscal challenges without significant property tax increases.
Not everyone agrees with that, notably Tory’s long-time deputy mayor Denzil Minnan-Wong who warned of significant financial challenges ahead during an interview with CP24.com last week.
“Toronto is facing lots of revenues problems. It’s going to require a lot of creativity and some assistance from other levels of government, that’s for sure,” he said.
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https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/december-2022/strong-mayor-powers-in-ontario-are-a-gross-violation-of-democratic-principles/
|
en
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Strong mayor powers in Ontario are a gross violation of democratic principles
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2022-12-16T11:31:44+00:00
|
Minority rule has no place in a democracy. Bill 39 should be repealed.
|
en
|
Policy Options
|
https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/december-2022/strong-mayor-powers-in-ontario-are-a-gross-violation-of-democratic-principles/
|
Since the summer, Ontario’s Progressive Conservatives under Doug Ford have transformed mayoral power in key cities in Ontario. Bill 3, which became law in September, gives powers to the mayors of Toronto and Ottawa that no Ontario mayor has ever had: the power to veto certain bylaws passed by council; the ability to hire and dismiss senior managers; and stewardship over the city budget.
Bill 39, approved by the Ontario legislature in December, pushes the envelope by proposing to give mayors the power to do something that no governing executive can do in any western democracy: pass bills with only one-third support of the legislature.
Now that Bill 39 has passed, Toronto Mayor John Tory can enact bylaws with the support of only his hand-picked eight-member executive committee rather than a majority on the 25-member council.
The Ontario government has made it clear that it intends to extend the new mayoral powers to other large Ontario municipalities. If Bill 39 is extended to Brampton, for example, with its six-member city council, Mayor Patrick Brown would need only one other councillor to agree with him.
The Ford government insists Ontario needs more housing supply to address the affordability crisis and that “strong mayors” are the best way to make that happen – a debatable proposition. This imposition of minority rule sets a terrible precedent, the future implications of which are unknown. It should be reversed as soon as possible.
What could possibly justify this gross violation of democratic norms and traditions?
Most causes of housing unaffordability are not local
The Ford government insists that we need more housing supply to address the affordability crisis. It says the blame for inadequate supply lies squarely with overly strict local land-use regulations and costly approval processes. The villain of the Ford story is the parochial ward councillor, protecting their constituents’ property values by holding back the tide of housing supply growth with regulatory barriers to neighbourhood change. The hero is the “strong” mayor who, with quasi-dictatorial powers, can overcome local NIMBY opposition and misguided environmental concerns to enable the city to build its way out of the housing crisis.
It is true that Ontario needs to build more of the right kind of housing in the right locations and at the right price, especially because the federal government has raised its immigration target to 500,000 for the year 2025 – double the level of a decade ago. Province-wide, housing starts are at their highest level since 1987, although the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) reports that housing completions per-capita have declined in the Toronto and Ottawa regions in recent years.
Some provincial governments seek conflict with municipalities
How to get cities out of their constitutional straitjacket
But how much of the growing unaffordability of housing in big Canadian cities is caused by restrictive regulation and its defenders on municipal councils?
The evidence shows that housing unaffordability has many causes. A decade of ultra-low interest rates – coupled with more exotic mortgage products and the financialization of housing assets at a time of widening income inequality – has bid up the cost of housing. This has encouraged speculative housing investment and inflated the net worth of existing property owners, while at the same time putting the bottom rung of the ownership housing ladder – and even renting – beyond the reach of low- and middle-income earners.
At the same time, governments have been deeply reluctant to invest in social housing and increase affordable housing supports, as well as to protect existing affordable rental stock. While new purpose-built rental construction has increased, its profitability hinges on its catering to the high end of the market. Statistics Canada, the CMHC, and BuildForce Canada have highlighted shortages of qualified skilled labour and materials to build new housing and related infrastructure as a key constraint on new development. These powerful factors are beyond the control of local governments and their mayors.
While local planning and zoning are a part of the puzzle, the notion that broad, systemic constraints will be overcome by allowing big-city mayors to overrule majorities of democratically elected councillors is a fallacy.
Downloading political responsibility for the housing crisis
What then are these “strong mayor” powers in Bill 3 and Bill 39 really about?
We conclude that, under the guise of empowering mayors, the provincial government is deliberately blurring accountability for the housing agenda to avoid paying the political cost for disrupting established neighbourhoods.
In the United Kingdom, the Conservative government was set to impose high housing delivery targets on local authorities in the hope of expanding housing supply by 300,000 units annually. But, facing a rebellion by 100 backbenchers who feared a backlash from their constituents, the government will now allow local authorities to build less housing if it would “significantly change the character” of their area. Score: NIMBYs 1, YIMBYs 0.
To avoid such a backlash, the Ontario government appears to be transferring political responsibility for the housing crisis to big-city mayors. If affordable housing does not materialize in strong-mayor cities, the province can blame the mayors.
Undermining local democracy
In and of itself, strengthening mayoral powers in Ontario is not entirely without merit. Rooted in consensus-building rather than majoritarian force majeure, decision-making in Ontario’s non-partisan, ward-based city councils can be slow and messy. A stronger executive could bring greater coherence and accountability. But the Ford government has not delivered a well-considered set of reforms to local executive authority. Instead, it is enacting a series of ad-hoc but increasingly radical measures. They are aimed at advancing a particular agenda, but their repercussions may be long-lasting and deeply damaging to local democracy.
The foundation of Canada’s political system – and of all other democracies – is majority rule. Our democratic institutions contain many safeguards to protect minorities from the tyranny of the majority. The Constitution guarantees the rights of linguistic, religious and other minorities. Many important issues require agreement between the federal and provincial governments. In some other countries, a two-thirds supermajority is required for certain types of decisions.
The numbers tell us who’s in charge at Toronto city hall
Let’s empower municipalities, too often the little siblings of federalism
Bill 39 entrenches a new principle: minority rule. In doing so, it rolls back almost 400 years of democratic development premised on checks and balances between executive and legislative authority – all in the name of a narrow property development agenda masquerading as a housing affordability plan.
While giving mayors unilateral powers may appear to enhance local autonomy, mayoral action is now tightly yoked to the transitory agenda of the Ontario government of the day. Unlike strong mayors in American cities, Ontario’s new strong mayors can use their new powers only to veto and pass bills for the purpose of advancing “provincial priorities.” For Doug Ford’s Progressive Conservatives, these priorities are to build as much housing as possible, as fast as possible. But once the strong mayor powers come into force, they will exist for years to come. What might future provincial government priorities be? To what new purposes might the Ontario government’s mayoral marionettes be turned in the future? We can only guess.
Bill 39 sets a terrible precedent that will reverberate across Canada and around the world. Arguing that minority rule will be rarely used, that it can be used only in specific circumstances, or that it is required to address an immediate crisis, is a red herring. Bill 39 will erode local autonomy and normalize minority rule as a legitimate governing principle. Minority rule has no place in a democracy. Bill 39 should be repealed.
|
|||||
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3
| 55
|
https://www.readthemaple.com/bye-john-tory/
|
en
|
Fuck John Tory
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Davide Mastracci"
] |
2023-02-14T13:47:00+00:00
|
Tory’s time as mayor may be over, but it will take Toronto a long time to recover from his reign of elitism.
|
en
|
The Maple
|
https://www.readthemaple.com/bye-john-tory/
|
On Friday, Toronto Mayor John Tory announced his resignation after the Toronto Star reported that he’d had an affair with a staffer less than half his age. I found out about the news from a waiter while celebrating a personal occasion at a restaurant in downtown Toronto, and immediately raised a toast. Fuck John Tory.
One of Tory’s last actions before the story broke was voting down a motion to declare homelessness in Toronto a public health crisis and to open 24/7 warming centres. Tory’s faction instead proposed that they push responsibility for homeless people onto other levels of government, and conduct a study on whether warm places are needed to keep them from freezing to death at night.
It was a disgusting action on Tory’s part, but also reflective of his time as mayor. Homeless shelters have consistently been full, with the city’s referral system turning away more than 200 people per night as of December. Last winter, at least four homeless people froze to death on Toronto’s streets. At the same time, Tory has also been using police and security guards to tear down homeless encampments throughout the city, often destroying their possessions and attacking them. In one case, a homeless encampment was evicted, and just two days later the park was taken over by a film crew, using it to shoot a movie.
Tory has yet to formally resign as mayor. In fact, he will remain in the position for at least the 2023 budget meeting on Wednesday, where city council will debate and then vote on how to spend funds throughout the rest of the year. The budget, which Tory’s office was responsible for putting together, includes nearly an additional $50 million for Toronto police, bringing their chunk to more than $1.1 billion. Tory has also announced an effectively-uncapped fund to pay for police in overtime positions on Toronto’s public transit system. This comes after years of protests decrying police brutality and killings in the city, findings of long-term and significant racial biases among the force, and calls to cut back on the behemoth budget that drags down everything else.
Tory’s latest budget also proposes all the wrong ways forward for transit. Tory has promised more than 50 new special constables on the system, another fare increase hike and worse service. Tory is fine with throwing whatever budget police claim to need at them. For transit, however, costs are increasingly downloaded onto individual users, all while the experience of taking it gets worse. At the same time, Tory happily voted yes in 2015 to repair a section of the Gardiner Expressway (responsible for bringing in just 3 per cent of commuters to downtown Toronto) at an estimated cost of nearly $1.5 billion. This was an indicator of just how far he would go to pander to a small number of car drivers over his time in charge. He chose these drivers over pedestrians, cyclists, transit users and so many others who live and work in the city.
On Saturday morning, Ontario Premier Doug Ford released a statement responding to Tory’s resignation announcement, stating, “I want to thank my friend John Tory for his many years of public service, most recently as Mayor of Toronto. John will be remembered as a dedicated and hard-work (sic) mayor who served as a steady leader during the most difficult days of the pandemic.” Ford and Tory were indeed friendly. Just a few weeks ago, Ford granted Tory with new “strong mayor” powers, allowing him to, among other things, pass and repeal by-laws with the support of just one-third of city council. Tory happily supported this change, which critics see as an anti-democratic measure to undermine resistance to neoliberalism.
Throughout his time as mayor, Tory has also had to declare numerous conflicts of interest, and even been investigated by the city commissioner. This isn’t a surprise given Tory’s family history, and the wide reaching nature of his connections. His great-grandfather founded Sun Life Canada. His grandfather founded what the Toronto Star has called “one of the most influential and politically connected law firms in the country.” His father was on the board of directors for Rogers. Tory himself has served as the president and CEO of Rogers Media, is a shareholder in the company as a whole and is also an adviser for the company, receiving $100,000 annually since 2014 for his role. He is an example of the scourge of nepotism and privilege in the country, as well as the chokehold a very small number of companies have on all of us.
I don’t really care that Tory had an affair. There are so many other things that have happened since he became mayor in 2014 that, in a decent world, would have forced him to step down. This article just barely scratches the surface of them. At the same time, if an affair is what it takes, so be it.
Fuck John Tory for what he has done to the city of Toronto. He’ll be fine in whatever he does next, but it will take the city much longer to recover from more than eight years of his rule — if it can escape from his ideology at all.
|
|||||
7542
|
dbpedia
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0
| 41
|
https://globalnews.ca/news/1169401/who-is-john-tory-a-profile-of-the-mayoral-candidate/
|
en
|
Who is John Tory? A profile of the mayoral candidate - Toronto
|
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[] |
[
"John Tory",
"Rob Ford",
"Toronto Election 2014",
"News",
"Politics"
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[
"James Armstrong"
] |
2014-02-24T19:02:10-05:00
|
John Tory announced Monday that he would once again be running for mayor of Toronto.
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/134ef81f5668dc78080f6bd19ca2310b?s=32
|
Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/news/1169401/who-is-john-tory-a-profile-of-the-mayoral-candidate/
|
Watch the video above: A 1-on-1 with John Tory.
TORONTO – John Tory announced Monday that he would once again be running for mayor of Toronto.
“The skills and experience I have, I think are right to bring the kind of leadership to the city now to get some things done, getting transit built and getting people working together,” he said on The Morning Show.
He will be going up against Mayor Rob Ford but Tory has a lengthy résumé in politics.
He ran for mayor of Toronto in 2003 against David Miller but lost, bringing in 38 per cent of the vote compared to Miller’s 43 per cent.
But his first brush with politics was in the office of the premier under Bill Davis from 1981 to 1986.
Story continues below advertisement
Watch: Mon, Feb 24: Talk-radio host and former leader of the PC Party of Ontario, John Tory, talks about the race to become mayor of Toronto.
In the early 1990’s he worked with the federal conservative party, chairing the campaigns Brian Mulroney and the disastrous 1993 campaign of Kim Campbell.
The campaign faltered after intense criticism over an attack ad targeting then Liberal Leader Jean Chretien which featured several unflattering close-up photos of the Chretien.
Many people thought the ad focused on Chretien’s facial abnormality caused by Bell’s Palsy, though the ad makes no mention of it. The Progressive Conservatives, led by Campbell, lost 154 seats that election finishing last out of five parties.
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Tory has also served in high-profile positions away from politics, serving as CEO of Rogers Communications Inc. from 1995 to 1999 and as Chairman of the Canadian Football League (CFL) from 1996 to 2000.
Federal lobbyist data shows Tory was registered as a lobbyist in the Prime Minister’s Office for Rogers until January 02, 2014.
A few months after losing the mayor’s race to Miller, Tory took a shot at provincial politics seeking to replace Ernie Eves as leader of the provincial Progressive Conservative party. He led the Tories until 2007 when he ran against then MPP Kathleen Wynne in her riding of Don Valley West.
He returned to broadcasting after the election hosting a radio show on Newstalk 1010 from 2009 to 2014 and as co-host of Focus Ontario on Global News.
But he hasn’t stepped away from politics, assuming the chairmanship of the Greater Toronto CivicAction Alliance in 2012. The group has championed transit reform and initiated a large advertising campaign asking people what would “would do for 32” minutes, or the amount of time lost in gridlock each day round the GTA.
And transit is expected to play a large part in the October election as the city discusses transit expansion, including the possible downtown relief line, the recently approved Scarborough subway (which David Soknacki wants to reverse) and a possible subway along Sheppard Avenue (which the mayor wants to see built).
|
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7542
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 14
|
https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Tory
|
en
|
Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
|
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[
"Contributors to Wikimedia projects"
] |
2014-12-12T18:32:57+00:00
|
en
|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Tory
|
John Howard Tory (; born May 28, 1954) is a Canadian politician. He is the former mayor of Toronto, where he was born.[1]
Tory was a candidate for the 2003 Toronto mayoral election. He finished in second place and lost to David Miller. After this, from 2004 to 2009, he was the leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario. He was also a member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 2005 to 2007 for the riding of Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey.
|
||||||
7542
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dbpedia
|
0
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https://store.hbr.org/product/leadership-and-scandal-in-john-tory-s-toronto/W37324
|
en
|
Leadership and Scandal in John Tory's Toronto
|
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Buy books, tools, case studies, and articles on leadership, strategy, innovation, and other business and management topics
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en
|
HBR Store
|
https://store.hbr.org/product/leadership-and-scandal-in-john-tory-s-toronto/W37324
|
On February 10, 2023, Toronto mayor John Tory stunned the city by holding an evening press conference to announce his resignation. Tory admitted to having an inappropriate relationship with a junior staff member in his office. While Toronto city council scrambled to deal with the fallout of Tory's abrupt announcement, public opinion about it was deeply divided. From politicians to pundits to the general public, it seemed everyone had something to say about Tory stepping down as mayor and the reason why he did so. In the absence of clear rules and regulations, what should Tory have done? Was his resignation, as some said, too hasty? Or was he correct to step down?
Gerard Seijts is affiliated with Ivey Business School
|
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7542
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dbpedia
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3
| 34
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https://www.bellmedia.ca/the-lede/press/former-toronto-mayor-john-tory-joins-iheartradio-canadas-newstalk-1010-and-ctv-news-as-municipal-affairs-expert/
|
en
|
Former Toronto Mayor John Tory Joins iHeartRadio Canada’s NEWSTALK 1010 and CTV News as Municipal Affairs Expert
|
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Former Toronto Mayor John Tory Joins iHeartRadio Canada’s NEWSTALK 1010 and CTV News as Municipal Affairs Expert
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Mayor of Toronto from 2014 to 2023
For other uses, see John Tory (disambiguation).
John Howard Tory (born May 28, 1954) is a Canadian broadcaster, businessman, and former politician who served as the 65th mayor of Toronto from 2014 to 2023. He served as leader of the Official Opposition in Ontario from 2005 to 2007 while he was leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario from 2004 to 2009.
After a career as a lawyer, political strategist and businessman, Tory ran as a mayoral candidate in the 2003 Toronto municipal election and lost to David Miller. Tory was subsequently elected as Ontario PC leader from 2004 to 2009, and was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario representing Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey and serving as the leader of the Opposition in Ontario from 2005 to 2007. After his resignation as PC leader in 2009, Tory became a radio talk show host on CFRB. Despite widespread speculation, Tory did not run for mayor again in 2010. He was also the volunteer chair of the non-profit group CivicAction from 2010 to 2014.
On October 27, 2014, Tory was elected mayor of Toronto, defeating incumbent mayor Rob Ford's brother, councillor Doug Ford and former councillor and member of Parliament (MP) Olivia Chow. On October 22, 2018, he was re-elected mayor of Toronto in the 2018 mayoral election, defeating former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat.[1] He was elected to a third term as mayor on October 24, 2022, after defeating urbanist Gil Penalosa.[2] He announced his intention to imminently resign as mayor on February 10, 2023, after admitting to having an affair with a staffer during the COVID-19 pandemic.[3][4] He submitted his resignation letter to the city clerk on February 15, and formally left office on February 17, at 5 p.m.[5] Tory was succeeded by Olivia Chow as mayor of Toronto.
Early life and education
[edit]
John Howard Tory, the eldest of four, was born on May 28, 1954, in Toronto, Ontario,[6] to Elizabeth (née Bacon) and John A. Tory, president of Thomson Investments Limited and a director of Rogers Communications.[7] His grandfather was lawyer John S. D. Tory and his great-grandfather founded Sun Life of Canada.[8]
He attended the University of Toronto Schools, at the time a publicly-funded high school affiliated with the University of Toronto.[9][10] He received his Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from Trinity College at the University of Toronto in 1975.[11] He received his Bachelor of Laws degree in 1978 from Osgoode Hall Law School of York University.[12] He was called to the bar in Ontario in 1980.[12]
Business and early political career
[edit]
From 1972 to 1979, Tory was hired by family friend Ted Rogers as a journalist for Rogers Broadcasting's Toronto radio stations CFTR and CHFI. From 1980 to 1981, and later from 1986 to 1995, Tory held various positions at Tory, Tory, DesLauriers & Binnington including partner, managing partner, and member of the Executive Committee.[13]
From 1981 to 1985, Tory served in the office of the premier of Ontario, Bill Davis, as principal secretary to the premier and associate secretary of the cabinet. After Davis retired as premier in 1985, Tory joined the office of the Canadian Special Envoy on Acid Rain, as special advisor. The special envoy had been appointed by the Mulroney government to review matters of air quality with a United States counterpart. Tory supported Dianne Cunningham's bid to lead the Ontario PCs in 1990.[14]
Tory later served as tour director and campaign chairman to then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and managed the 1993 federal election campaign of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell. In his role as the Progressive Conservative campaign co-manager that year, he authorized two infamous campaign ads that ridiculed Liberal candidate Jean Chretien's face, which is partially paralyzed due to a childhood disease. The ads were greeted with much outcry among the Canadian public. They were withdrawn ten days after their first airings, and the Progressive Conservatives would proceed to be decimated in the federal election.[15]
From 1995 to 1999, he returned to Rogers Communications, but this time as president and CEO of Rogers Media[16] which had become one of Canada's largest publishing and broadcasting companies. Rogers has interests in radio and television stations, internet, specialty television channels, consumer magazines, trade magazines and, at the time, the Toronto Sun and the Sun newspaper chain.
In 1999, he became president and CEO of Rogers subsidiary Rogers Cable, which he led through a period of transition from a monopoly environment to an open marketplace, overseeing a significant increase in operating income. Tory stepped down after Ted Rogers announced that he would stay on as president and CEO of parent company Rogers Communications. He served as the ninth commissioner of the Canadian Football League from 1996 to 2000.[16] Tory later was a board member of Rogers between 2010 and 2014, stepping down to run for Mayor of Toronto.[17]
Tory continued to have an interest in being a broadcaster throughout his life and, as a Rogers executive, hosted a public affairs program on Rogers Cable's community access channel for many years. He sat as a board member of Metro Inc., the Quebec-based parent corporation for Metro and Food Basics grocery stores.[18]
First campaign for mayor (2003)
[edit]
After six years as a key backer of retiring Toronto Mayor Mel Lastman, Tory ran in the November 2003 election for mayor of Toronto. He finished in second place, behind councillor David Miller and ahead of former mayor Barbara Hall, former councillor and MP John Nunziata, and former councillor and budget chief Tom Jakobek.
Tory and Miller both entered the race with limited name recognition and support, but each quickly claimed a core base—Miller among progressives and Tory among more conservative voters. Meanwhile, Hall's initially commanding lead slowly dissipated over the course of the campaign, and the campaigns of both Nunziata and Jakobek were sidelined by controversies.[citation needed]
Tory also accepted an endorsement from the Toronto Police Association. He held the traditional suburban conservative vote that had helped to elect Mel Lastman in the 1997 mayor's campaign, but lost the overall vote to Miller in a close race. After the election, Tory helped Miller and Hall raise funds to repay their campaign debts.[citation needed]
Leader of the Ontario PC Party
[edit]
In March 2004, Tory hinted that he would be seeking the leadership of the Progressive Conservatives, after Ernie Eves announced his intention to resign from that post. The provincial PC leadership election was announced for September 18, 2004, and Tory made his candidacy official on May 6, 2004. John Laschinger was appointed to be Tory's campaign manager. Tory won the support of former provincial cabinet ministers Elizabeth Witmer, David Tsubouchi, Jim Wilson, Janet Ecker, Chris Hodgson, Cam Jackson, Phil Gillies and Bob Runciman as well as backbench members of Provincial Parliament (MPPs) Norm Miller, Laurie Scott, Ted Arnott and John O'Toole.
Tory's opponents for the leadership post were former provincial minister of finance Jim Flaherty and Oak Ridges MPP Frank Klees. Tory defeated Flaherty with 54 per cent on the second ballot. When Flaherty later left provincial politics to seek a seat in the House of Commons as a member of the Conservative Party of Canada, Tory endorsed his former rival in the 2006 election; Flaherty was elected and was appointed the federal minister of finance. Tory also campaigned prominently with Flaherty's wife Christine Elliott in the provincial by-election held March 30, enabling her to win the seat formerly held by her husband.
Tory told the media in November 2004 that he would seek election to the legislature in time for the spring 2005 legislative session.
On January 31, 2005, after much public speculation and some delay, Ernie Eves resigned his seat and cleared the way for Tory to run in Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey, the safest PC seat in the province. As a "parachute candidate", Tory faced some criticism about his commitment to the riding. Nevertheless, he easily won the March 17, 2005 by-election with 56 per cent of the vote. Former premier Bill Davis appeared for Tory's first session in the legislature as PC leader.
2007 Ontario general election
[edit]
See also: 2007 Ontario general election
In the 2007 general election, Tory ran in the Toronto riding of Don Valley West, the area where he grew up, raised his family and lived most of his life.
Tory released his platform on June 9, 2007. The platform, A Plan for a Better Ontario, commits a PC government to eliminate the health care tax introduced by the previous government, put scrubbers on coal-fired power plants,[19] address Ontario's doctor shortage,[20] allow new private health care partnerships provided services are paid by the Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP),[21] impose more penalties on illegal land occupations in response to the Caledonia land dispute,[22] fast-track the building of nuclear power plants,[23] and invest the gas tax in public transit and roads.[24] A costing of the platform released in August estimated that the PC promises would cost an additional $14 billion over four years.[25]
The PC campaign was formally launched on September 3.[26] Most of the campaign was dominated by discussion of his plan to extend public funding to Ontario's faith-based separate schools,[27] during which Tory supported allowing the teaching of creationism in religious studies classes.[28] Earlier in the year, indications were that the party would have been a strong contender to win the election, but the school funding promise resulted in the Liberals regaining the lead in popular support for the duration of the campaign.[29] Later in the campaign, in the face of heavy opposition, Tory promised a free vote on the issue.[30]
With the beginning of the official campaign period on September 10, the PC campaign made clear its intention to make the previous government's record a key issue. In particular, Tory focused on the Liberals' 2003 election and 2004 pre-budget promise not to raise taxes and their subsequent imposition of a health care tax.[31]
On election night, the PCs made minor gains and remained the Official Opposition while Dalton McGuinty's Liberals were re-elected with a majority. Tory was defeated in Don Valley West by the incumbent Ontario Liberal MPP, Minister of Education Kathleen Wynne.[32] Although Tory was defeated in both his riding of Don Valley West and the race for the premiership, he said that he would stay on as leader unless the party wanted him to resign.[29][33]
Leading from outside the legislature
[edit]
As a result of the election loss, the party decided to hold a leadership review vote at its 2008 general party meeting in London.[34] Tory received 66.9 percent support, lower than internal tracking which showed him in the more comfortable 70 percent range. Three hours after the leadership review vote, Tory announced to the delegates that he would be staying on as leader.[35] He came under heavy criticism from several party members following this delay, with his opponents signalling that they would continue to call for an end to what they called his 'weak' leadership.[36] Other party members supported Tory, saying that his opponents should accept the results and move on.[35][36]
Throughout 2008, Tory's leadership of the party was perceived to be tenuous, as he faced widespread criticism for his seeming failure to convince a sitting MPP to resign in order to open a seat for him. Most notably, Bill Murdoch called for Tory to resign as party leader in September, resulting in his suspension from the party caucus on September 12.[37] Six days later, Murdoch was permanently expelled from the party caucus. In December 2008, media pundits speculated that Prime Minister Stephen Harper would appoint PC MPP Bob Runciman to the Senate in order to clear the way for Tory to run in Runciman's comfortably safe riding of Leeds—Grenville. However, Harper did not do so.
On January 9, 2009, PC MPP Laurie Scott announced her resignation from the legislature, allowing Tory to run in the resulting by-election in Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes—Brock, a normally safe PC riding in central Ontario. In exchange for agreeing to resign, Scott was given the post of chair of the party's election preparedness committee until the 2011 election, and $100,000 in severance pay.[38][39] On March 5, 2009, he lost the by-election to Liberal candidate Rick Johnson.[40] Tory announced his resignation from the party leadership the next day and was succeeded by Bob Runciman as interim leader; Runciman had served twice as leader of the opposition during the two times Tory did not have a seat in the legislature. Niagara West—Glanbrook MPP Tim Hudak won the 2009 Ontario Progressive Conservative leadership election to become party leader and opposition leader.[41]
Return to broadcasting
[edit]
Several weeks following the end of his provincial political career, Tory announced he was returning to broadcasting, to host a Sunday evening phone-in show on Toronto talk radio station CFRB. The John Tory Show simulcast on CHAM in Hamilton and CKTB in St. Catharines.[42] He was also looking for opportunities in business, law or the non-profit sector.[43]
In the fall of 2009, CFRB moved Tory to its Monday to Friday afternoon slot, for a new show, Live Drive, airing from 4pm to 7pm.[44] The show first broadcast on October 5, 2009.[45]
Tory was considering challenging incumbent Toronto Mayor David Miller in the 2010 municipal election as was Ontario Deputy Premier George Smitherman.[44] On September 25, 2009, Miller announced he was not running for re-election.[46] Tory announced on January 7 that he was not running in order to continue his radio show and also become head of the Toronto City Summit Alliance.[47][48][49][50][51] On August 5, 2010, after a week of press speculation that he was about to re-enter the race, Tory confirmed that he would not be running in 2010 for mayor of Toronto.[52]
Tory's last broadcast was February 21, 2014, after which he declared his candidacy for mayor.[53]
Mayor of Toronto (2014–2023)
[edit]
Elections
[edit]
Tory registered as a candidate for the 2014 Toronto mayoral election on February 24, 2014. In his launch video he stated that building a Yonge Street relief line was "job one" if elected mayor.[54] On May 27, he announced his Toronto relief plan, entitled SmartTrack, providing electric commuter rail along existing GO train infrastructure with service from Unionville to Pearson Airport.[55][56] SmartTrack construction has still not begun as well as having seen several changes.[57] On October 27, 2014, Tory was elected as mayor of Toronto.[58]
Tory became mayor of Toronto on December 1, 2014. He spent his first day meeting with Premier Kathleen Wynne, emphasizing the importance of working with other levels of government. He also announced that Councillor Denzil Minnan-Wong would be his deputy mayor. Minnan-Wong remained in the position for two terms, but did not seek re-election in 2022, and Tory selected Councillor Jennifer McKelvie as deputy mayor for his third term.[59][60]
On May 1, 2018, Tory registered his candidacy for re-election.[61] Tory retained a high approval rating at 58%, with only 24% disapproving, and 18% undecided. He was a front runner in the polls for the mayoral election at 65–70% support.[62] Tory was re-elected mayor of Toronto on October 22, 2018, defeating former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat with 63.49% of the vote.[63][64]
Tory was re-elected to a third term in 2022, defeating urbanist Gil Penalosa with 62% of the vote.[65]
Community safety and policing
[edit]
Tory has sat on the Toronto Police Services Board (TPSB) since his election as mayor in 2014. The TPSB oversees the Toronto Police Service (TPS) by hiring the chief of police, setting policies, and approving the annual police budget.
Soon after the 2014 election, the TPSB quashed rules governing the use of the community contacts policy ("carding"),[66] a controversial practice allowing police to randomly and routinely stop and demand identification and personal information from any individual deemed suspicious.[67] The information collected is kept on record for an unspecified period and is easily accessible by police officers.[67] Opponents allege it disproportionately targets Black people.[68] The previous rules, brought in by former police chief Bill Blair, had required police to inform stopped individuals of their rights and to keep a record of each stop.[67] Blair had also suspended the practice pending new rules.[67]
Despite public demand to completely end carding, Tory initially defended the policy in general, stating it should be reformed, but not stopped.[68] The practice was defended by the police union, which maintained that it was a "proven, pro-active police investigative strategy that reduces, prevents and solves crime".[69] On June 7, 2015, Tory called for an end to the policy, describing it as "illegitimate, disrespectful and hurtful" and stating it had "eroded the public trust".[69] In the TPSB meeting on June 18, Tory introduced a motion to end carding,[70] however, the motion was subsequently amended to return to an initial 2014 version of the policy, which required officers to notify those they stop that the contact is voluntary and issue a physical receipt following the interaction.[71][72] Carding was effectively ended province-wide in 2017 when the provincial community safety minister, Yasir Naqvi, issued a regulation banning police from collecting data arbitrarily.[73][74]
Police reform
[edit]
On June 25, 2020, in response to calls for police reform following the murder of George Floyd in the United States and a series of similar incidents in Toronto such as the death of Regis Korchinski-Paquet,[75] councillors Josh Matlow and Kristyn Wong-Tam introduced a motion to cut the Toronto police budget by $122 million, or 10 per cent, and reallocate funds to community programming.[76][77] Tory, along with a majority of council, rejected the proposal, instead passing a series of motions supported by Tory which did not include immediate defunding of the police.[78] Among the motions included the creation of a non-police crisis response pilot program and a $5 million funding increase to allow for front-line officers to be equipped with body cameras.[78][79] Tory claimed that a reduction in budget was likely if the program was successful.[75]
During his term of office, he insisted on strengthening the resources of the police, the municipality's main financial asset. The priority given to the police was at the expense of social services and housing, whose budgets were reduced.[80]
Toronto Community Crisis Service
[edit]
At its meeting on June 25, 2020, Toronto City Council considered a series of motions aimed at reforming policing and crisis response in the city.[81] Tory tabled a motion to "detask" the police. The city would explore how duties currently assigned to sworn officers would be assumed by "alternative models of community safety response" to incidents where neither violence nor weapons are at issue.[75][82] The proposal would "commit that its first funding priority for future budgets [be] centered [sic] on a robust system of social supports and services" and make an itemized line-by-line breakdown of the police budget public; a reduction in the police budget would likely ensue, according to the motion.[75] Tory's motion passed unanimously on June 29.[81]
On January 26, 2022, the Executive Committee approved a staff report outlining an implementation plan for the pilot program.[83][84] It was subsequently adopted by city council on February 2.[84] According to Tory, "the pilots will allow the city to test and to evaluate and to revise this model before we implement it on a larger scale but make no mistake it is our intention to implement it on a larger scale and to have it city-wide by 2025 at the latest".[83]
In March 2022, the city launched the Toronto Community Crisis Service pilot program.[85]
TTC safety
[edit]
In 2022 and 2023, Toronto saw a series of violent incidents on the transit system, which saw employees and passengers seriously injured or killed in seemingly random attacks.[86] Union leaders and passenger advocacy groups demanded action from the city, calling for increased mental health programs, social services and security.[87][88] On January 26, 2023, Tory, along with police chief Myron Demkiw and TTC CEO Rick Leary announced that the city would deploy 80 additional police officers to patrol the transit system, using off-duty officers in an overtime capacity.[89] Additionally, the TTC announced it would deploy 20 workers to provide outreach services to the homeless population on the TTC, and 50 security guards.[90][91]
Transportation
[edit]
SmartTrack
[edit]
Main article: SmartTrack
As part of his campaign in 2014, Tory proposed utilizing existing GO Transit rail corridors to construct an above ground relief line, building on the existing GO Regional Express Rail expansion plan. The proposal would see the service operate 22 "surface subway" stations alongside GO trains from Mississauga's Airport Corporate Centre south through Etobicoke towards Union Station, then north towards Markham.[92][93] Tory initially said that the proposal would cost $8 billion, with the city covering $2.5 billion, funded through tax increment financing,[92] and that SmartTrack would be completed in seven years.[94]
After his election, as city and Metrolinx staff began studying his proposal, SmartTrack plans began to change, with stations changing, and questions raised surrounding the costs and integration. An updated plan saw the western portion being dropped in favour of extending the Eglinton Crosstown LRT.[95][96] As other transit projects emerged, such as the Ontario Line, stations were dropped which would be serviced by new proposals.[97]
The plan currently in place sees the construction of five new transit stations being completed in 2026, at a cost of $1.463 billion to the city.[97][98]
Scarborough Subway extension
[edit]
Tory supports a one-stop extension of Toronto subway Line 2 to serve a proposed transit hub at the Scarborough Town Centre[99] as opposed to the three-stop Scarborough previously approved and fully funded under Ford.[100][101][102] The LRT alternative failed in council in 2016.[103] The Scarborough Subway Extension has completed the planning stage and as of 2016 was in the detailed design stage, with an estimated operation date of 2023.[104]
Gardiner Expressway
[edit]
In 2016, council faced a decision on the future of the elevated portion of the Gardiner Expressway east of Jarvis Street, as the aging structure would require significant renovations it was to remain in service beyond 2020.[105] Citing his election promise to improve traffic, Tory supported a hybrid option, which would see roughly $1 billion spent to reconstruct the structure with on and off ramps reconfigured.[106][107] The alternative proposal would have seen the expressway torn down at a cost of $461 million.[105] On this issue, three members of his executive committee opposed him.[108] Other politicians, including former mayor David Crombie and former chief city planner and 2018 Toronto mayoral candidate Jennifer Keesmaat opposed the renovation of the Gardiner Expressway, and prefer to tear it down instead.[109][110][111]
Road tolls
[edit]
During the 2003 election, Tory initially positioned himself against road tolls.[112] As mayor, Tory's position softened in 2016 when the city considered how it could raise revenue to fund transit projects.[112] In November 2016, Tory's announced that he would support tolls on the two municipally-owned expressways, the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway, which would have raised roughly $200 million annually.[113][114][115] The proposal passed city council, however, as the municipal government is a creation of the provincial legislature, the city would need approval from the province to implement tolls, as the City of Toronto Act, which lays out the city's legal powers did not allow for road tolls.[113]
The provincial government ultimately rejected the idea in January 2017, with Premier Wynne stating that her government could not endorse road tolls on the Gardiner and Don Valley Parkway until better transit alternatives were in place for commuters outside of the city to enter downtown. Wynne instead committed to increasing the municipal share of the gas tax, which would give the city $170 million annually by 2022.[116] While Tory was thankful for the increased gas tax share, he harshly criticized the province for denying the city a long-term option.[116]
During the 2022 municipal election, Tory once again floated the idea of introducing road tolls. The provincial government under Premier Doug Ford once again rejected the idea.[117]
Housing
[edit]
In 2014, Tory selected Councillor Ana Bailão to be the chair of the affordable housing committee.[118]
Modular housing
[edit]
In September 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, the city launched a housing response plan which would see 1000 units of modular housing contracted.[119] The initiative identifies city owned sites to place the units and is part of the city's housing strategy.[120]
Toronto Seniors Housing Corporation
[edit]
In 2021, the city launched a senior-focused social housing provider known as the Toronto Seniors Housing Corporation. It provides housing to 15,000 low and moderate income seniors in 83 Toronto Community Housing Corporation buildings, and employs staff from Toronto Community Housing's former seniors unit.[121][122]
ModernTO
[edit]
Initially launched in 2019 to optimize the city's office space,[123] the ModernTO initiative was adopted by Toronto City Council in April 2022 and seeks to redevelop a number of city-owned properties as affordable housing. The initiative sees the city reduce its office footprint from 55 to 15 locations by creating office hubs in central buildings such as City Hall, the civic centres and Metro Hall. Eight buildings will be repurposed into affordable housing, creating 500 to 600 units.[124][125]
2023 housing action plan
[edit]
Following the 2022 election, Tory introduced a suite of proposals in city council which would overhaul the city's housing strategy.[126] The proposals include ending exclusionary zoning, which would update by-laws to legalize laneway suites and garden suites, as well as exempting developments of four units or less from development charges. It includes incentivizing construction of rental housing by reducing fees and charges, the creation of a new Development and Growth Division, which aims at speeding up approval times. The proposal also allocates a portion of city-owned land to be developed by non-profits, asks the province to allow the city to create a "use it or loose it" policy for developers sitting on approved but undeveloped land.[127][126] City staff will report back to council in March 2023 with a report on how to implement the changes.[128]
While introduced with the housing action plan, a separate item includes legalize rooming houses city-wide by March 2024, which was previously deferred due to lack of support on council.[126]
The proposal was described as "a profoundly bold plan" by former chief planner Jennifer Keesmaat, who ran against Tory for mayor in 2018, and praised by housing advocacy groups. Councillor Stephen Holyday described the plan as a "death blow" to detached homes such as those in his Etobicoke Centre ward.[126]
Parks and recreation
[edit]
Rail Deck Park
[edit]
Main article: Rail Deck Park
In August 2016, Tory proposed the development of a 21-acre greenspace in the downtown core constructed above the Railway Lands. The proposed park would span between the Rogers Centre and Bathurst Street.[129][130] The proposal was priced at $1.66 billion.[131]
The plan was contingent on the city securing air rights to the lands above the railway, owned by Canadian National Railway and Toronto Terminals Railway.[132] A group of private developers disputed this, claiming they had already owned the air rights.[133] City council moved to re-zone the area above the railway for park use only,[133] which would prevent developers from building residential buildings as is the case in the surrounding area.[133] The developers sided with the city in the provincial government's Local Planning Appeal Tribunal (LPAT), which sided with the city, noting the growing downtown core and a lack of open space.[134] The developers wished to build a 12-acre park as part of a development of eight condo and office towers.[135]
In May 2021, LPAT issued a new ruling in response to sided with the developers, ruling the city should not have rejected a proposal to build a "mixed use community" over the land.[136][137] The tribunal decision effectively ended the city's plans to develop the land as park space.[138] In a statement, Tory said he was "deeply disappointed" by the ruling and "the possible impact on the future of Rail Deck Park".[136]
The development group plans to build a park at half the size of the city's original proposal, with mixed use towers taking up the remaining space.[139]
COVID-19 pandemic
[edit]
On March 23, 2020, a state of emergency was declared in Toronto by Tory, amid the COVID-19 pandemic.[140][141] This came six days after Ontario Premier Doug Ford declared a state of emergency in the province,[142] which included prohibition of all public events of over 50 people (later reduced to 5 people on March 28), closure of bars and restaurants (with the exception that restaurants could continue to provide takeout and delivery services) as well as libraries, theatres, cinemas, schools and daycares.[143][144] On March 31, Tory announced that the City of Toronto would cancel all city-led major events, festivals, conferences, permits and cultural programs until June 30.[145]
Beginning after Canada Day, street parking enforcement as well as fare evasion enforcement returned to Toronto and the Toronto Transit Commission respectively.[146] From July 2, 2020, face masks or coverings were required to be worn on the TTC.[147] After July 7, masks were required in enclosed, public places.[148]
Strong-mayor powers
[edit]
Prior to the 2022 election, at the request of Tory,[149] Premier Doug Ford's provincial government introduced legislation known as the Strong Mayors, Building More Homes Act, 2022, which granted Tory additional powers including the development of the budget, creating council committees, appointing the chairs and vice chairs of those committees, the power to reorganize departments, appointing department heads, and appointing the city manager. Tory was also granted the power to veto council decisions which do not align with priorities set by the province.[150][151] On November 16, 2022, the province proposed further changes the powers of the mayor, introducing the Better Municipal Governance Act, 2022 which would allow by-laws to be passed with only one-third of council voting in favour if Tory declared it to be in line with provincial priorities.[152]
At a press conference, Tory stated that when speaking to the public, he often hears complaints relating to housing and community safety, but nobody has complained about the new powers.[153] The mayor's office has also said he would make very limited use of new powers.[154] The Ford government defended the new powers by pointing out the mayor's "city-wide mandate", having received more votes than the rest of council.[155] The National Post's Adam Zivo argued that the mayor is just as legitimate as council and that the changes will increase Tory's "political capital and influence," which he can use to push for the city's interests to other levels of government.[156]
The new legislation was condemned by Toronto City Council, which had not been consulted on the changes, some of which were introduced after the election.[157][158] All five living former Toronto mayors, David Crombie, David Miller, Barbara Hall, Art Eggleton and John Sewell, wrote a letter to Tory describing the new powers as an "attack" on local democracy and majority rule.[154] Political science professors such as Harvard's Pippa Norris and Laval's Louis Massicotte were puzzled by the legislation, as no other democratic legislature in the world can pass laws with only one-third support.[159] Critics urged Tory to reject some, or all, of the new powers as Ottawa mayor Mark Sutcliffe had done. Toronto Sun commentator Brian Lilley supported expanded powers for the mayor due to his city-wide mandate, but argued that those powers should not include minority rule.[160] The Globe and Mail's Marcus Gee questioned why Tory had chosen not revealed his plans to the public,[153] and described the changes as "offensive in principle and dangerous in practice".[161] The Toronto Star's editorial board also called on Tory to reject the new powers.[162]
In December 2022, Tory asked the provincial government to amend the legislation to include a sunset clause after his term ends in 2026.[163]
Taxes
[edit]
Tory promised to keep property tax increases at or below the rate of inflation. He had previously made the same promise during the last municipal election and kept it as mayor.[164]
Extramarital affair and resignation
[edit]
On February 10, 2023, the Toronto Star broke the news that during the COVID-19 pandemic, Tory had a months-long affair with a former staffer that ended earlier in 2023. Through his lawyer, Tory described the relationship as a "serious error of judgement". While no law prohibits politicians from having relationships with their staff, the Star questioned whether the relationship violated the city's internal policies.[3]
Tory announced at a press conference the same day that he would resign as Mayor of Toronto and committed to working with Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie, City Manager Paul Johnson and City Clerk John D. Elvidge to ensure an "orderly transition".[165][166] He submitted his resignation letter to Elvidge on February 16, which states that his official last day would be February 17 at 5 p.m., after which McKelvie would assume certain mayoral powers until council arranged for a mayoral by-election.[5] Former NDP MP Olivia Chow was elected to succeed Tory as mayor.[167] Tory had endorsed his former deputy mayor Ana Bailão to succeed him.[168] She finished second in the election.[169]
Post mayoralty
[edit]
In December 2023, several months after he resigned as mayor, Tory joined Bell Media as a municipal affairs commentator appearing on CFRB as a commentator and substitute host as well as on CTV News and CP24.[170] In March 2024, it was announced that Tory would rejoin the board of directors of Rogers, after being a member of the board between 2010 and 2014 prior to running for Mayor of Toronto.[17]
Personal life
[edit]
Tory has been married to Barbara Hackett, a home builder and renovator, since 1978.[171] They met in 1976 at York University, where they both studied law and Hackett also studied business.[8] Hackett was diagnosed with Guillain–Barré syndrome in 1991.[8] They have four children.[3]
Tory has two brothers, Michael and Jeffrey, and one sister, Jennifer.[8] One of Tory's ancestors, James Tory, was a soldier in the 71st Scottish Regiment. He was captured and held as a prisoner of war during the American Revolution. He later settled in Nova Scotia in the 1780s.[7] His maternal grandmother, Helen Yvonne Solomon, was born in 1909 to a Russian Jewish family that had immigrated to Canada six years earlier and settled in Toronto.[172] Helen Solomon married Howard English Bacon, an Anglican, and their daughter Elizabeth Bacon was raised a Christian and married Tory's father, John A. Tory, in 1953.[172]
Honours
[edit]
In 2012, Tory was made a member of the Order of Ontario in recognition for being "a consummate champion for the Greater Toronto Region as a founding member and chair of CivicAction and chairs and volunteers on countless fundraising campaigns".[173] Tory is also a recipient of the Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal,[174][175] and holds a commission as King's Counsel.[176] In 2011, Tory was awarded a Harry Jerome Award for his work as co-chair of DiverseCity.[177]
Election results
[edit]
2022 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 342,158 62.00 Gil Penalosa 98,525 17.85 Chloe-Marie Brown 34,821 6.31 Blake Acton 8893 1.61 27 other candidates 67,493 12.22 Total 551,890 100.00
2018 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 479,659 63.49 Jennifer Keesmaat 178,193 23.59 Faith Goldy 25,667 3.40 Saron Gebresellasi 15,222 2.01 64 other candidates 56,752 7.51 Total 755,493 100.00
2014 Toronto mayoral election Candidate Votes % John Tory 394,775 40.28 Doug Ford 330,610 33.73 Olivia Chow 226,879 23.15 64 other candidates 27,913 2.84 Total 980,177 100.00
Ontario provincial by-election, Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes—Brock March 5, 2009 due to resignation of Laurie Scott Party Candidate Votes % Liberal Rick Johnson 15,542 43.88 +14.37 Progressive Conservative John Tory 14,595 41.20 -8.79 Green Mike Schreiner 2,330 6.58 -0.58 New Democratic Lyn Edwards 2,112 5.96 -5.95 Independent Jason Taylor 280 0.79 Family Coalition Jake Pothaar 258 0.73 +0.11 Freedom Bill Denby 140 0.40 -0.41 Independent John Turmel 94 0.27 Libertarian Paolo Fabrizio 72 0.20 Total valid votes 35,423 100.00 Liberal gain from Progressive Conservative Swing +11.58 Source: Elections Ontario[178]
2007 Ontario general election: Don Valley West Party Candidate Votes % Liberal Kathleen Wynne 23,059 50.4 - Progressive Conservative John Tory 18,136 39.7 - Green Adrian Walker 2,202 4.8 - New Democratic Mike Kenny 2,135 4.7 - Family Coalition Daniel Kidd 183 0.4 -
Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey by-election, March 17, 2005
resignation of Ernie Eves Party Candidate Votes % Progressive Conservative John Tory 15,610 56.3 Liberal Bob Duncanson 4,625 16.7 New Democratic Lynda McDougall 3,881 14.0 Green Frank de Jong 2,767 10.0 Family Coalition Paul Micelli 479 1.7 Independent William Cook 163 0.6 Libertarian Philip Bender 135 0.5 Independent John Turmel 85 0.3
2003 Toronto municipal election: Mayor of Toronto Candidate Votes % David Miller 299,385 43.26 John Tory 263,189 38.03 Barbara Hall 63,751 9.21 John Nunziata 36,021 5.20 Tom Jakobek 5,277 0.76 39 other candidates 24,462 3.53 Total valid votes 692,085 100.00
For full results, see Results of the 2003 Toronto election.
Notes
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References
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[
"Elections",
"John Tory",
"Ontario",
"Ontario Municipal elections 2022",
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[] | null |
Watch John Tory re-elected for 3rd term as Toronto mayor Video Online, on GlobalNews.ca
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Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/video/9223415/john-tory-re-elected-for-3rd-term-as-toronto-mayor
|
After a municipal race contested by 31 mayoral candidates, voters in Toronto elected incumbent John Tory to a third term at the head of city council on Monday. Tory was confirmed as the winning candidate leading with 61 per cent of the vote, while Gil Penalosa sat in second place with around 18 per cent.
1 dead, 1 injured after being shot at by 4 police officers outside home in Innisfil, Ont.
0:36
1 day ago
‘Did you just call me daddy?’: Morning show hosts can’t hold back laughter after on-air mixup
1:14
25 months ago
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|
dbpedia
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0
| 20
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https://nationalpost.com/opinion/jamil-jivani-john-tory-was-not-a-conservative-or-centre-right-mayor
|
en
|
Jamil Jivani: John Tory was not a conservative or centre-right mayor
|
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""
] | null |
[
"Jamil Jivani"
] |
2023-02-14T17:43:39+00:00
|
How drastically has the Overton window shifted to the left?
|
en
|
https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/np/favicon-np.ico
|
nationalpost
|
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/jamil-jivani-john-tory-was-not-a-conservative-or-centre-right-mayor
|
Article content
In the aftermath of John Tory resigning as mayor of Toronto, some in the Canadian media have suggested that he is a conservative or centre-right politician. But if we accept that label, what does that mean for the political spectrum in Canada, asks Jamil Jivani, who argues that Tory did not govern like a conservative and that labelling him as such does a disservice to Canadian politics as a whole, in this NP Comment video. Watch the full video below and subscribe to the Post’s YouTube channel here.
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7542
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dbpedia
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3
| 22
|
https://nationalpost.com/news/toronto-mayoral-election-everything-you-need-to-know-about-the-6-frontrunners
|
en
|
Toronto mayoral election: Everything you need to know about the 6 frontrunners
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"The Canadian Press"
] |
2023-06-25T10:00:05+00:00
|
Former Mayor John Tory’s resignation in February after admitting to an affair with a staffer triggered a wide open race
|
en
|
https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/np/favicon-np.ico
|
nationalpost
|
https://nationalpost.com/news/toronto-mayoral-election-everything-you-need-to-know-about-the-6-frontrunners
|
Former Mayor John Tory’s resignation in February after admitting to an affair with a staffer triggered a wide open race
Article content
With 102 registered candidates, more than 10 debates featuring the apparent front-runners and around-the-clock news coverage, Toronto’s mayoral election has clearly offered plenty to follow.
Less clear is whether voters have been paying attention.Concerns about voter apathy have come into sharp focus after only 29.7 per cent of the city’s 1.9 million registered voters cast ballots in the last municipal election.
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Enjoy the latest local, national and international news.
Exclusive articles by Conrad Black, Barbara Kay and others. Plus, special edition NP Platformed and First Reading newsletters and virtual events.
Unlimited online access to National Post and 15 news sites with one account.
National Post ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition to view on any device, share and comment on.
Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword.
Support local journalism.
SUBSCRIBE FOR MORE ARTICLES
Enjoy the latest local, national and international news.
Exclusive articles by Conrad Black, Barbara Kay and others. Plus, special edition NP Platformed and First Reading newsletters and virtual events.
Unlimited online access to National Post and 15 news sites with one account.
National Post ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition to view on any device, share and comment on.
Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword.
Support local journalism.
REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES
Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience.
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Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments.
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Article content
There was little suspense in that October 2022 mayoral race, with incumbent John Tory ultimately delivering on widespread predictions that he would trounce the field.
Tory’s resignation in February after admitting to an affair with a staffer triggered a wide open race, which some experts speculated may help generate interest.
But Lydia Miljan, a political science professor at the University of Windsor, isn’t convinced Torontonians will flock to the polls.
“I think there is just fatigue out there for politics in general and for this election in particular, given that we just had a municipal race not even a year ago,” she said.
“I am not surprised that people are not engaged in this campaign,” she added, noting that municipal politics typically generate less interest than provincial or federal votes.
Miljan suggested that the record number of candidates may end up suppressing voter engagement.
