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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 94
|
https://rehab-lab.org/organizations/rehab-lab-garches
|
en
|
REHAB
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
REHAB-LAB community platform: integrated, specialized and united Fablabs.
|
en
|
/apple-touch-icon.png?v=2.21.3
|
https://rehab-lab.org/organizations/rehab-lab-garches
| ||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 21
|
https://www.abebooks.com/9780521573870/Raymond-Poincar%25C3%25A9-Keiger-0521573874/plp
|
en
|
Keiger, J. F. V.: 9780521573870
|
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[
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[
"J. F. V",
"John F. V",
"J. F. V. Keiger",
"Keiger J. F. V"
] |
1997-07-22T00:00:00
|
Raymond Poincaré by Keiger, J. F. V. - ISBN 10: 0521573874 - ISBN 13: 9780521573870 - Cambridge University Press - 1997 - Hardcover
|
en
|
https://www.abebooks.com/9780521573870/Raymond-Poincar%C3%A9-Keiger-0521573874/plp
|
Raymond Poincar
Keiger J. F. V.
Published by Cambridge University Press, 1997
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: 1 available
Seller: Majestic Books, Hounslow, United Kingdom
Seller Rating:
Condition: New. pp. 424 9:B&W 6 x 9 in or 229 x 152 mm Case Laminate on Creme w/Gloss Lam. Seller Inventory # 7619163
Contact seller
Raymond Poincare
J. F. V. Keiger
Published by Cambridge University Press, 1997
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: Over 20 available
Print on Demand
Seller: THE SAINT BOOKSTORE, Southport, United Kingdom
Seller Rating:
Hardback. Condition: New. This item is printed on demand. New copy - Usually dispatched within 5-9 working days. Seller Inventory # C9780521573870
Contact seller
Raymond Poincar
Keiger, J. F. V.|Keiger, John F. V.
Published by Cambridge University Press, 2010
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: Over 20 available
Print on Demand
Seller: moluna, Greven, Germany
Seller Rating:
Condition: New. Dieser Artikel ist ein Print on Demand Artikel und wird nach Ihrer Bestellung fuer Sie gedruckt. This book is a scholarly biography of one of France s foremost modern politicians. Based on considerable archival material, it sheds light on the origins of the Great War, inter-war international finance as well as the early years of the French feminist and. Seller Inventory # 446940620
Contact seller
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 23
|
https://electricscotland.com/history/france/rector.htm
|
en
|
Address delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré, President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, 1914
|
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Address delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré, President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow, 1914-1919 on November 13th 1919
| null |
FOR nearly five hundred years the University of Glasgow has elected a Rector, whose post has for long been an honorary one, entailing no greater labour than the delivery of one address during the three years' tenure of office. The post, during the last century or more, has usually been held by a distinguished statesman in earlier days by ecclesiastics; and it is curious that the highest honour which the undergraduates of the University have in their power to bestow, has rarely been offered to a man on account of his scholastic or literary or scientific work. The last holder of the office, however, was probably the only Lord Rector who was the head of a Great Nation, and M. Poincare's address, which was delivered in excellent English, was of unusual interest as expressing the feeling of France towards Great Britain, and especially towards Scotland. The tributes of praise to Scottish soldiers, sailors and nurses are as generous and as discriminating as those to Scottish scholars, statesmen and institutions, although the place and circumstances of the address naturally led the speaker to adopt a laudatory rather than a critical tone throughout. But what gives the address its peculiar value is the intimate estimate by the President of the French Republic of one great Scotsman, the British Commander-in-Chief, whom M. Poincare singled out as possessing typical national characteristics. Withdrawing for a moment the veil which usually hides the proceedings at critical conferences, M. Poincare told the story of his consultation with Field-Marshal Haig on two occasions, when the fate of the Western Powers seemed to be hanging in the balance, and when the Field-Marshal not only showed his clear-sightedness and moral energy, but acted with 'a patriotism and a loyalty which will make him still greater in the world's history.' The sincerity of this personal tribute is unmistakable. In addition to the print of the Rectorial Address, the French Government has also issued in their ' Petite Collection Historique ' a series of eleven charming booklets containing speeches by the President on various public occasions during the last two years. These cover a wide field, including an oration in memory of authors who have died during the War, an address delivered at the Sorbonne, and speeches at Verdun and Nancy.
You can read his address here in pdf format
We also have a couple of pdf books about General Douglas Haig...
|
|||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 76
|
https://nautil.us/darwin-was-a-slacker-and-you-should-be-too-236532/
|
en
|
Darwin Was a Slacker and You Should Be Too
|
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[
"Alex Soojung-Kim Pang"
] |
2017-03-28T17:01:52+00:00
|
Many famous scientists have something in common—they didn’t work long hours.
|
en
|
Nautilus
|
https://nautil.us/darwin-was-a-slacker-and-you-should-be-too-236532/
|
When you examine the lives of history’s most creative figures, you are immediately confronted with a paradox: They organize their lives around their work, but not their days.
Figures as different as Charles Dickens, Henri Poincaré, and Ingmar Bergman, working in disparate fields in different times, all shared a passion for their work, a terrific ambition to succeed, and an almost superhuman capacity to focus. Yet when you look closely at their daily lives, they only spent a few hours a day doing what we would recognize as their most important work. The rest of the time, they were hiking mountains, taking naps, going on walks with friends, or just sitting and thinking. Their creativity and productivity, in other words, were not the result of endless hours of toil. Their towering creative achievements result from modest “working” hours.
How did they manage to be so accomplished? Can a generation raised to believe that 80-hour workweeks are necessary for success learn something from the lives of the people who laid the foundations of chaos theory and topology or wrote Great Expectations?
I think we can. If some of history’s greatest figures didn’t put in immensely long hours, maybe the key to unlocking the secret of their creativity lies in understanding not just how they labored but how they rested, and how the two relate.
Let’s start by looking at the lives of two figures. They were both very accomplished in their fields. Conveniently, they were next-door neighbors and friends who lived in the village of Downe, southeast of London. And, in different ways, their lives offer an entrée into the question of how labor, rest, and creativity connect.
First, imagine a silent, cloaked figure walking home on a dirt path winding through the countryside. On some mornings he walks with his head down, apparently lost in thought. On others he walks slowly and stops to listen to the woods around him, a habit “which he practiced in the tropical forests of Brazil” during his service as a naturalist in the Royal Navy, collecting animals, studying the geography and geology of South America, and laying the foundations for a career that would reach its peak with the publication of The Origin of Species in 1859. Now, Charles Darwin is older and has turned from collecting to theorizing. Darwin’s ability to move silently reflects his own concentration and need for quiet. Indeed, his son Francis said, Darwin could move so stealthily he once came upon “a vixen playing with her cubs at only a few feet distance” and often greeted foxes coming home from their nocturnal hunts.
Had those same foxes crossed paths with Darwin’s next-door neighbor, the baronet John Lubbock, they would have run for their lives. Lubbock liked to start the day with a ride through the country with his hunting dogs. If Darwin was a bit like Mr. Bennet in Pride and Prejudice, a respectable gentleman of moderate means who was polite and conscientious but preferred the company of family and books, Lubbock was more like Mr. Bingley, extroverted and enthusiastic, and wealthy enough to move easily in society and life. As he aged, Darwin was plagued by various ailments; even in his 60s, Lubbock still had “the lounging grace of manner which is peculiar to the Sixth-Form Eton boy,” according to one visitor. But the neighbors shared a love of science, even though their working lives were as different as their personalities.