“I think what people end up doing is they become so overwhelmed, and I would imagine this might be the case that if you really wanted to be informed in this election, you would have to do a lot of work on your own,” she said.
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“It does require a lot of effort.”
If you’re planning to vote in Toronto’s mayoral election, here’s what you need to know about the frontrunners.
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Olivia Chow
Before the last high-profile debate of Toronto’s mayoral byelection campaign, Olivia Chow was prepared for attacks from the other candidates on stage. She was leading the polls, and in the crosshairs of her political rivals.
What she was not prepared for was the large heart-shaped red card her campaign staff gifted to her the day of the debate. Her team’s signatures encircled a reminder to “be the heart,” to stay true to herself.
It’s a message that eluded Chow at times during her unsuccessful 2014 campaign for mayor, when she fell from an early front-runner position to a distant third. Her speeches at the time, she said, were often written by someone else. Her team included political operatives who shared a desire to win, but not necessarily her values. She questioned her English and herself.
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“I never thought that I would run again,” she said in an interview.
As she returns to the political limelight, the biggest difference between her campaigns, now and then, is the trust in her own political vision, she said.
“I feel very much myself. I have a wonderful team that are very supportive. We work as a team, we strategize together,” she said.
Chow has long been a standard-bearer of Toronto’s progressive left, rising from school board trustee in 1985, through to a 12-year stint on city council and eventually landing as a New Democrat parliamentarian in the House of Commons alongside her late husband and former federal NDP leader Jack Layton.
The 66-year-old supported an anti-homophobia curriculum in the 1980s, helped bring nutrition programs to Toronto schools in the ’90s, and fought back against exploitative immigration consultants in the 2000s. For much of the last decade, she founded and ran an organization to train community organizers.
Her campaign is headlined by a pledge to get the city back into social housing development and an annual $100-million investment in a program to purchase affordable homes and transfer them to non-profits and land trusts, part of a larger pledge to crack down on so-called renovictions.
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She wants to expand rent supplements to 1,000 homes and boost the number of 24-7 respite homeless shelters, promises funded by an expanded land transfer tax on homes purchased for $3 million and above.
Her critics argue there are candidates better positioned to take on the city’s challenges.
Chow has not delivered a fully costed platform and will not say how high she would raise property taxes, though she says any increase would be modest. Her campaign has faced questions about whether she is well-placed to negotiate financial support for Toronto’s nearly $1-billion budget shortfall, especially with a premier openly hostile to her campaign.
“If Olivia Chow gets in, it’ll be an unmitigated disaster,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford told reporters Wednesday. Ford has backed ex-police chief and failed Progressive Conservative candidate Mark Saunders but said he would work with Chow if she’s elected.
A win for Chow in Monday’s byelection would mark a high point in her decades-long participation in Toronto politics. But Chow also sees her potential mayoralty as an opportunity to renew leadership.
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“Bringing in people that are younger, have a different perspective, that are more open for democratic engagement,” she said.
“It excites me almost as much as being able to start building again, because you can set up a structure at city hall that can outlast your term.”
For all the talk of her record, pollsters offer another explanation for Chow’s lead in the polls.
“She is way better known. And to a large extent, a lot of this is just name recognition, it being municipal politics and with no party ID,” said Lorne Bozinoff, president of Forum Research, a prominent Toronto polling firm.
She has the “left lane” largely to herself, Bozinoff said, tapping into the NDP’s organizational strength in a byelection dominated by candidates with closer ties to Liberal and Conservative political machines.
With Chow’s support polling in the range of 30 per cent among decided voters, double her next closest rival in the crowded field, “this is her election to lose,” he said.
When former mayor John Tory admitted to an affair with a staffer and resigned in February, triggering the June 26 byelection, Chow first encouraged her stepson and former city councillor Mike Layton to run. Layton had, however, just months earlier opted not to seek re-election to council in order to spend more time with his young family. When former progressive councillor Joe Cressy also declined a run, Chow started seriously considering one.
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“It was a sense of responsibility. Someone needs to do this. I have the experience. I don’t have a young family. I can handle it,” she said.
She has referred to this campaign as akin to her third run for mayor, accounting for her late husband’s unsuccessful 1991 campaign. When the couple married in 1988, they set out a list of priorities they hoped to tackle in their political partnership.
It became a road map of sorts, she said. From the environment to homelessness, some of the issues they charted have only become more urgent since then.
“That is unfinished work,” she said.
Ana Bailão
When Ana Bailão joined Toronto city council in 2010, the affordable housing committee chair was considered a low-profile appointment, a losing file for those seeking political star power.
The committee met infrequently and struggled to garner wider public attention. But it was a file then-rookie councillor Bailão was eager to take on, seeing it as an opportunity to make a difference.
“I always knew that this is an area that I wanted, because I always felt this is so foundational,” she said in a recent interview.
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As the issue rose in prominence, so too did Bailão’s political profile, eventually landing her a role as deputy mayor and housing point person to former mayor John Tory.
Now, the 46-year-old is staking her campaign to replace Tory in large part on her housing record. She has positioned herself as a pragmatic consensus builder — backed by seven city councillors and nine Liberal parliamentarians — who helped elevate affordable housing from a political afterthought into a defining issue of the June 26 byelection.
But as Toronto grows increasingly unaffordable and record numbers of people go unhoused, can she shake her critics’ label as the maintainer of a broken status quo?
Bailão immigrated from Portugal at age 15 with her sister and parents, sharing a one-bedroom apartment near Brock Avenue and DundasStreet, in a neighbourhood she would later represent on council. Bailão, the daughter of a construction worker and a seamstress, saw herself becoming a social worker, but was recruited to work in city councillor Mario Silva’s office during the last year of her undergraduate degree at the University of Toronto.
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When Silva left for federal politics in 2003, then-28-year-old Bailão ran for his open seat and lost. After a stint in the private sector, she ran again and won in 2010.
“This is what I love. It’s the city, it’s the issues, it’s how you work with the communities, how you shape the community. And it has such a huge impact in people’s lives,” she said, sitting in a park behind the Art Gallery of Ontario, across from her campaign office.
“That’s what I’m passionate about, because it’s the little things that I think have a big impact.”
One of Bailão’s most notable affordable housing victories arrived early in her first term, in 2012. She convinced the mayor to walk back a plan that would have seen Toronto Community Housing Corporation, the city’s social housing provider, sell off more than 600 units of single-family homes.
“I think that’s where Ana really shines, is that as someone who hasn’t done the grandstanding and has that reputation for being a collaborator,” said Braden Root-McCaig, her chief of staff at the time, and now her mayoral campaign’s policy director.
The victory was sealed almost a decade later, when she helped negotiate the transfer of TCHC’s single-family housing portfolio to two community land trusts.
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Over the course of that decade, Bailão spearheaded a number of affordable housing projects, such as a 10-year housing action plan. She helped develop a fund for community housing providers to purchase and preserve affordable units. She took a leadership role in supporting the approval of laneway and garden suites.
She gained the respect of some city councillors who did not always vote with her and Tory.
“I have seen her in the mayor’s boardroom doing the moving along of things that the mayor has to do even though she wasn’t the mayor,” said Coun. Shelley Carroll, a 20-year council veteran who gave the campaign an early endorsement.
Bailão’s record, however, is not without its critics. She failed to get the votes needed to legalize rooming houses citywide while housing chair, in what she calls the biggest regret of her tenure. Her critics have questioned her decision to fundraise from developers. She defended the police budget against attempts to reallocate $10 million to rent supplements and voted against a motion to freeze transit fares.
And while Bailão helped establish a housing-first pilot program for a homeless encampment in 2021, known as the Dufferin Grove model, she has been accused by frontline advocates of overstating her part in its design and for not standing up against encampment evictions earlier that summer.
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“I think in regard to that, it was politically expedient for her to change the approach,” said Diana Chan McNally, a longtime advocate for the homeless.
Underlining Bailão’s final term on council is a record of voting with Tory more than 90 per cent of the time.
“I think she had the opportunity, if she’s truly progressive, to push harder. And I didn’t see that happening. I think what we saw instead was, for the most part, upholding the status quo,” Chan McNally said.
Bailão opted not to seek re-election as a city councillor in 2022 and took a job with a large Toronto developer as its head of affordable housing and public affairs. With Tory seeking a third term, her plan was to build affordable housing, then run for mayor “at the appropriate time,” she said.
That time came sooner than expected, when Tory admitted to having an affair with a staffer and resigned in February.
Her campaign has inherited some of the personnel and policies of Tory’s administration, including a promise to keep taxes at or below the rate of inflation despite a nearly $1-billion budget shortfall.
But what she has not inherited from her former boss, according to polls, is his popularity. Bailão has polled in the low teens for most of the byelection campaign, trailing front-runner Olivia Chow by around 20 points.
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Pollsters and her campaign have suggested part of the problem, especially in a 12-week byelection campaign, is that her name recognition does not measure up with Chow, a longtime NDP parliamentarian, or ex-police chief Mark Saunders.
But it’s never been her style to seek out the spotlight, she said,going back to her decision to take on the affordable housing file.
“I don’t need to be recognized on the street,” she said. “It’s not about me. It’s about getting the issues fixed.”
Anthony Furey
When Anthony Furey filed his nomination papers to run in Toronto’s mayoral election, he wasn’t considered a prominent contender in the race.
The conservative columnist, who styled himself as a city hall outsider, nonetheless said he could bring a “fresh perspective” to the problems plaguing Canada’s most populous city, focusing heavily on issues of public safety.
Lately, Furey feels like his message has been resonating.
Recent polls have placed him among the leading candidates, with one even landing him in the top three. And while he wasn’t invited to several earlier debates, he has participated in some that took place later in the campaign.
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“It feels really good to be the only candidate with the momentum right now,” Furey said in a recent interview.
Furey is perhaps better known for being a former Toronto Sun columnist. His commentary over the years has included pieces that criticized measures to curb the spread of COVID-19 during the pandemic and others that scrutinized elements of Islam.
He is currently on leave from his role as a fellow at True North, a right-wing digital media platform run by the True North Centre for Public Policy.
During his mayoral campaign, Furey said he’s focused on addressing addiction, crime, the increased cost of living in the city and Toronto’s nearly $1-billion budget deficit.
He has suggested diverting funds from the city’s climate action program — saying the city is ahead of its targets — and putting them into hiring 500 additional police officers, among other measures. He’s also pledged to phase out safe injection sites and replace them with treatment centres.
“Right now, we have a culture that is enabling addiction and people … are tired of what is going on,” Furey said.
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He’s also said he would bring in no new taxes as mayor, and would have no more bike lanes on major streets in the city.
On the conservative side of the field, Furey is competing against ex-police chief Mark Saunders and city councillor Brad Bradford, who have also highlighted public safety as key election issues.
But both Saunders and Bradford have trailed behind left-leaning front-runner and former NDP parliamentarian Olivia Chow, and conservative voters might be turning to Furey as an alternative, said Myer Siemiatycki, a professor emeritus of politics at Toronto Metropolitan University.
Furey’s absence from most mayoral debates could have put him in a stronger position since he hasn’t had to explain his positions and defend his record, Siemiatycki said.
“His views and he himself as a candidate has not been challenged because he hasn’t been in debates,” the professor said. “So ironically, I think that has been an advantage to him.”
When it comes to policy, Siemiatycki argued Furey’s plans are lacking in substance.
“He is putting forward a number of very simple solutions to complicated issues that are going to worsen situations that exist,” said Siemiatycki.
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He argued that investments in mental health care, as well as providing housing and employment opportunities for youth, are important measures to combat crime.
He also said Furey’s “war” on bike lanes would make traffic congestion worse and could put cyclists at risk, and called the plan to shut down safe injection sites a “dangerous suggestion.”
Furey, for his part, said he’s been genuine and his plans are increasingly connecting with voters.
“Everything I’m campaigning on is authentic to me,” he said. “It is something I cared deeply about, and I think people see that.”
Mark Saunders
When Mark Saunders launched his bid for mayor of Toronto, the former police chief positioned himself as the only candidate who could save a city plagued by “out-of-control” lawlessness.
Canada’s most populous city is a “broken” metropolis, he warned, and only a tough-on-crime mayor could turn things around.
“Crime and disorder reigns on our streets, on TTC and in our parks. It’s everywhere, it’s a crisis,” Saunders said in a campaign video.
“This election is a choice between crime and chaos versus law and order.”
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The former police officer of nearly 38 years — five of which he spent as police chief — has staked his mayoral campaign on a lone premise: that his experience as the city’s top cop can save Toronto from what he says is worsening crime and idling at city hall.
Experts say, however, that his controversial track record could hinder his political ambitions.
Born to Jamaican parents, Saunders immigrated to Canada from England as a child in 1967. After joining the Toronto Police Service out of high school, he was assigned to a range of divisions including the drug squad, emergency task force and homicide unit.
He was appointed chief in 2015, becoming the first Black person to head Canada’s largest municipal police force.
As mayor, he says, he’d ensure fairness at city hall.
“I’ve seen success stories through a lot of my partnerships and I hope to bring that to city hall so that everyone has a voice, not just the loudest voice in the room,” Saunders says in an interview.
“I’ve had a lot of empathy and understanding when it comes to finding the right solutions.”
He specifically cites his experience managing the police budget as proof he can manage the city’s pandemic-ravaged finances.
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Saunders’ campaign launched on the heels of several high-profile cases of violence on city streets and public transit, some of them deadly. He pledged to respond by adding 200 special transit constables and 600 uniformed officers, paired with accompanying mental health and addictions supports.
He’s also pledged to increase the supply of housing by cutting down approval times, easing congestion by deprioritizing bike lanes on major streets and replacing supervised injection sites with treatment options to address drug use and homelessness downtown.
University of Ottawa criminology professor Michael Kempa said those issues roll together for an older, conservative or suburban voter base.
“For the typically older people who vote in the largest number, most of the more politically-conservative decisions that chiefs of police have made resonate with those voters,” he said.
But timing could work against Saunders, as Kempa noted public support of policing is at a low point following criticism of police operations during the Freedom Convoy in Ottawa and the mass shooting that killed 22 people in Nova Scotia.
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“It’s an unfortunate time to be a former chief of police seeking office,” he said.
Saunders could also be up against a motivated left-wing vote, as progressives look to take advantage of the open mayoral race and opportunity to end 13 years of conservative rule.
Polls have consistently seen Saunders fight to hold on to second place, behind front-runner and former NDP parliamentarian Olivia Chow, who has maintained a significant lead ahead of the June 26 byelection.
In recent weeks, Saunders has shifted away from policy discussion to position himself as her antithesis, urging voters to rally behind him to “Stop Chow.”
He’s also the candidate of choice for Ontario Premier Doug Ford, who recently put a Saunders campaign sign on his lawn after warning Toronto would be in trouble if a “lefty” mayor was elected. Saunders ran, and lost, in last year’s provincial election running under Ford’s Progressive Conservative banner.
While Saunders has been “saying some of the right things” about the limits of policing to tackle complex social problems, “he does have a track record of having made controversial statements and decisions around using enforcement on these same issues,” said Kempa.
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In his time as chief, Saunders came under fire from members of the Black community, who said he failed to effectively deal with discriminatory policing and excessive force.
Saunders also faced intense criticism over the force’s handling of a series of disappearances and killings of men who frequented the city’s gay village.
He appeared to suggest, in a Globe and Mail report, that the community’s lack of co-operation played a role in how long it took to arrest a suspect. Saunders later told The Canadian Press he would never have tried to shift blame onto the vulnerable community but said the police should have better communicated to the LGBTQ community how much time, money and resources the force had spent on investigating the disappearances.
Josh Matlow
Josh Matlow opened his campaign to lead Canada’s most populous city with an unorthodox, but arguably bold, political move: a pledge to raise taxes.
The former actor entered politics after working as an environmental activist, ultimately winning a seat on Toronto’s city council in 2010. He has over the past 13 years become known as one of the council’s leading progressive voices.
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As he entered the race to succeed John Tory, who resigned suddenly in February after admitting to an affair with a staffer, Matlow told voters that if elected he planned to raise their property taxes by two per cent.
He told The Canadian Press he wanted to be straightforward with voters, and not conceal the reality of dealing with the city’s estimated $1 billion budget deficit.
“Anyone who is mayor is going to have to both be efficient with the budget we have, and is going to have to get real about raising the revenue,” Matlow said in an interview.
“I’d rather just be upfront about it and begin the conversation with Torontonians about what it will take to manage this budget and to fix the services that have declined for too many years. The challenges are too important to be timid about,” he added, noting that his proposed tax hike amounted to an additional $67 per year for each homeowner.
Kate Graham, who teaches at Western University’s Local Government Program, credited Matlow for being direct, stressing that property taxes in Toronto are likely to go up regardless of who wins the election.
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His proposal was an example of a “bold position to take,” she said.
Matlow served as a trustee on the Toronto District School Board before being elected to serve Toronto-St. Paul’s, a central city ward, on council.
Beyond the tax hike, he has put forward plans to invest in rent-controlled and affordable housing units, policies aimed at addressing Toronto’s housing shortage crisis.
He has also supported a new levy on commercial parking lots, funds he says he would use to invest in climate initiatives and public transit.
In the early phases of the campaign, some pundits speculated that Matlow could earn support from voters seeking a shift towards more progressive governance in a city led by a right-of-centre mayor through most of its recent history.
But then Olivia Chow, a prominent former federal lawmaker and long-standing figure in the left-wing New Democratic Party, entered the race.
Polls in recent weeks have consistently given Chow a commanding lead ahead of the June 26 vote.
Matlow told The Canadian Press that the ideas he has argued for through the campaign “are not just to win an election.”
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“They’re there to support our city, and to be able to govern effectively,” he said. “I told my team from day one that no matter what happens, I want us to be really proud of this campaign.”
Mitzie Hunter
From boardrooms, to the cabinet table, to mayoral debates, Mitzie Hunter has long fought to ensure her ideas are heard — a mission she says began as a young girl growing up with three brothers.
“I absolutely know I have a voice because it started at home around that dinner table,” the 51-year-old Toronto mayoral candidate says with a laugh. “My older brother says I was bossy. How could I not be? I had to be heard.”
Moe Hunter, her older brother, does indeed confirm this.
“She always liked to run the show, tried to be a little bossy,” he says.
“She tried to show leadership and control us growing up, so at times we had to sort of say, ‘Hey, you’re not the oldest here and you’re not the boss,’ but it was a good thing about her, to see that drive about her and to see the leadership about her.”
Former cabinet colleague Brad Duguid says that while in government, Mitzie Hunter was composed and measured but strong in getting her point across.
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Hunter served as minister of education, minister of advanced education and skills development, and associate minister of finance, in charge of developing then-Liberal premier Kathleen Wynne’s goal of an Ontario-made pension plan. She navigated varying views on that topic around the cabinet table, Duguid says.
“She also brings a toughness that is not always apparent in her demeanour and I think that comes from coming from and representing a high-needs area like her riding in Scarborough,” said Duguid, who represented a neighbouring riding.
“While she’ll be nice, likable, polite, at the end of the day, you don’t want to go toe-to-toe with Mitzie Hunter because she brings that Scarborough scrappiness.”
For all the accolades from those who know her, it doesn’t appear as though those qualities have propelled her far enough in the Toronto mayoral race. Polls have pegged her support at between five and 11 per cent, and Duguid is the only one of her former provincial colleagues listed on her endorsements page.
But hers is a life dedicated to public service, her brother says, to the point that she has given up a lot in her personal life in order to help her community. That’s a proposition that Hunter herself is noticeably uncomfortable with, but she says she gets a lot of joy from her work.
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“I’ve never seen what I do on a day-to-day as work,” she says. “I see it as, this is my contribution.”
Hunter and her family moved to Canada from Jamaica when she was three years old, and she developed a real sense of community growing up in the east-end Toronto region of Scarborough.
She watched as her grandmother hosted Thanksgiving dinners to which absolutely everybody was invited. She watched as her mother, upon hearing that a call centre colleague of her then-teenage daughter had become homeless, asked the woman to come live with them while she worked to find her housing.
“In everything that I do and I want to do with my time in my life, I want to make a difference,” Hunter says. “I want to make a change.”
Hunter’s parents, who worked in trucking and manufacturing, expected their children to work hard, as they had made sacrifices so their children could have better lives.
“They strongly believed in whatever job you’re doing, you put in 100 per cent,” Moe Hunter says. “If you weren’t the best at it … they wanted to see that the effort was put forth.”
Mitzie Hunter was one of the handful of Ontario Liberals that hung onto their seat after the majority government went down in spectacular defeat in 2018 and she won her Scarborough-Guildwood seat again in the 2022 election despite a similarly uninspiring overall tally for the party.
She resigned from her Ontario seat on May 10 because election rules stipulated that provincial or federal office holders couldn’t also run for mayor.
While her gamble appears unlikely to succeed, there’s that drive to give 100 per cent, even if you’re not the best at it.
“She… gave up a job, but that’s what she does,” Moe Hunter says. “That’s how dedicated she is. She may not win, but she’s willing to chance it.”
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Keith Gerein"
] |
2023-02-21T13:00:35+00:00
|
If you keep reading, you will find a column that will undoubtedly anger some of my media colleagues, as well as number of readers, since I am going to try to defend…
|
en
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https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/broadsheets/favicon-ej.ico
|
edmontonjournal
|
https://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/columnists/keith-gerein-when-politicians-like-john-tory-misbehave-can-we-keep-our-fidelity-to-sanity
|
Article content
If you keep reading, you will find a column that will undoubtedly anger some of my media colleagues, as well as number of readers, since I am going to try to defend the seemingly indefensible.
To be clear, I am not excusing the behaviour of Toronto Mayor John Tory, who announced his intention to resign last week after the media revealed an inter-office affair.
At the same time — and here’s where I tread onto more treacherous ground — I am not entirely convinced that this kind of transgression warrants an automatic resignation, especially one that comes just four months after the mayor’s latest election victory.
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Likewise, there is an important question to ask as to whether it was sufficiently in the public interest for the media to even report his infidelity.
This is obviously not just a Toronto issue. Readers probably won’t be surprised to know there have been many behind-the-scenes tales over the years of Alberta politicians who had affairs. I won’t name any of them, but I can tell you the gossip involved people from different parties and different orders of government, including some in very powerful positions.
To my knowledge, few — and perhaps none — of these stories were ever seriously pursued by the mainstream media in this province.
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There are a couple of ways to look at these questions.
On the one hand, Tory’s resignation signals a welcome return of shame. For a while now, we’ve seen more and more politicians refusing any repercussions for anything, and even celebrating their misbehaviour as some sort of unhinged defence of freedom.
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As such, it’s refreshing to see a political figure maintain some moral compass, actually acknowledge wrongdoing and accept consequences.
And yet, keeping in mind there might be more to Tory’s transgression than we have heard so far, it is odd to me that an inter-office affair between consenting adults should be the place where a line is drawn in the sand.
After all, we have seen political leaders use their offices to enrich themselves and their friends, repeatedly lie or hide information, lay false accusations against their opponents, make policy based on conspiracy theories, try to coerce independent agencies, and further enable discrimination and corruption.
To me, that kind of behaviour directly speaks to a leader’s job performance far more than what sort of romantic relationship they pursue when the parlances and policy decisions are done for the day.
That leads to the question of what standard of public interest the media should hold when deciding whether to report on their private lives.
Sometimes it is clearly justified, when dealing with cases of sexual misconduct.
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But much of the time these are difficult decisions, and I don’t want to unfairly criticize those journalists who decided to publish their findings about Tory. With his story, I suspect what helped tip the scales toward publishing is the fact that this was a relationship between boss and subordinate.
That power imbalance is significant, because it can complicate work dynamics — including promotions, perks, dismissals, pay, etc. — and also call into question whether the romantic relationship is truly consensual. It’s also fair to say that people in power, especially men, have been getting away with such behaviour forever, while their partners wind up with most of the consequences.
That clearly isn’t fair, and yet it is still not a slam dunk to me that public outing and loss of position should be the outcome in every one of these scenarios.
Either way, I have also heard from people who believe any kind of adultery from a political leader should be reported and should lead to that person losing their job. As the argument goes, it speaks to someone’s character if they betray their spouse and family, so what other ethical abuses might they be capable of?
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This is where I think we can get ourselves in trouble.
I can’t speak for all other journalists who have covered politics in Alberta, but I think one of the main reasons there has been a reluctance to pursue stories of adultery is a belief in Canada — possibly waning — that our democracy is better off when we allow politicians to have some semblance of privacy.
I look at the political dysfunction in the United States, where every dinner out, every vacation and every text message can become red meat for the grinder. That has to discourage good people from running for office, and instead seems to embolden personalities who enjoy being in the mud.
Likewise, I also think we need to get over the idea of depicting elected officials as role models. Yes, I know many of those officials portray themselves that way and even use their families to present a wholesome brand — many also pounce on personal failings of opponents — but we would be wise to treat that with caution.
Extremely high standards should be expected for on-the-job performance, but extending that to private matters will inevitably lead to disappointment.
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It should be obvious by now that political leaders are subject to human frailty as much as anyone else. Publishing details about all of those moments hurts not just them, but also their loved ones, including children. We need to always ask if the public interest outweighs that damage.
Moreover, demanding an automatic resignation for infidelity I fear puts us on a slippery slope toward an unreachable standard, where second chances become unthinkable. In this vein, I just can’t get behind the idea that a flawed home life always reflects on someone’s job abilities.
In the case of Tory, who was just re-elected last fall, I suspect a lot of Torontonians would prefer he apologize, vow to do better, and then get on with the work he was elected to do, rather than throw his civic government into turmoil.
I know many of you will disagree, but I think we need to maintain some reasonableness and save the extreme reactions for when it really matters. I would be dismayed to see Canada head further down the path of lost thresholds seen in other places, because there is truth in the adage that we get the leaders we deserve.
kgerein@postmedia.com
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| 81
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https://opentextbc.ca/preconfederation/chapter/11-12-responsible-government/
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en
|
11.12 Responsible Government – Canadian History: Pre
|
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[
""
] | null |
[
"John Douglas Belshaw"
] |
2015-04-13T00:00:00
|
en
|
https://opentextbc.ca/preconfederation/chapter/11-12-responsible-government/
|
11.12 Responsible Government
Durham’s perspective on the goal of eradicating the Canadien culture was presented very clearly in his report. There was nothing subtle about it. But to what were they to be assimilated? As a liberal parliamentarian, what Durham saw in the Canadas was an anglophone middle class in Quebec City and Montreal that was being held back from a natural economic leadership role by a peasant sub-stratum. The three pillars of la survivance — Catholicism, language, and an agrarian tradition that included seigneurialism — had to be swept away to put Canadiens on the path to a liberal democratic society.
The principal mechanism of this strategy was to be government. The executive for the united Province of Canada was, as before, drawn from the colonial elite although now its members could be dismissed by the governor. The same was true of the legislative council, which now had two dozen members. The assembly, of course, increased substantially to include elected representatives from what was referred to as Canada West and Canada East. Each received 42 seats in the assembly. Given the presence of a sizable propertied anglophone electorate in Canada East (especially in Montreal), anglophones would instantly dominate the elected body.
At first this seemed to work as planned. Charles Poulett Thomson (later Lord Sydenham) replaced Durham as governor general and moved quickly to achieve assimilationist goals. He relocated the seat of government from Quebec to Kingston, an anglophone town with strong Loyalist roots, safe from Canadien agitation. English was decreed the only language of debate and government business. He created additional safe seats for English-speaking candidates and encouraged immigration from Britain. He didn’t flinch at the use of violence against French voters and candidates where needed to secure a favourable (i.e., English-speaking) outcome. The assembly seemed destined to function along English versus French, Protestant versus Catholic lines with the Anglo-Protestants in the metaphorical driver’s seat.
Fractures and Alliances
This arrangement began to fracture quickly under the weight of ideologies. Toryism had always been present in the assemblies of the Canadas and its power under the new constitution appeared to be growing. It was, however, changing. Conservatives like John A. Macdonald were different. His conservativism borrowed elements of liberalism and he regarded the Tory element as “old fogeys.” The Anglican core of the party reciprocated by viewing the marginally successful Kingston lawyer as a Presbyterian outsider and unwelcome social climber. It is for these reasons that one of Macdonald’s biographers has said that he had to “gatecrash [the] local elite.” Fissures like these — cracks that ran along the lines of ideological, sectarian, and social class difference — were opening up on the Tory side of the assembly.
On the Reformer side, matters were hardly better. For every pro-parliamentary moderate Reformer like Robert Baldwin, there seemed to be a pro-American-republicanism Radical. Recognizing these divisions, astute Canadien politicians like Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine agreed to build bridges across the linguistic divide to shore up Reform numbers and to obtain the support needed to acheive responsible government. More conservative elements on the Canada East side of the assembly of course objected, although they found it hard to find in their ideological cousins — the anglophone Tories — much that would work to their advantage.
In 1842 Francis Hincks (another leading Reformer in Toronto) achieved his goal of building an alliance between French and English Reformers. With Lafontaine and Baldwin he was appointed to the executive council. This was a pivotal moment in the political history of Canada: English and French politicians collaborating to achieve a greater degree of democratic accountability. Durham had been unimpressed by Lafontaine, which was clearly an error on his part. Faced with Westminster’s assimilationist policy and its refusal of responsible government, the Canadien reformer found the means to subvert plans for the former and to advance the cause for the latter. Lafontaine was bringing responsible government within reach.
The governor at the time, Sir Charles Bagot (1781-1843), was in some respects acting as though responsible government was a done deal. He and his Conservative advisors feared that the assembly’s increasingly Reform-oriented membership would censure his administration. Bowing to pressure from Lafontaine and Baldwin he appointed an executive that was dominated by Reformers from Canada East and Canada West but in which no single political party held a majority. The Colonial Office was shocked by what it regarded as too great a concession to the colonials and especially by Bagot’s admission that “whether the doctrine of responsible government is openly acknowledged, or is only tacitly acquiesced in, virtually it exists.” The new administration, led by Baldwin and LaFontaine but consisting of a mix of moderates, French, English, and Tories, continued in office under Bagot’s successor.
These events constituted a turning point because they indicate how far the project of isolating and assimilating the French had failed, the extent to which political parties governed by ideologies were emerging (something the British had also wanted to avoid), and the effective arrival in fact if not in law of responsible government. There would be attempts in the 1840s to roll back these changes, none of which had any lasting impact.
In the winter of 1848, formal and official responsible government finally arrived — in Nova Scotia. In the spring it was proclaimed in New Brunswick. In the following year it was no longer deniable: the Province of Canada had responsible government. Prince Edward Island followed in 1851 and Newfoundland in 1855. Manitoba and British Columbia would only achieve this benchmark when they joined Confederation.
And what makes responsible government a benchmark? The prospect of an executive that is responsible to the assembly rather than the governor reversed the natural flow of power in a colonial regime. Authority no longer derived from the Crown, but from the voters (however small or large the electorate might be). It was a model with roots in the British parliamentary system and so it might be considered an obvious outcome (as it was by Lord Elgin at the time), but imperial power was weakened once colonies claimed to be self-governing. Under responsible government, the empire might retain its power over international negotiations and defence issues and the appointment of governors, but suddenly the rest was up for grabs.
Historical Explanations
It might be argued that Britain could not resist the increasing pressure to allow responsible government, in which case it becomes an achievement of Canadian politicians. But Nova Scotia and New Brunswick had the same privileges sooner, and the pressure there was not nearly so intense. The case has been made that Britain grew fearful that it would lose what remained of its North American empire if concessions were not made: Britain, in this scenario, blinked first.
Some historians take a more economic approach. They argue that Britain’s willingness to grant a significantly greater degree of colonial authority — and to perform an about-face on the imperial position announced after Durham — arose not in the colonial legislatures but in British trade policy. The move to laissez-faire capitalism and the end of the Navigation Acts together signalled a change in attitudes about the colonies. In this interpretation, colonial demands worked to the advantage of the empire and events in Canada were merely allowed to unfold. Certainly the Colonial Office was displeased with Bagot for conceding a share of authority to the partisan Baldwin-Lafontaine Reform administration, but they didn’t recall him. Nor was his successor instructed to reverse the situation and apply a firm hand to the opposition. It was, in fact, the Colonial Office that had introduced, as early as 1841, the principle that the executive council be subject to the approval of a majority of the assembly. For all intents and purposes, this was the no-frills model of responsible government. The further refinements of a cabinet composed entirely of elected officials drawn from the assembly is really all that was added in 1848-49.
Read in any of these ways, responsible government — the principle that the executive serves at the pleasure of the majority of the elected assembly — had serious implications in a colonial setting. Were they self-governing colonies secure within the embrace of the world’s largest empire or had they been cut adrift? Was British North America finding its feet or about to fall on its face? The 1850s suggested the latter.
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https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-64606152
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en
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John Tory: Toronto mayor quits after affair with ex-staffer during pandemic
|
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[
"Thomas Mackintosh",
"www.facebook.com"
] |
2023-02-11T04:43:45+00:00
|
John Tory said the relationship was "a serious error in judgement" after it was revealed by a newspaper.
|
en
|
BBC News
|
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-64606152
|
The mayor of Canadian city Toronto has resigned unexpectedly after admitting to a relationship with a former staff member.
John Tory's announcement came shortly after the Toronto Star, external newspaper reported he had an affair with the 31-year-old woman - whom he did not name.
He said the affair started during the Covid-19 pandemic and was "ended mutually by consent this year".
The 68-year-old called the relationship "a serious error in judgement."
In a statement Mr Tory said: "I am deeply sorry, and I apologise unreservedly to the people of Toronto, and to all of those hurt by my actions.
"Most of all, I apologise to my wife, Barb and to my family who I've let down more than anyone else," he added.
Mr Tory said he would work with city employees and deputy mayor Jennifer McKelvie to ensure an orderly transition to a new administration.
He added: "I deeply regret having to step away from a job that I love in a city that I love even more.
"I believe, in my heart, it is best to fully commit myself to the work that is required to repair these most important (family) relationships as well."
He took office in December 2014 having beaten Doug Ford and Olivia Chow in the election.
Mr Tory was re-elected in 2018 and clinched a third term in office four years later.
A by-election at a later date will be held to determine an elected successor to Mr Tory.
|
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https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/john-torys-affair-violated-city-council-code-of-conduct
|
en
|
Read the full investigation report into John Tory's affair with young staffer
|
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"The Canadian Press"
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2023-10-05T15:57:16+00:00
|
John Tory resigned as Toronto's mayor on Feb. 10 after admitting he had an affair with someone who worked in his office.
|
en
|
https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/np/favicon-np.ico
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nationalpost
|
https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/john-torys-affair-violated-city-council-code-of-conduct
|
Article content
TORONTO — Former Toronto mayor John Tory broke the city council’s code of conduct with his relationship with a staffer, the city’s integrity commissioner found in a report released Thursday.
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Tory resigned as mayor on Feb. 10 after admitting he had an affair with someone who worked in his office.
Integrity Commissioner Jonathan Batty described the relationship in his report as “on and off” between the summer of 2020 and early 2023, and one that was “emotionally intimate” but involved “very limited” physical contact.
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“While they shared many interests and enjoyed spending time together, Ms. A said her interest in having a relationship was limited by their 38-year age difference and the fact she wanted to have her own family,” Batty wrote.
“She wanted to get married and have children and understood Mr. Tory was married and, at his stage of life, was not going to give her any of those things.”
*READ THE FULL REPORT BELOW*
The city council code of conduct doesn’t prohibit personal relationships, but certain human resource policies have to be followed — especially when one person is in a position of authority _ and Tory did not do that, Batty wrote.
“He did not disclose the relationship to my office when it began in order to get advice … (or) contemporaneously document the measures being adopted to address the issue in the workplace,” the commissioner wrote.
“Ms. A was not provided a ’safe work environment’ as required by the Ethical Framework for Members’ Staff. Mr. Tory put his private interests first. He also did not follow the guidance in the Preamble to arrange his private affairs in a manner that promotes public confidence and bears close public scrutiny.”
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Toronto Mayor John Tory submits formal resignation after staffer affair
10/3 podcast: The undoing of Toronto Mayor John Tory
The woman, who the commissioner does not name, worked in the mayor’s office from January 2018 to March 2021, and she and Tory began a consensual personal relationship in the summer of 2020, the report said. Tory broke it off via email after his wife discovered the relationship, but later resumed it, the report said.
Batty said Tory also violated the code of conduct when he voted on matters that had affected Maple Leaf Sports and Entertainment, where the woman went to work after leaving city hall.
Tory, in a response included in the report, said he should have sought the commissioner’s advice on how to appropriately handle the matter.
“I’m also sorry for the impact that mistake has had on so many people in my life and on the people of Toronto,” he wrote.
The woman told the commissioner that the month after their relationship became public and Tory resigned was one of the worst of her life.
“(What) the media has said, how they’ve embellished on Mr. Tory’s statement is not how I would — that’s not how I would describe our relationship,” the commissioner quoted her as saying in an interview with his office.
“And trying to explain to people that I love how much somebody meant to me when there’s speculation in the media that’s inaccurate has been a lot. I’m tired, really tired.”
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https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
en
|
The news about Toronto Mayor John Tory’s affair destroyed his carefully cultivated public image
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[
"Sam Routley"
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2023-02-23T22:57:01+00:00
|
Many politicians have survived sex scandals and still held onto their jobs. But news about John Tory’s affair has brought an end to his career as Toronto mayor. Here’s what’s unique about Tory’s case.
|
en
|
The Conversation
|
https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
The Toronto Star broke news on Feb. 10 about Mayor John Tory’s extramarital affair with an employee in his office. An hour later, he had announced his resignation, and by the end of the following week, he was gone from the mayor’s office.
Sex scandals are nothing new in the world of politics. Many politicians have survived such scandals and held onto their jobs. These types of scandals are usually considered to be legal, minor and mostly personal indiscretions that don’t impact the ability of government officials to do their jobs.
What is interesting about the Tory case is how drastic and sudden the impact of the affair was. Why did the reports of Tory’s affair have such a shocking and impactful effect on his leadership? Why, in other words, has it brought an end to the now former mayor’s life as a politician?
Tory’s public image
Tory, while not commanding an enthusiastic following, was certainly not an unpopular politician at the time of his resignation. Just four months earlier, Tory easily won re-election as mayor. He is the only mayor of Toronto to receive a third consecutive term since the amalgamation of Toronto’s six boroughs.
In both the 2018 and 2022 contests, Tory’s hold on power was demonstrated by the fact that, while having many detractors, no popular or united oppositional movement provided any sort of genuine challenge to his leadership.
Academic research has shown that a large part of leadership is transactional, meaning that leaders are given their positions of authority because they can present aspects of their personal characteristics to establish and maintain specific expectations among voters. Put another way, leadership is as much about maintaining a successful brand as it is about policy outcomes.
Ultimately, Tory’s success emerged from the way that he was able to establish himself as a competent, effective and practical administrator with a plethora of good judgment. As a result, he could provide Torontonians with an imperfect, but tolerable sense of stability through specific goods.
These goods included, among others, the goods of necessary infrastructure development, adequate municipal services and fiscal responsibility without a significant increase in taxes. Tory is also credited with leading a very capable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
To put it another way, Tory was — at the very worst — boring.
The calm after the storm
Tory’s boring was a good kind of boring. Toronto municipal politics — since the 1998 amalgamation that merged downtown Toronto with each of the city’s inner suburbs to form one “mega-city” administration – has often been contentious and ideologically charged.
City council and the mayor’s office have come to reflect the divergent interests and voting patterns of the more conservative, working-class suburbs and the progressive, educated downtown core.
Toronto politics has been populated by a number of acrimonious, larger-than-life personalities. We might recall, for instance, the gaffe-prone nature of former mayor Mel Lastman, city councillors Giorgio Mammoliti and Gord Perks who were known for their theatrical shouting matches, or the scandal-prone former mayor Rob Ford.
As an exception rather than a rule, Tory will always be remembered as the mayor that stabilized the municipal government following the disorder, comedy and scandal of the Ford years.
With Tory’s departure, there are indications that this tendency towards political contention will re-emerge. The city’s suburban and downtown populations continue to be divided over the province’s initiatives surrounding “strong mayor” legislation, transportation infrastructure and housing developments in the Greenbelt.
The secure hold on power enjoyed by the Progressive Conservatives at Queen’s Park suggests the emergence of an insurgent, populist left-wing counter reaction. At the same time, growing concerns related to the breakdown of law and order may help elect right-wing candidates, as in Vancouver.
Tory’s moderation meant he was often caught in the middle. Conservatives attacked the mayor for failing to address issues related to crime and maintaining red tape that limited infrastructure development. Progressives attacked him for underfunding city services related to transit, maintenance and housing.
The nail in the coffin
Tory left office in the midst of an ongoing opioid and homelessness crisis, deteriorating public safety and issues with housing affordability.
The reality is that, while mostly popular, Tory relied predominately on his public image as a competent city manager to maintain support. He had to assure Torontonians that his leadership, while not perfect, was at the very least sound and characterized by good judgement.
Tory’s affair, however, immediately broke down and delegitimized this carefully crafted image. This is because, more than anything, it demonstrated a substantial error of judgment and lack of integrity. The basis of Tory’s public image meant the affair became inherently political, despite it being a personal issue.
Outside whatever personal impact the situation has had on Tory’s family and marriage, the power imbalance of the relationship also complicates matters. Sixty-eight year old Tory’s relationship was with a 31 year old professional subordinate, raising questions about consent and power differentials. There are a number of unanswerable concerns over how the mayor understood, used and made decisions in light of his position of authority.
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https://www.cp24.com/news/i-m-not-the-mayor-former-mayor-john-tory-returns-to-talk-radio-1.6537692%3Fcache%3Dyes
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en
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'I’m not the mayor': Former Mayor John Tory returns to talk radio
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[
"Hannah Alberga"
] |
2023-08-28T10:11:36-04:00
|
Former Toronto Mayor John Tory returned to the airwaves on Monday morning as a temporary host on NEWSTALK 1010’s Moore in the Morning.
|
en
|
https://static.ctvnews.ca/bellmedia/cp24/img/favicon.ico
|
CP24
|
https://www.cp24.com/news/i-m-not-the-mayor-former-mayor-john-tory-returns-to-talk-radio-1.6537692?cache=yes
|
Former Toronto Mayor John Tory returned to the airwaves on Monday morning as a temporary host on NEWSTALK 1010’s Moore in the Morning.
“For me, it’s a big thing,” Tory said just after 5 a.m. “I’m apprehensive about it.”
It was a blunt contrast to his practiced podium-framed speeches – though, still sporting a blazer and button-up – as Tory voiced a vulnerable appeal to his early morning listeners.
“While I did it for five years and hundreds of shows, when you're away from something for nine years, you’re a little bit nervous.”
This was the first time Tory leaned into the microphone as a radio host since 2018, between his stints as leader of the Progressive Conservatives and mayor of Toronto.
Before taking on Toronto’s top job, he hosted the afternoon show on Newstalk 1010 for more than five years, after first stepping into radio as a teenager in charge of coffee runs for the newsroom.
‘I’M NOT THE MAYOR’
While Tory did not broach the elephant in the room – his resignation earlier this year after his extramarital relationship with a staffer was brought to light – his time spent as mayor periodically surfaced throughout the show.
“We weren’t going to get into your record as mayor,” NEWSTALK 1010 Assistant Program Director Robert Turner said, before launching into a joke about Tory’s failed commitment to bringing WrestleMania to Toronto.
“It was going to happen in the third term but it ended early,” Tory replied with a chuckle.
Then, almost an hour into the show, Tory introduced an NBC news correspondent who mistakenly greeted him as mayor.
“I’m not the mayor anymore but I’ll take it for a second,” he said before pivoting back to his line of question.
After a weekend of crime in the city – including, the eight suspects wanted in a North York stabbing – Tory returned to his stance on crime, often voiced during his time as mayor.
“I’m not in the business of trying to run for anything, stay in any office,” Tory said, defending himself before stating a sentiment he has often reiterated, “Toronto is still one of the safest big cities in the world.”
Just before Tory’s time clocked out at 9 a.m., he thanked the newsroom for helping him get through his return to talk radio.
“Thank you for listening and bye for now,” he signed off.
CTV News Toronto and NEWSTALK 1010 are both divisions of Bell Media.
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-former-toronto-mayor-john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-board/
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Former Toronto mayor John Tory to rejoin Rogers board
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2024-03-22T22:47:00.511000+00:00
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Tory is one of three people who will stand for election to the company’s board at its annual shareholder meeting on April 24
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en
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The Globe and Mail
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-former-toronto-mayor-john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-board/
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Former Toronto mayor John Tory is rejoining the board of Rogers Communications Inc. RCI-B-T, the telecom and media empire where he once served as an executive.
Mr. Tory is one of three people who will stand for election to the company’s board at its annual shareholder meeting on April 24. Several directors have recently departed the board, including two of chairman Edward Rogers’s sisters, who stepped down as part of a settlement in a dramatic and highly public family feud.
Mr. Tory previously joined the Rogers board in 2010, after a five-year run as the leader of the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party. He stepped down four years later to focus on his new job as mayor, but his continued association with the company during his time in office invited public scrutiny. He remained a member of the advisory committee to the Rogers Control Trust, the vehicle through which the Rogers family exerts its control over the telecom.
In the fall of 2021, Mr. Tory attempted to mediate the Rogers family feud, a dispute between warring factions over the composition of the board and who should lead the company. During this time, he chaired a critical meeting of the control trust’s advisory committee.
Asked at the time whether it was appropriate for the sitting mayor to do this, Mr. Tory said he was fulfilling a promise to the company’s founder, the late Ted Rogers.
The two other new directors the telecom is nominating to its board are Wayne Sparrow, elected chief of the Musqueam Indian Band, and Diane A. Kazarian, who was the first female managing partner of the Greater Toronto Area at accounting firm PwC, according to Rogers’s proxy circular to shareholders on Friday.
Edward Rogers’s position as head of the control trust gives him voting control over these appointments. He is also chair of the board’s nominating committee, which puts forward board candidates.
Mr. Tory’s ties to the Toronto-based telecom prompted him to recuse himself from city council votes on multiple occasions, to avoid potential conflicts of interest.
He won a third term as mayor in the 2022 municipal election, but announced his resignation months later, after admitting that he’d had an affair with a woman who had been a member of his staff.
Mr. Tory’s disclosed holdings in Rogers are worth just under $15-million at the company’s current share price, according to the proxy circular.
That’s a considerably larger stake than the $5.5-million worth of stock he held in 2014, before he stepped down from the board. As a result of doing so, he no longer had to disclose his holdings.
The growth in Mr. Tory’s stake in Rogers is attributable to both growth in the telecom’s share price and an increase in his reported holdings of both voting Class A and non-voting Class B shares.
In an e-mail, Mr. Tory said the increase in his reported Class A holdings, from 7,812 shares in 2014 to 83,200 today, is due to shares owned “by a family investment entity which I do not control.”
Some of his reported 176,770 Class B shares are also held by that entity, he said, adding that he had acquired some additional Class B shares in 2024 after resigning from the mayoralty. In 2014, Rogers reported his Class B ownership at 111,000 shares.
Rogers’s directors each received an annual retainer of $110,000 in 2023, plus $120,000 in Rogers stock. They received an additional $5,500 for each board committee they served on, and more for each committee they chaired.
The connections between Mr. Tory’s family and the Rogers family date to the late 1950s, when Ted Rogers articled at Torys LLP, the law firm founded by Mr. Tory’s grandfather and later run by his father, John A. Tory, who served on the Rogers board for decades.
Over the years, the younger Mr. Tory developed a friendship with Ted Rogers and his wife, Loretta, and worked as an executive at the telecom, serving as the head of Rogers Media and then of Rogers Cable. He left in 2003 to pursue a career in politics.
Mr. Tory kept his various roles at several Rogers family trusts after becoming mayor in 2014, citing a moral obligation to the company’s late founder, who died of congestive heart failure in 2008.
Mr. Tory said that aside from donating a very small number of his personal Rogers holdings to charity one year, he did not deal with any of his shares in the telecom while he was mayor.
“I dealt with the matter of conflict by following the applicable rules, which require self declaration of any possible conflicts at council or committee meetings,” he said.
In late 2022, Toronto Integrity Commissioner Jonathan Batty cleared Mr. Tory of voting improperly on road restrictions that could have affected fans attending Toronto Blue Jays games. (Rogers owns both the team and the stadium in which it plays.)
The following year, in a 122-page report, Mr. Batty concluded that Mr. Tory had broken ethics rules, both by having an affair with a subordinate and by voting on a proposal for the city to pursue a World Cup deal with Maple Leaf Sports and Entertainment, since by this time MLSE employed the woman he’d had an affair with. (Rogers and BCE Inc. together own 75 per cent of MLSE, the parent company of Toronto’s professional hockey, basketball, soccer and Canadian Football League teams.)
The proxy circular also reveals that several members have been added to the advisory committee to the Rogers Control Trust in order to replace the three members – family matriarch Loretta Rogers and two of her husband’s top lieutenants, Phil Lind and Alan Horn – who have passed away in recent years. Ted Rogers’s childhood best friend Toby Hull is also no longer on the advisory committee.
The Rogers Control Trust steers the telecom and media giant through its ownership of 97.5 per cent of the company’s voting Class A shares.
The new members are Bob Reeves, president and chief executive officer of the family holding company Rogers Telecommunications Limited; company director Jan Innes; David Miller, the telecom’s former chief legal officer; and Rogers executive Tom Turner.
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https://www.torontomu.ca/tedrogersschool/podcast/john-tory/
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en
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Episode 02: John Tory, Mayor of Toronto
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Toronto Metropolitan University
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https://www.torontomu.ca/tedrogersschool/podcast/john-tory/
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Well, let me deal with the most important part of this first, which is to do with how we chose to regulate Uber in the end, although that has become a model the people around the globe are looking at as being successful, but the most important thing is obviously that we make sure that Toronto residents, in any vehicle or in any place, are safe from being assaulted, sexually or otherwise and in that case, one of the advantages to the Uber system is that it actually does allow you more so than any other kind of vehicle of its kind to know who the driver is, to know when the pickup took place, and a lot of those kinds of details that oftentimes in a taxi cab you don't know.
And so we have to count on the company and they have been very cooperative when incidents of this kind have come up to provide that information to the police when an allegation of this kind or an incident of this kind happens, and I think that that is actually one advantage to that system in that the technology actually allows you to see who the passenger was, who the driver was, exactly what time and place things happened because it does record that. Having said all of that, I think we have to, and we certainly have indicated to Uber as we do to the taxi industry, that we have zero tolerance for that sort of thing and when I say we, we are the regulators of those businesses. We are not the police. The city oversees the police but the police operate under their own leadership accountable to a Police Services Board of which I am a member, and I can only say that I think the message has been sent loud and clear that there's zero tolerance for that kind of thing or anything even approaching it.
And I think as these incidents have come up, fortunately they have been few and far between, they've been death with by Uber and/or by the taxi companies and/or by us in a stricter manner as you possibly could expect and the police have, again, tried to do their job. I want to just say on the general subject of Uber and how it was admitted into the Toronto marketplace, they came into the Toronto marketplace in a way that I did not approve of where they just came in here and operated without any regulation at all, and just figured they could just arrive and so on. I came to the conclusion partly for reasons of what I think is sound strategy for the city and partly for reasons of accepting reality. By the time I took office, they were into the hundreds of thousands of customers in Toronto, and so if I was to do what people were urging me to do from the cab industry and other quarters who supported the status quo, they just wanted me to send them out of town packing and tell them to sort of roll up their carpets and leave.
I didn't think that was either realistic or good for the city. I believe this city should be serving as a home for people who have disruptive technologies who represent the way of doing things in the future, but that they have to come into a city and do business on a basis that is fair. So instead of trying to chance them out of town as they've tried to do in a number of other cities and had huge conflicts in the process, we worked instead to develop a series of regulations that essentially accomplish two things.
One, it brought Uber under regulation so there was a degree of control, and this is important to your question, the sexual assault part, that there were screenings done of the drivers that were satisfactory to us that were similar to the screenings that are done on cab drivers, screenings as in personal background checks that met a standard we set. Two, that there was insurance in place to protect people that is equivalent to what taxi cab drivers are required to have. And three, that the rules under which they operated were equitable vis a vis fair competition with the cab industry who've been around for a long time and paid money for their licenses.
At the same time, the second objective we were trying to set was to lessen the regulatory load on taxis so that they could compete more fairly because over time they'd become subject to a lot of long pages and books full of regulations, and we actually did reduce some of that regulatory load and reduce some of the requirements on that, and the idea was to create a circumstance in which people could be safe. First and foremost, safe from assault, safe from accidents, safe from drivers that had bad backgrounds, could have choice and including the adoption of and embracing of the latest technology of which Uber was a representative, and that they would compete fairly with taxis.