Even in today’s 24/7, always-on world, we can blend work and rest together in ways that make us smarter, more creative, and happier.
After his morning walk and breakfast, Darwin was in his study by 8 and worked a steady hour and a half. At 9:30 he would read the morning mail and write letters. At 10:30, Darwin returned to more serious work, sometimes moving to his aviary, greenhouse, or one of several other buildings where he conducted his experiments. By noon, he would declare, “I’ve done a good day’s work,” and set out on a long walk on the Sandwalk, a path he had laid out not long after buying Down House. (Part of the Sandwalk ran through land leased to Darwin by the Lubbock family.) When he returned after an hour or more, Darwin had lunch and answered more letters. At 3 he would retire for a nap; an hour later he would arise, take another walk around the Sandwalk, then return to his study until 5:30, when he would join his wife, Emma, and their family for dinner. On this schedule he wrote 19 books, including technical volumes on climbing plants, barnacles, and other subjects; the controversial Descent of Man; and The Origin of Species, probably the single most famous book in the history of science, and a book that still affects the way we think about nature and ourselves.
Anyone who reviews his schedule cannot help but notice the creator’s paradox. Darwin’s life revolved around science. Since his undergraduate days, Darwin had devoted himself to scientific collecting, exploration, and eventually theorizing. He and Emma moved to the country from London to have more space to raise a family and to have more space—in more than one sense of the word—for science. Down House gave him space for laboratories and greenhouses, and the countryside gave him the peace and quiet necessary to work. But at the same time, his days don’t seem very busy to us. The times we would classify as “work” consist of three 90-minute periods. If he had been a professor in a university today, he would have been denied tenure. If he’d been working in a company, he would have been fired within a week.
It’s not that Darwin was careless about his time or lacked ambition. Darwin was intensely time-conscious and, despite being a gentleman of means, felt that he had none to waste. While sailing around the world on the HMS Beagle, he wrote to his sister Susan Elizabeth that “a man who dares to waste one hour of time has not discovered the value of life.” When he was deciding whether or not to marry, one of his concerns was that “loss of time—cannot read in the evenings,” and in his journals he kept an account of the time he lost to chronic illness. His “pure love” of science was “much aided by the ambition to be esteemed by my fellow naturalists,” he confessed in his autobiography. He was passionate and driven, so much so that he was given to anxiety attacks over his ideas and their implications.
John Lubbock is far less well-known than Darwin, but at the time of his death in 1913 he was “one of the most accomplished of England’s amateur men of science, one of the most prolific and successful authors of his time, one of the most earnest of social reformers, and one of the most successful lawmakers in the recent history of Parliament.” Lubbock’s scientific interests ranged across paleontology, animal psychology, and entomology—he invented the ant farm—but his most enduring work was in archaeology. His writings popularized the terms Paleolithic and Neolithic, which archaeologists still use today. His purchase of Avebury, an ancient settlement southwest of London, saved its stone monuments from destruction by developers. Today, it rivals Stonehenge in popularity and archaeological importance, and its preservation earned him the title Baron Avebury in 1900.
Lubbock’s accomplishments were not just in science. He inherited his father’s prosperous bank and turned it into a power in late Victorian finance. He helped modernize the British banking system. He spent decades in Parliament, where he was a successful and well-regarded legislator. His biography lists 29 books, a number of them best sellers that were translated into many foreign languages. Lubbock’s output was prodigious, notable even to his high-achieving contemporaries. “How you find time” for science, writing, politics, and business “is a mystery to me,” Charles Darwin told him in 1881.
Scientists who spent 25 hours in the workplace were no more productive than those who spent five.
It might be tempting to imagine Lubbock as a modern equivalent of today’s hard-charging alpha male, a kind of steampunk Tony Stark. Yet here’s a twist: His fame as a politician rested on an advocacy of rest. Britain’s bank holidays—four national holidays for everyone—were his invention, and they sealed his popular reputation when they went into effect in 1871. So beloved were they, and so closely associated with him, the popular press christened them “St. Lubbock’s Days.” He spent decades championing the Early Closing Bill, which limited working hours for people under 18 to 74 hours (!) per week; when the legislation finally passed in April 1903, 30 years after he first took up the cause, it was referred to as “Avebury’s Bill.”
And Lubbock practiced what he preached. It could be hard to manage his time when Parliament was in session, as debates and votes could extend well after midnight, but at High Elms he was up at 6:30, and after prayers, a ride, and breakfast, he started work at 8:30. He divided his day into half-hour blocks, a habit he’d learned from his father. After long years of practice, he was able to switch his attention from “some intricate point of finance” with his partners or clients to “such a problem in biology as parthenogenesis” without skipping a beat. In the afternoons he would spend a couple more hours outdoors. He was an enthusiastic cricketer, “a fast, left under-hand bowler” who regularly brought professional players to High Elms to coach him. His younger brothers played football; two of them played in the very first FA Cup finals in 1872. He was also fond of fives, a handball-like sport that he mastered at Eton. Later in life, when he took up golf, Lubbock replaced the cricket pitch at High Elms with a nine-hole course.
So despite their differences in personality and the different quality of their achievements, both Darwin and Lubbock managed something that seems increasingly alien today. Their lives were full and memorable, their work was prodigious, and yet their days are also filled with downtime.
This looks like a contradiction, or a balance that’s beyond the reach of most of us. It’s not. As we will see, Darwin and Lubbock, and many other creative and productive figures, weren’t accomplished despite their leisure; they were accomplished because of it. And even in today’s 24/7, always-on world, we can learn how to blend work and rest together in ways that make us smarter, more creative, and happier.
Darwin is not the only famous scientist who combined a lifelong dedication to science with apparently short working hours. We can see similar patterns in many others’ careers, and it’s worth starting with the lives of scientists for several reasons. Science is a competitive, all-consuming enterprise. Scientists’ accomplishments—the number of articles and books they write, the awards they win, the rate at which their works are cited—are well-documented and easy to measure and compare. As a result, their legacies are often easier to determine than those of business leaders or famous figures. At the same time, scientific disciplines are quite different from each other, which gives us a useful variety in working habits and personalities. Additionally, most scientists have not been subjected to the kind of intense myth making that surrounds, and alternately magnifies and obscures, business leaders and politicians.
Finally, a number of scientists were themselves interested in the ways work and rest affect thinking and contribute to inspiration. One example is Henri Poincaré, the French mathematician whose public eminence and accomplishments placed him on a level similar to Darwin. Poincaré’s 30 books and 500 papers spanned number theory, topology, astronomy and celestial mechanics, theoretical and applied physics, and philosophy; the American mathematician Eric Temple Bell described him as “the last universalist.” He was involved in efforts to standardize time zones, supervised railway development in northern France (he was educated as a mining engineer), served as inspector general of the Corps des Mines, and was a professor at the Sorbonne.
Poincaré wasn’t just famous among his fellow scientists: In 1895 he was, along with the novelist Émile Zola, sculptors Auguste Rodin and Jules Dalou, and composer Camille Saint-Saëns, the subject of a study by French psychiatrist Édouard Toulouse on the psychology of genius. Toulouse noted that Poincaré kept very regular hours. He did his hardest thinking between 10 a.m. and noon, and again between 5 and 7 in the afternoon. The 19th century’s most towering mathematical genius worked just enough to get his mind around a problem—about four hours a day.
The 60-plus-hour-a-week researchers were the least productive of all.
We see the same pattern among other noted mathematicians. G.H. Hardy, one of Britain’s leading mathematicians in the first half of the 20th century, would start his day with a leisurely breakfast and close reading of the cricket scores, then from 9 to 1 would be immersed in mathematics. After lunch he would be out again, walking and playing tennis. “Four hours creative work a day is about the limit for a mathematician,” he told his friend and fellow Oxford professor C.P. Snow. Hardy’s longtime collaborator John Edensor Littlewood believed that the “close concentration” required to do serious work meant that a mathematician could work “four hours a day or at most five, with breaks about every hour (for walks perhaps).” Littlewood was famous for always taking Sundays off, claiming that it guaranteed he would have new ideas when he returned to work on Monday.
A survey of scientists’ working lives conducted in the early 1950s yielded results in a similar range. Illinois Institute of Technology psychology professors Raymond Van Zelst and Willard Kerr surveyed their colleagues about their work habits and schedules, then graphed the number of hours faculty spent in the office against the number of articles they produced. You might expect that the result would be a straight line showing that the more hours scientists worked, the more articles they published. But it wasn’t. The data revealed an M-shaped curve. The curve rose steeply at first and peaked at between 10 to 20 hours per week. The curve then turned downward. Scientists who spent 25 hours in the workplace were no more productive than those who spent five. Scientists working 35 hours a week were half as productive as their 20-hours-a-week colleagues.
From there, the curve rose again, but more modestly. Researchers who buckled down and spent 50 hours per week in the lab were able to pull themselves out of the 35-hour valley: They became as productive as colleagues who spent five hours a week in the lab. Van Zelst and Kerr speculated that this 50-hour bump was concentrated in “physical research which requires continuous use of bulky equipment,” and that most of those 10-hour days were spent tending machines and occasionally taking measurements.
After that, it was all downhill: The 60-plus-hour-a-week researchers were the least productive of all.
Van Zelst and Kerr also asked faculty how many “hours per typical work day do you devote to homework which contributes to the efficient performance of your job” and graphed those results against productivity as well. This time, they didn’t see an M but rather a single curve peaking around three to three and a half hours a day. Unfortunately, they don’t say anything about total hours spent working at the office and home; they only allude to “the probability that” the most productive researchers “do much of their creative work at home or elsewhere,” rather than on campus. If you assume that the most productive office and home workers in this study are the same, this cohort is working between 25 and 38 hours a week. In a six-day week, that works out to an average of four to six hours a day.
You see a similar convergence of four- to five-hour-long working days in the lives of writers. The German writer and Nobel laureate Thomas Mann had settled into a daily work schedule by 1910, when he was 35 and had published the acclaimed novel Buddenbrooks. Mann started the day at 9, shutting himself in his office with strict instructions not to be disturbed and working first on novels. After lunch, the “afternoons are for reading, for my much too mountainous correspondence and for walks,” he said. After an hour-long nap and afternoon tea, he would spend another hour or two working on easy short pieces and editing.
Anthony Trollope, the great 19th-century English novelist, likewise kept a strict writing schedule. In an account of his life at Waltham House, where he lived from 1859 to 1871, he described his mature working style. At 5 o’clock in the morning, a servant arrived with coffee. He first read over the previous day’s work, then at 5:30 set his watch on his desk and started writing. He wrote 1,000 words an hour, an average of 40 finished pages a week, until it was time to leave for his day job at the post office at 8 o’clock. Working this way, he published 47 novels before his death in 1882 at the age of 67, though he gave little indication that he regarded this as remarkable, perhaps because his mother, who started writing in her 50s to support her family, published more than 100 books. He wrote, “All those I think who have lived as literary men,—working daily as literary laborers—will agree with me that three hours a day will produce as much as a man ought to write.”
Trollope’s steady working hours were matched by his contemporary Charles Dickens. After an early life burning the midnight oil, Dickens settled into a schedule as “methodical or orderly” as a “city clerk,” his son Charley said. Dickens shut himself in his study from 9 until 2, with a break for lunch. Most of his novels were serialized in magazines, and Dickens was rarely more than a chapter or two ahead of the illustrators and printer. Nonetheless, after five hours, Dickens was done for the day.
While this kind of discipline might seem to be an expression of Victorian strictness, many prolific 20th-century authors worked this way, too. Like Trollope, Egyptian novelist Naguib Mahfouz worked as a civil servant, and he mainly wrote fiction in the late afternoon, from 4 p.m. to 7 p.m. Canadian writer Alice Munro, who won the 2013 Nobel Prize in Literature, wrote from 8 a.m. to 11 a.m. Australian novelist Peter Carey said, “I think three hours is fine” for a day’s work; such a schedule allowed him to write 13 novels, including two Booker Prize winners. W. Somerset Maugham worked “only four hours” a day, until 1 p.m.—“but never less,” he added. Gabriel García Márquez wrote each day for five hours. Ernest Hemingway would start work about 6 in the morning and finish before noon. Unless deadlines were looming, Saul Bellow would retreat to his study after breakfast, write until lunch, and then review his day’s work. Irish novelist Edna O’Brien would work in the morning, “stop around one or two and spend the rest of the afternoon attending to mundane things.” Stephen King describes four to six hours of reading and writing as a “strenuous” day.
Karl Anders Ericsson, Ralf Krampe, and Clemens Tesch-Römer saw a similar pattern in a study of violin students at a conservatory in Berlin in the 1980s. Ericsson, Krampe, and Tesch-Römer were interested in what sets outstanding students apart from merely good ones. After interviewing music students and their teachers and having students keep track of their time, they found that several things separated the best students from the rest.
First, the great students didn’t just practice more than the average, they practiced more deliberately. During deliberate practice, Ericsson explained, you’re “engaging with full concentration in a special activity to improve one’s performance.” You’re not just doing reps, lobbing balls, or playing scales. Deliberate practice is focused, structured, and offers clear goals and feedback; it requires paying attention to what you’re doing and observing how you can improve. Students can engage in deliberate practice when they have a clear route to greatness, defined by a shared understanding of what separates brilliant work from good work, or winners from losers. Endeavors where one can have the fastest time, the highest score, or the most elegant solution are ones that allow for deliberate practice.
Second, you need a reason to keep at it, day after day. Deliberate practice isn’t a lot of fun, and it’s not immediately profitable. It means being in the pool before sunrise, working on your swing or stride when you could be hanging out with friends, practicing fingering or breathing in a windowless room, spending hours perfecting details that only a few other people will ever notice. There’s little that’s inherently or immediately pleasurable in deliberate practice, so you need a strong sense that these long hours will pay off, and that you’re not just improving your career prospects but also crafting a professional and personal identity. You don’t just do it for the fat stacks. You do it because it reinforces your sense of who you are and who you will become.
The idea of deliberate practice and Ericsson et al.’s measurements of the total amount of time world-class performers spend practicing have received a lot of attention. The study is a foundation for Malcolm Gladwell’s argument (laid out most fully in his book Outliers) that 10,000 hours of practice are necessary to become world-class in anything, and that everyone from chess legend Bobby Fischer to Microsoft founder Bill Gates to the Beatles put in their 10,000 hours before anyone heard of them. For coaches, music teachers, and ambitious parents, the number promises a golden road to the NFL or Juilliard or MIT: Just start them young, keep them busy, and don’t let them give up. In a culture that treats stress and overwork as virtues rather than vices, 10,000 hours is an impressively big number.