And I am proud of what we achieved there because you haven't heard much about it in terms of conflict since that time, and unlike some other cities where they "successfully" chased Uber out of town, we have Uber here and I quite frankly hope some of the other companies like Lyft will come here and compete as well so we'll have even more choice, because I think that's good for consumers to have choice as long as it's fair choice, safe choice, and regulated choice and I think that's what we have in Toronto now.
Well, I don't accept the premise of the question and what a sanctuary city is meant to mean, and I think anybody should take a look at the wording of what is said, and I think actually the notion of Toronto being a sanctuary city, if you look at it for what it is, is something that we would buy into as part of those sort of pretty basic values that I talked about earlier on. What it says is that if somebody shows up for a city of Toronto service, so if they show up to use the library or if they show up to public health to get a vaccination for their children, they're not going to be asked to show their documentation that proves their citizenship.
We will say look, they're a resident of the city. Their immigration status actually doesn't matter in the context of their getting their child vaccinated or using the library, and that it is not consistent with the way we generally do business that you'd be asked for your immigration papers. I mean, think about it for a minute. Some of you in this room are probably permanent residents of Canada as opposed to citizens. Do we go around saying to people, "We want you to show us your documentation to show whether you're a citizen or a permanent resident." No, we don't.
Now, I'm not condoning the fact that people will enter the country outside of the law and there are people who have done that over time and some of them have now lived here for 20 or 25 or 30 years and have had three or four children here who are Canadians themselves, and I would say that that is a failure of the federal governments over time of all parties, to sort of decide they were going to do something to allow those people to regularize their documentation because it's a politically explosive issue and nobody's been prepared to sort of deal with it, which would be the sort of fair and appropriate way to address the fact there are people living in our midst who every day perform important functions in the city working somewhere, doing work for people, and have families that go to school and so forth and so on.
But having said that, given that we have those people, are we going to get into a situation where we're going to start to get people to show their documentation that sort of proves what their citizenship is any time they're wanting to access a city service? And so I guess I would just say I'm comfortable with where we are as a sanctuary city because I think it sends the message out that obviously, and I said this in a letter I wrote on refugees today or yesterday to the Minister of Immigration, it is very important to me in the context of even our very open hearted and open minded and open arms approach to refugees in the current global context that due process be followed, we have a system that has worked well for us over time to apply due process to both those who are applying as refugees and to the country, to represent the country's best interests, and I think that has to continue, but at the same time I think we have to be open hearted and open minded with respect to the fact there are people in this city who are here today that we don't want to be.
For example, let me give you an even more stark example. Are we going to turn away somebody at a city operated shelter on a cold night like tonight because we have somehow somebody decides it's in their best interest to ask them to show their papers? Their papers with regard to their immigration status. Is that a relevant consideration to those people being admitted to a shelter overnight or not, and I would say it's not. They're human beings that are living in the city and they may be living in a different status or on a different basis than some of the rest of us are, and that should probably be resolved over time, but that it certainly shouldn't affect their access to basic services, which is really what the sanctuary city designation says.
Well the obvious response you often hear, and thank you for the question, is that we should sort of more strictly enforce the hate crime laws, but that's complicated and I don't know if you've discussed those laws but what actually has to happen there is that the police, in consultation with the [inaudible] attorneys, have to designate to give an offense as being something motivated by hatred and it then gets treated differently in terms of the penalty that's applied and so on, and that law's under review right now in Ottawa. I don't think law at the end of the day is going to represent the answer, because a lot of these people I would describe as being sort of deranged and obsessed people who the law to them doesn't really matter. I mean, the fact that like last night somebody would try to burn a Mosque is like, to me, such an act of treachery and so on that those people don't pay attention to what the law says.
So I think what we have to do, and I had a meeting yesterday in the wake of these events, the anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim events, I had a meeting of all the different faith leaders from every faith you could possibly imagine. I mean, when I say every one there was like 40 people in the room so there were 40 faiths represented but I'm sure there are others. But we have 40, or 20, 35 faith leaders in the room, and what they focused on was a couple of things. I would say coming out of that meeting, and we're now going to take the list away, they focused on education, and I know it sounds like something we would say, "Well, education." We always hear that and people will roll their eyes.
We simply have to have people understand more about each other's faiths, understand that the strength of Toronto is represented by the fact that people have come here from different faith groups that oftentimes didn't get along at all in other places where they might have come from, but have been able to coexist here on the basis that we made an effort to understand each other and to understand we're all in this together, and if we could have people learn about each other's faiths... And they told me some interesting stories yesterday about programs where people have gone to visit a group of Jewish leaders will go to a Mosque and they'll talk to each other about their respective faiths.
And what you figure out, by the way, because when you're in a job like mine I've been to every kind of religious institution that you could name, a religious place, and seen every kind of service and you come to realize, of course, that pretty well all of them are based on the same core set of values about how you treat each other and things you don't do and things you do and how you look after each other and so forth. They really are. I mean, the Quran and the Bible and the Torah and so on, if you look at those they contain many of the same fundamental underlying values and I think the more we understand that, the more we realize what an artificial division it is between people who are Muslim and Jewish and Christian and Buddhist and all the rest.
So education was something they named and then secondly they said, "We've got to keep demonstrating in the city every day the fact that we do live differently here." We are weaving a different narrative for the world of how instead of moving in the direction as we're seeing in many places in the world, including some close to home where we're trying to polarize people based on their faith or their skin color or a bunch of other stuff, their sexual orientation, what have we done here? We've said, "No. We recognize people are going to be different. We're going to celebrate that. We're going to learn from that. We're going to strengthen ourselves for that," and they felt that the outward articulation of that by leaders but also events that show that you'll have people standing together.
This is one of the great strengths of Pride in Toronto is that Pride isn't a million people who are all LGBTQ. I mean, there are many who are but there are lots of other people who aren't who are there to say, "Hey, we all live here together. You're fabulous fellow citizens. We're celebrating that you've had certain victories in your rights and certain other challenges that still lie in front of you," and so on and so on. It's a celebration, and so that was the underlying message that came from this was yes, make sure the law is applied and strengthened as much as it can be, make sure we make a huge effort at education so people understand the importance of this and not letting our way of life get messed up by what's going on around the world, and thirdly to make sure we have people see every day the strength that comes from diversity and the strength that comes from inclusion, as opposed to the downside of polarization that you're seeing happening elsewhere.
And so I'm trying to be upfront about that every single day, just about, and there are people who criticize me for that because they have a slightly different view and if they don't like it, I guess they can vote me out at the next election and I hope they won't, for a bunch of reasons, but I hope that's one of them that we need to stay the course on our values. Our values are the ones that are admired around the world and I think we are not perfect, but we're weaving a much different narrative than many other places.
Well that's a good question, [Tassy], and I would only say to you that a lot of things that are controversial strike fear into the hearts of politicians. The question of underfunding is a different question and I think I covered that by sort of saying that one person would say it's underfunded, one person would say it's overfunded. So I think what we did was we established a budget, which is in the 10s of millions of dollars of new money put in this year's budget, to do the things that we felt were going to be effective in cutting down to zero, hopefully, the number of pedestrians that were killed, because we did have a very, very unacceptable year last year. I mean, any death is unacceptable but last year it got to kind of new record levels, and we're actually out there doing the things now that need to be done.
So when you mention speed limits, there are speed limits being changed all over the city. All over the city, the road safety plan that sets a zero target changed speed limits in many areas where there had been a particular incidence of pedestrians and drivers getting into collisions, and so those were changed. In the city of Toronto itself, like the city of Toronto, the downtown part, they have a community council. It took the decision to change all the speed limits on their streets because it's a local decision they can make within the context of our city government.
We have sought and received permission, although it's not been legislated yet, it's frustrating because it takes so long, to reintroduce photo radar, which was very controversial. I mean, a lot of people didn't like it but we got permission to reintroduce it in school zones so that in school zones we can cover a lot more of them, make kids safer but not have police officers' time tied up sitting in a car with a radar gun, which is frankly the old fashioned, very expensive, non-sustainable way of doing it. We are changing the configuration of the roads all over the city, the intersections, so that we're making it more necessary for cars to pay more attention to pedestrians because they're forced to by the configuration of the roads.
We've changed traffic signals all over the city to take account of the fact that seniors with the aging population are taking longer to cross the street so we should allow them that time even if it makes drivers wait a little bit longer so seniors can get across the street and not be unsafe. We're creating senior safety zones, which are zones where there will be signage and speed limits and so on that will be different because a majority, about 60% of all the pedestrian deaths that happened last year happened to people who were, I think, 55 or 60 years of age and older, so there are a lot of things we're doing as part of this plan and it's not representing any lack of courage or boldness. There's only so much you can do at a time. I think the money that's been allocated is certainly very sufficient to get a very substantial amount done in the next few years and we're out doing it because we take this very seriously and we have set the goal of saying zero, which is a goal that we're going to work hard to achieve.
Well I have been like a broken record on the latter point, which is to make sure the federal government comes through with its commitments that they made during the election campaign, and I will tell you they have been good partners for Toronto on transit funding so far, and we've had extensive discussions because they haven't announce their plan for housing funding. It's going to come in the budget will come sometime in the next probably 30 days, and I have joined together with all of the other big city mayors, so we're a united front on this, in asking them to specifically carve out, because they have something now call a social infrastructure fund which could cover a whole bunch of things, and we've said housing is so urgent in the big cities that we've calculated a number we think that would be adequate to allow us to get a much better head start than the rather small number of 4000 units spread across the country. That doesn't do much when there's thousands of people looking for affording housing.
And so we've asked them to carve out of the infrastructure plan over the next number of years 12.6 billion dollars for housing and Toronto would be the single biggest recipient of that money, simply because the scale of the problem here is bigger than it is obviously anywhere else in the country. If they come through with that, and I have reason to believe they will, first of all you'll see me commending them heartily because that was the right thing to do. Secondly, we've said to them they must insist in the next round of announcement of this money that the province's match their money, because what happened with the transit money is in some provinces, the province did not match the federal government's money and if they do match then you get obviously twice as much, and then the municipality adds some of its own money and you end up with a very substantial sum of money to build affordable housing because addressing the supply issue is really the number one key to trying to make more affordable housing available to more people.
Simply passing laws to say, "Well, we're going to put on a foreign buyers tax or we're going to impose rent controls," I happen to believe that when rent controls were imposed in this province previously back 25 or 30 years ago, they didn't work because what they succeeded in doing was creating a false environment in which rents were controlled, but all that succeeded in doing was making sure that nobody built any rental apartments at all. There were none built for probably 20 years in Ontario because people said, "Well, why would we put our money into that when we're going to get no return because the government's saying we're not allowed to get a proper return on their money? So instead we'll go build something else." They either build single family homes or they went and built apartments somewhere else, and I just think they've been proven over and over again in all parts of the world not to work, and so if you don't favor that then you have to favor the only other alternative, which is increase the supply of affordable rental housing, and I'll mention one last thing.
We have taken some steps as the city, regardless of what the other governments do, to encourage developers to build affordable rental housing by, for example, putting up I think 15 now valuable pieces of city land. We've said, "We'll put up that land which is a big cost of a developer, obviously, when they come to build a building, if you will come along and build only affordable rental and ownership housing. It has to be affordable and we will either give you that land, we'll lease it to you for a dollar a year, or make some very favorable arrangement with that piece of land," and on the first three pieces of land out of the 15 or whatever the number is, we've had huge competitive response to it, so we have a competition among developers to get the right to build it, and we've created as opposed to the last year before I took office where we had zero units of affordably housing, I think this year we've already approved hundreds of units of affordable housing that are going to be built.
And it's still not enough, but I'm hopeful with this money that's going to come, I'm confident in the budget we'll both be able to get on with the appalling backlog of repairs on the social housing in which we ask our most vulnerable people to live, citizens, and the supply of affordable housing that you talked about.
No, and that's why the Police Services Board... I mean, the way you described the history, I won't go back and give you the entire history, but the bottom line is that by virtue of provincial regulation that they subsequently took on and passed a regulation province wide which the Toronto Police Services Board has adopted and put a policy in place underneath that regulation. The practice of carding, which is you have to be careful how you use these words, but carding was the arbitrary stopping of people in the street who were not suspected of or accused of doing anything merely for the purposes of kind of asking them questions about who they were and why they were there and so forth and so on.
And if you said to me do I believe, and of course the facts have shown that especially in the years when carding was most prevalent which was around 2011 and 2011, when in Toronto there were 250000 people and the carding name came from the fact that there was a card that police officers filled out that had information about the person they stopped, and there were 250000 people stopped in each of those years, and disproportionately they were people of color and from racialized communities and in all cases, though, of the carding pretty much they were people who weren't doing anything. They were just sort of walking down the street or wherever they were, and it might have been in the middle of the night, it might have been in the middle of the day.
And do I think under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in this country that we have the right to walk down the street and not be stopped arbitrarily unless there is some suspicion that we're involved in a crime or for purposes of investigating a crime that's occurred? No, I don't think that police should be doing that and I voted accordingly to institute a policy that is now in place and the training has happened underneath that policy, it goes a couple of steps further which you'll be interested to know that that doesn't mean, and that's one of the things that's been misunderstood in the city is that people now think no one will ever be stopped by the police again unless they literally sort of just left the bank with a gun in their hand and a bag of money.
The police are now still have to go on stopping people because they might believe they're suspicious of something happening or because they are trying to investigate a crime, but they now have to inform people if they do stop them that you have the right not to answer the police's questions if they are just asking you how you're going or why you're where you are, and they have to tell you that right proactively and say to you, "Now, you do have the right not to talk to me if you don't want to," and that didn't necessarily sit that well with the police who felt that would make it difficult for them to have conversations that can be very beneficial.
I mean, conversations between the police and people in the community lies at the heart of having a proper relationship between the police and the community where they build trust in each other, but the bottom line is I can tell you that the policies that are in place today if you read them, and are voted for by me and other members of the Police Board, it was unanimous, quite expressly set out that this arbitrary stopping of people on the street just in the hopes you might find something out or you might take down some information about them has now been precluded from happening and there are very strict rules in place, including the proactive information to be given to people about their rights that now applies and information about how the data that is collected from people will be safeguarded, so that's where the thing stands today.
It's a very difficult issue and I had to learn about it, I'll be honest with you. And you know, I'm a [inaudible]. I'm the first mayor, I think, ever elected to the mayoralty city of Toronto without having first served on the city council, so if I told you I had a lot to learn when I walked into this place where many of the people had served there for 25 years, including about the police and about the practices of the police and how things unfolded, and I'll admit I've made some mistakes in things that I've said or done on some of these issues.
I'm a human being. I'm not perfect, far from it. My wife would tell you that in spades, and my kids, and my grandchildren, but I'm a human being and I'm learning as I go and I hope I'm working hard and learning fast, but a lot of these issues are incredibly complicated and you're going to put a foot wrong in the odd time. I think I've done not too much of that, but that was an issue where I got off to a bit of a rocky start in terms of exactly how to deal with it the right way, but I think we arrived at the right place in the end, which is what's really important.
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1
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https://globalnews.ca/news/10381943/john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-board-of-directors/
|
en
|
Former Toronto mayor John Tory to rejoin Rogers Communications board of directors - Toronto
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"John Tory",
"Rogers",
"Rogers communications",
"Canada",
"Politics"
] | null |
[
"The Canadian Press"
] |
2024-03-25T11:26:57-04:00
|
Tory is listed among the 14 proposed management nominees in the company's information circular ahead of Rogers' annual meeting set for April 24.
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/134ef81f5668dc78080f6bd19ca2310b?s=32
|
Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/news/10381943/john-tory-to-rejoin-rogers-board-of-directors/
|
Former Toronto mayor John Tory is set to rejoin the board of directors at Rogers Communications Inc.
Tory is listed among the 14 proposed management nominees in the company’s information circular ahead of Rogers’ annual meeting set for April 24.
He previously served as a Rogers director from 2010 to 2014 and chief executive of Rogers Cable Inc. from 1999 to 2003 and Rogers Media Inc. from 1995 to 1999.
Tory’s return to the Rogers board comes after sisters Melinda Rogers-Hixon and Martha Rogers settled their differences with their brother Edward Rogers and announced their retirement from the company’s board earlier this year.
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Tory is a member of the advisory committee of the Rogers Control Trust, which holds voting control of the company.
He resigned as mayor of Toronto in 2023 after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer.
|
||||
7542
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 19
|
https://rabble.ca/politics/canadian-politics/good-riddance-john-tory/
|
en
|
Good riddance, John Tory
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Stephen Wentzell"
] |
2023-02-16T15:33:27+00:00
|
John Tory is leaving the Mayor's office at Toronto City Hall and his budget and policing policies need to go with him.
|
en
|
rabble.ca
|
https://rabble.ca/politics/canadian-politics/good-riddance-john-tory/
|
It’s official: Long-time Mayor of Toronto John Tory is resigning as of Friday at 5 p.m.
The long-time mayor of Toronto announced last Friday he would resign from his post after having an affair with a staffer.
Speaking to reporters late Friday evening, John Tory read prepared remarks where he admitted to the affair and subsequently announced his resignation.
Noting the relationship ended “by mutual consent” sometime in 2023, Tory says the employee found another job and left their position at City Hall.
Tory, who has been married to his wife Barb for over 40 years, says he is stepping down to be with his family — the same people he betrayed with his infidelity.
While Tory admitted to the affair in his remarks, he also made clear he wouldn’t be speaking further on the matter.
“I’m usually known for taking as many questions as you want,” Tory said, inaccurately. “But on this occasion, I’ll let my statement speak for itself.”
A lawyer and political strategist, the 69-year-old began his political career in 2003, losing to David Miller in the Toronto municipal election. Tory went on to become the leader of the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party in 2004, where he remained until 2009.
Tory spent the better part of a decade as Mayor of Toronto after succeeding Rob Ford in 2014. At the time, Tory beat the soon-to-be Premier Doug Ford, as well as then-MP and wife of the late Jack Layton, Olivia Chow.
Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie is set to serve as interim mayor until a by-election is held later this year.
Tory’s resignation marks the second consecutive Toronto mayor who battled allegations of adultery, after Ford was accused of offering oral sex to a female staffer in November 2013.
At the time, Ford made headlines for his response, saying “I’ve got more than enough to eat at home,” referring to his “happy” marriage.
Tearing up Tory’s budget
In a tweet Friday night, Ontario NDP MPP Kristyn Wong-Tam called for the Toronto city council to “tear up Tory’s budget.”
“It’s time to go way beyond plugging potholes and start permanently fixing Toronto’s structural problems,” said Wong-Tam, the official critic for the Attorney General and 2SLGBTQIA+ issues.
They also called for 24-hour warming centres to be opened immediately, and pushed for homelessness to be declared a humanitarian crisis.
“Tory could have used his veto powers to pass his budget this week,” Wong-Tam said. “There’s no reason why council should proceed now. Instead, they should ask staff to rework the budget to accurately reflect the real needs of Toronto.”
But Tory’s decision on when to formally resign allowed him to oversee the budget process on Wednesday, spoiling any opportunity to reform Toronto’s 2023 budget.
Tory was unphased by his glaring conflicts of interest, sitting on the Toronto Police Services Board while also serving as mayor.
Tory’s position on the police board wasn’t his only glaring conflict of interest. The mayor also sits on the Rogers Control Trust, a job that pays $100,000 annually. That’s on top of the earnings Tory has acquired as a Rogers shareholder.
The mayor’s affiliation with Rogers is likely to face renewed scrutiny as the Toronto Star reports the woman involved in the affair got a job at Maple Leaf Sports and Entertainment (MLSE) — a business Rogers Communications has a 37.5 per cent stake in.
Questions remain about the staffer’s departure from City Hall and whether Tory played a role, directly or indirectly, in securing her new job.
While the news of Tory’s prompt resignation made headlines across the country, the intrepid reporters who uncovered the scandal have gone largely uncredited.
The three journalists who broke the scoop are the Toronto Star’s David Rider, Ben Spurr and Alyshah Hasham.
Tory’s Toronto policing legacy
While Tory’s infidelity will make headlines for weeks, it’s important to remember the real story: the increase he gave Toronto Police on his way out.
In the last month alone, Tory recommended giving Toronto Police an extra $48 million in the next budget.
On Monday, the abolition advocacy group No Pride in Policing Coalition (NPIPC) issued a press release calling Tory’s resignation “good news.”
NPIPC urged municipal politicians to reject Tory’s proposed budget, and instead venture on an economic transformation that reflects the needs of poor, queer and trans, unhoused, Black, Indigenous, racialized, and all working-class people.
“He showed his unfitness for office long before the current scandal, through his attacks on unhoused people and his expansions of policing, among many other decisions. It’s well past time for him to go,” the NPIPC statement reads.
NPIPC called for city councillors to implement a 50 per cent reduction to the police budget, along with a plan for police abolition and real community safety.
That community safety component would see more funding for housing, libraries, parks, shelters, accessibility, seniors services and improvements to transit.
|
|||||
7542
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 16
|
https://torontosun.com/news/local-news/warmington-even-though-polls-show-he-would-wipe-the-floor-in-mayors-race-john-tory-says-he-will-not-run
|
en
|
WARMINGTON: John Tory rules out mayoral run as polling shows he'd win
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Joe Warmington"
] |
2023-05-08T19:58:26+00:00
|
Anybody wanting to run for mayor has until Friday to get their name on the ballot.
|
en
|
https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/suns/favicon-tsun.ico
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torontosun
|
https://torontosun.com/news/local-news/warmington-even-though-polls-show-he-would-wipe-the-floor-in-mayors-race-john-tory-says-he-will-not-run
|
Article content
Despite a new Forum Resarch poll showing he would easily win the election race to replace him as mayor, John Tory has signalled he will not be running.
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WARMINGTON: John Tory rules out mayoral run as polling shows he'd win Back to video
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“Tory would wipe the floor against the other candidates in this election,” said Forum Research President Lorne Bozinoff.
That is, if Tory’s name was on the ballot. The former mayor says it will not be.
Victorious in three consecutive elections, Tory stepped down on Feb. 10 after admitting to having a relationship with as female staffer in his office.
Anybody wanting to replace him has until Friday to get their name on the ballot.
With 73 people already running for Toronto’s top municipal job, Friday is the final day to register for the June 26 byelection.
While two Forum Research Polls show he could win back the position he vacated, Tory has made it clear he will not add his name to the lengthy list of candidates.
Could there be 100 candidates this time? A lot of people were wondering if one of those names to come in on or around the last day would be Tory’s.
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Fearing what a more left-leaning Olivia Chow would look like over the next 3 1/2 years in office — and, so far, polls suggest few of her rivals pose much of a threat — there are people looking for ways to defeat her.
Someone else will have to deal with that because Tory said to count him out.
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“I won’t be a candidate for mayor in the upcoming byelection,” he told me in an email. “As I have said many times, I will find other ways I can continue to contribute to the city I love and I will always be available to help our city’s mayor and council.”
This will come as a great relief to the front-runners. The Forum research poll shows Tory at “40-plus” in support, according to Bozinoff, while none of the leading candidates received that much.
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Without Tory in the poll, the Forum numbers show Chow in the lead at 33%, with Councillor Josh Matlow and former Toronto police chief Mark Saunders tied for second at 14%. A Mainstreet Research poll, reported by CTV last Friday, showed Chow, a former NDP MP and city councillor, at 22% and former councillor Ana Bailao and Matlow tied for second with 11% each.
Also running are Councillors Brad Bradford and Anthony Perruzza, Liberal MPP Mitzie Hunter and city advocate and journalist Anthony Furey. There are many other names in this race, including Chloe Brown, Chris Sky, former councillor Giorgio Mammoliti and businessman and entertainer Frank D’Angelo.
Other than Chow, none of the candidates have stepped up to capture the imagination of the electorate, which had some behind the scenes trying to coax Tory back into the race with a view that he could win easily. Tory has seen the polls and been getting the phone calls, but had not commented publicly — until now.
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He said he felt it would be best if he ended any speculation and made it clear he won’t be involved.
“Polls which suggested I might do well … (have) encouraged many people to reach out from across the city and I am very grateful for their expressions of kindness and support,” Tory said.
“I said on the day I stepped aside that serving as mayor for more than eight years was one of the great privileges of my entire life … I tried my best to do my best, including during the pandemic, which was a very challenging time.”
Tory added: “I also said that day that I wanted to place a greater priority on my family and helping deal with a difficult situation I was responsible for. I have been doing just that and I will continue to do so.”
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He didn’t rule out attempting to come back into elected life at another time. Perhaps he could run provincially in Scarborough—Guildwood if Hunter does indeed resign it to concentrate fully on the mayoral race, as she has indicated she will.
Or perhaps Tory is retired from public life altogether. Time will tell.
But one thing he said is for sure: despite leading in polls, Tory has no plans to make a comeback in the current mayoral contest.
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https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
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The news about Toronto Mayor John Tory’s affair destroyed his carefully cultivated public image
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2023-02-23T22:57:01+00:00
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Many politicians have survived sex scandals and still held onto their jobs. But news about John Tory’s affair has brought an end to his career as Toronto mayor. Here’s what’s unique about Tory’s case.
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en
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The Conversation
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https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
The Toronto Star broke news on Feb. 10 about Mayor John Tory’s extramarital affair with an employee in his office. An hour later, he had announced his resignation, and by the end of the following week, he was gone from the mayor’s office.
Sex scandals are nothing new in the world of politics. Many politicians have survived such scandals and held onto their jobs. These types of scandals are usually considered to be legal, minor and mostly personal indiscretions that don’t impact the ability of government officials to do their jobs.
What is interesting about the Tory case is how drastic and sudden the impact of the affair was. Why did the reports of Tory’s affair have such a shocking and impactful effect on his leadership? Why, in other words, has it brought an end to the now former mayor’s life as a politician?
Tory’s public image
Tory, while not commanding an enthusiastic following, was certainly not an unpopular politician at the time of his resignation. Just four months earlier, Tory easily won re-election as mayor. He is the only mayor of Toronto to receive a third consecutive term since the amalgamation of Toronto’s six boroughs.
In both the 2018 and 2022 contests, Tory’s hold on power was demonstrated by the fact that, while having many detractors, no popular or united oppositional movement provided any sort of genuine challenge to his leadership.
Academic research has shown that a large part of leadership is transactional, meaning that leaders are given their positions of authority because they can present aspects of their personal characteristics to establish and maintain specific expectations among voters. Put another way, leadership is as much about maintaining a successful brand as it is about policy outcomes.
Ultimately, Tory’s success emerged from the way that he was able to establish himself as a competent, effective and practical administrator with a plethora of good judgment. As a result, he could provide Torontonians with an imperfect, but tolerable sense of stability through specific goods.
These goods included, among others, the goods of necessary infrastructure development, adequate municipal services and fiscal responsibility without a significant increase in taxes. Tory is also credited with leading a very capable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
To put it another way, Tory was — at the very worst — boring.
The calm after the storm
Tory’s boring was a good kind of boring. Toronto municipal politics — since the 1998 amalgamation that merged downtown Toronto with each of the city’s inner suburbs to form one “mega-city” administration – has often been contentious and ideologically charged.
City council and the mayor’s office have come to reflect the divergent interests and voting patterns of the more conservative, working-class suburbs and the progressive, educated downtown core.
Toronto politics has been populated by a number of acrimonious, larger-than-life personalities. We might recall, for instance, the gaffe-prone nature of former mayor Mel Lastman, city councillors Giorgio Mammoliti and Gord Perks who were known for their theatrical shouting matches, or the scandal-prone former mayor Rob Ford.
As an exception rather than a rule, Tory will always be remembered as the mayor that stabilized the municipal government following the disorder, comedy and scandal of the Ford years.
With Tory’s departure, there are indications that this tendency towards political contention will re-emerge. The city’s suburban and downtown populations continue to be divided over the province’s initiatives surrounding “strong mayor” legislation, transportation infrastructure and housing developments in the Greenbelt.
The secure hold on power enjoyed by the Progressive Conservatives at Queen’s Park suggests the emergence of an insurgent, populist left-wing counter reaction. At the same time, growing concerns related to the breakdown of law and order may help elect right-wing candidates, as in Vancouver.
Tory’s moderation meant he was often caught in the middle. Conservatives attacked the mayor for failing to address issues related to crime and maintaining red tape that limited infrastructure development. Progressives attacked him for underfunding city services related to transit, maintenance and housing.
The nail in the coffin
Tory left office in the midst of an ongoing opioid and homelessness crisis, deteriorating public safety and issues with housing affordability.
The reality is that, while mostly popular, Tory relied predominately on his public image as a competent city manager to maintain support. He had to assure Torontonians that his leadership, while not perfect, was at the very least sound and characterized by good judgement.
Tory’s affair, however, immediately broke down and delegitimized this carefully crafted image. This is because, more than anything, it demonstrated a substantial error of judgment and lack of integrity. The basis of Tory’s public image meant the affair became inherently political, despite it being a personal issue.
Outside whatever personal impact the situation has had on Tory’s family and marriage, the power imbalance of the relationship also complicates matters. Sixty-eight year old Tory’s relationship was with a 31 year old professional subordinate, raising questions about consent and power differentials. There are a number of unanswerable concerns over how the mayor understood, used and made decisions in light of his position of authority.
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Who is John Tory's wife, Barbara Hackett?
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2023-02-11T16:12:25-05:00
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JOHN Tory has been married to his wife for over 40 years and has been by his side during his political career.He resigned from his position as Toronto
|
en
|
The US Sun
|
https://www.the-sun.com/news/7369032/who-is-john-torys-wife-barbara-hackett/
|
JOHN Tory has been married to his wife for over 40 years and has been by his side during his political career.
He resigned from his position as Toronto mayor in February 2023 after admitting to an extramarital affair.
Who is John Tory's wife, Barbara Hackett?
John Tory and Barbara Hackett tied the knot in 1978.
The couple met at York University in 1976 where they both studied law. Barbara also studied business during that time.
Barbara is currently a renovator and homebuilder by profession.
The couple has four children together: Susan Tory, John Tory, Jr., George Tory, and Christopher Tory.
Is John Tory still the mayor of Toronto?
John Tory is no longer the mayor of Toronto. He was first elected mayor of Toronto in 2014 and then re-elected in 2018 and 2022.
On February 10, 2023, the Toronto Star broke the news that John, 68, had a relationship with a 31-year-old female aide that started during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Toronto mayor said that the affair had "ended mutually by consent this year."
"I am deeply sorry, and I apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto and to all of those hurt by my actions," Tory said in his statement.
"Most of all, I apologize to my wife, Barb, and to my family who I've let down more than anyone else."
Olivia Chow was named the 66th mayor of Toronto on July 12, 2023.
In October 2023, Integrity Commissioner Jonathan Batty released a report announcing that Tory broke the city council’s code of conduct with his relationship with a staffer.
What is John Tory's net worth?
According to Celebrity Net Worth, John Tory has an estimated net worth of approximately $50million, as of February 2023.
His main source of wealth is said to be his career as a lawyer, political strategist, and businessman.
After completing high school and getting a law degree during the 1970s, Tory worked for radio stations owned by Rogers Communications before he got into politics.
From there, he allegedly wavered in and out of politics through the 1980s.
In the 1990s, he even served as the commissioner of the Canadian Football League before getting back into politics once again.
|
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https://betakit.com/mayor-torys-departure-competing-bids-and-financial-pressure-on-province-and-feds-place-collisions-future-in-canada-in-doubt/
|
en
|
Mayor Tory’s departure, competing bids, and financial pressure on province and feds place Collision’s future in Canada in doubt
|
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2023-05-17T14:25:03-04:00
|
Collision has asked for over $40 million to stay in Toronto. But five other cities also vie to host and stakeholders want provincial and federal support.
|
en
|
/wp-content/uploads/fbrfg/apple-touch-icon.png?v=bk
|
BetaKit
|
https://betakit.com/mayor-torys-departure-competing-bids-and-financial-pressure-on-province-and-feds-place-collisions-future-in-canada-in-doubt/
|
While major North American tech conference Collision has privately communicated intentions to extend its Toronto stay by at least another year, no official agreement has been reached, BetaKit has learned. Securing that agreement might be harder than in years past.
Four separate sources have independently told BetaKit that Paddy Cosgrave, co-founder and CEO of Collision and its parent company Web Summit, has communicated during recent meetings with the local tech community that Collision’s 2024 conference will take place in Toronto. Each individual who confirmed Cosgrave’s statements, under the condition of anonymity, was present at said meetings. In at least one instance, two people confirmed that Cosgrave said “yes” when asked directly whether Collision would return to Toronto in 2024.
Collision 2023’s opening night and the municipal by-election to select Toronto’s new mayor are both slated for June 26.
However, when BetaKit asked for comment, Cosgrave declined to officially confirm that the conference is coming back to Toronto next year. Reached by email, Cosgrave initially responded, “Nothing has been agreed sorry.”
Meanwhile, a City of Toronto spokesperson told BetaKit over email that the city “currently has no agreement in place with [Collision] event organizers beyond this year.”
When asked by BetaKit, former Mayor John Tory described Collision’s continued presence in Toronto as “unfinished business.”
Collision 2023, which will take place this June, is currently set to be the annual tech event’s last outing in Toronto, concluding a three-year agreement initially inked in 2018 that was extended by two years after Collision was forced to host its 2020 and 2021 conferences online due to COVID-19.
The lack of a go-forward deal comes at a time when the city’s most powerful advocate for the conference no longer has a seat at the political table. Tech-friendly Mayor Tory’s sudden departure earlier this year after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer leaves the city’s long-term commitments to tech events like Collision an open question.
Whether and how long Collision may stay in Toronto beyond this year could depend on who will lead the city next. Since Tory’s absence, Toronto has tightened its purse strings due to an ongoing and pressing budget shortfall, with Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie temporarily stepping in to fill a political vacuum until the city elects a new leader. These factors, along with an increased financial ask from Collision, likely requiring support from the provincial and federal governments, may impact the conference’s continued stay in Toronto.
In the past, Collision has moved to a new city every few years, typically announcing the next location prior to, or at the beginning of, each event. This year, Collision’s opening night and the municipal by-election to select Toronto’s new mayor are both slated for June 26.
“Taking nothing for granted”
Tory was a longtime champion of Toronto’s tech community and played a leadership role in bringing Collision to the city.
During a 2018 BetaKit Podcast interview, Cosgrave said lobbying by a few different folks helped convince Collision to come to Toronto initially, crediting work by then-Mayor Tory, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, and Techstars Toronto managing director Sunil Sharma, among others.
A source familiar with Collision’s original three-year deal with the City of Toronto told BetaKit, under the condition of anonymity, that Tory and his office were “very hands-on” in lobbying Collision and supporting the city’s bid for the conference.
That bid ultimately came from Destination Toronto, a non-profit regional tourism promotion organization funded in part by the now six-percent Municipal Accommodation Tax (MAT) that guests pay when they stay in Toronto hotels or Airbnbs. Beyond this MAT revenue, Destination Toronto is also financed by the provincial and federal governments, which fund specific projects and mandates, as well as Destination Toronto’s own membership and co-operative partnership programs.
Collision represented the highest profile component of Tory’s work to support the local tech community.
When the news that Collision was coming to Toronto in 2019 was first announced, Tory said in a statement that the conference’s decision “confirms Toronto’s status as an important innovation hub in North America.” Ahead of Collision’s Toronto debut, Tory and the city teamed up with other levels of government to send a Canadian delegation to Web Summit, Collision’s European counterpart, in Portugal in 2018 (as part of this delegation, BetaKit received paid airfare to Lisbon).
Tory repeatedly spoke at Collision and helped kick off the conference’s opening nights in Toronto in 2019 and 2022. As he previously told BetaKit, Tory was “taking nothing for granted” about Collision being in Toronto. “We want [attendees] to come away saying ‘that was the best conference I’ve ever been to. I’m coming next year and I’m bringing my friends,’” he said.
According to remarks made by Cosgrave at Collision in New Orleans in 2018, Canadian officials from the federal to the city level “were very clear that what’s of interest to them is the lasting impact of the event … [to] act as a magnet that brings companies from all over the world to Toronto.”
Collision represented the highest profile component of Tory’s work to support the tech community more broadly, which has also included taking steps to promote Toronto’s tech ecosystem and startups on the world stage and helping numerous foreign tech giants announce new Toronto offices and expansion plans. Collision is also not the only tech conference that Tory supported: during his tenure as Toronto mayor, the city helped create and back Elevate (of which BetaKit has been a longtime media and programming partner), and provided financial support to TechTO, even hosting some of the latter’s events at City Hall.
RELATED: Toronto Mayor John Tory “taking nothing for granted” when it comes to Collision in 2019
Prior to Toronto, Collision took place in Las Vegas, then New Orleans. In its 2018 pitch deck, obtained by BetaKit, Collision had a variety of asks attached to a three-year deal to move to Toronto. Per this deck, Collision sought a financial contribution of 2.5 million euros (approximately $3.8 million CAD at the time), plus funding for travel and accommodation for foreign press, speakers, and event staff, and free venue rental and internet service for each year.
Per the source familiar with Collision’s initial deal with Toronto, Collision is currently receiving around $6.5 million CAD annually from Toronto and its partners as part of a deal funded largely by Destination Toronto.
When reached via email, a Destination Toronto spokesperson declined to confirm how much financial support the organization has provided to Collision, or any details of the deal, describing its investment in the tech event only as “very similar to our investment in recruiting any large city-wide meeting or event.”
RELATED: How Justin Trudeau and a former diplomat convinced Paddy Cosgrave to bring Collision to Canada
According to a 2021 Toronto City Council decision, Toronto has allocated up to $750,000 per year out of the Economic Development and Culture base budget to Destination Toronto to cover Collision host fees and media experience support. This funding is part of a deal that, per a related City of Toronto document, also includes in-kind support in the form of free access to the Enercare Centre and dedicated support from City of Toronto staff. A City of Toronto spokesperson confirmed to BetaKit via email that Toronto contributed $750,000 towards Collision in 2019 and 2022, and is authorized to do so again in 2023.
That 2021 decision also authorized City staff to seek funding from the Ontario and Canadian governments to support Collision. However, per the City spokesperson, to date, neither the province nor the feds have provided Toronto with any direct funding to offset its contribution towards Collision.
“The City of Toronto would welcome financial support from other orders of government given Collision’s significant contribution to Ontario and Canada’s economic position, innovation ecosystems and international reputation,” the spokesperson told BetaKit.
It is worth noting that Collision’s website lists the municipal governments of Toronto, Brampton, and York Region, the Ontario Ministry of Economic Development, Job Creation, and Trade, the province of Québec, and Canada’s Trade Commissioner Service, a federal agency, as among its partners. A Web Summit spokesperson declined to clarify the nature of these relationships with BetaKit or confirm any details of its dealings with the City of Toronto and Destination Toronto.
“That is unfinished business”
As Collision’s size and impact have grown, so have the conference’s financial demands to stay in Toronto as part of another potential multi-year agreement with Destination Toronto.
A source BetaKit has confirmed is familiar with the negotiations indicated that to stay in Toronto, Collision has sought a deal worth an amount similar to what Collision’s parent company Web Summit receives from the Portuguese government to host its events in Lisbon, worth 11 million euros per year ($16 million CAD).
This approximate amount represents more than double the approximately $6.5 million CAD that Collision is receiving annually as part of its current deal. Another three-year deal would put Collision’s total ask at north of $40 million CAD.
Multiple sources indicated to BetaKit that the Conference Board of Canada, Destination Toronto, Toronto Global and Toronto Region Board of Trade have requested financial support from the Province of Ontario and the Government of Canada to keep Collision in Toronto.
A Web Summit spokesperson told BetaKit that “there are six cities, including Toronto, currently bidding for Collision.”
The Web Summit spokesperson declined to confirm Collision’s latest ask or comment on ongoing negotiations, noting, “It would not be appropriate or the place for Collision to discuss these details.” However, the spokesperson did acknowledge that “There are six cities, including Toronto, currently bidding for Collision.”
When reached by BetaKit, the City of Toronto, and Destination Toronto also declined to confirm the details of Collision’s ask to stay in the city.
Without its mayoral advocate, Toronto’s challenging budget situation could hamper deal negotiations for Collision to return. It also remains unclear whether the Government of Canada or Province of Ontario are willing to pay to help meet Collision’s asking price. BetaKit has reached out to the federal and provincial governments for comment, but neither has responded by publication time.
Toronto’s former mayor, however, did respond to a request for comment from BetaKit. Tory emphasized the need for Toronto to keep Collision in Toronto, and noted that he’s willing to help “in any way I possibly can.”
“I believe that Collision is very important to Toronto at the same time as I believe Toronto is important to Collision,” said Tory. “That is why I worked very hard before I stepped aside to confirm Collision in Toronto for several more years. That is unfinished business.”
“It is important the other governments (federal and provincial) recognize that Collision is important and step up in a meaningful way,” said Tory. “And it is important for Toronto to stay the course.”
Other local advocates seem unified in the desire for provincial and federal support to keep Collision in Canada. A December 2022 letter obtained by BetaKit, signed by the heads of 20 chambers of commerce and boards of trade across Ontario, as well as the chairs of the Toronto-Waterloo Innovation Corridor Business Council, argued that renewing Collision “should be a priority for the Provincial and Federal governments.” The letter, which was addressed to the Collision Renewal Committee, described Collision as “essential to the fabric of businesses and the business community right across the Corridor.”
“Critically, we see it as an important part of our region’s post-pandemic economic revitalization,” argues the letter. “It authenticates our status and raises our profile as a global innovation centre, delivering a global gathering place that showcases our new economy leaders. Put simply, Collision is the TIFF for technology and innovation.”
Another December 2022 letter obtained by BetaKit, signed by mayors and chairs of municipalities from across Ontario—including former Mayor Tory—reiterates these sentiments. This letter, addressed to the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario, expresses support for a “multi-year renewal” of Collision in Toronto, which it claims is the only Canadian city that meets Collision’s hosting requirements and called on the feds and the province to aid efforts to keep the “mission critical initiative” in Canada.
Destination Toronto claims that during its 2019–2023 stay in Toronto, Collision will fuel a total of $119 million in direct spending and $188 million in economic impact.
The letter argues that Collision “provides a strategically important global platform” for showcasing Canadian tech companies and “shines a spotlight” on the country’s innovation ecosystem. “That spotlight is of critical importance as we compete in an increasingly competitive, post-pandemic environment with jurisdictions around the world to attract and retain tech businesses and jobs.”
When Collision first launched in Toronto in 2019, the conference had nearly 26,000 attendees. Last year, the event served over 35,000 people from 130 countries and 1,557 startups from 74 countries.
According to the letter from municipalities, Collision brought $43 million in direct spending and generated $68 million in economic impact, including $5.7 million in provincial and $4.3 million in federal tax revenue in 2022.
As the letter notes, Collision’s impact also stretches past just direct spending by attendees, as the event is a place “where innovation deals are made, and future partnerships are struck,” serving as a catalyst for investments and growth opportunities for Canadian businesses.
Though Collision hosts far fewer attendees in total than these other major annual Toronto events, the above figures indicate that Collision has a smaller but similar impact on the economy as TIFF and Pride.
According to Infrastructure Ontario, TIFF generates $170 million in annual economic impact, while the Government of Canada claims that the 11-day international film festival brings more than 700,000 visitors to Toronto and accounts for more than $114 million in economic activity in the region. Per Pride Toronto’s most recently available Economic Impact Report, the month-long annual 2SLGBTQ+ festival hosted over 1.7 million attendees and contributed an estimated $374 million to Ontario’s GDP, generating $149 million in combined tax revenues, in 2019.
Destination Toronto shared data with BetaKit indicating that in 2019 and 2022, Collision fuelled a combined $70 million in direct spending from attendees and $111 million in economic impact. In 2023, the organization projects that the event’s impact will only grow, reaching 40,000 attendees and generating $49 million in direct spending and $77 million in economic impact—for a total of $119 million in direct spending and $188 million in economic impact over three years.
A Destination Toronto spokesperson noted that these figures only indicate the impact of the event itself, and not “the very real and substantive long-tail impact of events like Collision on the overall vibrancy of our local and regional economy.”
For his part, Tory maintained his belief that Collision should remain in Toronto. “While we can be proud of Elevate, I want Elevate AND Collision,” he said. “We need both. Both need us.”
“To me, this is a marriage made in heaven and while we have been married for a while already, it’s time for a second honeymoon.”
“Put some cash on the table”
A source BetaKit spoke with, who attended one of the aforementioned meetings with Cosgrave, said that leading up to the gathering, it initially sounded like Collision was on track to reach either another long-term contract with Toronto, or else leave the city. But instead, the source said Cosgrave told the group in attendance that Collision was set to return on a “one-year bridge.”
“That kicking the can down the road [at the City of Toronto] is happening on all fronts,” said the source, regarding Toronto’s current leadership vacuum. “All that stuff trickles down to things like Collision. Decisions are being deferred.”
Fellow Toronto tech events Elevate and TechTO both declined to comment to BetaKit on their current relationship with the City of Toronto following Mayor Tory’s departure and if it had changed since he left office. However, TechTO co-founder and managing director Alex Norman told BetaKit, “We would hope that any future Mayor would feel the same way and we look forward to working with whoever takes office.”
RELATED: Collision’s Paddy Cosgrave talks Shopify, tech downturns, and meaningful connections
One Toronto-based tech event organizer, speaking with BetaKit under the condition of anonymity, said that the City of Toronto’s interest in supporting tech and innovation events has dwindled lately.
“We’ve seen the City pull back its funding for tech and innovation events at a time we feel is critical to be able to provide the ecosystem with support and connectivity,” said the source. “It certainly appears that municipal interest to support homegrown and local initiatives that operate, employ, and have impact year-round is diminishing.”
The lack of a long-term commitment to Toronto could also hurt Collision in the short term.
“The feds and the province need to step up and put some cash on the table if the event’s going to stay in Canada.”
The tech organizer who spoke to BetaKit under the condition of anonymity also noted that many of their shared event partners have told them that the lack of a multi-year commitment to Collision in Toronto would leave them less interested in sponsoring Collision this year. This points to one possible motivation as to why Cosgrave might want to communicate future agreements with Toronto that are as-yet unsigned or unannounced.
The source familiar with Collision’s original deal with Toronto, however, told BetaKit they are confident that the two parties will reach an agreement for the conference to return in 2024, and suspects that negotiations for a stay beyond that will continue.
According to the source, while Mayor Tory’s sudden departure may have impacted negotiations between all three levels of government, Toronto’s current leadership situation or budgetary issues are not preventing a longer-term deal between Collision and the city. Rather, the source believes that the lack of commitment from the Province of Ontario and the Government of Canada is holding things up, and doubts another multi-year agreement would be possible without them.
“The blocker at the end of the day is that Collision wants a lot more money than what they got before,” said the source. “To do that, ultimately … the feds and the province need to step up and put some cash on the table if the event’s going to stay in Canada.”
The Destination Toronto spokesperson declined to comment on ongoing negotiations in detail, confirming to BetaKit only that the organization received a request for proposal and is continuing to work with the Collision team to try and keep the conference in Toronto.
“We feel our city, province, and country would continue to see enormous benefits from remaining,” the Destination Toronto spokesperson told BetaKit.
Collision CEO’s behaviour could complicate negotiations
Toronto’s new leader will help dictate how much attention and support the city pays to the innovation community, as well as how it invests in both homegrown tech events and foreign entrants alike. A shifting political focus could also impact how much the governments of Ontario and Canada are willing to pay, if anything, to ensure Collision stays in Toronto. One factor that could influence the decision may be the behaviour and reputation of those making the ask.
After Cosgrave denied that Collision and the City of Toronto had reached an agreement for 2024, BetaKit informed Cosgrave that multiple sources had stated otherwise—claiming he said that Collision would be returning. He was then asked for clarification. Cosgrave then questioned BetaKit’s journalistic integrity, levying a false allegation and a couple of associated insults toward the publication and its journalists. Given that Cosgrave is a notable public figure responsible for a major international tech event produced in partnership with three levels of government, BetaKit has included and addressed Cosgrave’s additional comments below.
“Ughhh don’t you guys take cash in return for “stories,”” Cosgrave said in response to BetaKit’s question, “If you’re doing some sort of phishing for cash we’re not interested.” In a subsequent follow-up email shortly thereafter, Cosgrave added, “wait that is you guys. You are total scumbag “journalists”… creeps.”
When given the chance to clarify these comments for this story, Cosgrave stood by his original comments and added, “I don’t engage with dishonest journalists.”
A Web Summit spokesperson denied the allegations about Cosgrave, calling the claims “baseless and without merit.”
For the record, BetaKit has never accepted cash or any other form of compensation in exchange for news stories. Like many other media publications, BetaKit does produce paid, clearly labelled sponsored content put together by non-editorial team members. However, this content, and BetaKit’s commercial interests more broadly, do not inform or interfere in any way with the publication’s journalism.
Others have made allegations about Cosgrave’s professional conduct in the past.
Per Irish media reports, Cosgrave has both sued and been sued by former Web Summit colleagues in a number of different lawsuits claiming breach of fiduciary duty, minority shareholder oppression, breach of a profit-sharing agreement, and defamation. Most of these cases follow a messy, public falling-out between Cosgrave and David Kelly and Daire Hickey, other co-founders of Web Summit.
Cosgrave and Web Summit appear to have kicked off this string of legal actions in the fall of 2021 when the company sued Kelly and another former Web Summit business partner, Patrick Murphy, in the United States and Ireland, alleging that the pair secretly established a venture fund using company resources, per The Irish Times and a court document obtained and reviewed by BetaKit.
Lawsuits filed against Cosgrave since then by Kelly and fellow Web Summit co-founder Hickey have made a variety of allegations about Cosgrave’s professional behaviour, including claims of bullying and harassment.
None of these allegations have been independently verified by BetaKit, nor have they been proven in court, as these suits and countersuits appear to remain in the pre-trial stage. BetaKit understands that each party has denied the allegations made by the other. When given the chance by BetaKit to comment on this litigation and respond to these allegations, Cosgrave declined to do so.
However, a Web Summit spokesperson did respond to BetaKit, denying these allegations and stating that all of the claims from Kelly and Hickey are “baseless and without merit.”
Those allegations include ones made in a 2021 legal filing, where Hickey alleged that Cosgrave is “a highly egocentric, manipulative, volatile and vindictive individual” who when questioned about his conduct, “typically reacts with extraordinary vitriol,” according to reports by the Irish Independent. “[Cosgrave] will stop at nothing to exact revenge on those who he believes have been disloyal, or who have slighted him in some real or imagined way,” alleged Hickey.
Per the Irish Independent, Hickey also alleged that Cosgrave hacked the email of a rival tech event, used corporate funds without proper authorization, used company resources to engage in “vendettas” against business and political figures, and made a “very substantial” payment to a female ex-Web Summit employee to settle claims of bullying and harassment. The Web Summit co-founder alleged Cosgrave’s conduct “has been—and continues to be—extremely damaging to the company’s reputation.”
In Cosgrave’s replying affidavit to both Hickey and Kelly, obtained and reviewed by BetaKit, the Web Summit CEO denied Hickey’s allegations and alleged that Hickey had also breached his fiduciary duty to Web Summit, among a variety of other claims.
According to an email statement provided to BetaKit by Web Summit, the allegations by Hickey and Kelly “have been made purely to distract and deflect from the legal case Web Summit first took against David Kelly in Ireland for breach of fiduciary duty.” The spokesperson added: “We look forward to future hearings when matters of fact will be given due consideration.”
With files from Douglas Soltys.
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https://www.airdberlis.com/insights/publications/publication/strong-mayors-shifting-the-municipal-governance-model
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Strong Mayors – Shifting the Municipal Governance Model
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On September 8, 2022, the Ontario government passed the Bill 3, Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 that provides the mayors of Toronto and Ottawa with new extraordinary executive powers within their respective municipalities. The new legislation comes ahead of municipal elections set to take place across Ontario this f...
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https://www.airdberlis.com/insights/publications/publication/strong-mayors-shifting-the-municipal-governance-model
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On September 8, 2022, the Ontario government passed the Bill 3, Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 that provides the mayors of Toronto and Ottawa with new extraordinary executive powers within their respective municipalities. The new legislation comes ahead of municipal elections set to take place across Ontario this fall.
Reminiscent of the mid-election introduction of the Better Local Government Act, 2018 four years ago, Premier Doug Ford announced the intention to provide the heads of council in Toronto and Ottawa with “strong mayor” powers on July 20, 2022. Three weeks later, Bill 3 was tabled at Queen’s Park by Steve Clark, the Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing.