But there was something else that Ericsson and his colleagues noted in their study, something that almost everyone has subsequently overlooked. “Deliberate practice,” they observed, “is an effortful activity that can be sustained only for a limited time each day.” Practice too little and you never become world-class. Practice too much, though, and you increase the odds of being struck down by injury, draining yourself mentally, or burning out. To succeed, students must “avoid exhaustion” and “limit practice to an amount from which they can completely recover on a daily or weekly basis.”
The best students generally followed a pattern of practicing hardest and longest in the morning, taking a nap in the afternoon, and then having a second practice.
How do students marked for greatness make the most of limited practice time? The rhythm of their practice follows a distinctive pattern. They put in more hours per week in the practice room or playing field, but they don’t do it by making each practice longer. Instead, they have more frequent, shorter sessions, each lasting about 80 to 90 minutes, with half-hour breaks in between.
Add these several practices up, and what do you get? About four hours a day. About the same amount of time Darwin spent every day doing his hardest work, Hardy and Littlewood spent doing math, Dickens and King spent writing. Even ambitious young students in one of the world’s best schools, preparing for a notoriously competitive field, could handle only four hours of really focused, serious effort per day.
This upper limit, Ericsson concluded, is defined “not by available time, but by available [mental and physical] resources for effortful practice.” The students weren’t just practicing four hours and calling it a day; lectures, rehearsals, homework, and other things kept them busy the rest of the day. In interviews, the students said “it was primarily their ability to sustain the concentration necessary for deliberate practice that limited their hours of practice.” This is why it takes a decade to get Gladwell’s 10,000 hours: if you can only sustain that level of concentrated practice for four hours a day, that works out to 20 hours a week (assuming weekends off), or 1,000 hours a year (assuming a two-week vacation).
It’s not just the lives of musicians that illustrate the importance of deliberate practice. Ray Bradbury began writing seriously in 1932 and wrote 1,000 words a day. “For ten years I wrote at least one short story a week,” he recalled, but they never quite came together. Finally, in 1942, he wrote “The Lake.” Years later he still remembered the moment.
“Ten years of doing everything wrong suddenly became the right idea, the right scene, the right characters, the right day, the right creative time. I wrote the story sitting outside, with my typewriter, on the lawn. At the end of an hour the story was finished, the hair on the back of my neck was standing up, and I was in tears. I knew I had written the first really good story of my life.”
Ericsson and his colleagues observed another thing, in addition to practicing more, that separated the great students at the Berlin Conservatory from the good, something that has almost been completely ignored since: how they rested.
The top performers actually slept about an hour a day more than the average performers. They didn’t sleep late. They got more sleep because they napped during the day. Of course there was lots of variability, but the best students generally followed a pattern of practicing hardest and longest in the morning, taking a nap in the afternoon, and then having a second practice in the late afternoon or evening.
The researchers also asked students to estimate the amount of time they spent practicing, studying, and so on, and then had them keep a diary for a week. When they compared results from interviews and diaries, they noticed a curious anomaly in the data.
The merely good violinists tended to underestimate the amount of time they spent in leisure activities: they guessed they spent about 15 hours a week, when in reality they spent almost twice that. The best violinists, in contrast, could “estimate quite accurately the time they allocated to leisure,” about 25 hours. The best performers devoted more energy to organizing their time, thinking about how they would spend their time, and assessing what they did.
In other words, the top students were applying some of the habits of deliberate practice—mindfulness, an ability to observe their own performance, a sense that their time was valuable and needed to be spent wisely—to their downtime. They were discovering the immense value of deliberate rest. They figured out early that rest is important, that some of our most creative work happens when we take the kinds of breaks that allow our unconscious minds to keep plugging away, and that we can learn how to rest better. In the conservatory, deliberate rest is the partner of deliberate practice. It is in the studio and laboratory and publishing house, too. As Dickens and Poincaré and Darwin discovered, each is necessary. Each is half of a creative life. Together they form a whole.
For all the attention the Berlin conservatory study has received, this part of the top students’ experiences—their sleep patterns, their attention to leisure, their cultivation of deliberate rest as a necessary complement of demanding, deliberate practice—goes unmentioned. In Outliers, Malcolm Gladwell focuses on the number of hours exceptional performers practice and says nothing about the fact that those students also slept an hour more, on average, than their less-accomplished peers, or that they took naps and long breaks.
This is not to say that Gladwell misread Ericsson’s study; he just glossed over that part. And he has lots of company. Everybody speed-reads through the discussion of sleep and leisure and argues about the 10,000 hours.
This illustrates a blind spot that scientists, scholars, and almost all of us share: a tendency to focus on focused work, to assume that the road to greater creativity is paved by life hacks, propped up by eccentric habits, or smoothed by Adderall or LSD. Those who research world-class performance focus only on what students do in the gym or track or practice room. Everybody focuses on the most obvious, measurable forms of work and tries to make those more effective and more productive. They don’t ask whether there are other ways to improve performance, and improve your life.
This is how we’ve come to believe that world-class performance comes after 10,000 hours of practice. But that’s wrong. It comes after 10,000 hours of deliberate practice, 12,500 hours of deliberate rest, and 30,000 hours of sleep.
Alex Soojung-Kim Pang is the founder of the Restful Company and a visiting scholar at Stanford. His writing has appeared in such publications as Scientific American, the Atlantic, Slate, Wired, and American Scholar. He lives in Menlo Park, California.
Excerpted from REST: Why You Get More Done When You Work Less by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang. Copyright © 2016. Available from Basic Books, an imprint of Perseus Books, LLS, a subsidiary of Hachette Book Group, Inc.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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0
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https://spartacus-educational.com/FWWpoincare.htm
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en
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Raymond Poincare
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Biography of Raymond Poincare
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Spartacus Educational
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https://spartacus-educational.com/FWWpoincare.htm
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Raymond Poincare, the son of an engineer, was born in Bar-le-Duc, France, on 20th August, 1860. After graduating from the University of Paris he became a lawyer in 1882.
Poincare was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887 and six years later became France's youngest ever minister when he was placed in charge of education (1893-94). He also served as minister of finance (1894-95) before once again becoming minister of education (1895).
In 1903 Poincare left the Chamber of Deputies to concentrate on his private law practice. He did serve in the Senate and in 1906 agreed to become minister of finance.
Poincare was appointed head a coalition government in January 1912. He also served as foreign minister and concerned about the growth of German militarism played an active role in strengthening the Triple Entente. This led him to be criticized by the left as a warmonger.
In January 1913, Poincare defeated Georges Clemenceau to become president of France. During the First World War Poincare tried hard to preserve national unity. However Poincare found it difficult working with Clemenceau who became prime minister in 1917.
Poincare returned to the Senate after his presidential term came to an end in February 1920. A supporter of the war guilt clause in the Versailles Peace Treaty he served as chairman of the reparations commission.
Poincare returned to power as prime minister in January 1922. He refused to accept a delay in reparation payments and in January 1923 ordered the French Army into the Ruhr.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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2
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http://www.theatreinparis.com/en/show/saint-honore-deylau-church-concert-series
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Honoré d'Eylau Church Concert Series
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The stunning Sainte-Chapelle, the historic church of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, Saint-Sulpice, and Saint-Louis-en-l'Île have all played host to Euromusic’s spectacular Parisian concerts. Now, you are invited to discover an original work by Hugues Reiner in the magnificent church of Saint-Honoré d’Eylau. Experience the spiritually rich Stabat Mater op. 22 in an environment conducive to relaxation, reflection, and meditation. A unique opportunity to discover new music in a space like no other…
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There is truly nothing like the atmosphere of an opulent church to discover a religious work. Paris is full of churches that regularly throw their doors open to accommodate classical concerts, graced with exceptional contemporary talents. The church of Saint-Honoré d’Eylau is one such venue that likes to showcase gorgeous scores from across history, and now it opens up its vaulting interior to the work of the great French conductor Hugues Reiner.
Save the date - Tuesday, March 19th, 2024, you’ll be treated to Hugues Reiner’s Stabat Mater op. 22, a piece that is guaranteed to touch the souls of all who are privy to it. The soprano Anne-Cécile Laurent, alto Guillemette Laurens, tenor Joachim Bresson, and baritone Nicolas Bercot will dazzle you with their extraordinary vocal capabilities accompanied by the Hugues Reiner International Choir. At the forefront: Hugues Reiner himself, leading his troupe of sensational musicians with gusto.
History and Fun Facts about the Saint-Honoré d’Eylau Church
Rich with history and culture, the Saint-Honoré d’Eylau Church has even served as the venue for the funeral of the great French couturier Christian Dior — a service that attracted nationwide interest. Where better than this opulent architectural marvel to serve as the final resting space for an icon of fashion and design? Discover the visual splendour and captivating history of the Saint-Honoré d’Eylau Church, nestled in the heart of Paris’s 16th arrondissement. Initially constructed to serve as a temporary chapel annex to its ancient counterpart, this church remains standing as a veritable hidden gem amongst Paris’s long list of gorgeous chapels and churches.
Indulge in the serene, spiritual atmosphere cultivated by this awe-inspiring space. Observant eyes will appreciate the myriad architectural details on offer, including the slender metal pillars that preserve the structure of this unique interior space. Setting this church apart from the crowd is its exquisite Art Deco glass roof, as created by Félix Gaudin with reference to designs by Eugène Grasset and Raphaël Freida. The spellbinding atmosphere of the hushed crypt will charm spectators, having been adapted into an events space over a decade ago. For a change of taste, explore the adjacent chapel of Sainte-Thérèse-de-l’Enfant-Jésus, imbued with all the elegance of Art Deco and adorned with remarkable murals by Alfred Sauvage illustrating the seven sacraments.
The soul of this sacred space can only be truly experienced with an in-person visit. Why not go beyond the doors of this historic venue and discover it for yourself? You may just be treated to an evening of magnificent classical music to complement the delightful architecture!
Fast facts Capacity: 1000 Handicap Accessible: No Air conditioning: No Heating: No Coat Check: No
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Raymond Poincaré (20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was a French statesman who served three times as Prime Minister, and as President from 1913 to 1920. seen here in london with King George V. Circa 1
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Download this stock image: Raymond Poincaré (20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was a French statesman who served three times as Prime Minister, and as President from 1913 to 1920. seen here in london with King George V. Circa 1919 - DYEHTK from Alamy's library of millions of high resolution stock photos, illustrations and vectors.
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Raymond Poincaré (20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was a French statesman who served three times as Prime Minister, and as President from 1913 to 1920. seen here in london with King George V. Circa 1919
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https://bayshoreshoppingcentre.com/whatsinstore/product/address-delivered-by-mr-raymond-poincare-president-of-the-french-republic-lord-rector-of-the-university-of-glasgow-1914-1919-on-by-raymond-poincare-coles-cc66e2
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RAYMOND POINCARE Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. | Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. | Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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Georges Clemenceau
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Georges Benjamin Clemenceau[1] (French pronunciation: [ʒɔʁʒ bɛ̃ʒamɛ̃ klemɑ̃so];[2] (28 September 1841 – 24 November 1929) was a French statesman who led the nation in the First World War. A leader of the Radical Party, he played a central role in politics during the Third Republic. Clemenceau...
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Military Wiki
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Georges_Clemenceau
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Georges Benjamin Clemenceau[1] (French pronunciation: [ʒɔʁʒ bɛ̃ʒamɛ̃ klemɑ̃so];[2] (28 September 1841 – 24 November 1929) was a French statesman who led the nation in the First World War. A leader of the Radical Party, he played a central role in politics during the Third Republic. Clemenceau served as the Prime Minister of France from 1906 to 1909, and again from 1917 to 1920. He was one of the principal architects of the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Nicknamed "Père la Victoire" (Father Victory) or "Le Tigre" (The Tiger), he took a very harsh position against defeated Germany and won agreement on Germany's payment of large sums for reparations.
Early years[]
Clemenceau was a son of the Vendée, born at Mouilleron-en-Pareds. In Revolutionary times, the Vendée had been a hotbed of monarchist sympathies. By his birth, its people were fiercely republican. The region was remote from Paris, rural and poor. His mother Sophie Eucharie Gautreau (1817–1903) was of Huguenot descent. His father Benjamin Clemenceau (1810–1897) came from a long line of physicians, but he lived off his lands and investments and did not practice medicine. The father had a reputation as an atheist and a political activist; he was arrested and briefly held in 1851 and again in 1858. He instilled in his son a love of learning, devotion to the Revolution, and a hatred of Catholicism.[3]
After his studies in the Nantes Lycée, Georges received his French baccalaureate of letters in 1858. He went to Paris to study medicine but did not practice there because he did not graduate.[4]
Journalism and exile[]
In Paris, the young Clemenceau became a political activist and writer. In December 1861, he co-founded a weekly newsletter, Le Travail, along with some friends. On 23 February 1862, he was arrested by the police for having placed posters summoning a demonstration. He spent 77 days in the Mazas Prison.
He graduated as a doctor on 13 May 1865, founded several literary magazines, and wrote many articles, most of which attacked the imperial regime of Napoleon III. Clemenceau left France for the United States when the Imperial agents began cracking down on dissidents (sending most of them to the bagne de Cayennes (Devil's Island Penal System) in French Guiana.
Clemenceau worked in New York City 1865-69, following the American Civil War. He maintained a medical office but spent much of his time on political journalism for a Parisian newspaper. He took a post teaching French and horseback riding at a private girls' school in Stamford, Connecticut.
Marriage and family[]
On 23 June 1869, he married one of his students, Mary Eliza Plummer (1848-1923), in New York City. She was the daughter of William Kelly Plummer and wife Harriet A. Taylor. The Clemenceaus had three children together before the marriage ended in divorce.[5]
During this time he joined French exile clubs in New York opposing the imperial regime.[6]
The beginning of the Third Republic[]
He returned to Paris after the fall of the regime with the defeat at Sedan. He took part in the Paris Commune but was there to establish the Third Republic. His political career began in earnest at this time.
He was elected to the Paris municipal council on 23 July 1871 for the Clignancourt quarter, and retained his seat till 1876, passing through the offices of secretary and vice-president, and becoming president in 1875.
Chamber of Deputies[]
In 1876 Clemenceau stood again for the Chamber of Deputies, and was elected for the 18th arrondissement. He joined the far left, and his energy and mordant eloquence speedily made him the leader of the Radical section. In 1877, after the Seize Mai crisis, he was one of the republican majority who denounced the de Broglie ministry. He led resistance to the anti-republican policy of which the Seize Mai incident was a manifestation. In 1879 his demand for the indictment of the de Broglie ministry brought him prominence.