The legislation presents a very significant shift within the system of local governance in Ontario, moving from the historical “weak mayor” system, characterized by compromise and concession amongst an elected council, to a centralized executive power emanating directly from the office of the mayor.
In its recent election campaign, the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario promised to tackle the housing crisis. It apparently has decided to do so by reallocating the authority and responsibility to the mayors of the two largest cities in the province. The mayors of these two cities will be granted strong mayor powers because, as Minister Clark noted, “over one-third of Ontario’s growth in the next decade is going to happen in Toronto and Ottawa,” and these cities are shovel-ready, committed to growth and to cutting red tape.
However, mere days after the introduction of Bill 3, Premier Ford announced that the strong mayor powers – initially earmarked expressly for only the two cities in dire need of, and ready to accommodate, affordable housing development – would likely be extended to other municipalities across Ontario.
Current System
Until this legislation was passed, the weak mayor system has been the traditional form of local governance across all jurisdictions in Canada. Similar to other provincial statutes across the country, Ontario’s Municipal Act, 2001 and City of Toronto Act, 2006 had operated on the same system, whereby the authority of the head of council to take action and make decisions was quite limited.
Prior to the recent amendments, the head of council was largely the figurehead of the executive branch of municipal government. Presiding over council meetings, providing leadership, information and recommendations to council, and representing their municipality at official functions are among the statutory responsibilities granted to the head of a municipal council.
Notwithstanding the statutory reference to the mayor as chief executive officer of the municipality, a head of council does not have the authority, like the chief executive officer of a corporation, to unilaterally bind a municipality – a point driven home by former Associate Chief Justice Frank N. Marrocco in Transparency and the Public Trust – Report of the Collingwood Judicial Inquiry.
In the weak mayor system, a mayor is but one member of council, and, like every other member of council, has only a single vote. To achieve their agenda, a mayor has historically had to foster and build a culture of collaboration and compromise within council. Council must work together in concert with the mayor as a consensus-builder in order to accomplish local initiatives.
Strong Mayor System
Many U.S. and European cities operate on the strong mayor model of local governance, although the specific powers a mayor is given vary by city. A strong mayor system, in contrast to the weak mayor system, grants the head of council additional powers over and above those given to the other members of council. The mayor is provided with executive authority to make unilateral decisions and is not required to petition the support of a majority of the members of council.
In 2005, a strong mayor model was considered, but never adopted, for the City of Toronto by the Joint Ontario-City of Toronto Task Force, constituted to make recommendations for legislation to provide greater authority, autonomy and powers for Toronto (that eventually became the City of Toronto Act, 2006).
Of further interest is that neither Toronto nor Ottawa asked for such powers. Toronto Mayor John Tory has indicated his support for the new powers, while outgoing Ottawa Mayor Jim Watson has taken the opposite view.
Changes Made by the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022
(a) General
The Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 adds a new Part VI.1, titled Special Powers and Duties of the Head of Council, to each of the City of Toronto Act, 2006 and the Municipal Act, 2001 (in Schedule 1 and 2 respectively). It also makes complementary amendments to the Municipal Conflict of Interest Act (in Schedule 3).
(b) Application to Other Municipalities
New section 284.2 to the Municipal Act, 2001 provides that the Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing may, by regulation, designate municipalities to which the strong mayor system will apply. This is how the province intends to extend the powers to other municipalities.
(c) Directions to Employees
Municipal staff may no longer be beholden to the elected council. The head of council will have the authority to direct employees to undertake research and provide advice to the mayor and the municipality, and to carry out duties to implement those decisions, including those of the mayor. The head of council may exercise this authority for the purposes of Part VI.1.
(d) Chief Administrative Officer
The heads of council of designated municipalities under the Municipal Act, 2001 are assigned the powers of the chief administrative officer under section 229, which will extend to the exercise of general control and management of the affairs of the municipality for the purpose of ensuring its efficient and effective operation. This marks a monumental shift of responsibility. The chief administrative officer in a strong mayor system will be relegated to essentially the role of chief of staff to the head of council.
The mayor of Toronto is not assigned the powers of the chief administrative officer in the City of Toronto Act, 2006, but is given permissive authority to appoint the CAO.
(e) Structure of Municipal Organization
The heads of council are given the power to determine the organizational structure of the municipalities. This includes the power to hire, terminate or exercise other prescribed employment powers with respect to the heads of any division. Exceptions to this power apply – the mayor may not exercise this authority against specified statutory officers, including the clerk/deputy clerk, treasurer/deputy treasurer, Integrity Commissioner, Ombudsman, the chief building official, the chief of police, and the fire chief, among others.
(f) Local Boards and Committees
The statute authorizes the mayor to appoint the chairs and vice-chairs of local boards and committees, and to establish, dissolve and assign functions to committees.
(g) Provincial Priorities
The key to the entire exercise of the strong mayor powers is that they can only be used to advance provincial priorities. Thus, Cabinet may, by regulation, prescribe provincial priorities. The mayor’s exercise of power to:
consider matters at meetings to advance provincial priorities, despite procedural by-laws; and
exercise veto authority,
must be used in alignment with such any prescribed provincial priorities.
(h) Powers re Meetings
Notwithstanding what the municipal procedure by-law requires, the head of council may require their council to consider a particular matter that could advance a prescribed provincial priority.
(i) Mayor’s Veto Powers
The amendments provide the mayor with certain limited veto powers which (as noted above) can only be exercised with respect to matters related to provincial priorities.
The veto powers apply to by-laws that are enacted under:
either the City of Toronto Act, 2006 or the Municipal Act, 2001 or their regulations;
the Planning Act, 2001 or regulations made thereunder; or
any other prescribed statutes or regulations or provisions thereof.
The mayor may exercise a veto power, in writing, within two days of council approval of the by-law, if such by-law could interfere with a provincial priority.
If the mayor exercises this power, the by-law is deemed to not have been passed by council.
(j) Council Override of Veto
A council can override a mayor’s veto with a two-thirds council vote. The head of council may vote as a member of council in a vote to override a veto. If council attains the required majority to override the veto, the by-law is deemed to have passed on the day the council votes to reverse the mayor’s veto.
(k) Immunity
Any decision made or power exercised granted under the new Part VI.1, cannot be quashed or judicially reviewed for unreasonableness, if made legally and in good faith.
(l) Vacancy in Office of Head of Council
The filling of a mayoral vacancy on a council can no longer be done by appointment. The amendments now require a by-election to fill the office of mayor.
(m) Delegation
Subject to any prescribed limitations, the head of council may delegate their powers and duties under Part VI.1 with respect to the chief administrative officer; organizational structure; local boards; and committees.
(n) Municipal Budgets
The municipal budget process has always been transparent. However, the new law gives authority to the head of council to prepare and present the budget to council for consideration, which council may adopt or propose amendments. The same mayoral veto and council override powers have been established vis-a-vis the budget.
(o) Regulations
While the Lieutenant Governor in Council has the authority to establish provincial priorities, the Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing is given broad powers to prescribe various other matters by regulation under both the City of Toronto Act, 2006 and the Municipal Act, 2001, including which municipalities may be designated to have the strong mayor powers under Part VI.1. The Minister is granted the authority to make a regulation retroactive to a date not earlier than six months before the date it was made.
Conclusion
Upon re-election, Ontario’s provincial government set a target to build 1.5-million homes over the next 10 years. The government cites development restrictions, development costs, and permit delays as a culprit for lack of affordability and supply of housing. The Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 was presented as a means of providing “additional governance tools and increased powers to align municipal decision-making with provincial priorities.” Although critics of the strong mayor system say this model of governance threatens municipal democracy by removing power from elected councillors, proponents tout the veto and override mechanism as a “system of checks and balances.”
Submitted as a solution to the complex and protracted process that is the council approval system, will the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act, 2022 actually get things approved more swiftly? Will it be the case that a mayor will take over the reins of an unwilling council, especially when that council can override the head of council’s veto power?
The effectiveness of the strong mayor proposal to “solve the housing crisis” or any of the other to-be-prescribed provincial priorities will largely be dependant on the mayor elected. If this fall’s municipal elections see mayors sworn in who are not proponents of high-density development or expensive public transit systems, or whatever other provincial priorities may not be local priorities of choice, the new legislation may not meet the initial goals (much less any other future-envisaged objectives) it was intended to achieve.
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[] |
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[
"John Tory"
] | null |
[] | null |
John Tory videos and latest news articles; GlobalNews.ca your source for the latest news on John Tory .
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/134ef81f5668dc78080f6bd19ca2310b?s=32
|
Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/tag/john-tory/
|
After refugees sleep on the streets, Ottawa announces funding for housing
According to Shelter, Support and Housing Administration (SSHA), more than 35 per cent of the 9,000 people using Toronto's shelter system are refugees.
Canada
Jul 18, 2023
Should Toronto’s next mayor raise taxes? Some say they must
Some candidates have also pledged to continue property tax increases at the rate of inflation, a move John Tory had pledged to forge ahead with before his sudden departure.
Politics
May 30, 2023
Mischief charge laid in incident where eggs were thrown at John Tory’s office window
Global News captured the moment a person wearing a cowboy hat calmly approached a barrier outside Toronto city hall on Feb. 17 before pulling out some eggs and throwing them.
Crime
Mar 31, 2023
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0
| 21
|
https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
en
|
The news about Toronto Mayor John Tory’s affair destroyed his carefully cultivated public image
|
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Sam Routley"
] |
2023-02-23T22:57:01+00:00
|
Many politicians have survived sex scandals and still held onto their jobs. But news about John Tory’s affair has brought an end to his career as Toronto mayor. Here’s what’s unique about Tory’s case.
|
en
|
The Conversation
|
https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
The Toronto Star broke news on Feb. 10 about Mayor John Tory’s extramarital affair with an employee in his office. An hour later, he had announced his resignation, and by the end of the following week, he was gone from the mayor’s office.
Sex scandals are nothing new in the world of politics. Many politicians have survived such scandals and held onto their jobs. These types of scandals are usually considered to be legal, minor and mostly personal indiscretions that don’t impact the ability of government officials to do their jobs.
What is interesting about the Tory case is how drastic and sudden the impact of the affair was. Why did the reports of Tory’s affair have such a shocking and impactful effect on his leadership? Why, in other words, has it brought an end to the now former mayor’s life as a politician?
Tory’s public image
Tory, while not commanding an enthusiastic following, was certainly not an unpopular politician at the time of his resignation. Just four months earlier, Tory easily won re-election as mayor. He is the only mayor of Toronto to receive a third consecutive term since the amalgamation of Toronto’s six boroughs.
In both the 2018 and 2022 contests, Tory’s hold on power was demonstrated by the fact that, while having many detractors, no popular or united oppositional movement provided any sort of genuine challenge to his leadership.
Academic research has shown that a large part of leadership is transactional, meaning that leaders are given their positions of authority because they can present aspects of their personal characteristics to establish and maintain specific expectations among voters. Put another way, leadership is as much about maintaining a successful brand as it is about policy outcomes.
Ultimately, Tory’s success emerged from the way that he was able to establish himself as a competent, effective and practical administrator with a plethora of good judgment. As a result, he could provide Torontonians with an imperfect, but tolerable sense of stability through specific goods.
These goods included, among others, the goods of necessary infrastructure development, adequate municipal services and fiscal responsibility without a significant increase in taxes. Tory is also credited with leading a very capable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
To put it another way, Tory was — at the very worst — boring.
The calm after the storm
Tory’s boring was a good kind of boring. Toronto municipal politics — since the 1998 amalgamation that merged downtown Toronto with each of the city’s inner suburbs to form one “mega-city” administration – has often been contentious and ideologically charged.
City council and the mayor’s office have come to reflect the divergent interests and voting patterns of the more conservative, working-class suburbs and the progressive, educated downtown core.
Toronto politics has been populated by a number of acrimonious, larger-than-life personalities. We might recall, for instance, the gaffe-prone nature of former mayor Mel Lastman, city councillors Giorgio Mammoliti and Gord Perks who were known for their theatrical shouting matches, or the scandal-prone former mayor Rob Ford.
As an exception rather than a rule, Tory will always be remembered as the mayor that stabilized the municipal government following the disorder, comedy and scandal of the Ford years.
With Tory’s departure, there are indications that this tendency towards political contention will re-emerge. The city’s suburban and downtown populations continue to be divided over the province’s initiatives surrounding “strong mayor” legislation, transportation infrastructure and housing developments in the Greenbelt.
The secure hold on power enjoyed by the Progressive Conservatives at Queen’s Park suggests the emergence of an insurgent, populist left-wing counter reaction. At the same time, growing concerns related to the breakdown of law and order may help elect right-wing candidates, as in Vancouver.
Tory’s moderation meant he was often caught in the middle. Conservatives attacked the mayor for failing to address issues related to crime and maintaining red tape that limited infrastructure development. Progressives attacked him for underfunding city services related to transit, maintenance and housing.
The nail in the coffin
Tory left office in the midst of an ongoing opioid and homelessness crisis, deteriorating public safety and issues with housing affordability.
The reality is that, while mostly popular, Tory relied predominately on his public image as a competent city manager to maintain support. He had to assure Torontonians that his leadership, while not perfect, was at the very least sound and characterized by good judgement.
Tory’s affair, however, immediately broke down and delegitimized this carefully crafted image. This is because, more than anything, it demonstrated a substantial error of judgment and lack of integrity. The basis of Tory’s public image meant the affair became inherently political, despite it being a personal issue.
Outside whatever personal impact the situation has had on Tory’s family and marriage, the power imbalance of the relationship also complicates matters. Sixty-eight year old Tory’s relationship was with a 31 year old professional subordinate, raising questions about consent and power differentials. There are a number of unanswerable concerns over how the mayor understood, used and made decisions in light of his position of authority.
|
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| 38
|
https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/20117/27-appointees-named-to-ontarios-highest-honour
|
en
|
Ontario Newsroom
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
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en
|
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7542
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0
| 37
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/pressroom/toronto-mayor-john-tory-featured-at-connect-forum
|
en
|
TORONTO MAYOR JOHN TORY FEATURED AT WILSONHCG'S CONNECT STRATEGIC RECRUITMENT FORUM
|
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2015-10-09T10:01:00
|
WilsonHCG, a global talent solutions leader, welcomed Toronto Mayor John Tory to this year’s CONNECT Strategic Recruitment Forum to speak about the City of Toronto’s youth employment initiatives. The forum for HR professionals, held annually, explored how candidate engagement initiatives drive better business results.
|
en
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/hs-fs/hub/441864/file-1911374908-ico/images/favicon.ico
|
https://www.wilsonhcg.com/pressroom/toronto-mayor-john-tory-featured-at-connect-forum
|
October 2015 | Toronto
WilsonHCG, a global talent solutions leader, welcomed Toronto Mayor John Tory to this year’s CONNECT Strategic Recruitment Forum to speak about the City of Toronto’s youth employment initiatives. The forum for HR professionals, held annually, explored how candidate engagement initiatives drive better business results.
“We couldn’t have been more excited to have Mayor Tory at Toronto’s premier recruitment solutions summit,” said Paul Dodd, WilsonHCG President of Canada. “Having the mayor’s support in helping to bring talent solutions and best practices to Toronto’s HR business leaders is inspiring.”
CONNECT was held at Rogers Communications in downtown Toronto. The forum examined the role employment branding, candidate experience and employee engagement play in a proactive talent acquisition strategy.
Tory spoke about Toronto’s Partnership to Advance Youth Employment (PAYE) program in celebration of Toronto’s Workforce Development Month for October.
“Businesses have a role to play in helping young people get access to career-track work opportunities and to build skills they will need to succeed,” said Mayor John Tory. “PAYE is a successful City of Toronto initiative that has a track record we can be proud of and is the key to building a fair and prosperous city. I am committed to making sure we connect more young people to jobs through this program. There’s still a lot of work to be done, and we need to tap into our business networks to encourage like-minded employer leaders to give youth access to this vital first step.”
SPEAKING ALONGSIDE TORY AND DODD WERE:
Jim Reid, chief human resources officer (CHRO) at Rogers Communications
Maura Dyer, senior director, recruitment at Rogers Communications
Leah Wilson, senior manager of talent acquisition at Rogers Communications
Naki Osutei, director of executive talent management at CIBC and formerly of the Organizing Committee of the TORONTO 2015 Pan/Parapan American Games
Kim Pope, executive vice president of client solutions at WilsonHCG
As a global talent solutions provider, WilsonHCG will create more than 50 new jobs in Toronto in the next year.
|
|||||
7542
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2
| 96
|
https://financialpost.com/news/fp-street/the-mayor-of-bay-street-john-tory-sharpens-his-boardroom-skills-for-torontos-city-hall
|
en
|
The mayor of Bay Street: John Tory sharpens his boardroom skills for Toronto's City Hall
|
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[
"Theresa Tedesco"
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2014-11-29T12:00:26+00:00
|
Theresa Tedesco: John Tory comes to politics — after years of failed tries — as a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment where connections and …
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financialpost
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https://financialpost.com/news/fp-street/the-mayor-of-bay-street-john-tory-sharpens-his-boardroom-skills-for-torontos-city-hall
|
Article content
A few days before being sworn is as the 65th mayor of Canada’s largest city, John Howard Tory had some unfinished business to attend to. After a long day, which included a public briefing on the state of Toronto’s affairs, the mayor-elect made his way from a sterile conference room at City Hall to his old stomping grounds at the more tastefully appointed headquarters of Rogers Communications to take care of some paperwork.
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[np_storybar title=”John Tory paints ‘realistic picture’ of Toronto’s biggest challenges in ‘state of the city’ address” link=”http://news.nationalpost.com/2014/11/28/john-tory-lays-out-torontos-biggest-challenges-in-state-of-the-city-address/”]
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The mayor of Bay Street: John Tory sharpens his boardroom skills for Toronto's City Hall Back to video
Toronto’s new mayor says he had never been more optimistic about the future of the city. But, boy, does it have a lot of problems. In a ‘‘state of the city’’ address on Thursday, John Tory listed his new dominion’s many foibles in a bid to paint a “realistic picture” of the challenges confronting Toronto. The Post’s Natalie Alcoba lists the top 10
[/np_storybar]
After more than 20 years with the telecommunications giant as an executive and director, Mr. Tory was officially resigning from the company’s board of directors, severing deep familial corporate ties, likely for good. He had already stepped down from the boards of supermarket chain Metro Inc. and restaurant chain Cara Operations Ltd. earlier in the week, but none of them had as much personal connection to the incoming mayor as did Rogers. “My hand shook when I had to resign from those boards because I was so regretful I had to give them up,” he says. “By the time I’m done here in eight years, I’ll be 68 years old and probably too old for most boards.”
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For a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment, considered the best-connected person in the city, Mr. Tory shouldn’t lose much sleep over that. Born into wealth and privilege, his godfather was cable czar Edward S. Rogers. He once ran the venerable law firm Torys LLP that bears the family name. He has the CEOs of Canada’s biggest banks on speed dial. But while Mr. Tory swims in the waters of Corporate Canada, he is a different species of fish, as his most recent switch from talk-radio host to Toronto’s mayor suggests. “I was very much a part of Bay Street,” he says, “but I was not a product of that.”
Yet he is the scion of a family that helped shape many of Canada’s largest and most enduring business empires and many of this country’s most significant corporate players: the billionaire Thomson family; that of the late Ted Rogers; and the founding family of the Toronto Star company. Throughout much of his working life as a broadcaster, politician and businessman, the mayor-elect tapped into jobs at many of the places with close family ties. He agrees his latest role at the helm of Canada’s largest city will be the most challenging executive position he’s ever taken on. “I didn’t come into this with my eyes closed.”
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We just don’t have enough good guys like John
After all, when he moves into the mayor’s office along Toronto’s Bay Street Tuesday, it will mark the first time in his privileged life that Mr. Tory will be working outside the comfortable confines of the family fold. Yet, he comes to politics — after years of failed tries — as a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment where connections and civility matter more than fierce competition and the naked pursuit of wealth. He is arguably the bluest Blue Chip mayor that has ever taken office in this country.
Some of his friends in high places offer high praise — although others caution that Mr. Tory never had to develop the sheer force of will that climbing tall ladders, and playing politics, require.
“He’s a first-class guy,” offered Gord Nixon, newly retired CEO of Royal Bank of Canada. “We just don’t have enough good guys like John,” said Graham Savage, a friend and a long-time corporate director (including at Postmedia Network Inc., which owns the National Post).
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He may be exceedingly likeable, agreeable and brimming with good intentions, motivated by what Bank of Montreal CEO Bill Downe described as “a strong sense of purpose.” But some in Mr. Tory’s circle of friends and associates privately worry that he may be naïve to what lies ahead. “His problem will be getting people to work together. He’s got to find a way to get people to vote with him; it’s a barter system,” said a former business associate and friend who did not want his name used out of concern of hurting their relationship. “He’s too nice a guy for that. He may be too nice for this job.”
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And it’s true that Mr. Tory is not cut from the same cloth as a typical Bay Street dealmaker. “He wouldn’t know how to do a merger or a takeover,” says another family friend. “He wouldn’t know how to put together a corporate deal. He’s never done any of that as a lawyer or a businessman.”
Instead, Mr. Tory has built an impressive career wafting through the formidable sphere of influence that has surrounded his family long before he arrived on the scene. His first summer job at 17 was as a radio reporter at stations owned by Ted Rogers, with whom his father — John Arnold Tory — had a close affiliation as a corporate adviser and board director.
After graduating from Osgoode Hall law school at York University, Mr. Tory signed on with the family’s influential law firm, Tory, Tory, DesLauriers and Binnington (now Torys LLP), founded by his grandfather John Steward Donald Tory in 1949 and transformed by Mr. Tory’s father and uncle James Marshall Tory into one of Bay Street’s powerhouse corporate law firms.
His grandfather was instrumental in establishing the University of Toronto law school in 1949 — where his father and uncle would become star students — but when John Tory didn’t make the cut, he insisted that his father not pull any strings to get him in. “I just missed. I was on the waiting list and it was a disappointment to my dad, more so than me but I didn’t let my dad call anybody or do anything about it.” He laughs about the fact that Robert Prichard, the law school’s former dean and later CEO of Torstar Corp., to this day still jokingly apologizes for the rejection.
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Mr. Tory worked at the family firm from 1980 to 1995 — save for a four-year hiatus during which he served as principal secretary for former Ontario premier William Davis; his family having longstanding ties to the provincial Progressive Conservatives. He held several roles as partner, manager partner and member of the executive committee, although he admits he was “never in the traditional mode of a lawyer” for the 12 years he practiced law. Deeply involved in the political and social firmament of the city, Mr. Tory focused his energy on government relations.
In 1995, he raised eyebrows when, despite having almost no high-level corporate experience, he landed one of the most senior executive positions in the country. Just over 40, he was appointed CEO of Rogers Media on the heels of a blockbuster $3.1-billion deal that saw the cable giant acquire Maclean Hunter Ltd., saddling Rogers with crushing debt and a stable of newspapers and magazines the company had no experiencing in managing.
“When I became an executive, I did not follow the traditional route of getting there, I am the first to admit that,” Mr. Tory said. “Ted Rogers called me up and he had enough confidence that I could run the companies… but I didn’t follow the route of going in as a middle manager and working my way up.”
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After four years at the helm of the media operations — and also commissioner of the Canadian Football League — the still young Mr. Tory was promoted to lead Rogers Cable in 1999, where he stayed until a run for mayor in 2003 (he lost to David Miller).
Just as he did when his opponents suggested during this year’s long, at times gritty, mayoralty campaign, Mr. Tory still visibly bristles at suggestions that he’s been handed opportunities, rather than earned them. “I was an activist CEO, I had to be to work for Ted Rogers, who was as demanding as anyone you could ever work for,” he said. “I couldn’t have survived in those jobs if I weren’t tough enough.”
Mr. Savage, chief financial officer at Rogers at the time Mr. Tory was at the company, said any senior executive working for Ted Rogers ended up overshadowed by the potency of the maverick cable magnate himself.
“Ted was so dominant, he tried to run everything and tried to call all the shots,” Mr. Savage recalled. “It’s hard to gauge John independent of that, and it’s hard to gauge any of us for that matter, although in my view he was a good executive.” Mr. Savage, who is among the group of former and outgoing Rogers executives with whom Mr. Tory remains close — others include Colin Watson, Philip Lind and Anthony Viner — said they “were united against Ted, most of the time” and that Mr. Tory was the most “irreverent” of the bunch, willing to stand up to the volatile founder. But then, none of the other executives had the last name of Tory.
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Yet Mr. Tory clearly remained drawn to the world of the public. As a senior Rogers’ executive, he hosted a public affairs program on Rogers Cable’s community access channel.
After his defeat to David Miller in the 2003 Toronto mayoralty campaign, his Bay Street friends counseled him to step back and decompress. Geoff Beattie, chief adviser to the Thomson family (a role once held by Mr. Tory’s father) and BMO’s Mr. Downe both suggested he try corporate directorships where he could lend his experience and expertise, rather than resuming the responsibilities of operating a company. He was invited to join the boards of Metro and Cara, and took his seat again on the Rogers board.
He has a remarkable ability to get things done working with people rather than against people
“I loved running a company but I really enjoyed being on boards and watching how they work and having a positive influence on how they work without the responsibility of how they performed,” he explained. He heightened his work in philanthropy, leveraging his contacts on Bay Street to help find work for skilled immigrants.
But politics called again, taking him back to the Ontario provincial Progressive Conservative party in 2004, this time as leader, until his electoral defeat (largely the result of a controversy stoked by the Liberals over religious-school funding) in 2007, where he failed to win his riding from Kathleen Wynne, now Ontario’s premier. He waited for a seat to open up in a byelection; and two long years later, when it did, and he lost again, he resigned. After a career in lush corner offices and fruitlessly chasing political leadership, he settled in, somewhat curiously, hosting drive-time talk radio at Toronto’s CFRB, a station founded (but no longer owned) by the Rogers family.
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During the tumultuous reign of Rob Ford, Mr. Tory was persuaded to try once more for the mayor’s seat. Eventually competing against Mr. Ford’s brother, Doug (the outgoing mayor dropped out following a cancer diagnosis), he finally prevailed last month, winning 40% of the vote, to Doug Ford’s 34%.
Mr. Tory will be the first Toronto mayor in a century to have never warmed a seat on city council. This has some of his personal backers feeling uneasy; getting along on boards and charities with like-minded Rosedalers, they say, is very different from trying to herd the diverse opinions of 44 elected city councilors. Any attempt to lead by consensus, they fear, may only result in paralysis. “He’s a positive person and sometimes it’s harder for him to make decisions because he likes consensus,” said one.
“I don’t buy that,” scoffed Mr. Nixon. “I think that he is by nature quite conciliatory and frankly, I can’t think of an attribute that is more useful when you are trying to corral city hall. We have a weak-mayor system [holding just one vote on council], so the mayor needs to be able to work with people, to negotiate with people and to get along with people. He has a remarkable ability to get things done working with people rather than against people.”
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And the mayor-elect believes everything he’s done in his career has readied him well for the job as mayor, whether it was running the partnership at the Torys law firm — where he had no power to order senior partners around, except to convince them the firm was heading in the right direction — or getting his management team at Rogers to buy into his strategic plan.
“Every one of the responsibilities is the same, except that here, you don’t have a lever to open the trap door to get rid of people if they don’t execute,” he smiled. On a more serious note, he added, “I couldn’t have run the companies that I ran, including working for a guy like Ted Rogers, if I wasn’t prepared to be tough myself. Yes, I think I attract more bees with honey in terms of the way you incent people to work for you and produce results, but if I couldn’t make tough decisions, I couldn’t have lasted.”
In fact, Mr. Tory said he fashioned himself after business leaders like the late Ted Rogers; former Toronto Dominion Bank CEO Ed Clark; and Richard Venn, senior executive vice-president at Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce — men who demonstrated strong social consciences but were inclined to demonstrate it through business, rather than public service.
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On Friday, Mr. Tory released a statement declaring the steps he would be taking to divide his personal interests from his work on the city. Given his network of ties, it was not a short list. There were his corporate directorships: now all resigned. His son, John, is the CEO of an airline affected by policies around Toronto’s City Centre Airport. His wife, Barbara Hackett, is president of a residential home developer that might be affected by city planning decisions. His new office, he said, had “developed a framework” to deal with all of these connections, to ensure he complied, and even exceeded conflict-of-interest requirements. “I intend to lead by example,” he said.
He would, however, not be giving up his role as a trustee and director of various Rogers family-related trusts, bonds that were too personal to concede even for the mayor’s chair. “Before his death, I gave my word to Ted Rogers that I would act in this capacity so long as I was able,” Mr. Tory wrote, “and out of a sense of moral obligation to my late friend, I do not intend to resign from these positions.”
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/toronto/article-why-john-tory-and-doug-ford-were-wrong-to-intervene-in-toronto-mayoral/
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Why John Tory and Doug Ford were wrong to intervene in Toronto mayoral by-election
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2023-06-23T20:52:23.128000+00:00
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Too late, and wildly offside, these last-minute endorsements treat voters like sheep
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The Globe and Mail
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https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/toronto/article-why-john-tory-and-doug-ford-were-wrong-to-intervene-in-toronto-mayoral/
|
In 2014, Olivia Chow ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Toronto. Her leading rivals were John Tory, a former leader of the provincial Progressives Conservatives, and Doug Ford, who stepped in to replace his ailing brother, Rob.
Late this week, with Ms. Chow on the brink of reaching the office that eluded her back then, both men saw fit to try to block her, barging into the campaign for mayor at the last minute to try to influence the outcome.
Mr. Ford put his oar in with the usual big splash. Just five days before Monday’s vote, he said he personally favoured former police chief Mark Saunders, who has portrayed himself as the only candidate who can “stop Chow.”
Mr. Ford said that Ms. Chow would be an “unmitigated disaster” as mayor. Taxes would soar, companies would flee. “People are terrified. Businesses are terrified.”
Mr. Tory, meanwhile, came out for his old city council ally Ana Bailão. Though he didn’t mention Ms. Chow, the front-runner, by name, he said that the city should not be ruled by party politics and could not afford to make life harder for job creators. That sounded a lot like a jab at Ms. Chow, the veteran NDPer.
Toronto mayor election platform tracker: Where the top candidates stand on key issues
Both interventions were wildly offside. Mr. Ford had said he wasn’t backing anyone in the race, insisting he would co-operate with whichever candidate was elected.
Then a Mark Saunders sign appeared on the lawn of his house. Though he said it was not “up to me or anyone else to tell you who to vote for,” the Premier said he had a right to put up a sign and planned to vote for Mr. Saunders, who ran for Mr. Ford’s PCs in last year’s election.
Now Mr. Ford says a vote for Ms. Chow would lead Toronto into wrack and ruin. He wouldn’t want to tell anyone how to vote – goodness, no, not him. He only wants to remind us that Ms. Chow would be terrible and Mr. Saunders would be great. Just one man’s opinion. By the end of the week he was sending out robo-calls promoting his preferred candidate.
So much for staying out of the race. Mr. Tory had also said he was staying out. After resigning this winter over an affair with a staffer, he managed to remain more or less silent, which must have been a struggle for a man of so many words.
Asked earlier this month whether he planned to endorse a candidate, he told The Globe and Mail, “I have no plans to be involved at all.” He was merely “watching” the campaign from the sidelines.
Now, at the 11th hour, he pipes up. He, too, did it in characteristic fashion, releasing what one news outlet described as a “lengthy” statement on why Ms. Bailão was the right woman for the job. For good measure, he read the statement aloud and posted the video. He sent out a robo-call, too.
Toronto mayoral by-election candidates weigh in on ‘strong-mayor’ powers
What either man hopes to achieve by intervening so late in the game is hard to imagine. Mr. Tory has done Ms. Bailão no favour by portraying her as a kind of Mini-Him. Her candidacy may already have suffered from the perception that she is a Tory loyalist, no great asset in the eyes of those who think the city is in trouble and needs to change course.
The whole business of seeking and granting endorsements is overdone, a game that political fixers play but that voters usually ignore. Most base their choices on their own judgments and impressions, not the recommendation of some politician, however popular. The Obamas campaigned hard for Hillary Clinton in 2016. You Know Who won regardless.
Just because Mr. Tory was elected three times does not mean voters will follow him to the polling station like children trailing the Pied Piper.
Mr. Ford’s scare tactics are likely to fall just as flat. Ms. Chow may be a woman of the left, but she is hardly Enver Hoxha. Toronto has had left-wing mayors before, most recently David Miller. The city did not burn down. Business leaders did not run for the hills. No one is “terrified” of Ms. Chow.
In fact, the whole stop-Chow thing may backfire, giving her a further boost from those who resent being told what to do in the polling station. If the polls are right, Mr. Ford will soon have to work with someone whom he called a disaster just days before her election.
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Eggs thrown at John Tory’s office window on his last day as Toronto mayor
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[
"Egg",
"Egging",
"John Tory",
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[] | null |
Watch Eggs thrown at John Tory’s office window on his last day as Toronto mayor Video Online, on GlobalNews.ca
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/134ef81f5668dc78080f6bd19ca2310b?s=32
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Global News
|
https://globalnews.ca/video/9494319/eggs-thrown-at-john-torys-office-window-on-his-last-day-as-toronto-mayor
|
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|
||||
7542
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dbpedia
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0
| 17
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https://toronto.citynews.ca/2023/02/10/mayor-john-tory-toronto-timeline/
|
en
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John Tory’s lengthy timeline as Toronto’s mayor
|
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"Lucas Casaletto"
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2023-02-10T00:00:00
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Tory, now 68, was first elected as Toronto's mayor in 2014 and was re-elected twice; first in 2018 and more recently in 2022.
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CityNews Toronto
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https://toronto.citynews.ca/2023/02/10/mayor-john-tory-toronto-timeline/
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The sudden resignation of John Tory as mayor of Toronto comes after he publicly revealed he had been in a relationship with a former staff member that began during the COVID-19 pandemic, leaving many to wonder what comes next.
Tory, now 68, was born into a successful family with a major law firm, Torys, founded by his grandfather.
Tory worked for Rogers-owned radio stations before getting into politics. He worked in then-premier Bill Davis’s Progressive Conservative government in the early 1980s.
He’d later work as a lawyer while also serving on campaigns for then-prime minister Brian Mulroney, as well as his successor Kim Campbell in 1993.
In 1995, Tory moved over to run Rogers Media as its CEO and president. He took the helm of the company’s cable division around the turn of the millennium
During that stretch he also served as the Canadian Football League’s commissioner.
Here’s a look at Tory’s time in office.
November 2003 election — Tory makes first run at mayor
After years in politics, Tory ran for the first time in November 2003 election for mayor of Toronto, finishing in second place behind councillor David Miller.
Miller would serve as mayor of Toronto until 2010.
Tory elected leader of Ontario Progressive Conservative Party
Tory won his seat during a 2005 by-election, becoming MPP for the riding of Dufferin-Peel Wellington-Grey. In 2007, Tory, who was then running for a seat in Toronto’s Don Valley West riding in Toronto, lost the race to Liberal and then-education minister Kathleen Wynne. Tory’s controversial campaign promise to extend public funding to religious schools led the Progressive Conservatives to a disappointing showing overall.
2009 — Tory steps down as Conservative Party leader
Tory tried to regain a seat in the legislature after caucus member Laurie Scott gave up her Haliburton-Kawartha Lakes-Brock seat so he could run in a byelection there, but he lost that race as well and later resigned as party leader.
Tory returns to broadcasting
Tory, who started his career as a journalist for Rogers’ Toronto radio stations CFTR and CHFI, returned as the host of a daily three-hour afternoon radio show called The Live Drive on Newstalk 1010 before waded back into politics to take another run as mayor.
February 2014 — Tory enters Toronto mayoral race
Tory registered as a candidate for the 2014 Toronto mayoral election on February 24. He faced off against scandal-plagued incumbent Mayor Rob Ford, running on a platform of change, a transit vision for the city and low taxes. With weeks to go before the election, Rob Ford pulled out of the race after being diagnosed with cancer. Doug Ford, the mayor’s older brother and councillor of his old ward, stepped in to run in his stead. The final results were closer than expected, with Tory elected after receiving 40.3 per cent of the vote and Doug Ford receiving 33.7 per cent. Olivia Chow (23.2 per cent) placed third.
Tory popular during first term, criticized for SmartTrack system
One of his campaign promises was to restore transit services. Tory announced his Toronto relief plan, called SmartTrack, providing electric commuter rail along existing GOTrain infrastructure from Unionville to Toronto Pearson Airport. It didn’t sit well with some members of the public, noting that SmartTrack wasn’t as expansive as what Tory initially promised.
October 2018 — Tory re-elected
Tory would be re-elected, defeating former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat with 63 per cent of the vote.
2019-present — Tory leads Toronto’s COVID-19 pandemic response
The first-ever COVID-19 case detected in Canada is confirmed in Toronto on January 23, 2020.
On March 17, 2020, Ford’s government declared its first state of emergency during the pandemic. Days later, Tory would follow suit, declaring a local state of emergency on March 23, 2020.
Tory and Toronto’s medical officer of health introduced mask requirements in all public indoor settings on July 7, 2020. On July 31, 2020, Toronto was admitted into Stage 3 of the province’s reopening plan, loosening public health restrictions.
As the province experienced a COVID-19 wave into the fall, on November 23, 2020, Tory announced that Toronto would be placed under lockdown. That remained intact until Ford and the province declared an Ontario-wide shutdown on December 26, 2020.
Vaccines began to roll out, with the first doses administered to healthcare workers in the University Health Network (UHN) in Toronto. Tory would cancel many city-wide events as a result of the pandemic, and schools were temporarily closed in April 2021.
RELATED: John Tory steps down as Toronto’s mayor after relationship with former staffer
May 2020 — ActiveTO launched
Tory announces the ActiveTO program being developed by Toronto Public Health and Transportation Services to “provide more space for people walking and cycling as well as transit riders to allow for better physical distancing as part of the city’s restart and recovery.”
June 2020 — Calls grow for police reform
In the wake of George Floyd’s death at the hands of U.S. police officers and the death of Toronto woman Regis Korchinski-Paquet, city councillors Josh Matlow and Kristyn Wong-Tam submitted a motion to cut the Toronto police budget by $122 million. Tory would reject the proposal.
As part of the city’s response, Tory announced the implementation of a non-police crisis response pilot program and $5 million in funding to allow for front-line officers to be equipped with body cameras.
Summer 2021 — Tory defends Toronto police dismantling homeless encampments
Tory consistently insisted that homeless encampments be cleared in Toronto, even during the COVID-19 pandemic. He said the city would continue to clear out encampments, many of which he claimed are empty tents and structures that pose a danger and interfere with the use of public parks by citizens.
This led to heated clashes with officers in city parks, and several arrests were made. Tory was strongly criticized for his response after his government spent nearly $2 million to clear homeless encampments at three parks in the summer of 2021.
July 2022 — Tory investigated for ties to Rogers
The City of Toronto’s integrity commissioner launched an investigation into Tory’s ties to Rogers. The decision arrived after a complaint that the mayor was in a conflict of interest over a city council vote on ActiveTO road closures.
The commissioner found that Toronto’s mayor did not break any conflict of interest rules and exonerated him.
RELATED: What’s the process for having a new mayor in Toronto?
October 2022 — Tory re-elected as mayor for third term
Tory cruised to a third mayoral term less than four months ago after a campaign that saw him tout his years of experience in the city’s top office, garnering 62 per cent of the vote compared to about 18 per cent for progressive urbanist Gil Penalosa.
December 2022 — Tory granted strong mayor powers
Recent legislation from Ford’s government granted Toronto strong mayor powers in return for helping build houses quickly. Tory supported the controversial measure introduced by Premier Ford.
January 2023 — Tory’s response to TTC violence
Tory and the Toronto police force announced that more than 80 officers would be at Toronto Transit Commission locations to reduce victimization, prevent crimes of opportunity and enhance public safety. Tory has said increased police on the TTC is one part of addressing safety issues, and the city will continue investing in mental health and addiction treatment and anti-violence programs.
February 2023 — Tory steps down
Tory announced Friday he was resigning from the job due to an “inappropriate relationship” he had with a former member of his staff.
RELATED: Here’s Toronto Mayor John Tory’s full resignation statement
Files from The Canadian Press were used in this report
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Mayor John Tory steps down from office after admitting he had relationship with staffer
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[
""
] | null |
[
"David Rider",
"www.facebook.com",
"Alyshah-Hasham",
"Ben Spurr",
"Alyshah Hasham"
] |
2023-02-10T19:30:00-05:00
|
After Star investigation, Tory apologizes to people in city of Toronto and his family after ‘a serious error of judgment.’
|
en
|
https://www.thestar.com/content/tncms/site/icon.ico
|
Toronto Star
|
https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/mayor-john-tory-steps-down-from-office-after-admitting-he-had-relationship-with-staffer/article_8fee1800-df78-5a15-bc44-ea360564a468.html
| |||||
7542
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dbpedia
|
0
| 40
|
https://lethbridgenewsnow.com/2021/08/20/toronto-mayor-john-tory-writes-to-federal-leaders-outlining-citys-priorities/
|
en
|
Toronto mayor John Tory writes to federal leaders outlining city’s priorities
|
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2021-08-20T00:00:00
|
Toronto's mayor has sent letters to the leaders of Canada's four major parties, telling them what the country'...
|
en
|
Lethbridge News Now
|
https://lethbridgenewsnow.com/2021/08/20/toronto-mayor-john-tory-writes-to-federal-leaders-outlining-citys-priorities/
|
Aug 20, 2021 | 6:57 AM
Toronto’s mayor has sent letters to the leaders of Canada’s four major parties, telling them what the country’s largest city needs from the federal government.
Mayor John Tory wrote to Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, Conservative Leader Erin O’Toole, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh and Green Leader Annamie Paul.
He says that continuing COVID-19 operating budget relief funding is one of five priorities for the city.
Supporting Toronto’s 24-month COVID-19 housing and homelessness recovery plan, continuing to invest in the city’s public transit system, creating a more robust mental-health system, and more funding for crime prevention are also listed as pressing issues.
Tory says critical investments in Toronto will contribute to a national recovery that helps all Canadians.
He says he looks forward to hearing the four leaders’ plans to address these issues during the federal election campaign.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Aug. 20, 2021.
The Canadian Press
|
|||||
7542
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dbpedia
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https://www.thecasecentre.org/products/view%3Fid%3D198951
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en
|
Leadership and Scandal in John Tory's Toronto
|
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https://www.mediaite.com/politics/toronto-mayor-resigns-an-hour-after-paper-exposes-affair-with-staffer/
|
en
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Toronto Mayor Resigns An Hour After Paper Exposes Affair with Staffer
|
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2023-02-11T11:08:28-05:00
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Toronto Mayor John Tory resigned from his position approximately an hour after a report suggested he was having an affair with one of his staffers.
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https://www.mediaite.com/favicon.ico
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Mediaite
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https://www.mediaite.com/politics/toronto-mayor-resigns-an-hour-after-paper-exposes-affair-with-staffer/
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Toronto Mayor John Tory resigned from his position approximately an hour after a media report revealed he had an affair with one of his staffers.
Tory, 68, did not deny the report, but instead confirmed he had carried on a months-long affair with a 31-year-old advisor. That news was first reported at The Star.
“I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgment on my part,” Tory said in his announcement to the press.
The mayor said he’s stepping down to avoid tarnishing the mayoral office and to focus on his family.
“I think it is important as I always had for the office of the mayor not to be in any way tarnished, and not to see the city government itself, but through a period of prolonged controversy, arising out of this error of judgment on my part, especially in light of some of the challenges facing the city,” he said.
Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie is temporarily stepping into Tory’s position. The Star reported that Toronto has 60 days to officially select a new mayor.
According to Tory, who was first elected in 2014, his affair began during the Covid pandemic and ended consensually. He has been married for more than 40 years.
“I am deeply sorry, and I apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto, and to all of those hurt by my actions,” Tory said. “Most of all, I apologize to my wife, Barb and to my family who I’ve let down more than anyone else.”
Watch above via CBC News.
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dbpedia
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https://betakit.com/mayor-torys-departure-competing-bids-and-financial-pressure-on-province-and-feds-place-collisions-future-in-canada-in-doubt/
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en
|
Mayor Tory’s departure, competing bids, and financial pressure on province and feds place Collision’s future in Canada in doubt
|
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2023-05-17T14:25:03-04:00
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Collision has asked for over $40 million to stay in Toronto. But five other cities also vie to host and stakeholders want provincial and federal support.
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https://betakit.com/mayor-torys-departure-competing-bids-and-financial-pressure-on-province-and-feds-place-collisions-future-in-canada-in-doubt/
|
While major North American tech conference Collision has privately communicated intentions to extend its Toronto stay by at least another year, no official agreement has been reached, BetaKit has learned. Securing that agreement might be harder than in years past.
Four separate sources have independently told BetaKit that Paddy Cosgrave, co-founder and CEO of Collision and its parent company Web Summit, has communicated during recent meetings with the local tech community that Collision’s 2024 conference will take place in Toronto. Each individual who confirmed Cosgrave’s statements, under the condition of anonymity, was present at said meetings. In at least one instance, two people confirmed that Cosgrave said “yes” when asked directly whether Collision would return to Toronto in 2024.
Collision 2023’s opening night and the municipal by-election to select Toronto’s new mayor are both slated for June 26.
However, when BetaKit asked for comment, Cosgrave declined to officially confirm that the conference is coming back to Toronto next year. Reached by email, Cosgrave initially responded, “Nothing has been agreed sorry.”
Meanwhile, a City of Toronto spokesperson told BetaKit over email that the city “currently has no agreement in place with [Collision] event organizers beyond this year.”
When asked by BetaKit, former Mayor John Tory described Collision’s continued presence in Toronto as “unfinished business.”
Collision 2023, which will take place this June, is currently set to be the annual tech event’s last outing in Toronto, concluding a three-year agreement initially inked in 2018 that was extended by two years after Collision was forced to host its 2020 and 2021 conferences online due to COVID-19.
The lack of a go-forward deal comes at a time when the city’s most powerful advocate for the conference no longer has a seat at the political table. Tech-friendly Mayor Tory’s sudden departure earlier this year after admitting to an inappropriate relationship with a staffer leaves the city’s long-term commitments to tech events like Collision an open question.
Whether and how long Collision may stay in Toronto beyond this year could depend on who will lead the city next. Since Tory’s absence, Toronto has tightened its purse strings due to an ongoing and pressing budget shortfall, with Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie temporarily stepping in to fill a political vacuum until the city elects a new leader. These factors, along with an increased financial ask from Collision, likely requiring support from the provincial and federal governments, may impact the conference’s continued stay in Toronto.
In the past, Collision has moved to a new city every few years, typically announcing the next location prior to, or at the beginning of, each event. This year, Collision’s opening night and the municipal by-election to select Toronto’s new mayor are both slated for June 26.
“Taking nothing for granted”
Tory was a longtime champion of Toronto’s tech community and played a leadership role in bringing Collision to the city.
During a 2018 BetaKit Podcast interview, Cosgrave said lobbying by a few different folks helped convince Collision to come to Toronto initially, crediting work by then-Mayor Tory, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, and Techstars Toronto managing director Sunil Sharma, among others.
A source familiar with Collision’s original three-year deal with the City of Toronto told BetaKit, under the condition of anonymity, that Tory and his office were “very hands-on” in lobbying Collision and supporting the city’s bid for the conference.
That bid ultimately came from Destination Toronto, a non-profit regional tourism promotion organization funded in part by the now six-percent Municipal Accommodation Tax (MAT) that guests pay when they stay in Toronto hotels or Airbnbs. Beyond this MAT revenue, Destination Toronto is also financed by the provincial and federal governments, which fund specific projects and mandates, as well as Destination Toronto’s own membership and co-operative partnership programs.
Collision represented the highest profile component of Tory’s work to support the local tech community.
When the news that Collision was coming to Toronto in 2019 was first announced, Tory said in a statement that the conference’s decision “confirms Toronto’s status as an important innovation hub in North America.” Ahead of Collision’s Toronto debut, Tory and the city teamed up with other levels of government to send a Canadian delegation to Web Summit, Collision’s European counterpart, in Portugal in 2018 (as part of this delegation, BetaKit received paid airfare to Lisbon).
Tory repeatedly spoke at Collision and helped kick off the conference’s opening nights in Toronto in 2019 and 2022. As he previously told BetaKit, Tory was “taking nothing for granted” about Collision being in Toronto. “We want [attendees] to come away saying ‘that was the best conference I’ve ever been to. I’m coming next year and I’m bringing my friends,’” he said.
According to remarks made by Cosgrave at Collision in New Orleans in 2018, Canadian officials from the federal to the city level “were very clear that what’s of interest to them is the lasting impact of the event … [to] act as a magnet that brings companies from all over the world to Toronto.”
Collision represented the highest profile component of Tory’s work to support the tech community more broadly, which has also included taking steps to promote Toronto’s tech ecosystem and startups on the world stage and helping numerous foreign tech giants announce new Toronto offices and expansion plans. Collision is also not the only tech conference that Tory supported: during his tenure as Toronto mayor, the city helped create and back Elevate (of which BetaKit has been a longtime media and programming partner), and provided financial support to TechTO, even hosting some of the latter’s events at City Hall.
RELATED: Toronto Mayor John Tory “taking nothing for granted” when it comes to Collision in 2019
Prior to Toronto, Collision took place in Las Vegas, then New Orleans. In its 2018 pitch deck, obtained by BetaKit, Collision had a variety of asks attached to a three-year deal to move to Toronto. Per this deck, Collision sought a financial contribution of 2.5 million euros (approximately $3.8 million CAD at the time), plus funding for travel and accommodation for foreign press, speakers, and event staff, and free venue rental and internet service for each year.
Per the source familiar with Collision’s initial deal with Toronto, Collision is currently receiving around $6.5 million CAD annually from Toronto and its partners as part of a deal funded largely by Destination Toronto.
When reached via email, a Destination Toronto spokesperson declined to confirm how much financial support the organization has provided to Collision, or any details of the deal, describing its investment in the tech event only as “very similar to our investment in recruiting any large city-wide meeting or event.”
RELATED: How Justin Trudeau and a former diplomat convinced Paddy Cosgrave to bring Collision to Canada
According to a 2021 Toronto City Council decision, Toronto has allocated up to $750,000 per year out of the Economic Development and Culture base budget to Destination Toronto to cover Collision host fees and media experience support. This funding is part of a deal that, per a related City of Toronto document, also includes in-kind support in the form of free access to the Enercare Centre and dedicated support from City of Toronto staff. A City of Toronto spokesperson confirmed to BetaKit via email that Toronto contributed $750,000 towards Collision in 2019 and 2022, and is authorized to do so again in 2023.
That 2021 decision also authorized City staff to seek funding from the Ontario and Canadian governments to support Collision. However, per the City spokesperson, to date, neither the province nor the feds have provided Toronto with any direct funding to offset its contribution towards Collision.
“The City of Toronto would welcome financial support from other orders of government given Collision’s significant contribution to Ontario and Canada’s economic position, innovation ecosystems and international reputation,” the spokesperson told BetaKit.
It is worth noting that Collision’s website lists the municipal governments of Toronto, Brampton, and York Region, the Ontario Ministry of Economic Development, Job Creation, and Trade, the province of Québec, and Canada’s Trade Commissioner Service, a federal agency, as among its partners. A Web Summit spokesperson declined to clarify the nature of these relationships with BetaKit or confirm any details of its dealings with the City of Toronto and Destination Toronto.
“That is unfinished business”
As Collision’s size and impact have grown, so have the conference’s financial demands to stay in Toronto as part of another potential multi-year agreement with Destination Toronto.
A source BetaKit has confirmed is familiar with the negotiations indicated that to stay in Toronto, Collision has sought a deal worth an amount similar to what Collision’s parent company Web Summit receives from the Portuguese government to host its events in Lisbon, worth 11 million euros per year ($16 million CAD).
This approximate amount represents more than double the approximately $6.5 million CAD that Collision is receiving annually as part of its current deal. Another three-year deal would put Collision’s total ask at north of $40 million CAD.
Multiple sources indicated to BetaKit that the Conference Board of Canada, Destination Toronto, Toronto Global and Toronto Region Board of Trade have requested financial support from the Province of Ontario and the Government of Canada to keep Collision in Toronto.
A Web Summit spokesperson told BetaKit that “there are six cities, including Toronto, currently bidding for Collision.”
The Web Summit spokesperson declined to confirm Collision’s latest ask or comment on ongoing negotiations, noting, “It would not be appropriate or the place for Collision to discuss these details.” However, the spokesperson did acknowledge that “There are six cities, including Toronto, currently bidding for Collision.”