In 1880 Clemenceau started his newspaper, La Justice, which became the principal organ of Parisian Radicalism. From this time, throughout Jules Grévy's presidency, he became widely known as a political critic and destroyer of ministries (le Tombeur de ministères) who avoided taking office himself. Leading the Far Left in the National Assembly, he was an active opponent of Jules Ferry's colonial policy (which he opposed on moral grounds and also as a form of diversion from the “Revenge against Germany”) and of the Opportunist party. In 1885 his criticism of the Tonkin disaster contributed strongly to the fall of the Ferry cabinet.
At the elections of 1885 he advocated a strong Radical programme, and was returned both for his old seat in Paris and for the Var, district of Draguignan, selecting the latter. Refusing to form a ministry to replace the one he had overthrown, he supported the Right in keeping Freycinet in power in 1886, and was responsible for the inclusion of General Boulanger in the Freycinet cabinet as War Minister. When Boulanger showed himself as an ambitious pretender, Clemenceau withdrew his support and became a vigorous opponent of the heterogeneous Boulangist movement, though the Radical press and a section of the party continued to patronize the general.
By his exposure of the Wilson scandal, and by his personal plain speaking, Clemenceau contributed largely to Jules Grévy's resignation of the presidency in 1887. He had declined Grévy's request to form a cabinet on the downfall of Maurice Rouvier's Cabinet. by advising his followers to vote for neither Floquet, Ferry, or Freycinet, he was primarily responsible for the election of an "outsider", Sadi Carnot, as president.
The split in the Radical party over Boulangism weakened his hand, and its collapse meant that moderate Republicans did not need his help. A further misfortune occurred in the Panama affair, as Clemenceau's relations with Cornelius Herz led to his being included in the general suspicion. He remained the leading spokesman of French Radicalism, but his hostility to the Russian alliance so increased his unpopularity that in the 1893 election, he was defeated for his Chamber seat, after having held it continuously since 1876.
Dreyfus Affair[]
After his 1893 defeat, Clemenceau confined his political activities to journalism. His career was further overclouded by the long-drawn-out Dreyfus case, in which he took an active part as a supporter of Émile Zola and an opponent of the anti-Semitic and Nationalist campaigns. In all, Clemenceau published 665 articles defending Dreyfus during the affair.[7]
On 13 January 1898 Clemenceau, as owner and editor of the Paris daily newspaper L'Aurore, published Émile Zola's "J'accuse" on the front page. He decided to run the controversial article, which would become a famous part of the Dreyfus Affair, in the form of an open letter to the President, Félix Faure.
In 1900 he withdrew from La Justice to found a weekly review, Le Bloc, to which he was practically the sole contributor. Le Bloc lasted until 15 March 1902. On 6 April 1902 he was elected senator for the Var, district of Draguignan, although he had previously called for the suppression of the Senate, as he considered it a strong-house of conservatism. He served as senator of Draguignan until 1920.
He sat with the Radical-Socialist Party and moderated his positions, although he still vigorously supported the Combes ministry, who spearheaded the anti-clericalist Republican struggle. In June 1903 he undertook the direction of the journal L'Aurore, which he had founded. In it he led the campaign to revisit the Dreyfus affair, and to create a separation of Church and State. The latter was implemented by the 1905 Act.[8]
In cabinet[]
In March 1906 the Rouvier ministry fell, owing to the riots provoked by the inventories of church property, and to the Radicals' victory during the 1906 legislative election. The new government of Ferdinand Sarrien appointed Clemenceau as Minister of the Interior in the cabinet. On a domestic level, Clemenceau reformed the police forces and ordered repressive policies towards the workers' movement. He supported the formation of scientific police by Alphonse Bertillon, and founded the Brigades mobiles (French for "mobile squads") led by Célestin Hennion. These squads were nicknamed Brigades du Tigre ("The Tiger's Brigades") after Clemenceau himself.
The miners' strike in the Pas de Calais after the disaster at Courrieres, which resulted in more than one thousand dead, threatened wide disorder on 1 May 1906. Clemenceau ordered the military against the strikers and repressed the wine-growers' strike in the Languedoc-Roussillon. His actions alienated the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) socialist party, from which he definitively broke in his notable reply in the Chamber to Jean Jaurès, leader of the SFIO, in June 1906.
His speech positioned him as the strong man of the day in French politics; when the Sarrien ministry resigned in October, Clemenceau became premier. During 1907 and 1908, he led the development of a new Entente cordiale with England, which gave France a successful role in European politics.[citation needed] Difficulties with Germany, and criticism by the Socialist party in connection with Morocco (First Moroccan Crisis in 1905–06, were settled at the Algeciras Conference).
Clemenceau was defeated on 20 July 1909 in a discussion in the Chamber on the state of the Navy, in which bitter words were exchanged between him and Théophile Delcassé, the former president of the Council whose downfall Clemenceau had aided. Refusing to respond to Delcassé's technical questions, Clemenceau resigned after his proposal for the order of the day vote was rejected. He was succeeded as premier by Aristide Briand, with a reconstructed cabinet.
Between 1909 and 1912, Clemenceau dedicated his time to travels, conferences and also to the treatment of his sickness. He went to South America in 1910, traveling to Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina (where he went as far as Santa Ana de Tucuman in the North-West of Argentina). There, he was amazed by the influence of French culture and of the French Revolution on local elites.[9] In 1912, he had his prostate operated on.
He published the first issue of the Journal du Var on 10 April 1910. Three years later on 6 May 1913, he founded L'Homme libre ("The Free Man") newspaper in Paris, for which he wrote a daily editorial. In these media, Clemenceau focused increasingly on foreign policy, and condemned the Socialists' anti-militarism.
When the First World War broke out, his newspaper was one of the first to be censored by the government; it was suspended from 29 September 1914 to 7 October. In response, Clemenceau changed the newspapers' name to L'Homme enchaîné ("The Chained Man"). He criticized the government for the lack of transparency of the government and its ineffectiveness, while defending the patriotic union sacrée against the German Empire.
First World War[]
When the First World War broke out in 1914 Clemenceau refused to act as justice minister. He was a vehement critic of the government, complaining that it was never doing enough to win the war. He rejected any talk of a compromise peace, he wanted the infidels to pay. The prominence of his opposition made him the best known critic and the last man standing when the others had failed.[10]
1917[]
When the hour was darkest in November 1917 Clemenceau was appointed prime minister. Unlike his predecessors, he discouraged internal disagreement and called for peace among the senior politicians.
Churchill later wrote that Clemenceau "looked like a wild animal pacing to and fro behind bars" in front of "an assembly which would have done anything to avoid putting him there, but, having put him there, felt they must obey".[11]
When Clemenceau became Prime Minister in 1917 victory seemed to be a long way off. There was little activity on the Front because it was believed that there should be limited attacks until the American support arrived. At this time, Italy was on the defensive, Russia had virtually stopped fighting – and it was believed (correctly - see the Treaty of Brest Litovsk) that they would be making a separate peace with Germany. At home the government had to combat increasing resentment against the war. They also had to handle increasing demonstrations against the war, scarcity of resources and air raids – which were causing huge physical damage to Paris as well as damaging the morale of its citizens. It was also believed that many politicians secretly wanted peace. It was a challenging situation for Clemenceau, because after years of criticizing other men during the war, he suddenly found himself in a position of supreme power. He was also isolated politically. He did not have close links with any parliamentary leaders (especially after years of criticism) and so had to rely on himself and his own circle of friends.
Clemenceau's ascension to power meant little to the men in the trenches at first. They thought of him as "Just another Politician", and the monthly assessment of troop morale found that only a minority found comfort in his appointment. Slowly, however, as time passed, the confidence he inspired in a few began to grow throughout all the fighting men. They were encouraged by his many visits to the trenches. This confidence began to spread from the trenches to the home front and it was said "We believed in Clemenceau rather in the way that our ancestors believed in Joan of Arc." After years of criticism against the French army for its conservatism and Catholicism, Clemenceau would need help to get along the military leaders in order to achieve a sound strategic plan. He nominated general Henri Mordacq to be his military chief of staff. Mordacq helped inspiring trust and mutual respect from the army to the government which proved essential to the final victory.
Clemenceau was also well received by the media because they felt that France was in need for strong leadership. It was widely recognized that throughout the war he was never discouraged and he never stopped believing that France could achieve total victory. There were skeptics, however, that believed that Clemenceau, like other war time leaders, would have a short time in office. It was said that "Like everyone else … Clemenceau will not last long- only long enough to clean up [the war]."
1918: Clemenceau's crackdown[]
As the situation worsened in early 1918, Clemenceau continued to support the policy of total war – "We present ourselves before you with the single thought of total war" – and the policy of "la guerre jusqu'au bout" (war until the end). His 8 March speech advocating this policy was so effective it left a vivid impression on Winston Churchill, who would make similar speeches on becoming British Prime Minister in 1940. Clemenceau's war policy encompassed the promise of victory with justice, loyalty to the fighting men, and immediate and severe punishment of crimes against France.
Joseph Caillaux, a former French prime minister, disagreed with Clemenceau's policies. He was a believer in negotiating peace by surrendering to Germany. Clemenceau observed Caillaux as a threat to national security. Unlike previous ministers, Clemenceau publicly stepped against Caillaux. As a result, the parliamentary committee decided that Caillaux would be arrested and imprisoned for three years. Clemenceau believed, in the words of Jean Ybarnégaray, that Caillaux's crime "was not to have believed in victory [and] to have gambled on his nation's defeat".
It was believed by some in Paris that the arrest of Caillaux and others was a sign that Clemenceau had begun a Reign of Terror. The many trials and arrests aroused great public excitement, one newspaper ironically reported "The war must be over, for no one is talking about it anymore". These trials, far from making the public fear the government, inspired confidence as they felt that for the first time in the war, action was being taken and they were being firmly governed. The claims that Clemenceau's "firm government" was a dictatorship found little support. Clemenceau was still held accountable to the people and media. He relaxed censorship on political views as he believed that newspapers had the right to criticize political figures – "The right to insult members of the government is inviolable". The only powers that Clemenceau assumed were those that he thought necessary to win the war.
In 1918, Clemenceau thought that France should adopt Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, mainly because of its point that called for the return of the disputed territory of Alsace-Lorraine to France. This meant that victory would fulfill the war aim that was crucial for the French public. Clemenceau was however sceptical about some other points, including those concerning the League of Nations, as he believed that the latter could succeed only in a utopian society.
As war minister Clemenceau was also in close contact with his generals. However, he did not always make the most effective decisions concerning military issues (though he did heed the advice of the more experienced generals). As well as talking strategy with the generals he also went to the trenches to see the Poilu, the French infantrymen. He would speak to them and assure them that their government was actually looking after them. The Poilu had great respect for Clemenceau and his disregard for danger as he often visited soldiers only yards away from German frontlines. These visits contributed to Clemenceau's title Le Père de la Victoire (Father of Victory).
1918: the German spring offensive[]
On 21 March the Germans began their great Spring Offensive. Clemenceau was heard to say "Sacrebleu the Germans marched in backwards and we thought they were leaving". The Allies were caught off guard as they were waiting for the majority of the American troops to arrive. As the Germans advanced on 24 March, the British Fifth army retreated and a gap was created in the British/French lines – giving them access to Paris. This defeat cemented Clemenceau's belief, and that of the other allies, that a coordinated, unified command was the best option. It was decided that Foch would be appointed to the supreme command.
The German line continued to advance and Clemenceau believed that they could not rule out the fall of Paris. It was believed that if "the tiger" as well as Foch and Pétain stayed in power, for even another week, France would be lost. It was thought that a government headed by Briand would be beneficial to France because he would make peace with Germany on advantageous terms. Clemenceau adamantly opposed these opinions and he gave an inspirational speech to parliament and "the chamber" voted their confidence in him 377 votes to 110.
1918: the Allied counter-offensive and the Armistice[]
As the Allied counter-offensives began to push the Germans back, with the help of American reinforcements, it became clear that the Germans could no longer win the war. Although they still occupied allied territory, they did not have sufficient resources and manpower to continue the attack. As countries allied to Germany began to ask for an armistice, it was obvious that Germany would soon follow. On 11 November an armistice with Germany was signed – Clemenceau saw this was Germany's admission of defeat, however the Germans did not. Clemenceau was embraced in the streets and attracted admiring crowds. He was a strong, energetic, positive leader who was key to the allied victory of 1918.
Paris Peace Conference[]
It was decided that a peace conference would be held in Paris, France. (The treaty signed by both parties was signed in the Palace of Versailles, but deliberated upon in Paris). On 13 December U.S. president Woodrow Wilson received an enormous welcome. His Fourteen Points and the concept of a League of Nations had made a big impact on the war weary French. Clemenceau realized at their first meeting that he was a man of principle and conscience.
It was decided that since the conference was being held in France, Clemenceau would be the most appropriate president. He also spoke both English and French, the official languages of the conference.
The Conference progress was much slower than anticipated and decisions were constantly being tabled. It was this slow pace that induced Clemenceau to give an interview showing his irritation to an American journalist. He said he believed that Germany had won the war industrially and commercially as its factories were intact and its debts would soon be overcome through ‘manipulation’. In a short time, he believed, the German economy would be much stronger than the French.
France's diplomatic position at the Paris Peace Conference was repeatedly jeopardized by Clemenceau's mistrust of David Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson, and his intense dislike of French President Raymond Poincaré. When negotiations reached a stalemate, Clemenceau had a habit of shouting at the other heads of state and storming out of the room rather than participating in further discussion.
Attempted assassination[]
On 19 February 1919, during the Paris Peace Conference, as Clemenceau was leaving his house in the Rue Franklin to drive to a meeting with House and Balfour at the Crillon, a man jumped out and fired several shots at the car. One bullet hit Clemenceau between the ribs, just missing his vital organs. Too dangerous to remove, the bullet remained with him for the remainder of his life. Clemenceau's assailant, Emile Cottin, was seized by the crowd following the leader's procession and nearly lynched. Taken back to his house, Clemenceau's faithful assistant found him pale but conscious. "They shot me in the back," Clemenceau told him. "They didn't even dare to attack me from the front."[12]
Clemenceau often joked about the "assassin's" bad marksmanship – “We have just won the most terrible war in history, yet here is a Frenchman who misses his target 6 out of 7 times at point-blank range. Of course this fellow must be punished for the careless use of a dangerous weapon and for poor marksmanship. I suggest that he be locked up for eight years, with intensive training in a shooting gallery."