When reached by BetaKit, the City of Toronto, and Destination Toronto also declined to confirm the details of Collision’s ask to stay in the city.
Without its mayoral advocate, Toronto’s challenging budget situation could hamper deal negotiations for Collision to return. It also remains unclear whether the Government of Canada or Province of Ontario are willing to pay to help meet Collision’s asking price. BetaKit has reached out to the federal and provincial governments for comment, but neither has responded by publication time.
Toronto’s former mayor, however, did respond to a request for comment from BetaKit. Tory emphasized the need for Toronto to keep Collision in Toronto, and noted that he’s willing to help “in any way I possibly can.”
“I believe that Collision is very important to Toronto at the same time as I believe Toronto is important to Collision,” said Tory. “That is why I worked very hard before I stepped aside to confirm Collision in Toronto for several more years. That is unfinished business.”
“It is important the other governments (federal and provincial) recognize that Collision is important and step up in a meaningful way,” said Tory. “And it is important for Toronto to stay the course.”
Other local advocates seem unified in the desire for provincial and federal support to keep Collision in Canada. A December 2022 letter obtained by BetaKit, signed by the heads of 20 chambers of commerce and boards of trade across Ontario, as well as the chairs of the Toronto-Waterloo Innovation Corridor Business Council, argued that renewing Collision “should be a priority for the Provincial and Federal governments.” The letter, which was addressed to the Collision Renewal Committee, described Collision as “essential to the fabric of businesses and the business community right across the Corridor.”
“Critically, we see it as an important part of our region’s post-pandemic economic revitalization,” argues the letter. “It authenticates our status and raises our profile as a global innovation centre, delivering a global gathering place that showcases our new economy leaders. Put simply, Collision is the TIFF for technology and innovation.”
Another December 2022 letter obtained by BetaKit, signed by mayors and chairs of municipalities from across Ontario—including former Mayor Tory—reiterates these sentiments. This letter, addressed to the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario, expresses support for a “multi-year renewal” of Collision in Toronto, which it claims is the only Canadian city that meets Collision’s hosting requirements and called on the feds and the province to aid efforts to keep the “mission critical initiative” in Canada.
Destination Toronto claims that during its 2019–2023 stay in Toronto, Collision will fuel a total of $119 million in direct spending and $188 million in economic impact.
The letter argues that Collision “provides a strategically important global platform” for showcasing Canadian tech companies and “shines a spotlight” on the country’s innovation ecosystem. “That spotlight is of critical importance as we compete in an increasingly competitive, post-pandemic environment with jurisdictions around the world to attract and retain tech businesses and jobs.”
When Collision first launched in Toronto in 2019, the conference had nearly 26,000 attendees. Last year, the event served over 35,000 people from 130 countries and 1,557 startups from 74 countries.
According to the letter from municipalities, Collision brought $43 million in direct spending and generated $68 million in economic impact, including $5.7 million in provincial and $4.3 million in federal tax revenue in 2022.
As the letter notes, Collision’s impact also stretches past just direct spending by attendees, as the event is a place “where innovation deals are made, and future partnerships are struck,” serving as a catalyst for investments and growth opportunities for Canadian businesses.
Though Collision hosts far fewer attendees in total than these other major annual Toronto events, the above figures indicate that Collision has a smaller but similar impact on the economy as TIFF and Pride.
According to Infrastructure Ontario, TIFF generates $170 million in annual economic impact, while the Government of Canada claims that the 11-day international film festival brings more than 700,000 visitors to Toronto and accounts for more than $114 million in economic activity in the region. Per Pride Toronto’s most recently available Economic Impact Report, the month-long annual 2SLGBTQ+ festival hosted over 1.7 million attendees and contributed an estimated $374 million to Ontario’s GDP, generating $149 million in combined tax revenues, in 2019.
Destination Toronto shared data with BetaKit indicating that in 2019 and 2022, Collision fuelled a combined $70 million in direct spending from attendees and $111 million in economic impact. In 2023, the organization projects that the event’s impact will only grow, reaching 40,000 attendees and generating $49 million in direct spending and $77 million in economic impact—for a total of $119 million in direct spending and $188 million in economic impact over three years.
A Destination Toronto spokesperson noted that these figures only indicate the impact of the event itself, and not “the very real and substantive long-tail impact of events like Collision on the overall vibrancy of our local and regional economy.”
For his part, Tory maintained his belief that Collision should remain in Toronto. “While we can be proud of Elevate, I want Elevate AND Collision,” he said. “We need both. Both need us.”
“To me, this is a marriage made in heaven and while we have been married for a while already, it’s time for a second honeymoon.”
“Put some cash on the table”
A source BetaKit spoke with, who attended one of the aforementioned meetings with Cosgrave, said that leading up to the gathering, it initially sounded like Collision was on track to reach either another long-term contract with Toronto, or else leave the city. But instead, the source said Cosgrave told the group in attendance that Collision was set to return on a “one-year bridge.”
“That kicking the can down the road [at the City of Toronto] is happening on all fronts,” said the source, regarding Toronto’s current leadership vacuum. “All that stuff trickles down to things like Collision. Decisions are being deferred.”
Fellow Toronto tech events Elevate and TechTO both declined to comment to BetaKit on their current relationship with the City of Toronto following Mayor Tory’s departure and if it had changed since he left office. However, TechTO co-founder and managing director Alex Norman told BetaKit, “We would hope that any future Mayor would feel the same way and we look forward to working with whoever takes office.”
RELATED: Collision’s Paddy Cosgrave talks Shopify, tech downturns, and meaningful connections
One Toronto-based tech event organizer, speaking with BetaKit under the condition of anonymity, said that the City of Toronto’s interest in supporting tech and innovation events has dwindled lately.
“We’ve seen the City pull back its funding for tech and innovation events at a time we feel is critical to be able to provide the ecosystem with support and connectivity,” said the source. “It certainly appears that municipal interest to support homegrown and local initiatives that operate, employ, and have impact year-round is diminishing.”
The lack of a long-term commitment to Toronto could also hurt Collision in the short term.
“The feds and the province need to step up and put some cash on the table if the event’s going to stay in Canada.”
The tech organizer who spoke to BetaKit under the condition of anonymity also noted that many of their shared event partners have told them that the lack of a multi-year commitment to Collision in Toronto would leave them less interested in sponsoring Collision this year. This points to one possible motivation as to why Cosgrave might want to communicate future agreements with Toronto that are as-yet unsigned or unannounced.
The source familiar with Collision’s original deal with Toronto, however, told BetaKit they are confident that the two parties will reach an agreement for the conference to return in 2024, and suspects that negotiations for a stay beyond that will continue.
According to the source, while Mayor Tory’s sudden departure may have impacted negotiations between all three levels of government, Toronto’s current leadership situation or budgetary issues are not preventing a longer-term deal between Collision and the city. Rather, the source believes that the lack of commitment from the Province of Ontario and the Government of Canada is holding things up, and doubts another multi-year agreement would be possible without them.
“The blocker at the end of the day is that Collision wants a lot more money than what they got before,” said the source. “To do that, ultimately … the feds and the province need to step up and put some cash on the table if the event’s going to stay in Canada.”
The Destination Toronto spokesperson declined to comment on ongoing negotiations in detail, confirming to BetaKit only that the organization received a request for proposal and is continuing to work with the Collision team to try and keep the conference in Toronto.
“We feel our city, province, and country would continue to see enormous benefits from remaining,” the Destination Toronto spokesperson told BetaKit.
Collision CEO’s behaviour could complicate negotiations
Toronto’s new leader will help dictate how much attention and support the city pays to the innovation community, as well as how it invests in both homegrown tech events and foreign entrants alike. A shifting political focus could also impact how much the governments of Ontario and Canada are willing to pay, if anything, to ensure Collision stays in Toronto. One factor that could influence the decision may be the behaviour and reputation of those making the ask.
After Cosgrave denied that Collision and the City of Toronto had reached an agreement for 2024, BetaKit informed Cosgrave that multiple sources had stated otherwise—claiming he said that Collision would be returning. He was then asked for clarification. Cosgrave then questioned BetaKit’s journalistic integrity, levying a false allegation and a couple of associated insults toward the publication and its journalists. Given that Cosgrave is a notable public figure responsible for a major international tech event produced in partnership with three levels of government, BetaKit has included and addressed Cosgrave’s additional comments below.
“Ughhh don’t you guys take cash in return for “stories,”” Cosgrave said in response to BetaKit’s question, “If you’re doing some sort of phishing for cash we’re not interested.” In a subsequent follow-up email shortly thereafter, Cosgrave added, “wait that is you guys. You are total scumbag “journalists”… creeps.”
When given the chance to clarify these comments for this story, Cosgrave stood by his original comments and added, “I don’t engage with dishonest journalists.”
A Web Summit spokesperson denied the allegations about Cosgrave, calling the claims “baseless and without merit.”
For the record, BetaKit has never accepted cash or any other form of compensation in exchange for news stories. Like many other media publications, BetaKit does produce paid, clearly labelled sponsored content put together by non-editorial team members. However, this content, and BetaKit’s commercial interests more broadly, do not inform or interfere in any way with the publication’s journalism.
Others have made allegations about Cosgrave’s professional conduct in the past.
Per Irish media reports, Cosgrave has both sued and been sued by former Web Summit colleagues in a number of different lawsuits claiming breach of fiduciary duty, minority shareholder oppression, breach of a profit-sharing agreement, and defamation. Most of these cases follow a messy, public falling-out between Cosgrave and David Kelly and Daire Hickey, other co-founders of Web Summit.
Cosgrave and Web Summit appear to have kicked off this string of legal actions in the fall of 2021 when the company sued Kelly and another former Web Summit business partner, Patrick Murphy, in the United States and Ireland, alleging that the pair secretly established a venture fund using company resources, per The Irish Times and a court document obtained and reviewed by BetaKit.
Lawsuits filed against Cosgrave since then by Kelly and fellow Web Summit co-founder Hickey have made a variety of allegations about Cosgrave’s professional behaviour, including claims of bullying and harassment.
None of these allegations have been independently verified by BetaKit, nor have they been proven in court, as these suits and countersuits appear to remain in the pre-trial stage. BetaKit understands that each party has denied the allegations made by the other. When given the chance by BetaKit to comment on this litigation and respond to these allegations, Cosgrave declined to do so.
However, a Web Summit spokesperson did respond to BetaKit, denying these allegations and stating that all of the claims from Kelly and Hickey are “baseless and without merit.”
Those allegations include ones made in a 2021 legal filing, where Hickey alleged that Cosgrave is “a highly egocentric, manipulative, volatile and vindictive individual” who when questioned about his conduct, “typically reacts with extraordinary vitriol,” according to reports by the Irish Independent. “[Cosgrave] will stop at nothing to exact revenge on those who he believes have been disloyal, or who have slighted him in some real or imagined way,” alleged Hickey.
Per the Irish Independent, Hickey also alleged that Cosgrave hacked the email of a rival tech event, used corporate funds without proper authorization, used company resources to engage in “vendettas” against business and political figures, and made a “very substantial” payment to a female ex-Web Summit employee to settle claims of bullying and harassment. The Web Summit co-founder alleged Cosgrave’s conduct “has been—and continues to be—extremely damaging to the company’s reputation.”
In Cosgrave’s replying affidavit to both Hickey and Kelly, obtained and reviewed by BetaKit, the Web Summit CEO denied Hickey’s allegations and alleged that Hickey had also breached his fiduciary duty to Web Summit, among a variety of other claims.
According to an email statement provided to BetaKit by Web Summit, the allegations by Hickey and Kelly “have been made purely to distract and deflect from the legal case Web Summit first took against David Kelly in Ireland for breach of fiduciary duty.” The spokesperson added: “We look forward to future hearings when matters of fact will be given due consideration.”
With files from Douglas Soltys.
|
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| 36
|
https://www.npr.org/2023/06/27/1184582839/olivia-chow-toronto-mayor-progressive-first-chinese-canadian
|
en
|
Olivia Chow is elected Toronto's mayor — marking a shift in the city's politics
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Kai McNamee"
] |
2023-06-27T00:00:00
|
Progressive mayor-elect Olivia Chow is the first Chinese Canadian to win the office, ending more than a decade of conservative leadership.
|
en
|
NPR
|
https://www.npr.org/2023/06/27/1184582839/olivia-chow-toronto-mayor-progressive-first-chinese-canadian
|
Ian Willms/Getty Images
Who is she? Olivia Chow is the new mayor-elect of Toronto, making her the first Chinese Canadian to win the office.
Born in Hong Kong, Chow moved to Toronto when she was 13 years old. Now 66, Chow is a veteran progressive politician. She won her first election in 1985 for a seat on the Toronto Board of Education. Then in 1991, she became the first Asian-born woman elected to the Metro Toronto Council. Chow served as a Member of Parliament from 2006 to 2014.
Chow ran on a platform promoting affordable housing, renters' rights and improvements to public transportation. She vowed to make Toronto "more caring, affordable, and safer for everyone."
On Monday night, Chow emerged victorious out of a field of 102 candidates – a record number for Toronto. She takes over from former mayor John Tory, who resigned after the Toronto Star newspaper reported he had a relationship with a staffer.
Harold Feng/Getty Images
What's the big deal? In addition to being the first Chinese Canadian mayor-elect, as a progressive, Chow ends more than a decade of conservative leadership in Canada's most populous city.
Chow will be the first woman of color to lead Toronto, one of the world's most multicultural cities. According to the 2021 census, 46.6% of Toronto residents are immigrants.
The first progressive mayor since David Miller served 2003-2010, Chow seeks to tackle a wide range of problems as the city recovers from the pandemic. The Guardian reports that the city has struggled to advance progressive policies since 1998, when downtown Toronto was amalgamated with its five more conservative, neighboring boroughs.
Supporters of Chow say her victory means the city is ready for change.
What are people saying? Chow delivered a victory speech to a crowd of supporters on Monday.
"Toronto is a place of hope. A place of second chances. A city where an immigrant kid from St. James Town can be standing in front of you as your new mayor."
"If you ever doubted what's possible together, if you ever questioned your faith in a better future and what we can do with each other, for each other, tonight is your answer."
Observers, like Toronto Star city hall bureau chief David Rider, noted the election could signal a dramatic shift in Toronto.
So, what now?
Chow has requested to take office on July 12, and is starting to meet with Toronto councilors to prepare to hit the ground running.
She is expected to raise property taxes to fund affordable housing, public transportation and other city services, which have faced cuts under previous conservative mayors.
Chow's priority right now? "Housing, housing, housing," she told the Toronto Star. Toronto's housing crisis will be one of the biggest challenges facing the new mayor.
Over the last 50 years, disinvestment in affordable housing has created a crisis for renters, according to the Canadian Centre for Housing Right – a crisis that's been exacerbated by the pandemic
The Guardian reports that Chow also inherits a struggling public transportation system, criticized for deteriorating service, and growing concerns around public safety.
|
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7542
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 6
|
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-final-day-mayor-1.6751834
|
en
|
John Tory officially resigns as Toronto mayor after admitting to extramarital affair
|
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[
"CBC News"
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2023-02-17T11:35:00+00:00
|
John Tory handed over his mayoral powers at Toronto city hall on Friday, saying leaving the job breaks his heart but is the "right thing to do" given recent events. But he made no direct mention in his final statement of the reason for his decision to step down: an extramarital affair with a former staffer.
|
en
|
/a/apple-touch-icon.png
|
CBC
|
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/john-tory-final-day-mayor-1.6751834
|
John Tory handed over his mayoral powers at Toronto city hall on Friday, saying leaving the job breaks his heart but is the "right thing to do" given recent events.
Tory made no direct mention in his last public statement as mayor of the reason for his decision to step down: an extramarital affair with a former staffer. He took no questions from reporters after delivering his remarks.
In his statement, Tory thanked his staff, his colleagues, the city's public service and the people of Toronto, saying he tried to unite the city during his tenure.
"All I tried to do was to be a mayor whose energy and drive matched that of the city itself, a mayor who tried hard to ensure that every part, every community, every person was included in the success story that is Toronto."
The clock on Tory's mayoral tenure ran out at 5 p.m., one week after he shocked the city by announcing his resignation and admitting he had an "inappropriate relationship" with a former staffer. He announced he would resign shortly after details of the relationship were first published by the Toronto Star.
Tory's undoing comes just months after he handily won a third-term re-election bid, promising steady leadership in uncertain times. His resignation brings about a period of political uncertainty in Toronto, marshalling an indefinite stint of interim leadership and an eventual mayoral byelection.
His final statement as mayor came hours after a man threw multiple eggs at Tory's office window at city hall early Friday morning.
Deputy mayor asked Tory to consider leave of absence
Tory said when the COVID-19 pandemic hit the city, he continued to work hard, "by always being ready to serve." Doing so honoured essential workers in Toronto, including health-care workers, he said.
"That's what makes being Mayor of this city the best job anyone could have. And it's why it breaks my heart to leave. But leaving was the right thing to do, hard as it may be," he said.
Tory said he hoped to be remembered for doing the work of keeping the city stable. He said he also wants to be known for building new transit lines, getting housing built, keeping taxes affordable while investing in front-line services and demonstrating respect for all of Toronto's communities.
He added he will be focused on rebuilding trust with his family, but will also be looking for other ways to contribute to the city "in the days ahead."
Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie told reporters immediately after Tory's statement that she burst into tears on Friday evening, when he told her "that there was going to be a story, that it was true and that he would be resigning."
McKelvie was in Ottawa. She said she was emotional then and was emotional on Friday when he resigned.
She said she asked him if he would consider taking a leave of absence instead but he said "this is what he wanted to do for his family."
"I admire his sense of duty, I admire his sense of honour and I admire how he has taken full responsibility and how he has resigned," she said.
"I think he uses his heart and he looked at what was best for him and his family and what was best for the city of Toronto and I think that's admirable."
Deputy mayor says her focus is on 'good governance'
McKelvie thanked Tory for his years of service, wished him well and said she "fully respects" his request for privacy.
"He worked very long days, often seven days a week, because he loved this city and wanted to do a good job for all residents," she said.
McKelvie said she has spoken to the city clerk and a report on the impending byelection — "the largest byelection ever held in Canada" — will be delivered to city council at its next scheduled meeting on March 29.
The report will allow councillors to formally declare the mayor's office vacant and pass a bylaw to initiate the mayoral byelection.
A nomination period would open the next day and last anywhere between 30 and 60 days, with the vote to be held 45 days after that.
"I will be making sure that we continue to deliver on the priorities on which Mayor Tory received a mandate from voters last October: keeping our city safe, getting housing built, getting transit built and making sure the nuts-and-bolts city services continue to be delivered in the best possible way," McKelvie said.
"Residents can rest assured that my entire focus of this time is ensuring a smooth transition and continued good governance."
McKelvie assumed mayoral powers at 5 p.m. when Tory's resignation took effect. She said she won't be running to replace him. In his remarks, Tory had said she has the intelligence, dedication and experience to step into the role.
Tory calls public life 'a sacrifice' in memo
In a memo to councillors Friday morning, Tory thanked his colleagues and called public life "a sacrifice."
"Public life is a sacrifice for anyone and one you have made to contribute to a better future for our city," he wrote.
"As for me, you can be sure I will be an engaged, contributing citizen trying to ensure, as you are, a bright future for our great city," he said in the memo.
In the memo, Tory said to "ensure good governance," he was delegating to the city manager authority to hire most senior officials and amend the city's organizational structure.
Council will have the authority to hire deputy city managers and the city solicitor, as part of what Tory's office is calling a standard transition process.
Despite announcing his resignation last Friday, Tory stayed on to see his budget approved by council this week.
In the memo, he called the budget, "a reasonably good example of working together in challenging circumstances."
Toronto's next council meeting will see the city clerk bring a report that allows councillors to formally declare the mayor's office vacant and to pass a bylaw to initiate a byelection.
A nomination period would open the next day and last anywhere between 30 and 60 days, with the mayoral byelection held 45 days after that.
|
||||
7542
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dbpedia
|
1
| 61
|
https://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/columnists/keith-gerein-when-politicians-like-john-tory-misbehave-can-we-keep-our-fidelity-to-sanity
|
en
|
Keith Gerein: When politicians like John Tory misbehave, can we keep our fidelity to sanity?
|
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[
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] | null |
[
"Keith Gerein"
] |
2023-02-21T13:00:35+00:00
|
If you keep reading, you will find a column that will undoubtedly anger some of my media colleagues, as well as number of readers, since I am going to try to defend…
|
en
|
https://dcs-static.gprod.postmedia.digital/16.7.2/websites/images/broadsheets/favicon-ej.ico
|
edmontonjournal
|
https://edmontonjournal.com/opinion/columnists/keith-gerein-when-politicians-like-john-tory-misbehave-can-we-keep-our-fidelity-to-sanity
|
Article content
If you keep reading, you will find a column that will undoubtedly anger some of my media colleagues, as well as number of readers, since I am going to try to defend the seemingly indefensible.
To be clear, I am not excusing the behaviour of Toronto Mayor John Tory, who announced his intention to resign last week after the media revealed an inter-office affair.
At the same time — and here’s where I tread onto more treacherous ground — I am not entirely convinced that this kind of transgression warrants an automatic resignation, especially one that comes just four months after the mayor’s latest election victory.
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Likewise, there is an important question to ask as to whether it was sufficiently in the public interest for the media to even report his infidelity.
This is obviously not just a Toronto issue. Readers probably won’t be surprised to know there have been many behind-the-scenes tales over the years of Alberta politicians who had affairs. I won’t name any of them, but I can tell you the gossip involved people from different parties and different orders of government, including some in very powerful positions.
To my knowledge, few — and perhaps none — of these stories were ever seriously pursued by the mainstream media in this province.
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There are a couple of ways to look at these questions.
On the one hand, Tory’s resignation signals a welcome return of shame. For a while now, we’ve seen more and more politicians refusing any repercussions for anything, and even celebrating their misbehaviour as some sort of unhinged defence of freedom.
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As such, it’s refreshing to see a political figure maintain some moral compass, actually acknowledge wrongdoing and accept consequences.
And yet, keeping in mind there might be more to Tory’s transgression than we have heard so far, it is odd to me that an inter-office affair between consenting adults should be the place where a line is drawn in the sand.
After all, we have seen political leaders use their offices to enrich themselves and their friends, repeatedly lie or hide information, lay false accusations against their opponents, make policy based on conspiracy theories, try to coerce independent agencies, and further enable discrimination and corruption.
To me, that kind of behaviour directly speaks to a leader’s job performance far more than what sort of romantic relationship they pursue when the parlances and policy decisions are done for the day.
That leads to the question of what standard of public interest the media should hold when deciding whether to report on their private lives.
Sometimes it is clearly justified, when dealing with cases of sexual misconduct.
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But much of the time these are difficult decisions, and I don’t want to unfairly criticize those journalists who decided to publish their findings about Tory. With his story, I suspect what helped tip the scales toward publishing is the fact that this was a relationship between boss and subordinate.
That power imbalance is significant, because it can complicate work dynamics — including promotions, perks, dismissals, pay, etc. — and also call into question whether the romantic relationship is truly consensual. It’s also fair to say that people in power, especially men, have been getting away with such behaviour forever, while their partners wind up with most of the consequences.
That clearly isn’t fair, and yet it is still not a slam dunk to me that public outing and loss of position should be the outcome in every one of these scenarios.
Either way, I have also heard from people who believe any kind of adultery from a political leader should be reported and should lead to that person losing their job. As the argument goes, it speaks to someone’s character if they betray their spouse and family, so what other ethical abuses might they be capable of?
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This is where I think we can get ourselves in trouble.
I can’t speak for all other journalists who have covered politics in Alberta, but I think one of the main reasons there has been a reluctance to pursue stories of adultery is a belief in Canada — possibly waning — that our democracy is better off when we allow politicians to have some semblance of privacy.
I look at the political dysfunction in the United States, where every dinner out, every vacation and every text message can become red meat for the grinder. That has to discourage good people from running for office, and instead seems to embolden personalities who enjoy being in the mud.
Likewise, I also think we need to get over the idea of depicting elected officials as role models. Yes, I know many of those officials portray themselves that way and even use their families to present a wholesome brand — many also pounce on personal failings of opponents — but we would be wise to treat that with caution.
Extremely high standards should be expected for on-the-job performance, but extending that to private matters will inevitably lead to disappointment.
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It should be obvious by now that political leaders are subject to human frailty as much as anyone else. Publishing details about all of those moments hurts not just them, but also their loved ones, including children. We need to always ask if the public interest outweighs that damage.
Moreover, demanding an automatic resignation for infidelity I fear puts us on a slippery slope toward an unreachable standard, where second chances become unthinkable. In this vein, I just can’t get behind the idea that a flawed home life always reflects on someone’s job abilities.
In the case of Tory, who was just re-elected last fall, I suspect a lot of Torontonians would prefer he apologize, vow to do better, and then get on with the work he was elected to do, rather than throw his civic government into turmoil.
I know many of you will disagree, but I think we need to maintain some reasonableness and save the extreme reactions for when it really matters. I would be dismayed to see Canada head further down the path of lost thresholds seen in other places, because there is truth in the adage that we get the leaders we deserve.
kgerein@postmedia.com
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The mayor of Bay Street: John Tory sharpens his boardroom skills for Toronto's City Hall
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2014-11-29T12:00:26+00:00
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Theresa Tedesco: John Tory comes to politics — after years of failed tries — as a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment where connections and …
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Article content
A few days before being sworn is as the 65th mayor of Canada’s largest city, John Howard Tory had some unfinished business to attend to. After a long day, which included a public briefing on the state of Toronto’s affairs, the mayor-elect made his way from a sterile conference room at City Hall to his old stomping grounds at the more tastefully appointed headquarters of Rogers Communications to take care of some paperwork.
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[np_storybar title=”John Tory paints ‘realistic picture’ of Toronto’s biggest challenges in ‘state of the city’ address” link=”http://news.nationalpost.com/2014/11/28/john-tory-lays-out-torontos-biggest-challenges-in-state-of-the-city-address/”]
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The mayor of Bay Street: John Tory sharpens his boardroom skills for Toronto's City Hall Back to video
Toronto’s new mayor says he had never been more optimistic about the future of the city. But, boy, does it have a lot of problems. In a ‘‘state of the city’’ address on Thursday, John Tory listed his new dominion’s many foibles in a bid to paint a “realistic picture” of the challenges confronting Toronto. The Post’s Natalie Alcoba lists the top 10
[/np_storybar]
After more than 20 years with the telecommunications giant as an executive and director, Mr. Tory was officially resigning from the company’s board of directors, severing deep familial corporate ties, likely for good. He had already stepped down from the boards of supermarket chain Metro Inc. and restaurant chain Cara Operations Ltd. earlier in the week, but none of them had as much personal connection to the incoming mayor as did Rogers. “My hand shook when I had to resign from those boards because I was so regretful I had to give them up,” he says. “By the time I’m done here in eight years, I’ll be 68 years old and probably too old for most boards.”
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For a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment, considered the best-connected person in the city, Mr. Tory shouldn’t lose much sleep over that. Born into wealth and privilege, his godfather was cable czar Edward S. Rogers. He once ran the venerable law firm Torys LLP that bears the family name. He has the CEOs of Canada’s biggest banks on speed dial. But while Mr. Tory swims in the waters of Corporate Canada, he is a different species of fish, as his most recent switch from talk-radio host to Toronto’s mayor suggests. “I was very much a part of Bay Street,” he says, “but I was not a product of that.”
Yet he is the scion of a family that helped shape many of Canada’s largest and most enduring business empires and many of this country’s most significant corporate players: the billionaire Thomson family; that of the late Ted Rogers; and the founding family of the Toronto Star company. Throughout much of his working life as a broadcaster, politician and businessman, the mayor-elect tapped into jobs at many of the places with close family ties. He agrees his latest role at the helm of Canada’s largest city will be the most challenging executive position he’s ever taken on. “I didn’t come into this with my eyes closed.”
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We just don’t have enough good guys like John
After all, when he moves into the mayor’s office along Toronto’s Bay Street Tuesday, it will mark the first time in his privileged life that Mr. Tory will be working outside the comfortable confines of the family fold. Yet, he comes to politics — after years of failed tries — as a card-carrying member of the Canadian business establishment where connections and civility matter more than fierce competition and the naked pursuit of wealth. He is arguably the bluest Blue Chip mayor that has ever taken office in this country.
Some of his friends in high places offer high praise — although others caution that Mr. Tory never had to develop the sheer force of will that climbing tall ladders, and playing politics, require.
“He’s a first-class guy,” offered Gord Nixon, newly retired CEO of Royal Bank of Canada. “We just don’t have enough good guys like John,” said Graham Savage, a friend and a long-time corporate director (including at Postmedia Network Inc., which owns the National Post).
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He may be exceedingly likeable, agreeable and brimming with good intentions, motivated by what Bank of Montreal CEO Bill Downe described as “a strong sense of purpose.” But some in Mr. Tory’s circle of friends and associates privately worry that he may be naïve to what lies ahead. “His problem will be getting people to work together. He’s got to find a way to get people to vote with him; it’s a barter system,” said a former business associate and friend who did not want his name used out of concern of hurting their relationship. “He’s too nice a guy for that. He may be too nice for this job.”
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And it’s true that Mr. Tory is not cut from the same cloth as a typical Bay Street dealmaker. “He wouldn’t know how to do a merger or a takeover,” says another family friend. “He wouldn’t know how to put together a corporate deal. He’s never done any of that as a lawyer or a businessman.”
Instead, Mr. Tory has built an impressive career wafting through the formidable sphere of influence that has surrounded his family long before he arrived on the scene. His first summer job at 17 was as a radio reporter at stations owned by Ted Rogers, with whom his father — John Arnold Tory — had a close affiliation as a corporate adviser and board director.
After graduating from Osgoode Hall law school at York University, Mr. Tory signed on with the family’s influential law firm, Tory, Tory, DesLauriers and Binnington (now Torys LLP), founded by his grandfather John Steward Donald Tory in 1949 and transformed by Mr. Tory’s father and uncle James Marshall Tory into one of Bay Street’s powerhouse corporate law firms.
His grandfather was instrumental in establishing the University of Toronto law school in 1949 — where his father and uncle would become star students — but when John Tory didn’t make the cut, he insisted that his father not pull any strings to get him in. “I just missed. I was on the waiting list and it was a disappointment to my dad, more so than me but I didn’t let my dad call anybody or do anything about it.” He laughs about the fact that Robert Prichard, the law school’s former dean and later CEO of Torstar Corp., to this day still jokingly apologizes for the rejection.
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Mr. Tory worked at the family firm from 1980 to 1995 — save for a four-year hiatus during which he served as principal secretary for former Ontario premier William Davis; his family having longstanding ties to the provincial Progressive Conservatives. He held several roles as partner, manager partner and member of the executive committee, although he admits he was “never in the traditional mode of a lawyer” for the 12 years he practiced law. Deeply involved in the political and social firmament of the city, Mr. Tory focused his energy on government relations.
In 1995, he raised eyebrows when, despite having almost no high-level corporate experience, he landed one of the most senior executive positions in the country. Just over 40, he was appointed CEO of Rogers Media on the heels of a blockbuster $3.1-billion deal that saw the cable giant acquire Maclean Hunter Ltd., saddling Rogers with crushing debt and a stable of newspapers and magazines the company had no experiencing in managing.
“When I became an executive, I did not follow the traditional route of getting there, I am the first to admit that,” Mr. Tory said. “Ted Rogers called me up and he had enough confidence that I could run the companies… but I didn’t follow the route of going in as a middle manager and working my way up.”
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After four years at the helm of the media operations — and also commissioner of the Canadian Football League — the still young Mr. Tory was promoted to lead Rogers Cable in 1999, where he stayed until a run for mayor in 2003 (he lost to David Miller).
Just as he did when his opponents suggested during this year’s long, at times gritty, mayoralty campaign, Mr. Tory still visibly bristles at suggestions that he’s been handed opportunities, rather than earned them. “I was an activist CEO, I had to be to work for Ted Rogers, who was as demanding as anyone you could ever work for,” he said. “I couldn’t have survived in those jobs if I weren’t tough enough.”
Mr. Savage, chief financial officer at Rogers at the time Mr. Tory was at the company, said any senior executive working for Ted Rogers ended up overshadowed by the potency of the maverick cable magnate himself.
“Ted was so dominant, he tried to run everything and tried to call all the shots,” Mr. Savage recalled. “It’s hard to gauge John independent of that, and it’s hard to gauge any of us for that matter, although in my view he was a good executive.” Mr. Savage, who is among the group of former and outgoing Rogers executives with whom Mr. Tory remains close — others include Colin Watson, Philip Lind and Anthony Viner — said they “were united against Ted, most of the time” and that Mr. Tory was the most “irreverent” of the bunch, willing to stand up to the volatile founder. But then, none of the other executives had the last name of Tory.
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Yet Mr. Tory clearly remained drawn to the world of the public. As a senior Rogers’ executive, he hosted a public affairs program on Rogers Cable’s community access channel.
After his defeat to David Miller in the 2003 Toronto mayoralty campaign, his Bay Street friends counseled him to step back and decompress. Geoff Beattie, chief adviser to the Thomson family (a role once held by Mr. Tory’s father) and BMO’s Mr. Downe both suggested he try corporate directorships where he could lend his experience and expertise, rather than resuming the responsibilities of operating a company. He was invited to join the boards of Metro and Cara, and took his seat again on the Rogers board.
He has a remarkable ability to get things done working with people rather than against people
“I loved running a company but I really enjoyed being on boards and watching how they work and having a positive influence on how they work without the responsibility of how they performed,” he explained. He heightened his work in philanthropy, leveraging his contacts on Bay Street to help find work for skilled immigrants.
But politics called again, taking him back to the Ontario provincial Progressive Conservative party in 2004, this time as leader, until his electoral defeat (largely the result of a controversy stoked by the Liberals over religious-school funding) in 2007, where he failed to win his riding from Kathleen Wynne, now Ontario’s premier. He waited for a seat to open up in a byelection; and two long years later, when it did, and he lost again, he resigned. After a career in lush corner offices and fruitlessly chasing political leadership, he settled in, somewhat curiously, hosting drive-time talk radio at Toronto’s CFRB, a station founded (but no longer owned) by the Rogers family.
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During the tumultuous reign of Rob Ford, Mr. Tory was persuaded to try once more for the mayor’s seat. Eventually competing against Mr. Ford’s brother, Doug (the outgoing mayor dropped out following a cancer diagnosis), he finally prevailed last month, winning 40% of the vote, to Doug Ford’s 34%.
Mr. Tory will be the first Toronto mayor in a century to have never warmed a seat on city council. This has some of his personal backers feeling uneasy; getting along on boards and charities with like-minded Rosedalers, they say, is very different from trying to herd the diverse opinions of 44 elected city councilors. Any attempt to lead by consensus, they fear, may only result in paralysis. “He’s a positive person and sometimes it’s harder for him to make decisions because he likes consensus,” said one.
“I don’t buy that,” scoffed Mr. Nixon. “I think that he is by nature quite conciliatory and frankly, I can’t think of an attribute that is more useful when you are trying to corral city hall. We have a weak-mayor system [holding just one vote on council], so the mayor needs to be able to work with people, to negotiate with people and to get along with people. He has a remarkable ability to get things done working with people rather than against people.”
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And the mayor-elect believes everything he’s done in his career has readied him well for the job as mayor, whether it was running the partnership at the Torys law firm — where he had no power to order senior partners around, except to convince them the firm was heading in the right direction — or getting his management team at Rogers to buy into his strategic plan.
“Every one of the responsibilities is the same, except that here, you don’t have a lever to open the trap door to get rid of people if they don’t execute,” he smiled. On a more serious note, he added, “I couldn’t have run the companies that I ran, including working for a guy like Ted Rogers, if I wasn’t prepared to be tough myself. Yes, I think I attract more bees with honey in terms of the way you incent people to work for you and produce results, but if I couldn’t make tough decisions, I couldn’t have lasted.”
In fact, Mr. Tory said he fashioned himself after business leaders like the late Ted Rogers; former Toronto Dominion Bank CEO Ed Clark; and Richard Venn, senior executive vice-president at Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce — men who demonstrated strong social consciences but were inclined to demonstrate it through business, rather than public service.
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On Friday, Mr. Tory released a statement declaring the steps he would be taking to divide his personal interests from his work on the city. Given his network of ties, it was not a short list. There were his corporate directorships: now all resigned. His son, John, is the CEO of an airline affected by policies around Toronto’s City Centre Airport. His wife, Barbara Hackett, is president of a residential home developer that might be affected by city planning decisions. His new office, he said, had “developed a framework” to deal with all of these connections, to ensure he complied, and even exceeded conflict-of-interest requirements. “I intend to lead by example,” he said.
He would, however, not be giving up his role as a trustee and director of various Rogers family-related trusts, bonds that were too personal to concede even for the mayor’s chair. “Before his death, I gave my word to Ted Rogers that I would act in this capacity so long as I was able,” Mr. Tory wrote, “and out of a sense of moral obligation to my late friend, I do not intend to resign from these positions.”
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https://www.talentcanada.ca/john-torys-affair-resignation-blow-up-toronto-mayors-legacy-as-dull-stable-leader/
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John Tory's affair, resignation blow up Toronto mayor's legacy as dull, stable leader - Talent Canada
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2023-02-13T08:45:57-05:00
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John Tory's recently disclosed affair with a former staffer and resulting resignation as mayor of Toronto have brought a blowout ending to the straight-laced,
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Talent Canaea
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https://www.talentcanada.ca/john-torys-affair-resignation-blow-up-toronto-mayors-legacy-as-dull-stable-leader/
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By Tyler Griffin
John Tory’s recently disclosed affair with a former staffer and resulting resignation as mayor of Toronto have brought a blowout ending to the straight-laced, button down moderate conservative’s otherwise uneventful tenure in the city’s top job.
Tory honed that reputation over the course of his business and broadcasting careers, as well as two relatively drama-free terms he served at City Hall. The third mandate he easily secured in October’s municipal election seemed to promise more of the same, but those hopes came crashing down on Friday evening.
That night, Tory stunned the city he’d led for more than eight years when he admitted to having an “inappropriate relationship” with a former member of his staff and abruptly announced plans to step down.
Tory originally promised to only run for two terms and could have left public life in the fall respected by people across the political spectrum, said Zachary Taylor, an associate professor at Western University’s political science department. Instead, he decided to run for a third term — a decision Taylor said has now placed his legacy in a very different light.
“He has admitted to doing something that is very much contrary to his image as a squeaky clean, ethically clean mayor who never raises his voice, never does things that are unreasonable,” said Taylor.
“He had this image of being the only grown up in the room while council squabbled around him. Now we’ve seen that image kind of blow up.”
Tory’s whole raison d’etre was stable, calm leadership with no drama following the scandal-plagued mayoralty of his predecessor Rob Ford, said Peter Graefe, an associate professor of political science at McMaster University. In contrast, Tory was “internationally presentable” and gave the sense he was actually managing files at city hall, he said.
But Graefe said the surprising nature of Tory’s departure will likely cast a shadow over his time in office.
“It’s really hard to say, ‘here is the achievements of John Tory over almost a decade in power,”’ said Graefe. “Instead it’s much more someone who’s leaving under a cloud and leaving a lot of unfinished business for the next mayor and Toronto city council to pick up.”
When Tory launched his first mayoral bid in 2014, he ran on a platform of change, a transit vision for the city and low taxes. Graefe said Tory has kept the line on the city budget and taxes, but at the expense of affordability, high housing costs and aging infrastructure.
“There’s a sense of unhappiness that Toronto is not the place to live in that it used to be, that it’s a dirtier city, that it’s a more dangerous city,” he said.
Tory was also “pretty clueless” in his responses to issues of race related to carding and policing of racialized Torontonians, Graefe said.
Criticisms mounted in recent weeks over Tory’s announcement of a proposed $48.3-million increase to the city’s police budget. The boost would bring funding to just over $1.1 billion for 2023, a figure Tory’s critics said was grossly inflated compared to other line items and underfunded social services.
“Given Toronto’s kind of super diversity, we might have expected a leader who could have avoided some unnecessary conflicts on that by showing a greater IQ in terms of the nature of those relationships in Toronto,” Graefe said. “That is another more difficult part of his legacy.”
But regardless of the many negative things people have had to say about Tory, Graefe noted he was elected with little opposition in the past two municipal campaigns.
“He was seen as a good steward of public finances … In certain parts of the city the idea of being tough on the homeless and tough on crime was reassuring.”
“You could see why he was maybe not a popular mayor, but he was a mayor people were willing to continue to vote for, at least in the absence of a serious contender.”
But those policies were the opposite of reassuring for longtime street nurse Cathy Crowe, who said she’s witnessed homelessness double since before the COVID-19 pandemic as well as continued forceful encampment evictions.
“I don’t think in most circles (Tory’s) known exactly as a strong, compassionate heart, if you will,” she said.
Gil Penalosa, who lost the mayoral race in October’s municipal election after only securing 18 per cent of the vote compared to Tory’s more than 60 per cent, announced Saturday he will run again once a byelection is called to replace him.
Penalosa said Tory will be remembered as a hard worker who was committed to reshaping the city’s image, but one that failed on issues of equity, affordability and climate change.
“I don’t evaluate him based on the goals that I have because they’re very different, but I think he tried to do the best he could according to the things that he wanted to do,” said Penalosa.
The progressive urbanist invited Toronto residents not to dwell on Tory’s legacy, or even the past few days, and instead be optimistic and focus on a radically different future.
“He resigned, he did something negative. He’s gone now,” said Penalosa. “Let’s see this as an opportunity and not as a barrier.”
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Conceptualizing Municipal Elections: The Case of Toronto 2018
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2022-09-17T00:00:00
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Since Angus Campbell and colleagues first introduced the “levels of conceptualization” (LoC) framework as a measure of political sophistication, a number of scholars have applied the approach to subsequent American national elections. ...
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9310148/
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Urban Aff Rev Thousand Oaks Calif. 2022 Sep; 58(5): 1438–1465.
PMCID: PMC9310148
PMID: 35903408
Conceptualizing Municipal Elections: The Case of Toronto 2018
,1 ,2 and 3
J. Scott Matthews
1Memorial University, St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada
Find articles by J. Scott Matthews
R. Michael McGregor
2Ryerson University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
Find articles by R. Michael McGregor
Laura B. Stephenson
3Western University, London, Ontario, Canada
Find articles by Laura B. Stephenson
1Memorial University, St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada
2Ryerson University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
3Western University, London, Ontario, Canada
R. Michael McGregor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University, 350 Victoria Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5B 2K3. Email: ac.nosreyr@rogergcmm
Copyright © The Author(s) 2021
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage).
Abstract
Since Angus Campbell and colleagues first introduced the “levels of conceptualization” (LoC) framework as a measure of political sophistication, a number of scholars have applied the approach to subsequent American national elections. In this study, we present the first application of the LoC framework to a municipal election, and focus upon the 2018 Toronto mayoral race. After describing the method and data we use to adapt the framework to this new context, we replicate previous analyses, and find that LoC is related to local voter turnout and several measures of political sophistication. We then consider the question of whether major candidates were discussed at different LoC, and if their supporters view local politics at different LoC. We conclude by making the case that the LoC framework is helpful for resolving the debate over whether local politics are ideological or managerial in nature.
Keywords: elections, levels of conceptualization, Toronto
Introduction
In the not-too-distant past, it was common for scholars to bemoan the weak state of the literature on municipal elections and voting. Less than a decade ago, Marschall, Shah, and Ruhil (2011) went so far as to state that, “to say that a field of study on local elections exists would be a bit of an overstatement.” Cutler and Matthews (2005) noted, “Municipal elections are the poor cousins in the study of elections and voting behaviour.” In recent years, however, there has been an explosion in the study of these contests, including in Canada, and this has greatly increased our understanding of how Canadians make choices about who governs them (see Lucas and McGregor 2021a, for a detailed account of the recent rapid growth of the subfield). The reasons for this growth are simple: the sheer number of municipal elections, along with the institutional, historical, cultural, and other dimensions of variation they provide, creates a unique opportunity for studying a variety of new and important questions about voting behavior, and researchers are taking advantage of it.
Local elections offer new contexts in which to consider theories and approaches that have been developed for higher order elections, and the unique nature of local contests poses both a challenge and an opportunity to scholars. On the one hand, there is reason to believe that municipal elections are similar in kind to other voting events—they have candidates, issues, and campaigns, so why would voters not approach them in the same way? Canonical models of voting behavior that prioritize a “funnel of causality” (Campbell et al. 1960; Miller and Shanks 1996) have been found useful at the municipal level (McGregor, Moore, and Stephenson 2016; Bélanger et al. 2022), demonstrating that, in important ways, voters in local contests behave in much the same way that they do in national elections.
On the other hand, there are numerous reasons to expect that voters will reason and behave in a unique manner municipally. Research shows that electors are less interested in local than national politics, tend to believe that local government matters less to their lives, and feel less of a “duty” to vote in local elections (McGregor, Moore, and Stephenson 2021). These findings are unsurprising given that municipal turnout rates are substantially below those witnessed in national and provincial elections. Relatedly, participants in local elections are different from those at higher levels—home owners and individuals who have lived in a city for a prolonged period of time, for example, make up much larger shares of the voting population locally than they do in national elections (Dostie-Goulet et al. 2012; Fischel 2001; Nakhaie 2006). Finally, the scope of authority for municipal elections, especially in Canada, is significantly different from that at other levels of government. Not only are the areas of policy responsibility different, but so are the (limited) budgets and taxation capacity. While provincial and federal elections can bring changes to major social programs and foreign policy, municipal elections can lead to changes in recycling programs and zoning priorities. 1 It is therefore an open question whether municipal policy imperatives can even align on an ideological dimension the same way that policy choices do at other levels.
The purpose of this work is to begin to probe this issue by investigating how voters think about municipal candidates and elections. To that end, we draw upon the levels of conceptualization (LoC) framework introduced by Campbell et al. (1960). With this approach, the open-ended responses of survey participants are categorized according to how candidates or parties are discussed. Categories include ideology, group benefits, as well as more short-term considerations, such as performance and/or issues. Initially developed to assess the sophistication and ideological coherence of voters, we contend that the framework also provides an invaluable way of assessing a debate in the academic literature (introduced in detail below) about whether local politics is ideological or managerial in nature. That is, we consider the question of whether voters think about municipal politics in ideological, structured terms or whether they are prone to concentrate on more proximate considerations related to municipal management.
Since being used in The American Voter, scholars, such as, Field and Anderson (1969); Verba, Norman, and Petrocik (1978) and Lewis-Beck et al. (2008) have used the LoC framework to update our understanding of the American public. Though the measure has been disputed as a valid indicator of political sophistication (Smith 1980 but see Cassel 1984), we believe the LoC framework can be an important tool for understanding the lens through which Canadian electors view local elections. Accordingly, this work applies the LoC to the 2018 Toronto mayoral election, utilizing a set of open-ended survey questions that asked respondents to indicate what they liked or disliked about major candidates. We coded responses to correspond with LoC categories, providing insight into the factors that spring to mind when electors are prompted to think about local candidates, and thus local elections.
In important ways, the 2018 Toronto mayoral race was typical of Canadian local elections. The incumbent, John Tory, won handily in a race where the voter turnout rate was just over 40%. Tory, who was first elected in 2014, faced just one credible challenger, former Chief City Planner for the City of Toronto, Jennifer Keesmaat. There were 33 other candidates, but none seriously challenged the front runners (the third-place finisher received just 3.4% of the vote). After leading in the polls for the entirety of the campaign, Tory captured nearly two-thirds of the vote (winning in every ward) and was re-elected by a margin of forty percentage points. These features—a dominant incumbent candidate and middling turnout—are common place in Canadian local elections, making the 2018 Toronto election a good case with which to begin the study of LoC in the local context.
In the following sections, we outline a debate in the literature about the nature of local elections, explain the LoC framework and how it is useful, and discuss how we apply it here. We then present an analysis of data gathered during the 2018 Toronto municipal election period. Our analysis begins with a qualitative analysis of the content in each LoC level and then moves to a quantitative replication of influential analyses from Lewis-Beck et al. (2008). These sections validate our application of the LoC framework and map out the way in which Torontonians viewed their candidates for mayor. We then turn to consider whether the two major candidates were viewed in different LoC terms, and if this relationship is dependent upon vote choice, a novel application of the framework. Our results demonstrate that while the LoC does not provide a robust measure of sophistication, it does reveal that most municipal voters do not think about candidates in ideological terms. However, we do see candidate-specific variation, with supporters of the challenger more likely to reference both candidates in ideological terms. We conclude with a discussion of why such a candidate-specific pattern may exist. On the whole, we find that the LoC framework is a promising tool for understanding local political behavior.
LoC and Municipal Elections
Though the field is growing, the study of municipal elections is far less developed than that of national contests, which tend to be considered “the” event in electoral democracies. Municipal elections tend to be less engaging, drawing comparatively little attention and fewer voters than is the case at higher levels of government (Kushner and Siegel 2006; McGregor 2018; Nakhaie 2006). One can easily understand why many voters might be drawn to elections that decide matters of foreign policy, national environmental strategy, and the “peace, order, and good government of Canada,” but less intrigued by those who decide garbage pickup, bus schedules, and parking by-laws. It is no wonder that municipal elections tend to be less publicized, less exciting and, in turn, less salient for voters (Cutler and Matthews 2005). Beyond the specific policy domains, municipal elections often diverge from their national cousins in that they often lack the involvement of political parties. In many places in North America, including most Canadian cities, mayoral and city council candidates all run as independents—a distinction that is key to our analysis below, as the absence of parties removes an important heuristic that might prime voters to think in ideological terms.
A debate over the fundamental nature of local elections, or, more specifically, the importance of ideological considerations, exists. On one hand, scholars have argued that ideological considerations are significantly less important in the municipal setting than they are in national (or even provincial/state) contests (see Oliver 2012; Peterson 1981). The general argument is that local elections are more about managerial competence than ideology: as many of the issues that municipalities are responsible for have no obvious ideological implications, voters base their decisions upon their expectations of who will perform best, placing particular emphasis upon the performance of incumbents. In this view, low voter turnout rates allow specific segments of the population (such as homeowners) to have an outsized influence on election outcomes. Most importantly for our purposes, however, is the suggestion that local elections are based upon evaluations of the managerial competence of candidates, rather than ideology.
On the other hand, a number of scholars have found that traditional left–right ideology is a significant driver of local vote choice. Recent studies, including several on Toronto, in particular, have shown that, even in a non-partisan municipal contest, ideology (as measured by standard left-right indicators) is a significant determinant of mayoral vote decisions, and that voters make ideological assessments of candidates (Sances 2018; see McGregor, Moore, and Stephenson 2016; McGregor and Pruysers 2021; and Stephenson, McGregor, and Moore 2018, on Toronto). In reviewing the determinants of vote choice in mayoral elections in eight Canadian cities, Lucas and McGregor (2021b) conclude that ideology is “deeply important at the urban scale,” and argue that there is little evidence that these elections are driven by “non-ideological assessments of managerial performance.” These findings are congruent with the conclusion of Cutler and Matthews that municipal elections are “different in degree but not in kind from the national level” (p. 360).
The existing literature on determinants of vote choice in local elections, and on how local elections differ from those held at other levels, consider many factors which are conceptually independent of the management-ideology distinction. For instance, a noteworthy segment of this literature has argued that these contests are driven largely by sociodemographic cleavages, with qualities, such as, homeownership (Fischel 2001), race (Hajnal and Trounstine 2014), and class (Bridges 1997; Trounstine 2008) being central to determining candidate support. As scholars have noted (Hajnal and Trounstine 2014; Sances 2018), though these factors can be strongly correlated with left–right ideology, they are nevertheless distinct from one another. Studies of Toronto, in particular, have found that vote choice is influenced by a variety of factors, including sociodemographic characteristics, partisanship, issues, economic evaluations, geography, and strategic considerations (Anderson et al. 2017; Caruana et al. 2018; McGregor, Moore and Stephenson 2021; McGregor and Pruysers 2021). Given that both former Mayor Rob Ford, who held office from 2010 to 2014, and his brother Doug, who was a mayoral candidate in 2018, are well known for their anti-establishment positions and styles, the subjects of populism and populist attitudes have been a particular focus of attention in Toronto (Kiss, Perrella, and Spicer 2020; Silver, Taylor, and Calderón-Figueroa (2020)). Many factors other than ideological or managerial considerations are known to have a relationship with mayoral vote choice.
It is not the purpose of the current work, however, to either test or dispute the applicability of these explanations to the 2018 race. Existing findings are not incompatible with contentions that either managerial or ideological concerns drive local politics. Indeed, there may be relationships between any of these factors and the manner in which local politics are conceptualized. The presence of correlations does not speak to the manner in which electors conceptualize local politics. Therefore, despite the fact that most evidence from Canada, including from Toronto in particular, suggests that ideology is fundamental to mayoral elections, we see value in plumbing the ideology-versus-management debate further, from a different angle. Our application of the LoC framework enables us to probe voters’ opinions directly to determine the relative shares of the population who focus on ideological or managerial considerations. The LoC framework, in which respondents are categorized with respect to the type of considerations that are “top of mind,” speaks directly to this debate, categorizing respondents on the basis of open-ended responses.
We are keenly aware, however, that it may be foolhardy to expect ideology to be a major consideration for any voter at any level. The initial development of the LoC framework in The American Voter (Campbell et al. 1960) was designed to evaluate the sophistication of the electorate. Respondents in that study were classified in terms of how they conceptualized politics on the basis of their open-ended responses to questions about parties and candidates. They found that relatively few individuals (one in four self-reported voters, or one in five of the total sample) conceptualized ideologically according to their classification scheme, which identified ideologues, near-ideologues, those concerned with group benefits, those who focused on the nature of the times, and those who had no issue content at all (further details on these categories are provided below). Despite disagreements about the typology, from having fewer (Field and Anderson 1969) to more (Nie et al. 1979) categories, and the validity of the measures (Smith 1980, 1981, 1989, but see Cassel 1984 and Hagner and Pierce 1982), the overall finding of weak ideological constraint is well-supported (Converse 1964; Coveyou and Piereson 1977; Field and Anderson 1969; Klingemann 1973, 1979; Nie et al. 1979; Pierce 1970).
However, we believe that the LoC framework can also push our understanding of municipal politics in other ways. Knight (1985) suggests that we can learn more about how voters reason, and what they reason about by taking into account their ideological sophistication. Utilizing the LoC framework, she finds that the impact of party identification and issue preferences on candidate support varies depending on one's ideological coherence. Further, Lewis-Beck et al. (2008) suggest that interpreting electoral results is facilitated by a better understanding of how voters think and reason about politics. Therefore, we believe there is value in using the LoC, as originally formulated by Campbell et al. (1960), as an exploratory framework to not only probe the ideological or managerial nature of municipal elections but also push our understanding of municipal voters. For our purposes, finding almost no ideological content in municipal considerations would suggest a managerial view of municipal elections.
The objective of this paper is to extend the use of LoC to identify the principal ways that people understand—that is, conceptualize—municipal politics, as indicated by statements they make when evaluating candidates. Local electoral competition can be difficult to understand because the elections are not always as obviously ideological or partisan as races fought at higher orders of government. As Lewis-Beck et al. (2008: 257) put it, we seek to know “[w]hat cognitive structures do [voters] bring to bear on parties and candidates? Into what conceptual categories do they place the candidates, parties, and other stimuli that emerge during an election campaign?” The LoC framework can help us do this. We want to know whether municipal voters reason about municipal candidates in abstract, ideological terms; in terms of groups benefits; in terms of proximate events (or “the times”); or nothing at all, and if their reasoning depends upon the candidate being assessed. While the use of the LoC framework is not new, this is the first time it has been used at the municipal level, and the first time it has been applied to a non-partisan, low-interest contest.
The 2018 Toronto Mayoral Election and the Canadian Municipal Election Study
Our analysis is based upon survey data collected at the time of the 2018 Toronto mayoral election. In many ways, this contest was typical of elections in Canadian cities: the non-partisan race saw an incumbent comfortably re-elected with low voter participation. Though the race included 35 candidates, only two can be described as major contenders: incumbent John Tory and challenger Jennifer Keesmaat. Together, the duo accounted for 87.1% of the vote. The third-place finisher was “alt-right” candidate Faith Goldy, who recorded a mere 3.4% vote share (at no point was the candidacy of Goldy or any other minor candidate considered serious enough for them to be included in commercial polling). Voter turnout was quite low, at about 41%, a significant decrease from 2014 when it was just shy of 55% (City of Toronto).
Mayor Tory was first elected in 2014 with 40.3% of the vote, beating out Doug Ford (33.7%), brother of former Mayor Rob Ford, and Olivia Chow (23.2%), a former NDP Member of Parliament and widow of the former leader of the party, Jack Layton. Prior to his election, Tory served as a business executive and as leader of the provincial Progressive Conservative Party from 2004–2009. Keesmaat's most high profile previous position was as chief city planner of Toronto, a role in which she served from 2012 to 2017. Keesmaat entered the mayoral contest on the nomination deadline, meaning that her campaign period was much shorter than the mayor’s campaign period. The 2018 election was far less exciting than the 2014 contest. Tory maintained a sizable and steady lead in opinion polls throughout the campaign and won easily, with 63.5% versus Keesmaat’s 23.6% vote share. While any election in Toronto garners attention because of the size, importance, and budget of the city, the 2018 mayoral campaign was largely uneventful. 2
Every election is to some degree unique, and there is always a need to be careful about generalizing from a single case. Nonetheless, we argue that the 2018 Toronto election can provide a useful first cut at adjudicating between the relative importance of ideological and managerial considerations at the local level. Given the presence of a popular incumbent on the ballot, we might expect managerial considerations to dominate. Both major candidates had a managerial “record” on which to run: voters were able to judge Tory's managerial competence on the basis of his mayoral record and, for her part, Keesmaat was most well known for her experience as Chief City Planner, a high profile position which could signal a high degree of managerial competence even if one did not know the details of her record. At the same time, the two frontrunners were widely seen as ideologically dissimilar. Our survey (which is described in further detail below) asked respondents to position the candidates on a left–right (0–10) scale. Tory received an average score of 6.26 and Keesmaat received 3.78—the difference of 2.48 points is significant at p < .001.
Our analysis is based upon data from the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES), which includes large-N surveys of electors in eight cities. The study included pre- and post-election survey waves with questions similar to those asked in national-level election studies in many countries. As part of the CMES, respondents in Toronto were asked what they liked and disliked about the two major candidates. Respondents were also asked a series of standard questions about attitudes, behaviors, and motivations relevant to the election. In total, 2,400 respondents completed the pre-election survey, with just shy of 1,600 also completing the post-election questionnaire. 3 Surveys were conducted online with recruitment conducted via phone and from online panels. 4
Methodology
Respondents were asked to express their likes and dislikes regarding the candidates using open-ended text boxes (see complete details in Appendix I of the Supplemental Material). Respondents were first asked what they liked about each candidate, and then a parallel battery followed asking what they disliked about each candidate. Each item also allowed two closed-ended responses: “There is nothing I like [dislike] about this candidate” and “Don't know.” 5
To categorize these responses according to the LoC framework we designed an original coding protocol based upon discussions in Campbell et al. (1960) and Lewis-Beck et al. (2008). Consistent with past research, our LoC coding consists of five levels (discussed in more detail in the next section):
A1: Ideology and issues. References to ideological concepts or a “broad abstract judgmental standard” (Lewis-Beck et al. 2008, 261) that are clearly connected to “issues,” whether policy controversies or performance considerations.
A2: Ideology, not issues. References to ideology or abstract standards that are not explicitly connected to issues.
B: Group benefits. Associations between the candidates and perceived benefits (or costs) they are expected to deliver to (or impose upon) particular social groups.
C: Performance and/or issues. Associations between the candidates and past performance, or expected future performance based on past experience, either generally or with respect to specific issues or issue themes.
D: No issue or performance content. Valid responses that contain no identifiable issue or performance content.
Trained coders assigned each non-blank, open-ended response to one of these five categories or, for those responses that were non-blank but reflected a form of non-response (e.g., a non-sensical string of characters), to the category “NR: Non-response.” We then combined the response-level coding (i.e., the codes assigned to each like or dislike response) to assign an overall LoC to each respondent. Respondents were assigned to the “highest” level (where A1 > A2 > B > C>D) observed across their four responses. Statistical measures of the reliability of the resulting measure exceed the standard threshold for “tentative conclusions” (Krippendorff, 2004). Further, differences between respondents in the ideological categories (i.e., those coded to either A1 or A2, taken together) and the other levels are especially reliably measured. Complete details of our reliability study are reported in Appendix II of the Supplemental Material.
While our measure of LoC is faithful to past usage, we note certain important differences between our approach and earlier work. Perhaps most significant is the mode difference: whereas the CMES data were collected online, prior work using the American National Election Study (ANES) relied on face-to-face interviewing and verbatim transcription of responses. The high level of the interviewer–respondent rapport that can be established in a face-to-face setting seems likely, on its own, to motivate more elaborate and possibly more considered responses than in an online setting. In addition, the ANES queries likes and dislikes in relation to parties as well as candidates. Further, the items used in Campbell et al. (1960) included follow-up probes after each response, and the authors report that this part of the interview might have lasted as long as 15 min (p. 222, fn. 3). Altogether, these differences suggest that our open-ended responses are very likely to be less extensive, which almost certainly reduces the reliability of the coding relative to what it would be with more extensive materials. For the same reason, however, our measure may be more valid than those used in earlier works, inasmuch as ANES face-to-face survey procedures provoke a level of cognitive elaboration about politics that is not representative of “everyday” thinking about politics. We note also that the ANES’ queries about party evaluations, which would be impossible in the non-partisan context of Toronto politics, may evoke ideological or group-centered associations to a greater degree than the strictly candidate-focused items on which our analysis relies.
Important for our analysis of the debate over whether local politics is ideological or managerial, some of the categories can be interpreted as evidence in one direction or the other. The first two categories (A1 and A2) are obviously indicative of ideological thinking and would provide support for the ideology side of the debate if a large share of the population is coded as such. Category C (performance and/or issues) suggests a “management” approach, as it includes performance evaluations (either past or future). If a large share of the population evaluated the candidates at this level, the managerial side of the debate would be supported. Categories B (group benefits) and D (no issue or performance content) are not obviously related to either category.
LoC in Toronto: Illustrative Examples
In this section, we provide a qualitative description of the LoC as manifested in our Toronto data. We selected illustrative examples of each category by, first, drawing a random sample of ten respondents from within each category and, second, selecting from the sample a set of examples that jointly capture the range of variation of the responses within that set. Our goal is to provide a sense of the responses that is roughly representative of our data. (Note that we have not edited the responses. Truncated responses end with an ellipsis.)
A1: Ideology and issues. Respondents in this category must refer to ideological concepts or other abstract standards and rely on them explicitly in characterizing and evaluating the electoral environment, especially in relation to issue controversies and performance judgments. Campbell et al. (1960) described these individuals as “ideologues.” Yet, as in The American Voter, our respondents are hardly armchair political philosophers. Connections between ideological categories and specific issues are often somewhat elliptical. The responses vary considerably, furthermore, in their elaborateness and degree of polish. Importantly, as in Campbell et al. (1960) and Lewis-Beck et al. (2008), neither objective accuracy nor political sophistication is required to be placed in category A1, though as we will see in subsequent sections of this paper, there is a correlation between the latter and the ordinal LoC indicator.
One particularly well-expressed and even-handed response made reference to both the abstract goal of “fiscal responsibility” and the “progressive” ideological label:
[Anything in particular you like about John Tory?] He is fiscally responsible by not over spending on items that have little benefit to the largest percentage of people.
[Like about Jennifer Keesmaat?] Her planning platform is progressive and would encourage modern transit and development befitting a world-class city.
[Dislike about Tory?] He can be too willing to accommodate everyone’s opinion rather than following his own vision.
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] Her plan is not fiscally sound nor does it identify realistic funding sources.
The set of responses reveals a highly differentiated view of politics that, in addition to raising ideological concepts that are directly connected to distinct policy issues, also points to questions of political leadership (i.e., the reference to Tory’s readiness to follow “his own vision”).
A more typical “ideology and issues” response may be the following:
[Like about Tory?] Moderation, integrity, fiscal responsibility
[Like about Keesmaat?] Creativity, progressive politics, housing policy
[Dislike about Tory?] Scarborough subway policies
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] A bit too liberal
Notably, like the first example, this response raises a variety of ideological concepts and abstract standards “too liberal,” “progressive,” along with both policy issues (Scarborough subway policies) and leadership qualities (integrity). Yet connections between ideology and issues are less explicit and must be inferred from the close coincidence of the two types of references. The response is essentially a point-form listing of pros and cons, an approach that may have been suggested by our question’s request for “up to three” likes/dislikes.
A final example reflects a respondent with strong negative reactions to both candidates; indeed, this respondent declined to express anything they liked about either Tory or Keesmaat. Like the other responses presented in this section, the example also refers to both policy and leadership considerations:
[Dislike about Tory?] He is weak. Has no backbone, and must test the winds before making a decision. People pleaser.
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] She is Marxist in her wealth redistribution ideas. The last idea (taking some $ from $4M home owners to finance affordable housing,) does not make mathematical sense.
A2: Ideology, not issues. Respondents in this category are “near-ideologues” in Campbell et al.’s (1960) parlance: they refer to ideological concepts or other abstract standards, but direct connections to policy or performance considerations are not necessary. While these respondents sometimes refer, across their separate open-ended responses, to both ideology and issues, the issue references are not directly connected to ideological or other political abstractions. What separates A1 from A2 is clear evidence of integration between ideology/abstract standards and specific features of the electoral landscape.
One group of near-ideologues provided point-form-type reflections on the candidates that combined isolated ideological mentions with references to issues or personal and leadership qualities (each group of responses, below, was provided by a different respondent):
[Like about Tory?] centrist
[Like about Keesmaat?] focus on transit 6
[Like about Tory?] Can work with people know how to run a city
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] to far left
[Like about Tory?] Moderation
[Like about Keesmaat?] Passionate, forward-thinking, well-informed
[Dislike about Tory?] Cautious, parochial, opportunistic
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] Dogmatic
[Like about Tory?] Civility, bipartisanship, articulateness
[Like about Keesmaat?] Kind of cute
[Dislike about Tory?] Dithers
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] One of cute
While brief, some of the responses convey a familiarity with political concepts beyond ideology (e.g., opportunism, bipartisanship), which may suggest a high level of political sophistication. Contrarily, one response suggests a certain ambivalence or confusion about the respondent’s underlying preferences (e.g., disliking both Tory’s opportunism and Keesmaat’s dogmatism).
Other respondents were more elaborate:
[Like about Tory?] Willing to look at other ideas. Tries to bring people together Defends the city’s interests against other levels of government
[Like about Keesmaat?] Has an inspiring vision of what the city could be like in the future Not particularly politically affiliated Advocates for making the city more sustainable and environmentally responsible
[Dislike about Tory?] May be unduly influenced by the Conservative party.
This response is as extensive and well expressed as any in the A1 category. Importantly, the reference to abstract standards (i.e., environmental responsibility) is not explicitly linked to a particular issue.
B: Group benefits. Respondents in this category saw the candidates in terms of their perceived affinities with various social groups, particularly the costs/benefits they were likely to impose on or provide to those groups. Some respondents mentioned associations with multiple groups. Respondents also often mentioned particular issues of concern and sometimes these were explicitly related to the social group(s) in question.
A large subset of these respondents referred to economic interests of one kind or another. In addition to identifying Keesmaat with gender equality, one respondent understood Tory principally with reference to social class:
[Like about Keesmaat?] She is committed to LRTs instead of overly expensive and unnecessary short subway lines in the suburbs. She is committed to gender parity. She has never urged Kim Campbell to mock a man’s face because of the lasting, visible effects of Bell’s …
[Dislike about Tory?] He hasn't done enough to stand up to Doug Ford. He is too rich to understand what living in the city is like for most working and poor people. He seems to be okay with the racist police practice of carding. He has promoted some of the worst …
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] She wants to lower the speed limit to an unreasonably low 30 km/h. … and I say this as a father with two kids under 10 who play outside and walk to school.
A notable feature of the response is the salience of not only class but of class conflict (i.e., as a rich person Tory cannot “understand” the concerns of “working and poor people”). Such an explicit reference to competition between groups is a more elaborate manifestation of group-centered thinking than found in many other responses mentioning group interests. See, for example, the following example concerning an economic group (people living in poverty):
[Like about Tory?] He is very down to earth and a good listener to people. He is trying to create positive changes in the city.
[Dislike about Tory?] He has to do more for people living in poverty.
As regards non-economic group references, none in the sample examined explicitly invokes group competition. That being said, the following example, which refers to immigrants, presumably rests on a perceived, implicit competition of interests between immigrants and non-immigrants:
[Like about Tory?] Experienced politician
[Like about Keesmaat?] Planning abilities since she was the city planner
[Dislike about Tory?] Bends over backward to cater to immigrants, even as Toronto is overwhelmed by immigration, more than any Canadian city.
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] She seems to be making expensive promises that will cause a massive property tax increase.
C: Performance and/or issues. Respondents in this category refer to associations between the candidates and “good times and favourable conditions” (Lewis-Beck et al. 2008, 272) or to their opposite. References may be to past governing performance or to expected performance based on past experience and may be specific to a particular issue or theme, a set of issues, or highly general. The latter type of reference, an association between a candidate and a highly diffuse performance evaluation, is what typified the category for Campbell et al. (1960), who labeled these as “nature of the times” references. One important restriction on the category is that the reference must be to associations with “external environmental conditions” (Lewis-Beck et al. 2008, 272)—that is, to social, economic, or other performance outcomes that are the perceived result of government action—rather than to political or administrative competence or to improper conduct. For instance, references to political scandals, as such, do not fall within category C.
One respondent combined positive and negative performance judgments of Tory with largely character-centered reflections on Keesmaat:
[Like about Tory?] Realistic approach to spending
[Like about Keesmaat?] She is high profile enough to keep Tory from being complacent.
[Dislike about Tory?] Needs to be more forceful, less political when dealing with provincial and federal governments.
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] Unrealistic ideas. Annoying.
A second respondent made quite similar remarks, combining a divided performance assessment of Tory with character-oriented comments on Keesmaat:
[Like about Tory?] has regular news updates, has been very visible in what he does, personable
[Like about Keesmaat?] like that she is a professional city planner, has new ideas and is a woman.
[Dislike about Tory?] doesn’t seem to take a stand, i.e. tries for consensus when he needed to stand up to Doug Ford.
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] don’t know yet!
One contrast between the immediately above and previous respondents is that the former is mostly free of references to concrete policy controversies.
Other respondents in this category simply referred to a particular issue—that is, policy concern—without offering any reflections on performance:
[Like about Keesmaat?] I like her plan for affordable housing, unlocking the golf courses that are hardly being used for more land and her attitude
D: No issue or performance content. Respondents in this category did not mention specific issues or reflect on past performance; rather, the focus of the responses is almost entirely on the candidates’ character or competence. Interestingly, none of the responses examined for the present analysis contained a complete sentence, though, of course, such responses may exist in the larger data set. Notably, the sample of ten responses is dominated by respondents who focused only on positive features of the incumbent.
A few respondents offered only a single, brief reflection on the incumbent (each response, below, was provided by a different respondent):
[Like about Tory?] Like him so much
[Like about Tory?] His experience
[Like about Tory?] Brought an even hand to office
Others who focused only on their positive view of the incumbent were just slightly more expansive:
[Like about Tory?] Manner of speaking, calm attitude,
[Like about Tory?] Sincere, wellspoken, knowledgeable
Of those respondents who covered both candidates, and included both positive and negative evaluations, the following is typical
[Like about Tory?] experience, practical
[Like about Keesmaat?] intelligent, new ideas
[Dislike about Tory?] complacent
[Dislike about Keesmaat?] argumentative
Given our description of the categories and our examples of responses, it should be clear that our respondents had quite varied impressions of the 2018 Toronto mayoral candidates. This provides important variation for our quantitative LoC analyses, reported in the section below.
Results
We present our quantitative analysis in two stages. First, we replicate the analysis conducted by Lewis-Beck et al. (2008), who themselves replicated the original work from The American Voter, to describe the distribution and correlates of LoC among the population. In doing so, we demonstrate the validity of applying the LoC framework to local elections. Note that while we are not focused on measuring ideology to determine the sophistication of the electorate, these analyses follow the initial application of the framework to probe that issue. Second, we conduct new analyses to utilize the LoC framework to better understand voters at the municipal level, beyond the ideological content of their reasoning. In particular, we consider how one’s LoC is related to support for the incumbent and challenger in a low-information, non-partisan context.
Distribution and Correlates of LoC
We begin by providing an empirical description of our summary LoC measure, as described above. Following Lewis-Beck et al. (2008), we report LoC results for the entire pool of respondents and for voters, separately. These analyses serve the purpose of describing for us how exactly Torontonians viewed the mayoral candidates, which speaks to our primary research question. shows the share of respondents in each category, including those who responded “don't know” to these questions (a feature which is very uncommon in other work on LoC).
Table 1.
Entire sampleVotersNon-votersA1: Ideology and issues5.6%7.2%1.8%A2: Ideology, not issues11.8%12.6%9.5%B: Group benefits3.2%3.5%1.8%C: Performance and/or issues53.2%56.6%52.7%D: No issue or performance content15.6%13.8%17.2%Don’t know10.6%6.6%17.2% N 22091,313169
The results in suggest that explicit ideological thinking is not widespread among Toronto’s electorate. Less than 20% of respondents (even among the subset of respondents who voted) made ideological references when assessing the candidates. These findings are similar to Lewis-Beck et al.’s (2008) analysis of the 2000 ANES data—they found that <20% of the entire sample, and 25% of voters, gave ideological or near-ideological answers when asked about presidential candidates. Though we are somewhat hesitant to make too much of the comparison between ANES and CMES data given the differences in survey mode and questions discussed above, this apparent consistency is nevertheless noteworthy.
The majority of respondents in provided assessments based upon performance and/or issues. Recall that it is this category that most closely corresponds with the “managerial” view of local elections. That this category was the highest “level” achieved by a majority of respondents is not surprising given the non-partisan nature of the election. (For comparison, Lewis-Beck et al., 2008 find higher proportions of respondents in the “group benefits” and “no issue content” categories.) Absent of the informational cues of party labels about where candidates might stand ideologically and with respect to group benefits, most voters evaluate the candidates in light of short-term information.
Another striking finding from the table is that a remarkably small number of respondents fall into the group benefits category—just 3.2% of the overall sample. This category is, in fact, the largest in Lewis-Beck et al.’s (2008) sample, at 28.2%. For Torontonians, the mayoral election was very much not about group benefits.
In summary, the first column of says a great deal about the ideology versus management debate. On balance, the managerial approach seems dominant among our respondents, with many more Torontonians viewing their candidates in managerial than ideological terms. At the same time, a sizable portion of the electorate did view the candidates in ideological terms. Both ideology and managerial considerations are relevant, but to a different degree for different electors. 7
This conclusion remains unchanged when we focus upon voters alone. At the same time, the comparison of voters to non-voters shows, unsurprisingly, that electors who choose to participate think in more sophisticated terms about candidates than abstainers (a chi-squared test reveals that the difference between these groups is significant at p < .001). In particular, voters were considerably more likely to be categorized as “ideologues,” and they were much less likely to provide no assessments of the candidates. This trend is compatible with the findings of Lewis-Beck et al. (2008). When we focus upon voters alone, therefore, the ideology/management balance shifts only slightly.
Next, we consider correlates of the LoC. Although our main focus is not on assessing levels of sophistication, we follow the example of Lewis-Beck et al. (2008) and consider the bivariate relationships between the LoC and three measures that are typically associated with political sophistication: (a) education, (b) political knowledge, and (c) involvement. Education is operationalized by comparing those with and without a university degree. Knowledge is based upon an index of standard political knowledge questions (respondents are categorized as being above or below the median). The measure of involvement, following Lewis-Beck et al. (2008) is based upon an index created from two questions about (a) how much attention respondents paid to the mayoral election and (b) how much of an impact respondents believe local politics has upon their lives (again, cases are divided at the median). Note that the full text of all survey questions employed here can be found in Appendix III of the Supplemental Material. shows the results of these three sets of cross-tabulations. 8
Table 2.
EducationKnowledgeInvolvementLowHighLowHighLowHighA1: Ideology and issues3.5%8.3%4.3%7.9%6.1%7.2%A2: Ideology, not issues9.8%13.7%10.7%13.3%9.8%14.7%B: Group benefits4.1%2.8%3.3%3.2%3.2%3.3%C: Performance and/or issues57.1%56.5%56.9%56.6%55.7%57.6%D: No issue or performance content16.9%12.6%14.0%14.1%15.0%13.2%Don’t know8.7%6.2%10.9%5.0%10.3%4.2% N 492969515946693768
Several clear trends emerge from . First, individuals in each “high” category of political sophistication tend to think at a “higher” LoC than their contemporaries in the “low” category—chi-squared tests reveal that all three sets of relationships are significant at the 99% confidence level. In particular, highly sophisticated electors were more likely to view the mayoral candidates in ideological terms. The second trend that holds across all comparisons is that respondents in the low categories are also more likely to have no opinion of the candidates. All three of the measures of sophistication are related to our LoC categorization in a manner that one would expect.
At the same time, however, the strength of these relationships is very modest. There are many respondents with low levels of education, knowledge, or involvement that view the candidates in ideological terms. The distinctions in the “bottom” categories of the LoC scale are similarly, if not more, modest; there is very little difference, along any dimension, in the share of respondents in categories C or D.
While none of the findings in and is particularly surprising, they do accomplish two goals. First, they provide the first replication of previous work, and application of the LoC framework, in a local election. The distribution of the LoC summary variable reveals significant variation in how municipal voters think about politics. While both ideological and managerial considerations matter, far fewer electors are categorized as ideologues. Second, our results suggest that, as many have argued, LoC should not be taken as a measure of sophistication alone. If one accepts that education, knowledge, and involvement are valid indicators of sophistication, the weakness of the relationships between these factors and LoC suggests strongly that there is much more to LoC than sophistication. We turn now to consider other possible correlates of LoC: vote choice and candidate-specific evaluations.
Candidate-specific Differences in LoC
We now consider whether there are candidate-specific differences in LoC to see if such an analysis provides additional insight into the manner in which electors view local politics. The stability of LoC has been studied across time (Pierce and Hagnar 1982; Wyckoff 1987). To our knowledge, candidate-specific evaluations have yet to be considered. Given that scholars have tended to conclude that LoC is only marginally reliable across time (Cassel 1984; Knight 1985; Luskin 1987), we suspect that there may also be variation between candidates. More specifically, given the presence of an incumbent (Tory) and the absence of formal partisan cues, we expect there to be a gap with respect to levels of knowledge of the two candidates, and that this gap may lead electors to assess the candidates on the basis of different types of considerations. At the same time, we wish to explore whether supporters of each of the candidates view politics at different LoC. Though we have no clear expectation in this respect, such an analysis could provide additional insight into how electors view local politics and politicians.
We begin by considering the differences between evaluations of Tory and Keesmaat. As noted above, our “overall” LoC measure is calculated by pooling responses to questions about both candidates. We disaggregate responses here to consider the extent to which electors viewed the candidates in similar or different terms. We therefore have two separate LoC measures, based upon the like and dislike questions for each candidate. 9 We provide the frequency distributions for these measures in . We show the results both including and excluding “don't know” responses, to determine if the distribution of responses varies if we focus only upon those who provided answers.
Table 3.
All respondents“Don't knows” droppedToryKeesmaatToryKeesmaatA1: Ideology and issues2.8%2.7%3.4%4.1%A2: Ideology, not issues7.2%5.7%8.9%8.6%B: Group benefits2.1%1.2%2.5%1.8%C: Performance and/or issues50.1%37.5%61.8%55.9%D: No issue or performance content18.8%20.0%23.4%29.8%Don’t know19.2%32.8% N 2,3851,9311,603
The first two results columns show that respondents were considerably less likely to give answers to the LoC questions when prompted to evaluate Keesmaat. While less than one in five respondents (19.1%) fell into the don't know category when asked about Tory, this value increases to 32.8% for Keesmaat—this difference is significant at p < .01. This is no doubt related to Tory's incumbent status, as Torontonians can reasonably be expected to know much more about him than a lower profile challenger.
Among those who did provide a response to these questions, however, did participants view the candidates in similar terms? The answer is, more or less, “yes.” Respondents were slightly more likely to speak of Tory in terms of performance and/or issues (category C), and less likely to fall into the no issue or performance categories (D). This is unsurprising given that Tory’s time in office had provided him with a record to emphasize. There is no discernible difference in the rate at which the candidates are viewed in ideological terms (categories A1 and A2) or in terms of group benefits (B). Though the difference in the overall distributions here are statistically significant (at p < .01), these differences should not be overstated (particularly since the differences we see, in categories C and D, are between adjacent categories). 10
In the aggregate, then, among those who do give LoC responses, the views of the candidates tend to be at a similar LoC. Might it be the case, however, that Tory and Keesmaat supporters view the candidates in different ways? It is possible that the candidates attract individuals who focus on different factors when making their vote choices, or that candidates prime their supporters to think at a different LoC. To test this, we present , which shows the distribution of LoC according to reported vote choice. 11 That is, we consider evaluations of Tory and Keesmaat for each type of voter, to see if supporters of the two candidates perceive the two differently.
Two patterns emerge from . The less exciting of the two is that, when controlling for vote choice, the differences in perceived LoC of the two candidates remain minimal. The distribution of LoC among Tory voters is similar for both candidates, and the same can be said about Keesmaat voters. In both instances, there are some differences between the sizes of categories C and D (with Tory supporters more likely to be assigned to the performance and/or issues category in both groups), as was the case with , but there is little to suggest that either set of voters conceptualize the two candidates very differently.
Much more striking is the finding that Keesmaat voters differ significantly from Tory supporters. Keesmaat voters are twice as likely to view both candidates in ideological terms (A1 or A2) (p < .01 when comparing assessments of both Tory and Keesmaat on the basis of vote choice). 12 There is no difference, however, in the rate at which candidates are assigned to category C (the category that shrinks among Keesmaat voters is D). These findings suggest that (a) Keesmaat voters are more likely to think of the candidates in ideological terms, but (b) the two sets of voters are equally likely to perceive of the candidates in managerial terms (and such responses remain the most common in all instances). therefore reveals an important finding obscured in : supporters of the two major mayoral candidates evaluated both candidates in notably different ways.
Conclusion
Since introduced by Campbell et al. (1960), the LoC framework has been used, modified, adapted, and critiqued by a number of scholars. Until now, however, it has not been applied to the municipal level of politics. Such an omission is noteworthy as the unique nature of local elections means that results obtained from other settings cannot be assumed to travel there. Moreover, given that scholars debate the question of whether local elections are ideological or managerial in nature (Fischel 2001; Lucas and McGregor 2021a; McGregor, Moore, and Stephenson 2016; Oliver 2012; Peterson 1981), it is important to consider how voters view the candidates and, by extension, the choice they must make on election day.
Our detailed analysis of CMES Toronto data reveals several findings of note. First, by replicating previous work on the subject, we have shown that LoC at the local level exhibits many of the same relationships to other variables that have been observed at the national level in the United States. LoC is related to voter turnout, and several measures of voter sophistication, even if the relationship with the latter variables is not tremendously strong. Though not groundbreaking, such replications are nevertheless noteworthy, as they serve to validate our application of the LoC framework at the local level, particularly since there has been no work on the subject either federally or provincially in this country.
More importantly, our application of the LoC framework allows us to speak to the debate over the nature of local political competition. We find that only a minority of voters referred to ideology when asked to evaluate the 2018 Toronto mayoral candidates. Instead, a majority focused upon performance and/or issues. In the aggregate, such a finding is seemingly compatible with the managerial (as compared to the ideological) view of local politics. The fact that a not-insignificant share of respondents did view the candidates in ideological terms, however, suggests that there is noteworthy heterogeneity among the population in this respect. Indeed, given the presence of a popular incumbent on the ballot, which might incline voter thinking toward managerial and performance-centered considerations, our estimate of the level of ideological thinking may be near the lower bound for local elections. Further, we note that the share of Toronto voters who referred to ideological concepts in their reflections on the candidates compares very well with estimates for U.S. presidential elections, which are much more consistently competitive and ideological in nature.
Considering evaluations of the candidates separately sheds additional light on LoC at the local level. Fewer electors were able to express opinions when asked about the challenger compared to the mayor. This is most likely due to different public profiles and the non-partisan nature of the Toronto election. Voters in non-partisan elections lack the informational heuristics that party labels provide, including cues about the ideology of candidates (which can be inferred from past performances by other candidates under the same party banner). Absent partisan and past performance information, electors cannot be expected to know as much about new (challenger) candidates.
Among Torontonians who were able to respond to questions about the candidates, there were only minimal differences in LoC; similar shares of respondents evaluated the two candidates at each of the LoCs. This changes, however, when we account for vote choice. Keesmaat voters were more likely than their Tory counterparts to make ideological references, and they did so regarding both candidates. While “managerial” considerations (category C) were still the most common types of assessments provided, there is therefore a difference in the balance of ideology versus managerial evaluations by the preferred candidate. Keesmaat voters were twice as likely to be ideological in their assessments.
We think this is perhaps the most promising contribution of this study, as it suggests that the future application of the LoC framework can be an invaluable way to better understand the nature of local elections, and is relevant for a variety of subjects, ranging from campaigns, the media, and the personal characteristics of candidates, to the preferences of voters. The question this finding elicits is whether the two candidates attracted voters who thought about politics differently, or if the candidates prompted their supporters to think in different terms. On the one hand, it is plausible that individuals for whom management is important were attracted to Tory, while Keesmaat drew more support from residents that focused on ideology. On the other hand, it is entirely plausible that the two very different candidates that contested the Toronto race influenced the factors that voters considered. Did Keesmaat speak in more ideological terms than Tory, thus convincing her supporters of the importance of this type of consideration? Did the media, for whatever reason, speak of Keesmaat in ideological terms? Do factors, such as candidate gender, incumbency status, charisma, or other personal characteristics prime voters to think in different ways? The truth may be a combination of these possibilities. We expect that LoC may inform political behavior but that it is also informed by political choices. The best way to answer this question, and to learn more about LoC and local politics more generally, is to apply this approach to different settings, perhaps with different numbers and constellations of candidates, higher or lower profile elections, or other features that might affect how politics and politicians are thought of by the electorate. Though our results bring up as many questions as they answer, one thing that is clear is that the LoC framework offers an excellent opportunity to understand how electors view local politics, as well as to probe the effects that specific candidates have upon how the public views elections.
Author Biographies
J. Scott Matthews is an associate professor of political science at the Memorial University. He studies voting behavior and public opinion across established democracies, with a particular interest in the impact of information on political decision-making.
R. Michael McGregor is an associate professor in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the Ryerson University. His research interests include political behavior, local democracy, Canadian politics, and political psychology.
Laura B. Stephenson is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Western University. She specializes in political behavior, elections and voting and is co-director of the Consortium on Electoral Democracy.
Notes
1.In Canada, municipal governments have no independent constitutional standing and their rights and responsibilities are subject to the preferences of their provinces.
2.While the mayoral election was largely uneventful, the same cannot be said of the council races. Shortly before the election, the provincial government unilaterally imposed ward redistricting upon the city, reducing the number of council races from 47 to 25, through the Better Local Government Act.
3.The pre-election survey was in the field from September 24 to October 21, 2018. The post-election survey was fielded from October 23 to November 22.
4.Forum Research Inc. was responsible for recruitment and administration.
5.No limitation on response length was indicated to respondents, although some responses are truncated in our data set.
6.This response exemplifies a type of borderline case that lies very near the conceptual boundary between levels A1 and A2. It contains both a clear ideological reference (centrist) and an issue reference (transit). Unlike similar point-form-style references coded to level A1, however, the two references do not occur within the same open-ended response (i.e., in response to the same like/dislike question). As such, the level of integration between ideology and issues is less obvious.
7.These conclusions are robust to an alternative analytical approach. In particular, we report in Appendix IV (Table A1) an analysis of the response-level (or question-level) coding, as opposed to the respondent-level coding that is reported in the main text. While this alternative coding is not as reliable as the respondent-level coding (which is unsurprising, given that the latter utilizes more information), it can provide a suggestive indication of the overall mix of considerations mentioned by respondents, whereas the respondent-level coding is designed to identify the highest level of conceptualization indicated by the respondent. As Table A2 indicates, the only notable difference is the higher percentage of respondents included in level D. Many of these respondents will have referred to performance, issue or ideological concepts while, at the same time, mentioning other considerations, such as a candidate's personal characteristics.
8.The reader will note that the sample size for is smaller than for . is limited to only those respondents who answered all of the questions necessary to operationalize the concepts included in the table. This group has a modestly higher average level of conceptualization than does the sample from .
9.Respondents who provided like and dislike answers at different LoC were once again assigned the “highest” value.
10.These conclusions are robust to the alternative analytical approach described in endnote 7. See Appendix IV, Table A1.
11.We present these results in table format in Appendix V, Table A2.
12.This claim holds at both the aggregate and the individual level: an individual-level analysis shows that Keesmaat voters are more likely to view both candidates in ideological terms (5.5%) than Tory voters (2.0%).
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests: The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding: The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (grant number 435-2017-0993).
ORCID iD: R. Michael McGregor https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3845-0042
Supplemental Material: Supplemental material for this article is available online.
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https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
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en
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The news about Toronto Mayor John Tory’s affair destroyed his carefully cultivated public image
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2023-02-23T22:57:01+00:00
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Many politicians have survived sex scandals and still held onto their jobs. But news about John Tory’s affair has brought an end to his career as Toronto mayor. Here’s what’s unique about Tory’s case.
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en
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The Conversation
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https://theconversation.com/the-news-about-toronto-mayor-john-torys-affair-destroyed-his-carefully-cultivated-public-image-200425
|
The Toronto Star broke news on Feb. 10 about Mayor John Tory’s extramarital affair with an employee in his office. An hour later, he had announced his resignation, and by the end of the following week, he was gone from the mayor’s office.
Sex scandals are nothing new in the world of politics. Many politicians have survived such scandals and held onto their jobs. These types of scandals are usually considered to be legal, minor and mostly personal indiscretions that don’t impact the ability of government officials to do their jobs.
What is interesting about the Tory case is how drastic and sudden the impact of the affair was. Why did the reports of Tory’s affair have such a shocking and impactful effect on his leadership? Why, in other words, has it brought an end to the now former mayor’s life as a politician?
Tory’s public image
Tory, while not commanding an enthusiastic following, was certainly not an unpopular politician at the time of his resignation. Just four months earlier, Tory easily won re-election as mayor. He is the only mayor of Toronto to receive a third consecutive term since the amalgamation of Toronto’s six boroughs.
In both the 2018 and 2022 contests, Tory’s hold on power was demonstrated by the fact that, while having many detractors, no popular or united oppositional movement provided any sort of genuine challenge to his leadership.
Academic research has shown that a large part of leadership is transactional, meaning that leaders are given their positions of authority because they can present aspects of their personal characteristics to establish and maintain specific expectations among voters. Put another way, leadership is as much about maintaining a successful brand as it is about policy outcomes.
Ultimately, Tory’s success emerged from the way that he was able to establish himself as a competent, effective and practical administrator with a plethora of good judgment. As a result, he could provide Torontonians with an imperfect, but tolerable sense of stability through specific goods.
These goods included, among others, the goods of necessary infrastructure development, adequate municipal services and fiscal responsibility without a significant increase in taxes. Tory is also credited with leading a very capable response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
To put it another way, Tory was — at the very worst — boring.
The calm after the storm
Tory’s boring was a good kind of boring. Toronto municipal politics — since the 1998 amalgamation that merged downtown Toronto with each of the city’s inner suburbs to form one “mega-city” administration – has often been contentious and ideologically charged.
City council and the mayor’s office have come to reflect the divergent interests and voting patterns of the more conservative, working-class suburbs and the progressive, educated downtown core.
Toronto politics has been populated by a number of acrimonious, larger-than-life personalities. We might recall, for instance, the gaffe-prone nature of former mayor Mel Lastman, city councillors Giorgio Mammoliti and Gord Perks who were known for their theatrical shouting matches, or the scandal-prone former mayor Rob Ford.
As an exception rather than a rule, Tory will always be remembered as the mayor that stabilized the municipal government following the disorder, comedy and scandal of the Ford years.
With Tory’s departure, there are indications that this tendency towards political contention will re-emerge. The city’s suburban and downtown populations continue to be divided over the province’s initiatives surrounding “strong mayor” legislation, transportation infrastructure and housing developments in the Greenbelt.
The secure hold on power enjoyed by the Progressive Conservatives at Queen’s Park suggests the emergence of an insurgent, populist left-wing counter reaction. At the same time, growing concerns related to the breakdown of law and order may help elect right-wing candidates, as in Vancouver.
Tory’s moderation meant he was often caught in the middle. Conservatives attacked the mayor for failing to address issues related to crime and maintaining red tape that limited infrastructure development. Progressives attacked him for underfunding city services related to transit, maintenance and housing.
The nail in the coffin
Tory left office in the midst of an ongoing opioid and homelessness crisis, deteriorating public safety and issues with housing affordability.
The reality is that, while mostly popular, Tory relied predominately on his public image as a competent city manager to maintain support. He had to assure Torontonians that his leadership, while not perfect, was at the very least sound and characterized by good judgement.
Tory’s affair, however, immediately broke down and delegitimized this carefully crafted image. This is because, more than anything, it demonstrated a substantial error of judgment and lack of integrity. The basis of Tory’s public image meant the affair became inherently political, despite it being a personal issue.
Outside whatever personal impact the situation has had on Tory’s family and marriage, the power imbalance of the relationship also complicates matters. Sixty-eight year old Tory’s relationship was with a 31 year old professional subordinate, raising questions about consent and power differentials. There are a number of unanswerable concerns over how the mayor understood, used and made decisions in light of his position of authority.
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Toronto Mayor John Tory to step down after admitting relationship with former staffer
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2023-02-11T01:14:18+00:00
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory announced on Friday that he will step down from his office after admitting to a relationship with a former staffer. "During the pandemic I developed a relationship with an employee in my office in a way that did not meet the standards to which I hold myself as mayor and as a family man," Tory said during a brief statement at city hall. Tory said the relationship ended by "mutual consent" earlier this year. The employee found employment outside of his office during the rel
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https://s.yimg.com/rz/l/favicon.ico
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Yahoo News
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https://ca.news.yahoo.com/toronto-mayor-john-tory-statement-011418659.html
|
Toronto Mayor John Tory announced on Friday that he will step down from his office after admitting to a relationship with a former staffer.
"During the pandemic I developed a relationship with an employee in my office in a way that did not meet the standards to which I hold myself as mayor and as a family man," Tory said during a brief statement at city hall.
Tory said the relationship ended by "mutual consent" earlier this year.
The employee found employment outside of his office during the relationship, he said.
"I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgment on my part."
LISTEN | What John Tory's resignation means for City Hall:
Tory said the relationship came at a time when he and his wife of more than 40 years were "enduring many lengthy periods apart while I carried out my responsibility during the pandemic."
Tory apologizes to 'those harmed by my actions'
The mayor said he will take time to reflect on his "mistakes" and will work to rebuild the trust of his family.
"I am deeply sorry and apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto and all those harmed by my actions, including my staff, my colleagues on city council and the public service for whom I have such respect," Tory said.
"Most of all, I apologize to my wife Barb and to my family who I have let down more than anyone else."
Tory said he has informed the integrity commissioner of the situation and has asked the office to review it. He said he will also work with the city manager, city clerk and Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie to ensure an "orderly transition" in the coming days.
"While I deeply regret having to step away from a job I love, in a city I love even more, I believe in my heart it is best to fully commit myself to the work required to repair these most important relationships," he said.
"As well, I think it is important for the office of the mayor not to in any way be tarnished and not to see the city government itself put through a prolonged period of controversy, arising out of this error in judgement on my part, especially in light of the challenges we face as a city."
Tory thanked Toronto residents for trusting him as mayor.
"It has been the job of a lifetime," he said.
In a report on Friday night, the Toronto Star said the woman, a former employee, is 31 years old and worked as an adviser in his office.
Kristyn Wong-Tam, a former downtown councillor who is now a provincial NDP MPP, said Tory had to step down.
"It's no secret that John Tory and I had many political disagreements," Wong-Tam tweeted Friday night.
"I fully agree that he should resign. This is not a simple, one-time lapse of judgment. Tory was her boss and this is an abuse of power."
Based on the City of Toronto Act, there will likely be a byelection in the coming weeks or months. City council is set to meet Wednesday to vote on this year's budget, a spending plan Tory introduced and championed.
Councillors express shock
Coun. Paula Fletcher, who represents Ward 14, Toronto Danforth, said she was "absolutely shocked" when she heard the news. She said it was a "terrible" lapse in judgment.
"I'm getting texts and calls. I think everybody is in a bit of a state of shock right now," she told reporters at city hall.
Fletcher said it's unclear when Tory will resign and McKelvie is in Ottawa at a conference.
"I really think this is the moment when council is going to have to show its stuff, as it has in the past."
WATCH | Mayor John Tory to step down after admitting to relationship with staffer:
She said council had to step in and take the reins when Rob Ford was mayor. She added the budget is coming before council next week.
"It's the mayor's budget. I have no idea what that's going to look like, but I do think that all councillors are going to have to step up and keep the best interests of the city at heart during this very difficult time until we have a byelection, which I'm pretty sure we're going to have."
Coun. Jamaal Myers, who represents Scarborough North, said he is shocked and feels "very sad" for Tory's family and for the mayor. He said Tory was well-respected on "all on sides."
"We're just all shocked and very, very sad," he said.
Myers added that council needs to guide the city through the mayor's resignation
"It really matters that we have a strong council, rather than a strong mayor," he said.
Myers said he appreciates that Tory has taken personal responsibility for his actions and he is praying for him and his family.
Tory has enjoyed strong support during tenure
Tory cruised to re-election in last October's municipal election and has enjoyed strong support throughout most of his time in office.
He first won in 2014, beating now-premier Doug Ford and Olivia Chow. He won again in 2018, defeating the city's ex-chief planner, Jennifer Keesmaat.
Tory first became mayor during the turbulent time following Rob Ford's tenure in office, and appeared focused on creating a sense of stability in the city.
He held property taxes at the rate of inflation while priding himself on building relationships with other levels of government. That served him well at some points — Ford's government recently gave him "strong mayor" powers over council — and stymied him at others.
He once bemoaned feeling like a boy in "short pants" while approaching Queen's Park for more power, like the ability to toll the city's two main highways: the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway.
In a statement Saturday morning, Ford thanked Tory for his public service and said he "will be remembered as a dedicated and hard-working mayor who served as a steady leader during the most difficult days of the pandemic."
"I wish nothing but the best for my friend in the days, weeks and months ahead," Ford said.
Tory leaves office with some of his legacy projects incomplete. SmartTrack, his 2014 plan to bolster the city's rail system using commuter lines, has been reduced to a shadow of the original promise. Building Rail Deck Park, another signature plan, appears unlikely.
Tory did, however, lead the city through the height of the pandemic, holding multiple news conferences per week. He also helped lead some reforms within the police department and was on the winning side of the lion's share of city council votes.
Tory will also be remembered as a mayor on the move. He frequently attended several events every day across the city and was in the media frequently.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018_Toronto_mayoral_election
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2018 Toronto mayoral election
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2017-06-21T20:07:35+00:00
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en
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018_Toronto_mayoral_election
|
The 2018 Toronto mayoral election was held on Monday, October 22, 2018, to elect the Mayor of the city of Toronto. Incumbent Mayor John Tory was re-elected for a second term, defeating former Chief City Planner Jennifer Keesmaat with 63.49% of the vote.[1][2] Tory won all of Toronto’s 25 wards.[3]
Registration for candidates for the office of Mayor officially opened on May 1, 2018, and closed on July 27, 2018, at 2 pm.[4] Incumbent John Tory has been Mayor of Toronto since being elected in 2014 and launched his bid for re-election on May 1, 2018.[5] Former city councillor Doug Ford declared his intent to run, but later withdrew to seek the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario. Former Chief City Planner Jennifer Keesmaat was speculated to be considering entering the race, and after initially indicating she would not run, she announced her candidacy on July 27, 2018, the last day to register as a candidate.[6]
Official registration for mayoral candidates opened May 1, 2018, and closed on July 27.[7] At the close of nominations, 35 candidates have registered to run in the election.[8]
John Tory is the incumbent Mayor of Toronto, first elected in 2014 after having lost to David Miller in 2003 and declining to run in 2010. Former CEO of Rogers Media and Rogers Cable, leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario from 2005–2009, local talk radio host, and former Canadian Football League commissioner.
Jennifer Keesmaat was appointed Chief City Planner of Toronto by former Mayor Rob Ford in 2012, and was speculated to be considering entering politics when she left the position in 2017.[9] An urban planner and advocate for affordable housing, she initially declined to run for mayor[10] but announced her candidacy on July 27, 2018.[11]
Full list of registered candidates Candidate name Nomination date July 26, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 May 8, 2018 May 1, 2018 May 1, 2018 May 1, 2018 July 27, 2018 May 1, 2018 May 7, 2018 July 18, 2018 July 13, 2018 July 26, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 June 5, 2018 June 29, 2018 July 16, 2018 June 8, 2018 July 26, 2018 July 12, 2018 July 20, 2018 June 11, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 27, 2018 July 10, 2018 May 1, 2018 June 21, 2018 May 1, 2018 July 6, 2018 July 25, 2018 July 3, 2018
Doug Ford, former city councillor and runner-up in the 2014 mayoral election, announced his intention to challenge for the office a second time at a September 2017 event.[12] However, he announced in January 2018 that he would seek the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario and would not run in the mayoral election.[13]
Blayne Lastman, son of former mayor Mel Lastman, declared on July 25 that he would enter the race,[14] but announced a day later that he would not run.[15]
Olivia Chow, placed third in the 2014 mayoral election and former MP for Trinity—Spadina.[16]
Desmond Cole, advocacy journalist.[17][18]
Mike Layton, city councillor for Ward 19 Trinity—Spadina (2010–present).[19][20]
Sue-Ann Levy, on June 17, 2018, Levy appeared on The Rebel Media[21] and said that she was open to the possibility of a 2018 mayoral run.[22]
Giorgio Mammoliti, former city councillor for Ward 7 York West (2000–2018), former MPP for Yorkview (1990–1995).[23]
Richard Peddie, former president and CEO of Maple Leaf Sports & Entertainment.[19]
Debates
[edit]
List of Debates Date Hosted by Participants Moderator Ref September 24, 2018 ArtsVote Toronto Tory, Keesmaat, Gebresellassi, Climenhaga, Nath [24] September 26, 2018 University of Toronto Scarborough Keesmaat, Gebresellassi, Climenhaga [25]
Opinion polls
[edit]
Polling firm Last date of polling Link Keesmaat Tory Other DART Insight and Communications October 12–15, 2018 PDF 27 62 Forum Research October 10, 2018 PDF 29 56 15 Forum Research October 5, 2018 PDF 29 56 15 Mainstreet Research September 25, 2018 HTML 31 64 Faith Goldy 2%
Sarah Climenhaga 1%
Saron Gebressellassi 1%
Other 1% Forum Research September 24, 2018 PDF[permanent dead link] 28 56 16 Mainstreet Research September 16, 2018 HTML 26 62 Faith Goldy 6%
Other 6% Mainstreet Research September 5, 2018 HTML 28 63 10 Probit Inc. September 5, 2018 Twitter 31 64 Faith Goldy 3%
Other 2% Forum Research August 27, 2018 PDF 35 65 Forum Research July 27, 2018 PDF 30 70
Endorsements
[edit]
Keesmaat Tory City councillors Kristyn Wong-Tam
Mike Layton
Joe Cressy
Gord Perks
Joe Mihevc [26]
[27]
[28]
[29]
[30] Denzil Minnan-Wong
Jon Burnside
Christin Carmichael Greb
Frances Nunziata [30] Federal politicians Shaun Chen (Liberal, Scarborough North)
Ali Ehsassi (Liberal, Willowdale)
Michael Levitt (Liberal, York Centre)
James Maloney (Liberal, Etobicoke-Lakeshore)
John McKay (Liberal, Scarborough-Guildwood)
Marco Mendicino (Liberal, Eglinton-Lawrence)
Rob Oliphant (Liberal, Don Valley West)
Yasmin Ratansi (Liberal, Don Valley East)
Judy Sgro (Liberal, Humber River-Black Creek)
Geng Tan (Liberal, Don Valley North)
Borys Wrzesnewskyj (Liberal, Etobicoke Centre)
Jean Yip (Liberal, Scarborough-Agincourt) [31]
[31]
[32]
[33]
[31]
[34]
[31]
[35]
[36]
[31]
[31]
[31] Provincial politicians Jessica Bell (NDP, University-Rosedale)
Suze Morrison (NDP, Toronto Centre)
Marit Stiles (NDP, Davenport)
Doly Begum (NDP, Scarborough Southwest) [37]
[37]
[37]
[37] Mitzie Hunter (Liberal, Scarborough-Guildwood) [38] Former politicians Olivia Chow (NDP MP) [39] Jean Augustine (Liberal MP)
John Baird (Conservative MP & MPP)
John Carmichael (Conservative MP)
Alvin Curling (Liberal MPP)
C.S. Leung (Conservative MP)
Peter MacKay (Conservative MP)
Joe Oliver (Conservative MP)
Sandra Pupatello (Liberal MPP) [31]
[40]
[41]
[31]
[31]
[42]
[43]
[31] Media Daily Xtra
Spacing Magazine [44]
[45] Toronto Sun
Toronto Star
[46][47] Other Richard Peddie (Former President and CEO MLSE)
Richard Underhill (Juno Award winning musician)
Toronto & York Region Labour Council
Elementary Teachers of Toronto
Guillermo "Gil" Penalosa (World Urban Parks Ambassador)
Tabatha Southey
Vision Zero Canada
Jean Yoon
Bruce Arthur (Toronto Star Sports Columnist)
Charles Spearin (Broken Social Scene)
Edward Keenan (Toronto Star Columnist)
Heather Mallick (Toronto Star Columnist)
[48]
[49]
[50]
[51]
[52]
[53]
[54]
[55]
[56]
[57]
[58]
[59]
Director X
Claire Emma Kirk
Peter MacKay
Jeanne Beker
Gary Slaight
Gordon Nixon
Sheetal Jaitly
[60]
[61]
[30]
[62]
[63]
[64]
[65]
Results
[edit]
Official results from the City of Toronto.[2]
Candidate Number of votes % of popular vote John Tory (X) 479,659 63.49 Jennifer Keesmaat 178,193 23.59 Faith Goldy 25,667 3.40 Saron Gebresellassi 15,222 2.01 Steven Lam 5,920 0.78 Sarah Climenhaga 4,765 0.63 Kevin Clarke 3,853 0.51 Monowar Hossain 3,602 0.48 Logan Choy 3,518 0.47 Knia Singh 3,244 0.43 Dobrosav Basaric 2,882 0.38 Chris Brosky 2,782 0.37 Jim McMillan 2,422 0.32 Tofazzel Haque 2,307 0.31 Drew Buckingham 1,971 0.26 Mike Gallay 1,940 0.26 Daryl Christoff 1,751 0.23 Gautam Nath 1,474 0.20 Christopher Humphrey 1,428 0.19 Thomas O'Neill 1,325 0.18 D!ONNE Renée 1,280 0.17 Brian Buffey 1,275 0.17 Brian Graff 1,139 0.15 Michael Nicula 1,048 0.14 Andrzej Kardys 1,035 0.14 Joseph Pampena 773 0.10 Jakob Vardy 757 0.10 Kris Langenfeld 695 0.09 James Sears 680 0.09 Chai Kalevar 615 0.08 Jack Weenen 607 0.08 Ion Gelu Vintila 565 0.07 Joseph Osuji 486 0.06 Josh Rachlis 337 0.04 Jim Ruel 276 0.04 Invalid/blank votes — Total Registered voters/turnout
Maps
[edit]
Percentage of votes cast for Jennifer Keesmaat by ward
Percentage of votes cast for Faith Goldy by ward
Percentage of votes cast for Saron Gebresellassi by ward
|
||||||
7542
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dbpedia
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https://www.burlingtontoday.com/national-news/john-tory-resigns-as-toronto-mayor-over-affair-with-former-staff-member-6526891
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en
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John Tory resigns as Toronto mayor over affair with former staff member
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[
"Tyler Griffin and John Cotter, The Canadian Press"
] |
2023-02-11T04:58:54+00:00
|
TORONTO — John Tory, who served two scandal-free terms as mayor of Toronto and had just been re-elected for a third, announced late Friday he was resigning from the job due to an "inappropriate relationship" he had with a former member of his staff.
|
en
|
BurlingtonToday.com
|
https://www.burlingtontoday.com/national-news/john-tory-resigns-as-toronto-mayor-over-affair-with-former-staff-member-6526891
|
TORONTO — John Tory, who served two scandal-free terms as mayor of Toronto and had just been re-elected for a third, announced late Friday he was resigning from the job due to an "inappropriate relationship" he had with a former member of his staff.
The announcement came at a hastily called news conference, during which Tory offered few details about the affair.
He said the relationship with the employee in his office developed during the COVID-19 pandemic when he was spending long periods of time away from his wife Barbara, to whom he has been married for over 40 years.
"I recognize that permitting this relationship to develop was a serious error in judgement on my part," Tory said at city hall.
"As a result, I have decided I will step down as mayor so I can take the time to reflect on my mistakes and to do the work of rebuilding the trust of my family."
Tory said the relationship with the staffer ended by mutual consent earlier this year and the employee is now working at another job.
Tory did not immediately name his replacement, saying he will be working with senior city staff and Deputy Mayor Jennifer McKelvie to ensure an orderly transition.
Tory also notified the Office of the Integrity Commissioner of the relationship and asked him to review it, he said.
"I think it is important for the Office of the Mayor not to in any way be tarnished and not to see the City government itself put through a prolonged period of controversy, arising out of this error in judgement on my part, especially in light of the challenges we face as a city," Tory said.
"I am deeply sorry and apologize unreservedly to the people of Toronto and to all those hurt by my actions including my staff, my colleagues and the public service."
Tory thanked the people of Toronto for trusting him as mayor, a position he called "the job of a lifetime."
"I believe I did some good for the city I truly love, particularly during the pandemic," he said.
He asked for privacy for all affected by his actions, including his wife, family and himself.
In accordance with the City of Toronto act, a byelection will likely be held in the coming weeks or months to fill Tory's position as mayor, head of council and chief executive officer.
Tory, 68, was first elected mayor in 2014, partially on a promise to restore respectability to the office following the scandal-plagued tenure of his predecessor Rob Ford.
Tory was re-elected to a third term in October, after a campaign that saw him tout his years of experience in the top office of Canada's most populous city.
He secured about 62 per cent of the vote compared to 18 per cent for progressive urbanist Gil Penalosa, who came second. Tory beat out 30 mostly unknown candidates after many criticized his record on transit and housing – two issues he had highlighted as priorities.
In a tweet late Friday night, Penalosa said "now Torontonians have a chance to elect better."
Tory's most recent election win came as he faced criticism about the state of Toronto under his leadership. His opponents noted the high cost of housing, aging infrastructure, overflowing garbage bins and shuttered parks.
His leadership saw increased scrutiny in recent weeks over his announcement of a proposed $48.3-million increase to the city's police budget, which would bring police funding to just over $1.1 billion for 2023 — a figure Tory's critics said was grossly inflated compared to other line items and underfunded social services.
Tory also saw criticism for his handling of the city's housing crisis, as thousands of people are experiencing homelessness and Toronto's shelter capacity is stretched to its limits.
Just this week, Toronto city council scrapped a recommendation to keep its warming centres open around the clock until mid-April after a bout of extreme cold, as well as to declare a public health crisis over lack of shelter space. With support from Tory, council voted instead to call for more federal support and have staff study the idea further.
Kristyn Wong-Tam, a former Toronto city councillor who often disagreed with Tory's positions and current member of the Ontario legislature, issued a tweet calling Tory's affair with a staffer "not a simple, one-time lapse of judgement," but "an abuse of power."
Toronto city council is set to debate Tory's proposed budget at a Wednesday meeting. It will be the first under new so-called strong mayor powers granted to Toronto by the province, which Tory had said he would use in a limited and responsible way.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 10, 2023.
Tyler Griffin and John Cotter, The Canadian Press
|
|||
7542
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dbpedia
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https://ca.news.yahoo.com/toronto-mayor-john-tory-seek-102037501.html
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en
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Toronto Mayor John Tory to seek 3rd term in October election
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] | null |
[
"CBC"
] |
2022-03-25T10:20:37+00:00
|
John Tory confirmed Friday he'll run for a third term as Toronto's mayor in the next municipal election, making him the first high-profile politician to announce their candidacy. Official registration opens in May. "I am running for Mayor for another term because I believe Toronto needs an experienced leader who will continue to work hard with both the federal and provincial governments to ensure Toronto stays on track, and continue to work on making Toronto a more livable and more affordable pl
|
en
|
https://s.yimg.com/rz/l/favicon.ico
|
Yahoo News
|
https://ca.news.yahoo.com/toronto-mayor-john-tory-seek-102037501.html
|
John Tory confirmed Friday he'll run for a third term as Toronto's mayor in the next municipal election, making him the first high-profile politician to announce their candidacy.
Official registration opens in May.
"I am running for Mayor for another term because I believe Toronto needs an experienced leader who will continue to work hard with both the federal and provincial governments to ensure Toronto stays on track, and continue to work on making Toronto a more livable and more affordable place to live, to work and build a future," Tory said in a statement.
He said he made the decision to seek re-election after discussing it with his family and "receiving their blessing and support."
The announcement brings to a close months of speculation about whether he would run for re-election this fall.
Tory says he's running again to help steer the city out of the pandemic.
"This is about protecting our progress and making sure Toronto comes out of this pandemic stronger than ever. That's what I've done every day as Mayor - including over the last two years confronting COVID-19 - and that's what I am going to do if I am fortunate enough to be re-elected again in October."
Tory says this may be his final term if re-elected
Tory was first elected in 2014 with 40 per cent of the vote, replacing former mayor Rob Ford.
That tumultuous campaign saw him face up against now-Premier Doug Ford, who opted to run in his younger brother's place following Rob's cancer diagnosis, and Olivia Chow.
In 2018, Tory won his second term by capturing more than 60 per cent of the vote (though just 41 per cent of eligible Torontonians cast a ballot in that election, according to city statistics.)
Despite the strong show of support, Tory's time in office has not been without controversy.
Most recently, he faced sharp criticism for the city's handling of the homelessness crisis, after officials and police — some dressed in riot gear — dismantled several encampments last summer.
Tory defended the operation, calling the encampments unsafe and illegal, but promised a review into what took place.
Deputy Mayor Denzil Minnan-Wong says Tory is "doing a good job" and he understands why he would want to continue for a third term.
"I think John's the right guy to lead the city for the next four years," Minnan-Wong said.
"There are a number of challenges that the city faces and a number of projects that remain unfinished. The city is concerned about affordable housing and I know that … the mayor has introduced a number of projects that haven't gotten to the place that they need to be," he added.
If re-elected, Tory said this will likely be his last term.
"I'll be lucky if the voters entrust me with a third term and give me the privilege of having this job for another four years [but] beyond that I think there will be other things that I might do," he told reporters at a different announcement Friday.
The municipal election is scheduled for Oct. 24.
|
||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
3
| 16
|
https://nmbtc.com/about/our-brands/
|
en
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NMB Technologies
|
[
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[] |
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[
""
] | null |
[] |
2021-10-27T20:39:20+00:00
|
NMB product brands that include NMB, Myonic, Minebea, Mitsumi, U-Shin, Saliot, Paradox Engineering, PMDM, Ablic, and Intec.
|
en
|
NMB Technologies
|
https://nmbtc.com/about/our-brands/
|
Quantity
Fill this field please
How would you like us to help?
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|
|||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 35
|
https://www.einpresswire.com/article/56319728/intec-convergent-billing-v6-achieves-outstanding-real-time-performance-on-sun-fire-tm-servers
|
en
|
Intec Convergent Billing v6 Achieves Outstanding Real-Time Performance on Sun Fire(TM) Servers
|
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] | null |
[] |
2007-06-21T13:01:53+00:00
|
ATLANTA & LONDON--Intec Telecom Systems today announced that it has successfully completed a performance benchmark of Intec Convergent Billing v6, its
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
EIN Presswire
|
https://www.einpresswire.com/article/56319728/intec-convergent-billing-v6-achieves-outstanding-real-time-performance-on-sun-fire-tm-servers
|
ATLANTA & LONDON--Intec Telecom Systems today announced that it has successfully completed a performance benchmark of Intec Convergent Billing v6, its market-leading billing and customer care system, using Sun Fire(TM) E6900 servers running the Solaris(TM) 10 Operating System (OS). The benchmark demonstrated the capability to handle sustained, minimal latency throughput for a tier 1 mobile carrier with a customer base equivalent to over 20 million pre-paid subscribers. The benchmark was based on a current customer implementation and reflected realistic operating conditions and data. Intec Convergent Billing v6 offers scalable, leading-edge performance for any combination of payment method and communications technology, including pre- and post-paid, fixed, wireless, and next-generation services, for operators and service providers of all types and sizes.
"Both outright performance and true scalability are key requirements for our high-growth customers, many of whom are adding millions of new subscribers every year," said Gary Bunney, Intec's COO. "Showing that Intec Convergent Billing can support more than 20 million pre-paid subscribers on just two Sun servers is an outstanding result. This benchmark provides further evidence of our ability to provide both new entrant and tier 1 service providers with market-leading performance and scalability on our completely convergent charging and billing platform."
The benchmark was conducted in April 2007 at Sun Microsystems' performance laboratory in Frankfurt, Germany on two Sun Fire E6900 servers, each with 24 dual-core processors running at 1.8 GHz, in a clustered configuration with a shared database. The benchmark demonstrated high performance and linear scalability across a range of real-time convergent rating, balance management, on-line transaction processing, charging and billing tasks from a typical large carrier environment.
"This benchmark shows that the Sun Fire E6900 server platform running the Solaris 10 OS is an excellent choice for large communications service providers," said Kent Lockyer, Director of Communications Solutions, Sun Microsystems. "We are proud that Intec Convergent Billing v6 on Sun Fire E6900 servers is able to manage the demanding workloads and deliver the real-time performance necessary for a modern, converged service provider."
The test included both on-line and off-line charging. While performing on-line charging (a standard requirement in pre-paid or now-paid services), Intec Convergent Billing v6 achieved sustained throughput representing 25 million service requests per hour. Transaction latency was outstanding, averaging less than 32ms per service request.
Intec Convergent Billing v6 is Intec's market leading billing and customer management system, relied upon by many of the largest and most innovative telecommunications service providers worldwide. Its efficient architecture allows service providers to lower their operating cost by supporting all rating, balance management, charging and billing tasks on a single platform, serving pre-paid, post-paid and multi-pay customers for all classes of product.
About Intec
Intec supplies solutions to over 60 of the world's top 100 telecoms carriers and is one of the world's fastest growing major BSS/OSS (business and operations support systems) vendors. Intec's 400 customers include AT&T, Cable & Wireless, The Carphone Warehouse (UK), China Unicom, Deutsche Telekom, Eircom (Ireland), France Telecom, Hutchison 3G, O2, Orange, T-Mobile, Telefonica, Vodafone, Virgin Mobile, Vivo and Verizon. Intec works closely with its customers, many of whom have been with Intec since its inception, to provide the highest standards of performance, flexibility and robustness to help carriers service their customers effectively and profitably. Intec's comprehensive and expanding range of products, solutions and services includes:
Retail billing and customer management
Multi-service mediation and activation
Inter-carrier billing settlements including US CABS and ITU-based settlement
End-to-end content partner management
Optimized wholesale routing and trading
Real-time pre/post-paid mediation and charging
Pre-integrated solutions for wholesale, wireless and core IMS charging functions
Founded in 1997, Intec is listed on the London Stock Exchange (ITL.L) and has over 1,700 staff and 31 offices in 25 countries. For more information, visit the Intec website at www.intecbilling.com.
Sun, Sun Microsystems, Solaris and Sun Fire are trademarks or registered trademarks of Sun Microsystems, Inc. in the United States and other countries.
Contacts
Intec Telecom Systems PLC
Andrew Rodaway, +44 0 1483 745 800 or +44 7768 808082
Director of Marketing and Communications
andrew.rodaway@intecbilling.com
www.intecbilling.com
|
||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 60
|
https://www.fiware.org/news/tis-joins-fiware-foundation-as-gold-member/
|
en
|
TIS Joins FIWARE Foundation as Gold Member – FIWARE
|
[
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"https://www.fiware.org/wp-content/uploads/logo_FIWARE-Header.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2019-08-29T10:25:26+02:00
|
TIS Inc. will apply FIWARE technology to their IoT Service Platform toward the realisation of human-robot coexistence.
|
en
|
FIWARE
|
https://www.fiware.org/news/tis-joins-fiware-foundation-as-gold-member/
|
Shinjuku-ku, June 13, 2018: TIS Inc. (Head Office: Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo; President: Toru Kuwano; hereafter, “TIS”), a member of the TIS INTEC Group, announces its participation as a Gold Member in FIWARE Foundation e.V (hereafter, “the FIWARE Foundation” (Note 1)), a non-profit organization. The FIWARE Foundation promotes widespread use of FIWARE (Note 2) infrastructure software, which is developed and implemented by the Future Internet Public-Private Partnership Program (FI-PPP (Note 3)), a next-generation Internet public-private initiative program in the European Union. TIS is the second Japanese company to get involved in the FIWARE Foundation.
FIWARE is an IoT service platform with standardized open API (Note 4) that was developed as open source software (OSS) to encourage companies and local governments that provide public services to utilize data and cooperate on services beyond industry borders. FIWARE is being used by 110 cities and companies in 25 countries, mainly in Europe, for systems to realize smart cities.
TIS will apply FIWARE to data interfacing with robot-to-robot connections as well as data interfacing with robots, IoT, open data and other solution components, and will begin R&D on a platform supporting human-robot coexistence for robot integration services.
Toward Realization of Human-Robot Coexistence
TIS will promote development of an IoT service platform utilizing FIWARE through the AI-robotics subcommittee of the Open Government Consortium (OGC) (Note 5) of which TIS is a member. OGC will begin joint verification tests with Aizu University in autumn 2018 at the Laboratory for leading-edge ICT in Aizu (LICTiA).
For reference – “Aizu University signs partnership agreement with AI-robotics subcommittee of OGC — Promote use of robotics, AI and IoT to realize human-robot coexistence” at https://ogc.or.jp/article/3688 (Japanese only)
TIS is set to present its research results at CEBIT 2018, an international exhibition being held in Hannover, Germany, from June 12 through 15, 2018. (Please see the details at http://www.cebit.de/exhibitor/tis/N814570)
TIS intends to create new solutions and services by combining the FIWARE-based IoT service platform to realize human-robot coexistence with system development and business know-how accumulated across many business segments as well as cloud- and AI-related technologies and insights.
Background to Participation in FIWARE Foundation
The use of robots is increasingly seen as a way to help solve various social issues, particularly the shortage of labor caused by fewer children and more seniors in the population. However, at present, the use of robots has not spread beyond the fields of nursing care and welfare, mainly for monitoring and communications, because humans themselves cannot connect or communicate with robots, much less coexist.
At TIS, we believe it is possible that humans and robots can coexist if robots are used to complement human capabilities and each fulfills a designated role, and that the use of robots can one day solve social issues across many sectors.
Consequently, TIS has focused on robotics integration—connecting robot technology and ICT technology—and has partnered with research and educational institutions, consortiums and other organizations to promote R&D on advanced technologies.
The objective behind TIS’ participation in the FIWARE Foundation is to expand robot interfacing capabilities with FIWARE. TIS seeks to facilitate wider use of robots by developing platforms that enable robots to interface with IoT and with services in addition to robot-to-robot interfacing, and will make the frameworks available as OSS.
TIS’ Robot Business
TIS has pursued activities in robotics integration, including venture investments into SEQSENSE, which is developing autonomous robots, and Unirobot Corporation, which is developing “unibo,” a communication robot. Through its involvement in the FIWARE Foundation, TIS will accelerate R&D on platforms that will lead to human-robot coexistence and thereby reinforce its robot business.
Notes:
1. FIWARE Foundation e.V.: Non-profit organization based in Germany and established to coordinate FI-PPP results and promote FIWARE under an industry-led structure. Four founding members are Atos (France), Engineering (Italy), Orange (France) and Telefonica (Spain). (Please see the details at https://www.fiware.org/foundation/)
2. FIWARE: FI (Future Internet)WARE, next-generation platform software developed by FI-PPP to support smart application development for consumers, citizens, businesses and the public service sector and to reinforce EU’s competitiveness in next-generation Internet technology. (Please see the details at https://www.fiware.org/)
3. Future Internet Public-Private Partnership Program (FI-PPP): A next-generation Internet public-private initiative program in the European Union that runs for five years from 2011 as an ICT project under the EU’s Seventh Research Framework Programme.
4. Open API: API stands for Application Programming Interface, a framework of requirements that govern how one application communicates with another in a system. An open API makes this framework available to all developers.
5. Open Government Consortium (OGC): A general incorporated association offering advice to government agencies and conducting activities to put such advice into practice. OGC takes a citizen-centric perspective and emphasizes open cloud technology, seeking to realize the world’s highest level of e-government and e-local government. The consortium sets up subcommittees and working groups with expert participation to support and encourage the right kind of governmental measures. The consortium itself comprises 35 companies, as of April 2018. The director in charge of the AI and robot subcommittee is Miki Yutani, who is general manager of TIS’ Strategic Technology Center.
About TIS Inc.
TIS Inc., a member of the TIS INTEC Group, provides several IT solution services including entrusted development, data center and cloud services. At the same time, TIS is contributing to the growth of clients ‘businesses with more than 3,000 business partners in various industries, such as financial services, manufacturing, logistics/distribution, public services and telecommunications, by offering global support to companies with a presence mainly in China and the ASEAN region. For more information about TIS, please go to http://www.tis.co.jp/
About the TIS INTEC Group
The TIS INTEC Group comprises 58 IT companies and 20,000 employees. Each company utilizes its field of expertise to provide IT services that support clients’ businesses across many industries, including finance, manufacturing, services and public services, both inside Japan and overseas.
*The companies and products named herein are trademarks or registered trademarks of each company.
*The information contained herein is current as of the announcement date. Subsequent information may be different.
Inquiries
Press & Media
Corporate Communication Dept. Corporate Planning SBU, TIS Inc. (E-mail: tis_pr@ml.tis.co.jp)
Regarding the content of this press release
Strategic Technology Center, TIS Inc. (E-mail: info-stc@ml.tis.co.jp)
|
|||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 62
|
https://www.getsurrey.co.uk/news/business/intec-contracts-acquisitions-drive-up-4844342
|
en
|
Intec contracts and acquisitions drive up revenue
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
"Business"
] | null |
[
"Surrey Live"
] |
2005-08-24T23:00:00+00:00
|
ALBERT Drive-based Intec Telecom Systems reveals in its unaudited results for the nine months ended June 30 that multi-million pound contract wins and the acquisition of Singl.eView have driven its revenue up by 63 per cent.
|
en
|
https://s2-prod.getsurrey.co.uk/@trinitymirrordigital/chameleon-branding/publications/getsurrey/img/favicon.c708bd240ba307f7.ico
|
Surrey Live
|
https://www.getsurrey.co.uk/news/business/intec-contracts-acquisitions-drive-up-4844342
|
A leading supplier of business and operations support systems to the global telecoms industry, Intec Telecoms says its revenue and earnings are substantially ahead of the same period last year and in line with market expectations.
Notable competitive wins include VimpelCom, the Carphone Warehouse and a major US operator.
Intec Telecom has also announced that China Netcom has gone live with the company’s convergent mediation software.
The first phase of the project will generate 40 million call detail records per day and is expected to grow to more than three times its size when a later phase is implemented.
Intec Telecom’s chief executive officer Kevin Adams said: “The multi-product, multi-million pound contract wins we are achieving and our growing participation in leading edge projects indicate the continuing momentum and potential of the business.
“Intec has an unmatched product range, a substantial and proven global delivery capability and broad customer base.
“These are vital assets in our quest for continued growth.”
|
||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
3
| 82
|
https://www.snstelecom.com/utilities
|
en
|
4G Cellular Networks for Utilities
|
https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/f1PUYWTkCXS9Wq0NvcVdjQ4JbFR-3j2nsSOTdzehPjSWhqmO4DezP2ZX6ehd1TFw0He9tw=w16383
|
https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/f1PUYWTkCXS9Wq0NvcVdjQ4JbFR-3j2nsSOTdzehPjSWhqmO4DezP2ZX6ehd1TFw0He9tw=w16383
|
[
"https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/f1PUYWTkCXS9Wq0NvcVdjQ4JbFR-3j2nsSOTdzehPjSWhqmO4DezP2ZX6ehd1TFw0He9tw=w16383",
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Release Date: October 2023
Number of Pages: 2,577
Number of Tables & Figures: 134
|
en
|
https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/lg9UHoLL49rxHnCiVgMfOK87Gy_yH9jIVms87Qa_srGuvwbFaGYGxYI1mUO0LJ0Yb6Psv-adChmbaIBCoa2yCH2BM9Sr
|
https://www.snstelecom.com/utilities
|
Synopsis
Private 5G/4G cellular networks – also referred to as NPNs (Non-Public Networks) in 3GPP terminology – are rapidly gaining popularity across a diverse range of vertical industries. The utilities sector is no exception to this trend and will see global spending on dedicated cellular networks grow at a CAGR of 15% over the next three years. Estimated to account for nearly $2 Billion in cumulative infrastructure spending between 2023 and 2026, private cellular networks for utilities range from wide area 3GPP networks – operating in 410 MHz, 450 MHz, 900 MHz and other sub-1 GHz spectrum bands – for smart grid communications to purpose-built 5G and LTE networks aimed at providing localized wireless connectivity in critical infrastructure facilities such as power plants, substations and offshore wind farms. Some notable examples are listed below:
American utility companies have made substantial investments in acquiring 900 MHz and 3.5 GHz CBRS PAL (Priority Access License) spectrum within their service territories. Ameren, Evergy, Hawaiian Electric, LCRA (Lower Colorado River Authority), SCE (Southern California Edison), SDG&E (San Diego Gas & Electric), Southern Company and Xcel Energy are among the growing number of utilities that are implementing 3GPP-based private wireless networks in support of grid modernization programs.
450connect is rolling out a nationwide 450 MHz LTE network for the digitization of energy and water utilities as well as other critical industries in Germany.
Using its 410 MHz spectrum holdings, ESB Networks is implementing a national private mobile network to meet the wireless connectivity needs of smart grid applications for the control, protection and management of Ireland’s utility assets.
French multinational electric utility group EDF is deploying private mobile networks to bring secure cellular connectivity to its nuclear power plants.
Enel's global private communications platform leverages a multi-national secure MVNO service for connectivity across the Italian energy giant's global footprint and end-to-end private LTE/5G networks to provide localized wireless coverage for reliable communications in business-critical areas.
Following the conclusion of pilots, pre-implementation testing and procurement contracts, PGE (Polish Energy Group) is implementing a 450 MHz mission-critical LTE network for the wide area operations of electricity and gas DSOs (Distribution System Operators) across Poland.
Bahrain's EWA (Electricity and Water Authority) has deployed a 410 MHz private LTE network as part of an effort to modernize, digitize and automate its distribution infrastructure for improved grid efficiency, performance and security.
CSG (China Southern Power Grid) relies on both LTE-based private cellular systems and end-to-end 5G network slicing over commercial mobile operator networks to fulfill the wireless communications needs of its smart electric power grid.
SGCC (State Grid Corporation of China) has deployed a private 5G NR-U (NR in Unlicensed Spectrum) network – operating in license-exempt Band n46 (5.8 GHz) spectrum – to support video surveillance, mobile inspection robots and other 5G-connected applications at its Lanzhou East and Mogao substations in China's Gansu province.
KEPCO (Korea Electric Power Corporation) has implemented private 5G network infrastructure – operating in 4.7 GHz and 28 GHz spectrum – at two of its substation sites to enhance real-time monitoring and control capabilities through digital twin technology, 5G-connected wearable cameras and autonomous robots.
Kansai Electric Power is using a local 5G network and 5G-connected drones at the Eurus Akita Port wind farm in Akita (Tohoku), Japan, to enhance the maintenance and inspection of wind turbine blades.
Edesur Dominicana relies on a custom-built 2.3 GHz LTE network to connect critical grid assets that require high availability close to 100%.
CPFL Energia has set up a 250 MHz private LTE network in São Leopoldo (Rio Grande do Sul), Brazil, to facilitate the automation of devices in distribution and transmission networks.
The "Private 5G/4G Cellular Networks for Utilities: 2023 – 2030" research package provides detailed market analysis and forecasts for private 5G and LTE networks across 15 vertical industries, including utilities. The package includes the full edition of SNS Telecom & IT's "Private LTE & 5G Network Ecosystem: 2023 – 2030 – Opportunities, Challenges, Strategies, Industry Verticals & Forecasts" report and a datasheet with additional private 5G/4G infrastructure investment forecasts for the utilities sector.
Table of Contents
Report 1: The Private LTE & 5G Network Ecosystem: 2023 – 2030 – Opportunities, Challenges, Strategies, Industry Verticals & Forecasts
1 Chapter 1: Introduction
2 Chapter 2: An Overview of Private LTE & 5G Networks
3 Chapter 3: Private LTE/5G System Architecture & Technologies
4 Chapter 4: Key Vertical Industries & Applications
5 Chapter 5: Spectrum Availability, Allocation & Usage
6 Chapter 6: Standardization, Regulatory & Collaborative Initiatives
7 Chapter 7: Review of Private LTE/5G Installations Worldwide
8 Chapter 8: Private LTE/5G Case Studies
9 Chapter 9: Key Ecosystem Players
10 Chapter 10: Market Sizing & Forecasts
11 Chapter 11: Conclusion & Strategic Recommendations
For a more detailed table of contents, please visit: https://www.snstelecom.com/private-lte
Datasheet 2: Private 5G/4G Cellular Networks for Utilities: 2023 – 2030 – Infrastructure Spending Forecasts
Global Private 5G/4G Network Infrastructure Revenue in the Utilities Sector: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G RAN Unit Shipments in the Utilities Sector: 2023 – 2030 (Thousands of Units)
Global Private 5G/4G RAN Revenue in the Utilities Sector: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G Mobile Core Revenue in the Utilities Sector: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G Transport Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Technology Generation: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private LTE Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Global Private 5G/4G RU Shipments in the Utilities Sector by Cell Type: 2023 – 2030 (Thousands of Units)
Global Private 5G/4G RU Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Cell Type: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Private 5G/4G Network Infrastructure Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Region: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
North America Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Asia Pacific Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Europe Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Middle East & Africa Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
Latin & Central America Private 5G/4G Network Revenue in the Utilities Sector by Infrastructure Submarket: 2023 – 2030 ($ Million)
|
|||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 74
|
https://www.topuniversities.com/universities/instituto-tecnologico-de-santo-domingo-intec
|
en
|
Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo (INTEC)
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Learn more about studying at Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo (INTEC) including how it performs in QS rankings, the cost of tuition and further course information.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/tu_d8/favicon.ico
|
Top Universities
|
https://www.topuniversities.com/universities/instituto-tecnologico-de-santo-domingo-intec
|
The Santo Domingo Institute of Technology - otherwise known as INTEC - is based in Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic. Founded in 1972, it is the country’s leading technology institute, offering degree programs in engineering, business administration, social sciences, medicine and the humanities.
Santo Domingo is the capital city of the Dominican Republic, with a population of nearly one million people, rising to nearly three million if you include the wider metropolitan area. Students here can expect to be surrounded by history, with the city dating back to the 1400s. In fact, it’s the oldest continuously inhabited European settlement in the Americas, and is home to the first cathedral, castle, monastery, university and fortress in the New World.
Today, the city is a thriving financial and industrial center, with strong connections to a wide range of businesses and industries. The city’s port is an important site for freight, while international firms such as IKEA and Barrick have established themselves here. Compared to other capital cities in the region, Santo Domingo is one of the most economically developed.
The Santo Domingo Institute of Technology - otherwise known as INTEC - is based in Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic. Founded in 1972, it is the country’s leading technology institute, offering degree programs in engineering, business administration, social sciences, medicine and the humanities.
Santo Domingo is the capital city of the Dominican Republic, with a population of nearly one million people, rising to nearly three million if you include the wider metropolitan area. Students here can expect to be surrounded by history, with the city dating back to the 1400s. In fact, it’s the oldest continuously inhabited European settlement in the Americas, and is home to the first cathedral, castle, monastery, university and fortress in the New World.
Today, the city is a thriving financial and industrial center, with strong connections to a wide range of businesses and industries. The city’s port is an important site for freight, while international firms such as IKEA and Barrick have established themselves here. Compared to other capital cities in the region, Santo Domingo is one of the most economically developed.
|
||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
1
| 23
|
https://citywire.com/wealth-manager/news/intec-telecom-boringly-good/a212092
|
en
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null | null | ||||||||||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 76
|
https://theorg.com/org/duetto/org-chart/shiv-yadav
|
en
|
Shiv Yadav - Senior Engineering Manager at Duetto
|
https://theorg.com/api/og/position?name=Shiv+Yadav&image=https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.theorg.com%2F1cd3891a-b34c-4ac9-b29f-a806b2b4246c_thumb.jpg&position=Senior+Engineering+Manager&company=Duetto&logo=https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.theorg.com%2Fbf3ec57f-b47e-4b17-8667-682bdea50c15_thumb.jpg&description=Shiv+Yadav+has+a+diverse+work+experience+in+the+field+of+software+development+and+management.
|
https://theorg.com/api/og/position?name=Shiv+Yadav&image=https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.theorg.com%2F1cd3891a-b34c-4ac9-b29f-a806b2b4246c_thumb.jpg&position=Senior+Engineering+Manager&company=Duetto&logo=https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.theorg.com%2Fbf3ec57f-b47e-4b17-8667-682bdea50c15_thumb.jpg&description=Shiv+Yadav+has+a+diverse+work+experience+in+the+field+of+software+development+and+management.
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Shiv Yadav has a diverse work experience in the field of software development and management.
|
en
|
/_next/static/media/apple-touch-icon.64259cfd.png
|
THE ORG
|
https://theorg.com/org/duetto/org-chart/shiv-yadav
|
Shiv Yadav has a diverse work experience in the field of software development and management. Shiv is currently working as a Senior Engineering Manager at Duetto since May 2022. Prior to this, they worked at CSG from 2006 to 2022, holding various roles within the company. From 2018 to 2022, they served as a Software Architect, Manager, and Engineering at CSG, where they were responsible for conceptualizing and architecting new features and managing teams across different locations. From 2015 to 2018, they worked as a Senior Solutions Architect for CSG, where they collaborated on the Inmarsat project in London, UK. Shiv also worked as a Technical Architect for CSG from 2008 to 2014, leading the development of BSS software for MTN in South Africa. Before joining CSG, Shiv Yadav worked as a Senior Developer for Intec Telecom Systems from 2006 to 2008, contributing to the Tele2 Sweden project. Shiv also worked as a Singl.eview Developer on the MiTV project for a Malaysian client from 2006 to 2007. Throughout their career, Shiv Yadav has gained expertise in software development, project management, and technical architecture.
Shiv Yadav completed their secondary education at Army School from 2000 to 2001, where they obtained their SSC degree in the field of Science. Following that, they attended Maharshi Dayanand University from 2001 to 2005, where they earned a Bachelor of Engineering degree in Information Technology. In addition to their formal education, Shiv Yadav has obtained various certifications, including "Creating Psychological Safety for Diverse Teams," "Fostering Belonging as a Leader," "Go Essential Training," "Inclusive Leadership," "TM Forum Open API Foundation Level Exam," "AI Foundation Level Exam," "ITIL Intd CAP-RCV," "AWS Certified Solutions Architect - Associate," "ICAgile Certified Professional," "ITIL Foundation," "Professional Scrum Master," and "TOGAF 9 certified EA." These certifications were obtained from institutions such as LinkedIn, TM Forum, AXELOS Global Best Practice, Amazon Web Services, ICAgile, Scrum.org, and The Open Group, with different completion dates from 2017 to 2022.
|
||
correct_foundationPlace_00048
|
FactBench
|
2
| 99
|
https://www.itu.int/itu-d/meetings/gsr-23/ru/page/2/
|
en
|
23 — Страница 2
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en
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https://www.itu.int/itu-d/meetings/gsr-23/ru/2/
|
With over 30 years of solid experience in the IT and telecom industry, implementing working strategies for the provision of innovative digital technologies, Talaat was tasked with a chief mission to lead Egypt’s Digital Transformation Initiative.
Talaat is confident of what immersive technologies can offer to serve as a strong arm to empower vital sectors of the economy and realize the Sustainable Development Strategy: Egypt Vision 2030.
Talaat’s endeavor aims to oversee the implementation of several strategic projects, that include developing and securing the country’s IT & telecom infrastructure, creating a generation of professionals specialized in advanced digital technologies, spurring innovation and improving government performance and quality of services offered to the citizen-as a main objective of the government’s digital transformation mega program.
A strong believer in the power of youth as active participants in the socio-economic development of the nation, Talaat led a number of digitally-based empowerment initiatives to engage professionals to support such belief. Throughout his career, Talaat succeeded in materializing exceptional investments, merges and acquisitions to attract and nurture Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to the country and create the value-add.
Under his leadership, before joining the Government of Egypt, Talaat spearheaded IBM Egypt’s expansion plans, ensuring the creation of unique job opportunities and the establishment of centers of excellence to export digital services. Throughout his career at IBM Egypt, he held various leadership roles till he headed the firm.
Talaat was an Adjunct Professor at Cairo University with teaching experience in market and sales strategies and tactics, organizational behavior and strategic management. He was an honorary member at the ICT Board at Cairo University, member of the ICT Board of the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology, and the Chairman of ICT Committee of the American Chamber of Commerce.
Talaat earned his Doctor of Business Administration from the University of Paris – Paris School of Business and obtained a Master of Science in Computer Science from Illinois Institute of Technology, and holds an MBA from Paris ESLSCA Business School, France. He is a graduate of Cairo University’s Faculty of Engineering.
Doreen Bogdan-Martin took office as Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) on 1 January 2023.
Ms Bogdan-Martin has held leadership positions in the field of international telecommunications policy for over two decades, with a track-record of brokering innovative partnerships to expand digital inclusion and connectivity for everyone around the world. Following her historic election by ITU Member States in September 2022, she became the first woman ever to head the organization, which was first established in 1865 and became a UN specialized agency in 1947.
As ITU Secretary-General, she aims to drive innovative solutions, maximize ITU’s relevance for its 193 Member States, intensify global cooperation on connecting the unconnected, and strengthen the alignment of ITU’s programmes with the Sustainable Development Goals set out by the United Nations. Ms Bogdan-Martin has consistently emphasized the need for digital transformation to achieve economic prosperity, job creation, skills development, gender equality, and socio-economic inclusion, as well as to build circular economies, reduce climate impact, and save lives.
As Director of ITU’s Telecommunication Development Bureau for a four-year term starting in 2018, she helped put sustainable digital development at the forefront of international cooperation, including with the private sector and civil society. Among other ITU development priorities, she actively promoted the Partner2Connect initiative, which has mobilized unprecedented pledges of funding and support for meaningful Internet connectivity in developing countries.
She was previously instrumental in establishing the ITU-UNESCO Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development, serving as its Executive Director for more than a decade; contributed to the success of ITU’s Global Symposium for Regulators as the pre-eminent worldwide meeting for digital policy makers; and led ITU’s youth engagement strategy. She also pioneered ITU’s ongoing contribution to the EQUALS Global Partnership for Gender Equality in the Digital Age and initiated ITU’s collaboration with UNICEF on the Giga project to connect every school worldwide to the Internet.
Within ITU, she has promoted gender equality and encouraged bringing more women into the workforce, as well as helping women grow professionally and contributing to networks of women pursuing gender-balanced participation in conferences and policy making.
From 2008 until 2018, Ms Bogdan-Martin served as Chief of ITU’s Strategic Planning and Membership Department, overseeing corporate communications, external affairs, corporate strategy, and membership. Earlier, she headed the ITU Telecommunication Development Bureau’s Regulatory and Market Environment Division and Regulatory Reform Unit.
Before joining ITU in 1994, she worked at the U.S. Department of Commerce as a Telecommunication Policy Specialist in the National Telecommunication and Information Administration.
Ms Bogdan-Martin holds a Master’s in International Communications Policy from American University in Washington, DC, a post-graduate certification in Strategies for Leadership from the Institute for Management Development in Lausanne, Switzerland, and a certification in Accountability and Ethics from the UN Leaders Programme. She is also a qualified amateur radio operator.
Ms Bogdan-Martin is married with four children.
Eng. Hossam El-Gamal is the National Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Egypt’s (NTRA) Executive President since 2020.
With a track record in telecom industry, Eng. El-Gamal breaks into new markets globally and delivers multi-business turnarounds across B2B and B2C markets. He has established firm relations with other telecom regulatory authorities worldwide and been able to strategize the big picture, manage the fine details, and drive unprecedented growth in telecom regulation.
During Eng. El-Gamal’s presidency, NTRA made it way as an ITU renowned member with a plenty of milestones and awards achieved. The telecom regulatory authority of Egypt was also awarded the ISO-9001 certification of Organizational Quality Management System.
NTRA’s Executive President had been appointed the Minister’s Assistant for Networks and ICT Infrastructure at the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCIT) for one year, before which he held different positions in major international companies such as, the Vice President for Strategy, Marketing and Solution Sales in Huawei Egypt as well as the Regional Director of Business and Network Consulting Department at Huawei Technologies, North Africa, for more than 5 years.
Prior to joining Huawei, Eng. Hossam El-Gamal served as the Acting CTO and Capital Project Management Officer at MTN-Yemen from 2009 to 2011.
It’s worth noting that Eng. El-Gamal obtained a B.Sc. in Engineering from Alexandria University in 1998, and Master’s Degree in Business Administration from Robert Kennedy College (RKC), Switzerland in 2014.
NTRA’s Executive President also received the PMP Certification from the Project Management Institute (PMI) in the USA and the Certificate of Leadership Development for the International Organizations from the University of Pretoria, South Africa.
Dr Cosmas Luckyson Zavazava took office as Director of the Telecommunication Development Bureau (BDT) at the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) on 1 January 2023. With more than 30 years in telecommunications, including over 20 years in ITU’s Development Sector, Dr Zavazava has promoted and implemented impactful information and communication technology projects around the world.
Prior to his election as BDT Director, he served as ITU’s Chief of Partnerships for Digital Development, overseeing development-related projects, strategic partnerships, and resource mobilization between 2019 and 2022, while launching new initiatives that have boosted the engagement of industry, private-sector, and academia members in ITU’s work. From 2010 until 2019, he was Chief of the Projects and Knowledge Management, responsible for ITU’s project portfolio, statistics, capacity building, and emergency telecommunications activities, as well as coordinating special assistance to least developed countries (LDCs), landlocked developing countries (LLDCs), and small island developing states (SIDS). Previously, as ITU’s Chief of Projects and Initiatives, he oversaw development projects focused on gender, youth, and people with special needs, along with capacity building, emergency telecommunications, climate change mitigation and adaptation, and e-waste management. Earlier, Dr Zavazava headed the Republic of Zimbabwe’s Government Telecommunications Agency and served as a senior diplomat. He also taught MBA classes at the UK’s Nottingham Trent University.
Throughout his career, he has focused on closing the digital and skills divide and accelerating digital transformation to achieve socio-economic development for all.
Dr Zavazava holds a PhD in Multilateral Trade from Business School Lausanne (Switzerland), and a Master of Laws degree in Telecommunications and Information Technology from the University of Strathclyde (UK), as well as a Master’s in International Relations from Webster University (US), and an MBA from the University of Zimbabwe. He also holds a Bachelor’s in Business Administration and diplomas in Telecommunications and Systems Engineering.
CEO SAMENA Telecommunications Council – UAE
Member Review Board, 5th Generation Collaborative Regulation (G5) Benchmark – ITU
Commissioner Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development — UN
Member Edison Alliance, World Economic Forum (WEF)
Member 2020 G20 Summit Advisory Board — (Former) Digital Economy Task Force – KSA
Chairman Industry Advisory Group for Development Issues & Chief Regulatory Officers Meeting (IAGDI/CRO) – ITU
For over 30 years, Bocar BA has been delivering impact in the Telecom/ICT industry of the MEA region, facilitating collaboration among private-sector and government sector entities in the pursuit of digitization and socio-economic conducive policies. BA’s professional engagement is recognized in industry-wide advocacy activities, especially toward promoting investment sustainability in the private sector of the Middle East. His innate people-centric approach has mobilized multiple consensus-building platforms, cross-regional stakeholders, and issue-specific advocacy on important sector-development challenges. He is collaborating with leading platforms and global telecommunications development institutions, including the ITU, UN Broadband Commission, the World Bank (WB), and World Economic Forum (WEF), among others, as an objective-minded representative of the private sector and as an advocate of effective policy-making and future-friendly regulation, which are crucial for fulfilling the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that all nations across the globe have agreed to in the larger interest of their socio-economic development needs. BA is a principal advisor to various business, investment, and regulatory entities and assists governments in addressing matters relating to digital infrastructure investment, innovation catalysts, sustainable digital economy, job-creation, and citizen-centric public-sector delivery through the use of ICTs. Bocar BA has chaired consensus-building and contributed to the development of recommendations for leaders worldwide to help accelerate digital infrastructure development and digitalization.
Seizo Onoe took office as Director of the Telecommunication Standardization Bureau (TSB) at the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) on 1 January 2023.
Before his election as TSB Director by ITU Member States, he completed an over 30-year career with Japanese mobile operator NTT DOCOMO. In 2021, he became Executive Vice President and Chief Standardization Strategy Officer for the Nippon Telegraph and Telephone (NTT) Corporation and a Fellow of NTT DOCOMO, INC. From 2017, he served as NTT DOCOMO’s Chief Technology Architect and President of its subsidiary DOCOMO Technology.
Between 2012 and 2017, he served as NTT DOCOMO’s Chief Technology Officer and Executive Vice President, a Member of the Board of Directors, and Managing Director of R&D Innovation Division. Earlier, he served as Senior Vice President and Managing Director of NTT DOCOMO’s R&D Strategy Department and Managing Director of the company’s Radio Network Development Department.
As TSB Director, he heads the part of ITU responsible for the coordination of technical standards and collaborative standardization processes that enable the interconnection and interoperability of information and communication technologies (ICTs) worldwide.
Mr Onoe is committed to facilitating open and inclusive standardization processes, along with promoting digital technologies to address global issues, building a new ecosystem that reflects evolving technologies, and strengthening cooperation and collaboration in ICT standardization worldwide.
Known in the industry as “the father of LTE” (Long-Term Evolution), he helped upgrade the wireless broadband standard for mobile devices and networks. He now aims for global outreach to bridge standardization gaps, deliver the benefits of technology widely and speedily, and ensure meaningful and affordable broadband access for everyone.
Mr Onoe holds a Master’s degree in electronics from the Kyoto University Graduate School of Engineering.
1. EARL Y DEVELOPMENT
• Honourable Dr Peya Mushelenga was born and grew up at Oshigambo, northem Namibia, in Oshikoto Region
• He attended Primary school at Oshigambo and attained his secondary education at Oluno Senior Secondary School, now called Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo Senior Secondary School.
2. POLITICS
• Honourable Dr Mushelenga was moulded into politics and political activism at a tender age. He joined SWAPO in 1984, and a few years later, he became actively involved in students’ politics, under the Namibia National Students Organisation (NANSO).
• He was elected as Member of the Central Committee of SWAPO Party Yuoth League (SPYL), in 1997 and re-elected in 2002 and 2007. He retired from SWAPO Party Youth League at the 2012 Congress, having exceeded the age limit.
• In August 2002 he was elected Member of the Central Committee of SWAPO Party, becoming the youngest Member of the Central Committee by then. He was re elected in 2007, 2012 and 2017.
• Honourable Dr Mushelenga was elected to the Namibian National Assembly during the 2004 general elections, and re-elected 2009, 2014 and 2019 general elections.
• He was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, by His Excellency President Hifikepunye Pohamba, on 21 March 2010.
• He was appointed Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation by His Excellency President Dr Hage Geingob, on 21 March 2015
• Honourable Dr Mushelenga was appointed Minister of Urban and Rural Development by His Excellency President Dr Hage Geingob, on 08 February 2018.
• He was appointed Minister of Information and Communication Technology by His Excellency President Dr Hage Geingob, on 21 March 2020.
3.EDUCATION
Honourable Dr Mushelenga holds the following 12 university degrees:
(1) Degree of Bachelor of Arts (BA) in History and Political Studies, University of Namibia (UNAM), which he completed at the age of 20;
(2) Degree of Baccalaureus Juris (B Juris), University ofNamibia;
(3) Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Economies (BA Econ), Open University of Tanzania (OUT);
(4) Degree of Bachelor of Education (B Ed), Open University of Tanzania;
(5) Degree of Bachelor of Laws (LLB) Honours, University ofNamibia;
(6) Degree of Honours Bachelor of Arts (Hons BA) in International Politics, University of South Africa (UNISA);
(7) Degree of Master of Arts (MA) in International Politics, University of South Africa.
(8) Degree of Master of Laws (LLM) in International Law, University of Nambia. Thesis: Small states and the undercurrents of compliance with International Law, case of Namibia;
(9) Degree of Master of Business Administration (MBA), Eastern and Southern Africa Management Institute (ESAMI). Thesis: Analysing the impact of inflatition on the developments in the financial sector of Namibia;
(10) Degree of Master of Science (MSc) in Finance, University of London, Thesis: Trends of revenue collections in Namibia since independence (1990-2020) and their impact on economic development;
(11) Degree of Doctor of Literature and Philosophy (D Litt et Phil) in International Politics, University of South Africa. Thesis: The economic diplomacy of smalll state, the case of Namibia.
(12) Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Laws, University of Westem Cape (UWC), 2021. Thesis: lnvestigator-Prosecutor collaboration, a framework for improving Namibia ‘s criminal justice process
A few highlights regarding his education need to be mentioned.
Honourable Dr Mushelenga is an admitted Legal Practitioner (attorney) of the High Court. He received the Best Performer Award, for his MBA degree.
4. ACADEMIC CONTRIBUTION
• Honourable Dr Mushelenga is also a researcher and published author, with over 20 academic publications under his name, in a form of chapters in books, articles in peer review journals and academic seminar papers.
• In addition, while at high school he authored a poetry book in Oshindonga language, titled Nanda Na li toke, which was published some years later. These poem collections are currently used in senior secondary schools.
• As his academic contribution to the nation, since 2016 Honourable Dr Mushelenga has been lecturing one or two modules per year at the University of Namibia at post-graduate level on pro bono basis (meaning without any payment whatsoever).
5. INTER.JATIONAL EXPOSURE
Honourable Dr Mushelenga has attended numerous international conferences, including of the United Nations General Assembly, and has travelled to more than sixty (60) countries in the world.
Tayma is a dedicated technologist currently in her last semester completing her undergraduate studies in international relations and computer science at Birzeit University in Ramallah, Palestine. She has a deep interest in accessibility and safety, and has spent much of her time analyzing human interactions with technology, with a particular focus on those who may be vulnerable due to factors such as language, age, disability, or gender.
At 16, Tayma developed a pioneering and award winning image processing mechanism that helps prevent the stealing of the pictures of women and girls online. She has also worked with a prominent digital rights organization as a digital security advisor, where she created a comprehensive training program for human rights organizations and journalists that included audits, policy framework development, and customized training based on extensive research and analysis of interaction between the tech environment and the employees with different cultural backgrounds, age, and field of work.
Tayma’s experience as an ITU GC Youth Envoy has given her the opportunity to participate in various high-level events, such as the ITU Plenipotentiary, the GC Youth Summit, and the UN DESA Expert Group on Youth Digital Engagement. During her time as a GC Youth Envoy, Tayma was able to contribute her insights and expertise, present, and lead workshops with high level participants.Recently, Tayma co-moderated a panel discussion as part of Girls in ICT Day at the Ministry of Telecommunications in Palestine. She has also made contributions to the ITU Generation Connect podcast on protecting children from online risks, where she had the chance to work alongside experts in the field.
On 12 January 2018, the President of France’s National Assembly, François de Rugy, appointed Serge Abiteboul to the Arcep Executive Board, starting on 15 January 2018.
Director of Research in computer sciences at the École Normale Supérieure de Paris and at Inria (the French National Institute for computer science and applied mathematics), Serge ABITEBOUL has a PhD from the University of Southern California, and a Doctorate (thèse d’État) from the Université de Paris-Sud. His work on data, information and knowledge management — notably on the internet — and his theories on databases earned him membership in the Academy of Sciences in 2008, and in the Academy of Europe in 2011.
He is also a lecturer at the École Polytechnique and guest lecturer at Stanford and Oxford University. In 2011, he was appointed to the Collège de France Research Chair in computer and digital sciences. In 2013, he joined the French Digital Council, chaired by Benoît Thieulin, and that same year became President of the Scientific Advisory Board on the Information Society in France. He as been the chairman of the Fondation Blaise Pascal Strategic Council since 2017.
The author of numerous publications on data and algorithms, as well as a novelist, Serge ABITEBOUL is the editor and founder of Blog binaire. He was the curator of the Terra Data exhibition at the Cité des sciences et de l’industrie in 2017 and 2018.
Mrs. Mana AIDARA is the Telecom Markets and Economy Director for the Telecommunications and Posts Regulatory Authority of Senegal (ARTP) and has held this post since March 14th 2023.
Mrs. AIDARA has more than 18 years of professional expertise in the Telecommunications and Regulation sector at the Posts and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Senegal, where she has held many positions, including Director of Innovation and Control, Director of Electronic Communications Networks and Services, Head of the Quality of Service (QoS), Value-added service and Resources Management Department, Head of the Network Administration and Security Department, and Head of the IT Department.
Mrs. Aidara leads the Telecom Markets and Economy team, where she develops regulatory rules that promote competition, network interconnection, economic and tariffs aspects, universal service, network infrastructure, numbering resources management, innovation services and monitoring of regulated actors’ specifications.
Mrs. AIDARA began her career at the Telecommunications Regulatory Body of Senegal in 2003, where she has led significant projects such as the implementation of the mobile number portability, mobile subscribers’ identification, and the development of strategies for Quality of Service (QoS) and innovation digital services. She is a member of many initiatives and projects in the 5G taskforce, national roaming group and the MVNO issue.
Mrs. Aidara is passionate about regulation, technology and leadership. She is a member of the government advisory committee of ICANN and the International Network of Women Digital Experts (RIFEN). She is also the Chair of the ARTP’s development and innovative services committee.
Mrs. AIDARA is a network engineer and holds a Master’s degree in Tele information from the Multinational Telecoms Higher School in Senegal and a Master’s degree in Digital Economy of Regulation from the Telecom ParisTech University in France. She is fluent in French, Arabic and is well on her way to becoming fluent in English.
• H. E. Majed Sultan Al Mesmar was appointed Director General of the Telecommunications and Digital Government Regulatory Authority (TDRA) according to Federal Decree No. 94 of 2021
• Al Mesmar supervises the implementation of TDRA’s responsibilities in accordance with the Federal Law by Decree No. 3 of 2003 Regarding the Regulation of Telecommunications Sector, as amended. The law mandates regulating the telecommunications sector in the UAE and ensuring a fair competitive environment in the UAE’s telecom market. On 27 September 2020, Decree No. 23 was issued, under which, the phrase “Digital Government” was added to the authority’s name and relevant functions were added to its scope as per the directives of the wise leadership
• In 2017, Al Mesmar was appointed Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the ICT Fund, which aims to achieve rapid and tangible developments in the UAE’s ICT sector. As the Chairman, Al Mesmar supervises the ICT Fund’s investments in financing education projects which involve preparing national cadres to lead the digital future, and supporting scientific research, national projects and technology incubators
• He has 32 years of experience in the field of telecommunications, related technologies, wireless networks, planning and development, project management, policies, strategies and regulations. He worked locally at Etisalat, regionally at Mobily (Etihad Etisalat Co.) in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and internationally at Etisalat – India
• Throughout his rich career, Al Mesmar held many senior positions, such as Deputy Director General of the Telecommunications Sector at TDRA, Senior Vice President of Etisalat Group for International Private Projects, Chief Operating Officer of Etisalat — India, and Chief Technical Officer of Mobily, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
• Al Mesmar is a member of the Policies and Legislation Committee of the Fourth Industrial Revolution Council, a member of the Board of Dubai Chamber of Digital Economy, a member of the UAE Council for Artificial Intelligence and Blockchain, a member of the Special Steering Committee for 5G, a member of the Higher Committee of the Mohammed bin Rashid Smart Education Programme, and a member of many other national committees
• Al Mesmar was elected Chairman of the Plenipotentiary Conference 2018 (PP18), which is the largest global event in the ICT field and the highest body in the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). PP18 was held at the Dubai World Trade Center
• Al Mesmar chaired the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) in Geneva 2018 and led TDRA’s team to win the UAE’s hosting of the World Radio Conference (WRC-23)
• Al Mesmar obtained a Masters Degree in International Law and a Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering from Northeastern University, Boston in 1990. He is a graduate of Etisalat’s Future Leadership Programme (2006-2008) in the Executive Category and a graduate of the Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Leadership Programme (2008-2010) in the Government Leaders Category
Mohammed Hassan Al-Mousawi is an accomplished Qatari professional specialized in Information and Communications Technology. With a solid educational background, he holds an engineering degree from the prestigious Pennsylvania State University and a master’s degree from HEC Paris.
In 2017, Mohammed embarked on his career in the ICT sector by joining the Communications Regulatory Authority. With a strong background in telecommunications and a passion for ensuring excellence, Mohammed plays a crucial role in shaping the strategic direction and maintaining the highest standards within the organization. He led the telecom infrastructure projects section as a manager within the Technical Affairs Department.
Currently serving as the Director of Planning and Quality Department at the CRA, Mohammed’s role encompasses a wide array of responsibilities. He plays a pivotal role in leading several high-profile projects, including the formulation of Qatar’s ICT sector strategy. As the Planning and Quality Director, he is responsible for overseeing and implementing effective strategies to optimize operational efficiency and promote regulatory compliance. Mohammed plays a key role in developing and refining policies and procedures to ensure that the organization operates in accordance with industry standards and best practices while actively contributing to the enhancement of digital economy governance in the state of Qatar.
He collaborates with government entities, industry partners, and other relevant stakeholders to develop and implement initiatives that advance the communications sector and benefit the public at large.
Beyond his professional contributions, Mohammed Al-Mousawi is known for his dedication, integrity, and commitment to upholding the highest standards.
Bassam Fadel Al-Sarhan, a Jordanian telecommunications engineer, has been serving as Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of the Telecommunications Regulatory Authority and CEO since November 2021 by decision of the Council of Ministers of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
The Jordanian Telecommunications Sector Regulatory Authority, which was established by a decision of the Council of Ministers in 1995, is an independent government institution concerned with regulating the communications and information technology sectors and the postal sector.
He previously served as Head of the Projects and Technical Division for His Majesty’s Communications at the Royal Court from 1987 to 1997, and as General Manager at an international communications company.
He served as a member of the Jordanian delegation to manage communications services during the Jordanian delegation’s negotiations in the Middle East peace process negotiations, in addition to many prominent memberships on the boards of directors of international telecommunications and business development companies until his appointment as CEO of the Communications Authority.
He holds a master’s degree in engineering management, a master’s degree in information systems management, and a bachelor’s degree in electrical and communications engineering from George Washington University in the United States of America.
He led several pioneering achievements in the communications and information technology sectors and the postal sector during his presidency of the Commission’s Board of Commissioners, the most notable of which was the introduction of 5G technology services, which was accompanied by the introduction of Internet of Things devices into the Jordanian market.
These services seek to create an appropriate infrastructure that enables companies operating in the field of communications, information technology, and postal services in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan to conduct their business in a regulatory environment capable of providing advanced automated services that efficiently and effectively support development endeavors, encourage competitiveness, entrepreneurship, and encourage investment.
Christine Arida is Strategic Advisor to the Executive President and Board Member at the National Telecom Regulatory Authority of Egypt. She has over 25 years of experience in areas related to Internet development, telecom regulations and digital public policies. She is appointed board member of NTRA since November 2021. During her work at NTRA, Ms. Arida has led a number of strategic projects. She championed the drafting of Egypt’s National Broadband Plan “eMisr” in 2011 and launched its implementation in 2013. She created NTRA’s Center of Experts in 2021 and supervised its work over 2 years. In 2019, she established the Strategic Planning sector and supervised its work over 3 years. She created the cross-functional team on IoT and M2M regulations in 2017 and led its work over 3 years. She launched the “DNS Entrepreneurship Center” in 2014 and Egypt’s IDN ccTLD “dotMasr” in 2010.
From 2001 to 2006 Ms. Arida worked for the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, where she participated in drafting “Egypt’s Broadband Agenda 2004 – 2007” and “Egypt’s Telecommunication Master Plan” in 2004.
Ms. Arida is appointed member of Egypt‘s Supreme Council for Culture, Committee for Digital Culture and Cultural Infrastructure since 2021. She is lead expert on Internet governance and represents the government of Egypt at the UN Internet Governance Forum Multistakeholder Advisory Group (IGF MAG) and at the Governmental Advisory Committee of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN GAC). Ms. Arida is co-founder of the Arab Internet Governance Forum, board member and founding member of the Internet Society Chapter of Egypt, and founding member of the African Network Information Centre (AfriNIC).
Ms. Arida started her career at the Cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Center in 1992, where she was among the team who first connected Egypt to the Internet. She holds a B.Sc. degree in Electronics and Communication Engineering from the Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University.
Noha Abdel Baky is ITU Generation Connect Youth Envoy in Africa who and participated in the 2022 GC Youth Summit in Kigali.
She is a Storage Support Engineer at Dell Technologies in Cairo and served as a committee member at Dell Women in Action committee.
She holds a Bsc. in Communication Systems Engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo.
She was the Africa Representative in the Youth Coalition in Internet Governance between 2020-2021
She is passionate about Internet Governance, Digital Sustainability, Women & Youth Empowerment in Tech and Emerging Technologies like AI, Cloud Computing & the Metaverse.
She was selected as a 2017 ISOC Youth@IGF Fellow in Geneva, and afterwards, she co-founded Digital Grassroots, a youth-led initiative to promote digital citizenship.
She is an Alumni of the Middle East and African Schools of Internet Governance.
She was a 2018 ISOC IGF Ambassador in Paris and was selected by the MAG members as a main speaker in the closing ceremony representing youth & civil society.
She was a member of the Working Group on Sustainable IG, part of Youth4DigitalSustainability Program.
She participated in the ILPF Policy Hackathon under the theme of Metaverse & Trust and won the first place with her team.
She was an UNECA volunteer at the 2022 Internet Governance Forum in Addis Ababa.
She is currently an Arabic-speaking facilitator for the Pan-African Youth Ambassadors for Internet Governance fellowship powered by PRIDA.
Shiv K. Bakhshi, Ph.D., is a Vice President, Industry Relations in Group Function Technology at Ericsson. He is charged with the responsibility of technology and spectrum policy for Africa and the Middle East, and works closely with industry and policy leaders in those regions.
Dr. Bakhshi has long believed that ICT and mobile broadband can play a salient role in economic development and can help unleash the digital vitalities of the peoples in emerging economies. The use of ICT and mobile broadband for economic development, and for bridging the Digital Divide, remain the defining interests of his work as a political economist.
Earlier, as an industry analyst, Dr. Bakhshi headed the worldwide mobile network and device programs for a leading research and advisory firm for several years. A frequent speaker at industry, academic and policy conferences, he has presented on a broad range of technology and policy topics pertaining to the structural transformation of the mobile industry and its changing impact on society.
At Ericsson, as member of the company’s CTO organization, he is focused on future spectrum issues that are subject of the World Radio Conference, as well as on ITU-D Study Group questions pertaining to broadband deployment and rural coverage that are subject of the World Telecommunication Development Conference.
Dr. Bakhshi started his career as a journalist in India. Later, as an academic, he taught international telecom policy and strategy, and directed graduate and doctoral research, at the University of Kentucky.
A political economist by training, he has a bachelor’s in Economics from Calcutta University. He earned his master’s as well as his doctorate in Communication from The Ohio State University.
He is based in the United States, and can be reached at shiv.bakhshi@ericsson.com.
Saurabh Basu is the solution architect of India’s Integrated CAP Compliant Early warning Platform for Disaster Management. He is working with C-DoT, Delhi, a premier telecom research centre of Government of India as a Senior Research Engineer after completion his Masters in Computer Science from National Institute of Technology , Durgapur in 2011. He is having versatile hands on experience in Software development, convergent networks and has great understanding of Telecom Software and Data communications & Geo-Intelligent technologies. He has been the key member of Geo-Intelligence team of C-DoT and currently he is co-coordinating the development activities M2M & IoT related products. Also acted as the solution architect for various Geo-Intelligence projects of C-DOT like Optical Network planning for NOFN, Fiber Fault Localization System and more recently geo-spatial service for online mobile tracking for the critical project having extreme national importance- CMS (Centralized Monitoring System), OneM2M Common Service Platform and Nodes.
He has published more than 10 international research papers along with multiple International and Indian Patents . He is one of the key member in Telecom Standardization for India through TSDSI and OneM2M- The international standardization Body on M2M.Recently his group received Aegis Graham Bell award for «Innovative Managed Services»» for 2016.He is also closely involved with Telecom Engineering Center (TEC) India in formulating the Service Requirement of Common Alerting Protocol (CAP) compliant Integrated Disaster Management systems of India. He is recently involved in coordinating with various organization with disaster portfolio to integrate them in CAP compliant Early Warning Platform and actively involved in technology trial at various part of the country.»
Notachard Chintakanond is the Executive Director of the International Affairs Bureau at Office of The National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission of Thailand (Office of the NBTC).
Mr Chintakanond is in charge of all international – related matters for Office of the NBTC. He has extensively in close cooperation with many international forums such as ITU, APT, APEC, ASEAN, WTO, ATRC as well other international collaborations. He has contributed greatly for Office of the NBTC’s work through his responsibilities covering all liberalizations and negotiations under various regional trading arrangements such as cooperation under ASEAN Telecom Regulators Council (ATRC); Spectrum coordination; Collaboration on regulatory issues with overseas regulators as well as Bilateral cooperation with other international regulatory bodies. He has also been main negotiator for Telecommunications issues under various FTA negotiations including the recently concluded RCEP 2020.
Mr Chintakanond joined the Office of the NBTC in 2009 as a Senior Analyst, Director of Policy and Planning Division, Senior Expert in Policy and Planning and Executive Director of International Affairs Bureau, respectively.
Previously, he has been Trade Negotiator at the Department of Trade Negotiations (DTN) where he was the US Desk Officer responsible, in particular, for all trade related matters and trade negotiations with the US. Later on, he worked as Foreign Relations Supervisor at the Office of SMEs Promotion (OSMEP) where his capability covered a wide range of issues including Internationalization, Innovation, Informal Sector, Intellectual Property, and Capacity Building.
Mr Chintakanond holds a Master Degree in International Political Economy from the University of Warwick, England and Bachelor Degree in Business Administration (Marketing) from Chulalongkorn University, Thailand. Furthermore, He has completed The Civil Service Executive Development Program: Visionary and Moral Leadership.
Born 10 December 1958 (in Fribourg, Switzerland), Adrienne Corboud Fumagalli is a Doctor of Economic and Social Sciences and a graduate of the University of Fribourg.
Adrienne Corboud Fumagalli was a researcher, lecturer and consultant in the area of media policy and information technologies at various institutions (the University of Fribourg, DAMS Bologna, CNRS Paris, McGill University, Montreal) for several years.
In 1996, she joined the PTT in the management of Radiocom (radio, TV, mobile) for New Business Development and International Affairs. The PTT became Swisscom, and it was within Swisscom, from 1997 to 2000, that she held various positions, in particular for the development of multimedia activities; she then became product marketing director in the radio broadcasting services division.
In November 2000, she joined the Kudelski Group as general secretary. In January 2004, she was appointed Executive Vice President of Business Development. Within the framework of internal development projects, from 2005 she launched and managed the MobileTV activity and then the Abilis start-up.
From 2008 to 2016, she was Vice President for Innovation and Technology Transfer at the EPFL (Ecole polytechnique fédérale de Lausanne), with special emphasis on the development of the Innovation Square and partnerships with industry. During this period she also was president of the Fondation Innovation Park.
From 2008 to 2017, she was also president of the Fondation pour l’innovation technologique (FIT) in Lausanne.
Adrienne Corboud Fumagalli is a member of the board of directors of Swiss Life Group.
She is a member of the « scientific technical committee » of the Istituto Italiano di Tecnologia (IIT, Genova, Italia).
Since March 2023, she is president of the board of directors of the company Unyversal Technologies SA.
Julissa Cruz Abreu, current Executive Director of the Dominican Institute of Telecommunications (INDOTEL), has more than two decades of experience in public service. At the institution, she has been Director of International Relations, Compliance Commissioner, and Head of the Regulation Department, playing a fundamental role in the creation of the regulatory framework and leading the implementation of number portability in 2009. Likewise, he has directed significant projects, such as the National Broadband Plan of the Dominican Republic, the Radio Spectrum Tender for the deployment of fifth-generation networks (5G), being the second country to have this technology in the region, and the coordination of the Connectivity and Access Axis of the 2030 Digital Agenda. His management has stood out for the promotion of regulatory measures to strengthen competition and innovation, including the identification of relevant markets and the implementation of the Regulatory Sandbox.
She has been nominated as a finalist for the CONECTA LATAM AWARDS 2023 in the «Most Connected Woman of the Year» category. This award honors women who, by driving innovation, have truly made a difference in their company, telecommunications industry, and community. Similarly, at the same event, INDOTEL was recognized as «Telecom Regulator of the Year». This award distinguishes a new or innovative regulatory approach on an outstanding contribution and achievement by the regulator, promoting an efficient and effective telecommunications policy.
Within the framework of the event «5G Latin America: Digital Symposium 2021», INDOTEL was awarded as «Innovative Regulator of the Year» for the tender project for the 700Mhz and 3.5Ghz bands led by this management.
Through the Digital Basket Project, she has led a pioneering subsidy program focused on gender, benefiting more than 2000 women heads of household. In addition, it has promoted the inclusion and dissemination of users’ rights, introducing guides in Braille and attention in sign language, with the collaboration of service provider companies.
Cruz Abreu has made an impact at the international level by leading the Dominican Republic’s active participation in the ITU P2C initiative, achieving the incorporation of new actors and commitments for the country’s connectivity and sustainable digital transformation.
With a bachelor’s degree in Accounting and a master’s degree in Corporate Finance from the Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo (INTEC), he has specialized his knowledge in Regulatory Economics, Regulation of Public Utilities, and Price Regulation in the Telecommunications Industry. In addition, he completed the Innovation and Government Leadership program at Georgetown University’s business school. Her international experience includes working at Spain’s National Commission on Markets and Competition, as well as participating as a speaker at conferences on various topics, from Number Portability to Gender Equity and ICT Inclusion. In addition, he has advised regulators in Central America and has taught at various seminars, workshops and courses on telecommunications regulation. She has also been selected as an Ambassador for Connectivity for Education by the Inter-American Dialogue.
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Disclaimer: The content of this bio has been translated from the original version in Spanish.
Randol holds a First-Class LL.B degree from the University of Buckingham and a LL.M degree in International and Commercial Law with a specialization in World Trade. He is a Counsel and Attorney at law having been called to the New York Bar in 2004 and the Bahamas Bar in 2005. He is also a Chartered Corporate Secretary. Randol is a former Partner in GrahamThompson and Baycourt Chambers, leading Law Firms in The Bahamas, where his work covered the full spectrum of commercial practice with an emphasis on Medical Negligence litigation. He is the sitting Chairman of the Utilities Regulation & Competition Authority (URCA), an independent statutory body with regulatory authority and responsibility for the Electronic Communications and Energy Sectors of The Bahamas. Randol is a member of the adjunct faculty at the University of the Bahamas and is a Tutor at the Eugene Dupuch Law School. He is the Chief Legal Officer at Doctors Hospital Health System Limited.
Randol is married to Nolette Dorsett, nee Miller and they have three children, Randol Jr., Grayson and Ricardo. The Family worships regularly at Bahamas Harvest Church, where Randol serves as a Deacon.
Dr. Fathy is a senior executive, with 20+ years of technology and regulatory experience in ICT, leading mega digital initiatives that span the technology, policy, and digital spaces. He serves on the board of several government institutions overseeing mega projects in the ICT and aerospace sectors, bringing his cross-vertical expertise in the teleco/digital domains.
In his capacity as Sector Head of Strategic Planning at the Egyptian telecom regulatory authority (NTRA), Fathy is spearheading teams tackling core regulatory functions including strategy and market development, market analysis, economic analysis, cost-benefit analysis for rule makings, regulatory impact assessment, standardization and technical aspects, international policies, cooperation and partnerships, research & development, and Industry 4.0 planning.
Over the span of his career, Fathy has overseen the development and implementation of large-scale projects with multiple stakeholders in areas like smart cities, smart mobility solutions and intelligent transportation systems, augmented and virtual reality, digital agriculture, smart water management, aerospace, energy metering and distribution, robotics, embedded systems, IoT, 5G, and AI. He has done advisory work on advanced ICT/Digital solutions design and standards-based implementations with an emphasis on security, interoperability, and integration. In addition to his responsibilities in overseeing a diverse portfolio of projects in multiple vertical sectors, Fathy is leading a team that is promoting investments in the ICT sector to further diversify Egypt’s ICT economy, exploring opportunities for vibrant industrial, research and commercial clusters and addressing their market entry barriers. He is also sealing partnerships with world-class global organisations to explore synergies and mutual collaboration opportunities.
Fathy tackles techno-policy and standardization issues in international telecommunications through his engagements in mutiple industry and global telecommunications development platform including the ITU, the IEEE, the World Bank, and OECD, among others, advocating governance, economic sustainability, interoperability, systems resilience and scalability. He is currently serving on the ITU Council, as well as a member of the Independent Management Advisory Committee (IMAC) Selection Committee. The purpose of the IMAC, as a subsidiary body of the ITU Council, is to serve in an expert advisory capacity and assists the Council and the Secretary-General in fulfilling their governance responsibilities, including ensuring the effectiveness of ITU’s internal control systems, risk management and governance processes.
Fathy is also serving as Vice Chairman of ITU-T Study Group 20 (SG20), the lead ITU-T study group which develops international standards on IoT and its applications including smart cities and communities. Furthermore, he serves as the Chairman of its regional group in Africa leading standardization efforts and development within the African context, and an expert member of the IEC-ISO-ITU Joint Smart Cities Task Force (J-SCTF) whereby he is leading international harmonization and collaboration efforts to develop implementable smart cities standards that have an utmost impact of achieving the SDGs in cities and communities. On the research and pre-standardization front, he is currently serving as the Chair of the ITU/FAO Focus Group on «Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Internet of Things (IoT) for Digital Agriculture» (FG-AI4A), whereby he is leading along with an international team of experts, the use of emerging technologies including AI and IoT, to support optimized agricultural production and management processes. Moreover, he is currently serving as board member in the IEEE Standards Association Standardization Board (SASB) as well as a member in two of its standing committees, the New Standards Committee (NesCom) and the Procedures Committee (ProCom).
The Special Adviser ensures delivery of the Secretary-General’s priorities on climate change, from enhanced nationally determined contributions, fossil fuel and coal phase-out, ensuring public and private finance shifts and the transitions necessary to shift the world’s energy, transportation, land and natural systems in alignment with the goals of the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals.
Before his appointment, Selwin Hart served as the Executive Director for the Caribbean region at the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB). He was previously the Ambassador to the United States and the Organization of American States for Barbados and Director of the Secretary-General’s Climate Change Support Team, leading the team’s delivery of the 2014 Climate Summit and the Secretary-General’s engagement in the process leading to the signing of the Paris Agreement on climate change.
Throughout his career, Mr. Hart has served in several climate action leadership positions, including as a Climate Adviser for the Caribbean Development Bank, Chief Climate Change Negotiator for Barbados, as well as the Coordinator and Lead Negotiator on Finance for the Alliance of Small Island Developing States, a coalition of 43 islands and low-lying coastal States in the Caribbean, Pacific, Africa, Indian Ocean and South China Sea. He was a member of the Kyoto Protocol Adaptation Fund Board from 2009 to 2010 and was elected by the United Nations General Assembly to serve as Vice-Chair of the Second Committee of the United Nations General Assembly (Economic and Financial) during its sixtieth Session.
He is the Director General of the OUR, and an ex officio member of the Office, having been appointed by the Governor General, His Excellency the Most Honourable Sir Patrick Allen, from 2017 January 1.
He is a Regulatory Specialist, Economist, and Attorney-at-Law and has over 25 years’ experience at various levels in quasi-judicial organisations. His educational background covers law, management, and economics with extensive specialised training in, among other areas, regulation, competition analysis, strategic planning, leadership, international negotiation, and corporate planning.
He joined the OUR in 2000 February and before that worked at the Jamaica Bauxite Institute and the Fair Trading Commission as an Economist. He also lectured at the postgraduate level on Regulation and Regulatory Reform in the Department of Government, University of the West Indies (UWI), Mona for over 10 years, and served as a tutor in the UWI Master in Telecommunications Regulation and Policy Programme. He has a master’s degree in Regulation from the London School of Economics, obtained after being awarded a Chevening Scholarship in 1997, a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.) in Economics and Management (UWI), and
Bachelor of Law from the University of London. He also holds a Certificate in Legal Education from the Norman Manley Law School.
John P. Janka serves as Chief Officer, Global Government Affairs & Regulatory at Viasat, Inc., an international communications solutions provider with a long legacy of designing, building and operating telecommunications and broadband networks of all types. He has extensive experience in the telecommunications, media, and technology (TMT) sector from over three decades of work at the global law firm Latham & Watkins, where he was a partner and served as the head of its Communications Law practice group. In that capacity, Mr. Janka represented entities ranging from startup entities to global leaders, whom he counseled on a variety of strategic matters. His clients included domestic and international satellite, wireless, and other terrestrial telecommunications companies; Internet service providers; video programming and other content suppliers; media services companies; television and radio broadcast operators; equipment manufacturers; and banks, private equity firms, and other investors.
Mr. Janka consistently has been recognized as a leading lawyer in publications such as Euromoney’s Expert Guides to the World’s Leading TMT Lawyers, Euromoney’s The Best of The Best USA-Telecoms, The International Who’s Who of Telecoms & Media Lawyers, Super Lawyers, and the Washingtonian magazine. Both Chambers USA and The Legal 500 US ranked Mr. Janka as a leading lawyer in the telecommunications, satellite, and broadcast areas, noting his creativity, vast experience, and reputation as one of the leading lawyers. In 2017, Mr. Janka was inducted into The Legal 500’s Hall of Fame, which highlights individuals who have received “constant praise by their clients” and who are at the “pinnacle of their profession.” In addition, The Financial Times highlighted one of Mr. Janka’s projects for Viasat, providing a “standout” ranking for advising on issues involving new uses of radio spectrum.
Mr. Janka also developed and edited for a decade a global compendium of international law, entitled The Technology, Media and Telecommunications Review.
Mr. Janka graduated cum laude from Duke University and Order of the Coif from the University of California at Los Angeles School of Law. He served as a law clerk to Judge Cynthia Holcomb Hall, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, and as a delegate at International Telecommunication Union World Radiocommunication Conferences.
Mrs. Wendy Jap-A-Joe holds a master’s degree in Tourism from the Flinders University in Adelaide, South-Australia and a BSc degree in Hospitality and Tourism Management form the Suriname Institute of Management. Currently she is in the process of finalizing her PhD in leadership. As she developed her hobby, she is a certified lifeguard and volunteers at swimming events in Suriname. She has been working in the different areas of Hospitality Industry between 2000 and 2015. Furthermore, as a consultant, she developed organizational structures for improvement for many businesses in Suriname. Also, she has been lecturing part time at The Suriname College of Hospitality & Tourism for 4 years. From January 2015 she has been appointed as the Acting Director of the Telecommunication Authority Suriname. Recently she has been formally appointed as Director.
Her current focus is on:
• Transforming the TAS from a pure regulator into a strategic partner in the telecommunication sector
• Improving collaboration between the government, local and regional stakeholders
• Promoting innovation in the telecommunication en ICT sector in Suriname
• Updating the Surinamese legislation on Telecommunication
• Creating Awareness about Pro’s and Con’s on ICT development for Suriname
• Digital inclusion
Javier Juárez Mojica is Commissioner of the Federal Telecommunications Institute (IFT) since October 2016, when the Mexican Senate appointed him, and currently serves as the Acting President of the IFT1 since March 2022.
He began his professional career at the Federal Telecommunications Commission (Cofetel) in October 1999, where he participated in projects such as the implementation of number portability, the development of the Fundamental Technical Plan for Interconnection and Interoperability and the measurement of the quality of mobile networks.
From April 2015 to October 2016, he held the position of Head of the Regulatory Policy Unit of the Federal Telecommunications Institute.
He has participated and organized conferences and fora on interconnection, community and indigenous networks and social media, local loop unbundling, mobile virtual operators, Internet of Things, Artificial Intelligence, digital transformation, gender equity, among others.
He is an honorary member of the World Commission on the Ethics of Scientific Knowledge and Technology (COMEST) of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), served as Vice-Chair of the Working Party on Communications Infrastructure and Services Policy (CISP) during the 2019-2021 term of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and was a member of the OECD Artificial Intelligence Expert Group (OEGAI).
1. In substitution for absence, pursuant to the provisions of Article 19 of the Federal Telecommunications and Broadcasting Law.
A globally recognized leader in standards development and intellectual property, Prof., Dr. Ing. Konstantinos Karachalios is Managing Director of the IEEE Standards Association and a member of the IEEE Management Council.
As Managing Director, he has been enhancing IEEE efforts in global standards development in strategic emerging technology fields, through technical excellence of staff, expansion of global presence and activities and emphasis on inclusiveness and good governance, including reform of the IEEE standards-related patent policy.
As member of the IEEE Management Council, he championed expansion of IEEE influence in key techno-political areas, including consideration of social and ethical implications of technology, according to the IEEE mission to advance technology for humanity. Results have been rapid in coming and profound; IEEE is becoming the place to go for debating and building consensus on issues such as a trustworthy and inclusive Internet, in particular regarding respect and protection of the rights of minors, and ethics in design of autonomous systems.
Before IEEE, Konstantinos played a crucial role in successful French-German cooperation in coordinated research and scenario simulation for large-scale nuclear reactor accidents. And with the European Patent Office, his experience included establishing EPO’s patent academy, the department for delivering technical assistance for developing countries and the public policy department, serving as an envoy to multiple U.N. organizations.
Konstantinos earned a Ph.D. in energy engineering (nuclear reactor safety) and masters in mechanical engineering from the University of Stuttgart. In September 2022 he has been appointed G20 Professor and a Founding Member of the G20 Professorship Governance Committee. This Professorship is established in G20 2022 by the Indonesian Academy of Sciences (chairing the G20 — Science 20) for incubating the Science of Governance.
Dr. Kim Mallalieu is deputy chair of the Board of the Telecommunications Authority of Trinidad and Tobago (TATT) and chair of the Authority’s Board Review Committee. She is senior lecturer and leader of the Communication Systems Group in the Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering at The University of the West Indies (UWI), chair of the UWI St. Augustine Campus ICT Steering Committee, and past coordinator of UWI’s Master’s degree in Telecommunications Regulation and Policy, MRP (Telecommunications). She also lectures in Carnegie Mellon University’s Centre for Executive Education in Technology Policy.
Dr. Mallalieu is chief rapporteur and member of the Executive Steering Committee of the Universal Safeguards for Digital Public Infrastructure Initiative of OSET and UNDP; pro bono technical supervisor of the ITU, TATT and Caribbean Telecommunications Union (CTU) Smart Seas Project; and a member of the Caribbean Spectrum Management Task Force. She coordinates the Mentoring Programme for Permanent Consultative Committee I (PCC.I) of Inter‑American Telecommunication Commission (CITEL) and, as a keen advocate for gender equality for development, she is vice chair of the Advisory Board for the Network of Women (NOW) in ITU-D, and member of the Caribbean Association of National Telecommunications Organizations (CANTO) Women in ICT (WICT) Committee.
As Principal Investigator of the Caribbean ICT Research Programme (CIRP), Dr. Mallalieu is engaged in multidisciplinary action research with an emphasis on building the resilience of underserved populations. She holds a BS in Electrical Engineering from MIT and PhD in Electrical and Electronic Engineering from University College London. She is a member of Radio Emergency Associated Communication Teams (REACT); a licensed amateur radio and GMDSS short range operator; and the recipient of local, regional and international teaching and research awards, and other awards of distinction. She is the first woman to title a dog in the sport of Internationale Gebrauchshunde Prüfungsordnung (IGP) in Trinidad and Tobago.
Philip Marnick is the General Director of the Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (TRA). He was appointed early January 2022 by the Members of the Board, to assume the position, paving the way for a more effective regulatory framework by continuing the evolution of the telecom sector liberalization.
Mr. Marnick leads the TRA, including the development of consumer protection initiatives and resolving disputes. The TRA develops regulatory rules that promote competition, innovation, and investment in broadband services and facilities, as well as developing a more comprehensive and competitive framework that aligns with international best practices. Ensuring that Bahrain remains a center of innovation and that its telecommunications sector serves everyone while supporting Bahrain’s strategic objectives.
Before assuming his role at the TRA, Philip managed and directed at Ofcom in the UK, where he was the Group Director of Spectrum responsible for all aspects of UK national and international spectrum management – from strategy to delivery including awards, clearance and enforcement.
Mr. Marnick has worked in the telecommunications sector for over 30 years. He has served as a senior executive in technology, operations, and strategy. Mr. Marnick has worked in both start-ups (from inception to sale) and major corporations, in firms such as UK Broadband, O2, Orange, BT, J-Phone in Japan (now Softbank Mobile), Extreme Mobile, and SpinVox (now Nuance).
From analogue to 5G, he has engaged across every mobile generation. Throughout his carrier he has been at the forefront of industry developments – in both fixed and mobile. He has collaborated on the first deployments of mobile networks utilizing new technologies and standards, this has also included innovative products such as the first camera phone and photo messaging service, as well as mobile internet and hosted voice services.
Professor Konstantinos Masselos has been appointed as the President of the Hellenic Telecommunications & Post Commission (EETT) in February 2018 and his mandate has been renewed in February 2022.
He is Vice Chair of the Body of European Regulators for Electronic Communications (BEREC) for 2024 (Outgoing Chair) and he was BEREC Chair for 2023 and Vice Chair for 2022 (Incoming Chair) and for 2019.
He is Professor in the Department of Informatics and Telecommunications of the University of Peloponnese and he served as Rector of the above University during the period 2012-2017.
From 2005 to 2008 he was a Lecturer in the Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering at Imperial College London. Also during the period 2010-2016 he was an Honorary Lecturer in the same Department.
From 2001-2004 he worked in the telecommunications industry.
Since 2005 he has been collaborating as an expert with various units of the European Commission. Also, he was member of the Scientific Committee of the European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) from 2015 to 2017.
Isabelle Mauro is Director General of the Global Satellite Operators Association (GSOA) that represents the interests of the satellite industry ecosystem. Under Isabelle’s leadership, GSOA and its member CEOs lead the effort to showcase the benefits of satellite communications for a more inclusive, sustainable and secure society — vital to bridging the world’s digital divide, achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and realizing the full potential of the 5G & 6G ecosystem.
Isabelle has 25 years’ experience in the Telecoms and Technology sector, starting at the GSMA, where she was responsible for International & External Affairs for fifteen years. In 2015 she moved to New York to join the World Economic Forum as Head of the Information, Communications and Technology (ICT) Industry, managing the portfolio of over 60 Tech companies globally and leading initiatives on inclusive and sustainable digital transformation.
Isabelle is passionate about inclusion and sustainability. She is a Commissioner of the UN Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development. Isabelle is also Member of the Advisory Board of Access Partnership and of the High-Level Advisory Board of the DigitalGoesGreen Foundation. She also sits on the Advisory Board of Women in Tech.
Isabelle holds an MSc in European Politics and Policy from the London School of Economics. She is fluent in French, English, Italian and Spanish.
Elizabeth Migwalla is Vice President International Government Affairs for Qualcomm International Incorporated (Qualcomm). She leads global spectrum strategy and policy work in Qualcomm’s participation at the International Telecommunication Union, and coordinates Qualcomm’s global multidisciplinary ITU team in pursuit of business and technology objectives for 5G/6G, both at the ITU and among regional spectrum authorities.
Elizabeth is also Qualcomm’s Government Affairs lead for Africa and Middle East, interfacing directly with key government ministries, regulatory authorities as well as regional and international regulatory forums, in order to drive the adoption of advanced broadband wireless technologies and service in the MEA region.
For the past five years Elizabeth has been the Chair of the Global Mobile Suppliers’ Association ( GSA) Spectrum Group for the ATU region.
With a distinguished career in various aspects of telecommunications engineering, operations, services and policy spanning more than 31 years, she has built a reputation as one of Africa’s leading experts on communications policy through her many accomplishments during this period.
Prior to joining Qualcomm Elizabeth served The Boeing Company as its Regional Director for Regulatory Affairs for four years; and also performed a similar role for ICO Global Communications for a period of five years.
Elizabeth holds Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees in Engineering from the University of Nairobi (Kenya), and an MBA from Bond University in Australia.
Mr. John OMO is the Secretary-General of the African Telecommunications Union (ATU), the African Union’s specialized agency for telecommunications and ICTs’ development in Africa. He has held the position since January 2019 and was re-elected for a second 4-year term at the ATU Conference of Plenipotentiaries held in Algiers, Algeria in July 2022. He leads the continental body entrusted with building consensus within African countries in the development of ICT policies, systems and services, and also in coordinating African participation in international ICT fora.
Mr. Omo has 31 years of experience as a lawyer and has contributed immensely to the development of local and international policies, legislation, agreements, and treaties in all areas of public service life but mainly in the area of ICTs.
Prior to his election as the Secretary General of the Union, he worked with the Communications Authority of Kenya, Kenya’s ICT regulator, where he provided leadership over the Authority’s legal matters and strategies. Before that, he worked in the public/civil service.
He holds a Master of Law degree in International and Commercial law from the University of Sheffield — UK, a Bachelor of Law from the University of Nairobi — Kenya, and a Diploma in Human Rights Law from the UN Human Rights Centre, Geneva, and ILO Centre Turin among other professional courses.
Mr. Omo was recently awarded the Global Merit Leader Awards 2022 by Telecom Review during Telecom Review Leaders’ Summit in Dubai, UAE.
Abdel Rahman Omran, a trailblazing figure in the field of artificial intelligence and data science, has been garnering worldwide recognition for his remarkable contributions. With a master’s degree in electrical and computer engineering, specializing in AI and data science from the esteemed University of Ottawa, he has proven himself to be a visionary and a pioneer.
Currently serving as a Consultant to the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Electronics Factory of the Arab Organization for Industrialization, Omran plays a pivotal role in spearheading groundbreaking artificial intelligence projects. His relentless pursuit of innovation has led to the development of transformative technologies that are revolutionizing the lives of individuals with physical disabilities.
Omran’s most notable achievement came to fruition when he received the prestigious first-place honor at the Geneva International Exhibition of Inventions 2017. He astounded the world with his groundbreaking invention: an electric wheelchair controlled by brain signals. This groundbreaking technology provides unprecedented mobility and independence for quadriplegics, improving their quality of life in unimaginable ways. The international recognition bestowed upon Omran further solidifies his status as a true visionary in the field.
In recognition of his extraordinary talents and contributions, Omran was honored with the esteemed Creativity Award by the President of Egypt. This accolade exemplifies his commitment to pushing the boundaries of what is possible and his dedication to leveraging technology to bring positive change to society.
Abdel Rahman Omran continues to inspire future generations with his innovative spirit and unwavering commitment to making a difference in people’s lives.
Lizania Perez is a Telematics Engineer, graduated from the Pontificia Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra (PUCMM) in the Dominican Republic; she is also Specialist in System Information Management, title obtained at the Technological Institute of Santo Domingo (INTEC). In addition, she made a specialty in Telecommunications Economics and Regulation at the International University Iberoamericana of Puerto Rico. She has completed two master’s degrees, the first in Management of Telecommunications and Information Technologies at the Industrial Organization School (EOI) in Madrid, Spain and the Second was a master’s degree in Cybersecurity, held at Technological Institute of Santo Domingo (INTEC).
She held various positions at the Dominican Institute of Telecommunications (INDOTEL), a body regulator of the telecommunications sector in the Dominican Republic, assuming roles as an IT professional at the Information and communication technologies Department; also held the position as Specialist Engineer in Telecommunications Regulation and Defense of the Competition Department and finally assumed as Engineer of the Cybersecurity, Commerce Electronic and Digital Signature Department. She has worked as a Cybersecurity coordinator in other private sector entities and currently holds the position of Executive Secretary in the Regional Technical of Telecommunications Commission (COMTELCA), specialized agency of the Central American Integration System (SICA).
Cynthia Reddock-Downes is Chief Executive Officer and Executive Director of the Telecommunications Authority of Trinidad and Tobago, by profession a Chartered Accountant she also has a BSc Degree in Industrial Management from the University of the West Indies and certifications in Systems Analysis and Design and Telecommunications Regulation. Cynthia has worked at the Authority since its inception in 2004 and in so doing, has facilitated the development of ICTs in Trinidad and Tobago including the development of a competitive Telecommunications and Broadcasting Industry.
Cynthia also has experience in an operating environment, having worked at the Telephone Company, the incumbent in Trinidad and Tobago for over ten years in various positions including as Project Accountant on the Capital Development Programme as well as Senior Manager with responsibility for the implementation of financial systems. Since joining the Authority, she has worked closely with the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the Caribbean Telecommunications Union (CTU) and since 2013 she has represented Trinidad and Tobago as the Vice Chair of the ITU Regional Group for Latin America and the Caribbean — Study Group 3, responsible for developing International Standards in the areas of Policy, Economics and Accounting. Cynthia was also member of the ITU Focus Group on Digital Financial Services (DFS) the focus group responsible for the development of international standards for DFS which are now published. In May 2022 Cynthia also commenced the Chairmanship of Working Party 4 of ITU-T Study Group 3.
Ahmed Riad has over 15 years of international experience in the ICT industry, digital transformation, and innovation. Throughout his career, he has demonstrated a strong understanding of infrastructure, digital technologies, entrepreneurship ecosystems and digital business development, operating across various regions, countries, and levels.
Ahmed has held positions at Ericsson, Nokia Siemens Networks, International Telecommunications Union, and currently at Huawei Technologies. In his current role, Ahmed leads strategic engagements and partnership strategies for Huawei’s standardization teams, collaborating with international organizations on a global level for ICT standardization and strategic industry development. He also identifies key insights of ICT industry trends and drives innovation within the organization.
Before joining Huawei, Ahmed worked at ITU HQ in Geneva, where he was instrumental in establishing the Artificial Intelligence for Good Global Summit, as well as leading the AI for Good Innovation Factory to identify and scale AI-centric solutions that contribute to the UN Sustainable Development Goals. He also managed Small and Medium Enterprises innovation programs and partnerships with numerous organizations from the Middle East and North America at ITU Telecom. Prior to his work at ITU, Ahmed delivered various projects across the MEA and Asia regions for Nokia Networks and Ericsson, mainly in the Mobile Broadband domain as a Senior Solution Architect and Senior Technical Project Manager. With excellent communication skills and a natural talent for leading teams, Ahmed has successfully navigated complex teams and cultures through major transformations in highly multicultural settings.
Ahmed holds a Master of Science degree in Telecommunications with Business from University College London, UK, and a Bachelor of Science degree in Electrical Communications and Electronics Systems Engineering from Egypt.
Federal Communications Commission Acting Chairwoman Jessica Rosenworcel believes that the future belongs to the connected. She works to promote greater opportunity, accessibility, and affordability in our communications services in order to ensure that all Americans get a fair shot at 21st century success. She believes strong communications markets can foster economic growth and security, enhance digital age opportunity, and enrich our civic life.
From fighting to protect net neutrality to ensuring access to the internet for students caught in the Homework Gap, Jessica has been a consistent champion for connecting all. She is a leader in spectrum policy, developing new ways to support wireless services from Wi-Fi to video and the internet of things. She also is responsible for developing policies to help expand the reach of broadband to schools, libraries, hospitals, and households across the country.
Named as one of POLITICO’s 50 Politicos to Watch and profiled by InStyle Magazine in a series celebrating «women who show up, speak up and get things done,»» Jessica brings over two decades of communications policy experience and public service to the FCC. Prior to joining the agency, she served as Senior Communications Counsel for the United States Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, under the leadership of Senator John D. Rockefeller IV and Senator Daniel Inouye. Before entering public service, Jessica practiced communications law in Washington, DC.
«
She graduated from Beijing university of posts and telecommunications in 2007 and holds a master’s degree in computer science. She has been working in the field of green and low carbon ICT for more than 10 year. Currently she is the Vice Chief Engineer of China Telecommunication Technology Labs (systems) in China Academy of Information and Communication Technology (CAICT). Her focuses include fundamental Research, prospective study and standardization work in digital sustainable development and carbon Neutrality.
She is also Vice Chair of ITU-T Study Group 5, Chair of WP3 on NetZero and Chair of the Asia Pacific Regional Group in ITU-T SG5; and leader of WG2 (Large scale renewable energy deployment and digitalization) in CEET of UN-SG, also Chair of Working Group 1 / Technical Committee 4(Power and environment for ICT) in China Communication Standardization Association (CCSA). She is also very active in IEC TC22 and IEC SyC LVDC. She developed around 20 Recommendations as a chief editor in ITU such as ITU-T L.1210, ITU-T L.1380 series Recommendation on smart energy. Moreover, she is also very active in Chinese domestic standardization activities and developed more than 20 Chinese standards including National standards, industrial standard and regional standards. She has got first prize scientific rewards from China Institute of Communications and first prize scientific reward from CCSA.
A telecommunications engineer by training, Mr. Toscano has more than thirty years’ experience in the telecommunications sector and has held management positions in both the public and private sectors as well as in regional and international organizations in this field.
His professional experience before being appointed as Managing Director & Government Affairs at Intelsat, includes the position of Director of International Government Affairs and Asset Deployment with Intelsat. the elected position of Director General of ITSO, the position of Director of External Relations with ITSO and executive appointments within the National Regulatory Authority (ICP-ANACOM) and the European Commission, top-level management responsibilities with the private telecommunications sector in Portugal, as well as teaching assignments at various universities in Portugal. He has also been actively involved in the definition, development and work of numerous regional and international regulatory entities in the telecommunications and satellite communications fields in particular the ITU, EC, CEPT, and the GSM MoU, and is especially knowledgeable and comfortable working in a multicultural environment.
Commissioner in the ITU/UNESCO Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development from 2010 to September 2017 and Vice President of the ITU BDT Smart Sustainable Development Model Initiative
Dr. P.D. Vaghela joined as Chairman, Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on 1st October, 2020. Prior to joining TRAI, Dr.Vaghela was Secretary, Department of Pharmaceuticals, Ministry of Chemicals & Fertilizers. Dr.Vaghela had graduated in Commerce in the year 1982. He did his M.B.A (Master of Business Administration) with specialization in Financial Management in 1984 and also obtained M.A in Development Studies (Public Policy & Management) from the Institute of Social Studies, the Hague in the Netherlands in the year 2005. He was decorated with a Doctorate in the year 2013 in Public Management and Policy by Sardar Patel University, Anand, Gujarat.
He joined Indian Administrative Service [IAS] in 1986. He has held various assignments starting from District level to State level, during which he had won a number of awards for excellence as best Collector & District Magistrate 86 District Development Officer. In his assignment as Chairman, Kandla Port (2008-2013), the port was awarded as the best port for five years of his tenure. He worked as Chief Commissioner of Sales Tax, in Gujarat, during which period he has played a major role in drafting GST law, its rules and fixing GST rates of goods and services as Convener of national level GST Law and GST Fitment Committees. He was closely involved in the GST implementation at national level as a key member of GST Implementation Committee.
As Secretary Pharmaceuticals, he has launched four ambitious schemes to transform the sector. He also worked as Convenor of Empowered Group 3 (now EG2) which handled availability of critical medical supplies like PPE, N-95, Ventilators and testing kits. Today India is exporting these items for which India was otherwise dependent on imports during pre-covid time. In May, 2018 Dr. Vaghela was honoured by Hon’ble Prime Minister of India for excellence in Public Administration while appreciating his contribution in implementation of GST in India.
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correct_foundationPlace_00048
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1
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https://www.cybersecurity.my/en/knowledge_bank/news/2002/main/detail/1055/index.html
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No Arguing Over the Bill
2nd August 2002 (NISER)
By Gopal Nair
Intec Telecom Systems, a global leader in Operations Support Systems (OSS) for fixed, mobile and IP/next-generation networks, announced that Swisscom Mobile, Switzerland's leading provider in the Swiss mobile communications market, has begun operation with its InterconnecT intercarrier billing solution.
With the help of Intec's implementation team, Swisscom Mobile successfully configured and installed the InterconnecT solution, generating highly accurate interconnect bills in its first run. Swisscom uses InterconnecT, the world leader in domestic and international intercarrier billing, to charge other carriers for using its network facilities. Intec's InterconnecT PREP pre-mediation technology has also been installed as a front end to the billing system.
"Thanks to Intec's experience and professional support we were able to get the system up and running according to our time plan," said Kurt Schmid, head of Network Strategy at Swisscom Mobile. "Intec's solution is a standard, off-the-shelf mature product that can be installed relatively quickly. The revenue generated by our billing solution will be used to help finance our expanding portfolio of services."
InterconnecT will support Swisscom Mobile's forecast growth in the GSM market by maximising network revenues and minimising costs. The solution will enable the company to achieve a strategic commercial advantage by accurately billing and auditing the interconnect charges that make up a large portion of any mobile operator's revenues and cost base.
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correct_foundationPlace_00048
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FactBench
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2
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https://www.ossnewsreview.com/intec-telecom-systems-plc-announces-audited-results-for-the-year-ended-30-september-2005-55
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Intec Telecom Systems PLC Announces Audited results for the year ended 30 September 2005
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2005-12-07T19:05:07-06:00
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en
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https://www.ossnewsreview.com/intec-telecom-systems-plc-announces-audited-results-for-the-year-ended-30-september-2005-55
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Intec Telecom Systems PLC (“Intec†or “the Companyâ€), a leading supplier of billing software solutions to the global telecoms industry, today announced its audited results for the year ended 30 September 2005 (“FY 2005â€). Revenue and earnings have grown almost 70% over the same period last year as a result of the turnaround of the Singl.eView acquisition, with Intec making a clear transition to being one of the world’s leading BSS/OSS suppliers in terms of both business performance and product capability.
Financial Highlights
– Revenue up 69% to £116.2m (Year ended 30 September 2004 (“FY 2004â€): £68.8m)
– EBITDA before exceptionals up 58% to £16.9m (FY 2004: £10.7m)
– License sales up 33% to £25.4m (FY2004:£19.1m)
– Adjusted PBT up 63% to £13.5m (FY 2004: £8.3m)
– Loss before tax of £4.0m (FY 2004: loss of £1.2m) after £16.4m amortisation charge (FY 2004: £8.8m)
– Adjusted EPS up 7% to 3.82p (FY 2004: 3.57p); Basic loss per share (2.00p) (FY 2004: (0.80p))
– Operating cash inflow of £0.6m (FY 2004: inflow of £4.6m)
– Net cash and current asset investments of £23.8m (FY 2004: £32.2m)
Operational Highlights
– Successfully turned around the Singl.eView business; made profitable from first quarter of ownership.
– Original Intec business continues to win market share.
– Increase in frequency of multi-product, multi-million pound deals.
– Transformation of Intec into tier 1 vendor of business critical solutions.
– Contract wins across all products and all regions including two RBOCs in the USA, MTN, The Carphone Warehouse, Saudi Telecom and VimpelCom.
– New solutions launched, including Singl.eView v6, Intec IPTV and Intec Trading & Routing.
– New Centre of Excellence opened in Bangalore.
“2005 has been a year of transition in which Intec has increased its market share in its established business, created excellent momentum and good profitability in Singl.eView, and built a strong foundation for continued, profitable growth,†said Intec’s non-executive chairman, John Hughes. “It has also been a year of investment, in particular in new offshore facilities, new software solutions, and improved operational infrastructure, that are vital to our future competitive performance.â€
“The impact of Singl.eView on Intec has been dramatic. We are delivering on its promise, particularly in terms of our market presence, and in establishing relationships with the most senior management at tier 1 telcos,†added Intec CEO Kevin Adams. “As well as beating expectations for both revenue and earnings, we have transformed the Singl.eView business from substantial losses to profitability. Despite strong marketplace competition, we have won our largest ever deals, which bring long-term revenue streams.â€
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