Rhineland and the Saar[]
When Clemenceau returned to the council of ten on 1 March he found that little had changed. One issue that had not changed was a dispute over the long running Eastern Frontier and control of the German province Rhineland. Clemenceau believed that Germany's possession of the territory left France without a natural frontier in the East and so simplified invasion into France for an attacking army. The British ambassador reported in December 1918 on Clemenceau's views on the future of the Rhineland: "He said that the Rhine was a natural boundary of Gaul and Germany and that it ought to be made the German boundary now, the territory between the Rhine and the French frontier being made into an Independent State whose neutrality should be guaranteed by the great powers".[13]
The issue was finally resolved when Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson guaranteed immediate military assistance if Germany attacked without provocation.[14] It was also decided that the Allies would occupy the territory for fifteen years, and that Germany could never rearm the area.[15] Lloyd George insisted on a clause allowing for the early withdrawal of Allied troops if the Germans fulfilled the treaty; Clemenceau inserted Article 429 into the treaty that permitted the Allied occupation beyond the fifteen years if adequate guarantees for Allied security against unprovoked aggression were not met. This was in case the U.S. Senate refused to ratify the treaty of guarantee, thereby making null and void the British guarantee as well as that was dependent on the Americans being part of it. This is, in fact, what did occur. Article 429 ensured that a refusal of the U.S. Senate to ratify the treaties of guarantee would not weaken them.[16]
President Poincaré and Marshal Ferdinand Foch both repeatedly pressed for an autonomous Rhineland state. At a Cabinet meeting on 25 April Foch spoke against the deal Clemenceau had brokered and pushed for a separate Rhineland. On 28 April Poincaré sent Clemenceau a long letter detailing why he thought Allied occupation should continue until Germany had paid all her reparations. Clemenceau replied that the alliance with America and Britain was of more value than an isolated France which held onto the Rhineland: "In fifteen years I will be dead, but if you do me the honour of visiting my tomb, you will be able to say that the Germans have not fulfilled all the clauses of the treaty, and that we are still on the Rhine".[17] Clemenceau said to Lloyd George in June: "We need a barrier behind which, in the years to come, our people can work in security to rebuild its ruins. The barrier is the Rhine. I must take national feelings into account. That does not mean that I am afraid of losing office. I am quite indifferent on that point. But I will not, by giving up the occupation, do something which will break the willpower of our people".[18] He said later to Jean Martel: "The policy of Foch and Poincaré was bad in principle. It was a policy no Frenchman, no republican Frenchman could accept for a moment, except in the hope of obtaining other guarantees, other advantages. We leave that sort of thing to Bismarck".[19]
There was increasing discontent among Clemenceau, Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson about slow progress and information leaks surrounding the Council of Ten. They began to meet in a smaller group, called the Council of Four, Vittorio Orlando of Italy being the fourth, though less weighty, member. This offered greater privacy and security and increased the efficiency of the decision making process. Another major issue which the Council of Four discussed was the future of the German Saar province. Clemenceau believed that France was entitled to the province and its coal mines after Germany deliberately damaged the coal mines in Northern France. Wilson, however, resisted the French claim so firmly that Clemenceau accused him of being ‘pro German’. Lloyd George came to a compromise and the coal mines were given to France and the territory placed under French administration for 15 years, after which a vote would determine whether the province would rejoin Germany.[20]
Although Clemenceau had little knowledge of the Austrian-Hungarian empire, he supported the causes of its smaller ethnic groups and his adamant lead to the stringent terms in the Treaty of Trianon which dismantled Hungary. Rather than recognizing territories of the Austrian-Hungarian empire solely within the principles of self-determination, Clemenceau sought to weaken Hungary just as Germany and remove the threat of such a large power within Central Europe. The entire Czechoslovakian state was seen a potential buffer from Communism and this encompassed majority Hungarian territories.
Reparations[]
Clemenceau was not experienced in the fields of economics or finance, but was under strong public and parliamentary pressure to make Germany's reparation bill as large as possible. It was generally agreed that Germany should not pay more than it could afford, but the estimates of what it could afford varied greatly. Figures ranged between £2,000 million which was quite modest compared to another estimate of £20,000 million. Clemenceau realised that any compromise would anger both the French and British citizens and that the only option was to establish a reparations commission which would examine Germany's capacity for reparations. This meant that the French government was not directly involved in the issue of reparations.
Defence of the Treaty[]
The Treaty of Versailles was signed on 28 June 1919. Clemenceau now had to defend the treaty against critics who viewed the compromises Clemenceau had negotiated as inadequate for French national interests. The French Parliament debated the treaty and Louis Barthou on 24 September claimed that the U.S. Senate would not vote for the treaty of guarantee or of Versailles and therefore it would have been wiser to have the Rhine as a frontier. Clemenceau replied that he was sure the Senate would ratify both and that he had inserted Article 429 into the treaty, providing for "new arrangements concerning the Rhine". This interpretation of Article 429 was disputed by Barthou.[21]
Clemenceau's main speech on the treaty was delivered on 25 September. He said that he knew the treaty was not perfect but that the war had been fought by a coalition and therefore the treaty would express the lowest common denominator of those involved. He claimed criticisms of the details of the treaty were misleading; they should look at the treaty as a whole and see how they could benefit from it:
The treaty, with all its complex clauses, will only be worth what you are worth; it will be what you make it...What you are going to vote to-day is not even a beginning, it is a beginning of a beginning. The ideas it contains will grow and bear fruit. You have won the power to impose them on a defeated Germany. We are told that she will revive. All the more reason not to show her that we fear her...M. Marin went to the heart of the question, when he turned to us and said in despairing tones, ‘You have reduced us to a policy of vigilance.’ Yes, M. Marin, do you think that one could make a treaty which would do away with the need for vigilance among the nations of Europe who only yesterday were pouring out their blood in battle? Life is a perpetual struggle in war, as in peace...That struggle cannot be avoided. Yes, we must have vigilance, we must have a great deal of vigilance. I cannot say for how many years, perhaps I should say for how many centuries, the crisis which has begun will continue. Yes, this treaty will bring us burdens, troubles, miseries, difficulties, and that will continue for long years.[22]
The Chamber of Deputies ratified the treaty by 372 votes to 53, with the Senate voting unanimously for its ratification. On 11 October he gave his last parliamentary speech, to the Senate. He said that any attempt to partition Germany would be self-defeating and that France must find a way of living with sixty million Germans. He also said that the bourgeoisie, like the aristocracy before them in the ancien régime, had failed as a ruling class. It was now the turn of the working class to rule. He advocated national unity and a demographic revolution: "The treaty does not state that France will have many children, but it is the first thing that should have been written there. For if France does not have large families, it will be in vain that you put all the finest clauses in the treaty, that you take away all the Germans guns, France will be lost because there will be no more French".[23]
Presidential bid[]
In 1919 France adopted a new electoral system and the legislative election gave the National Bloc (a coalition of right-wing parties) a majority. Clemenceau only intervened once in the election campaign, delivering a speech on 4 November at Strasbourg, praising the manifesto and men of the National Bloc and urging that the victory in the war needed to be safeguarded by vigilance. In private he was concerned at this huge swing to the right.[24]
His friend Georges Mandel urged Clemenceau to stand for the Presidency in the upcoming election and on 15 January 1920 he let Mandel announce that he would be prepared to serve if elected. However Clemenceau did not intend to campaign for the post, instead he wished to be chosen by acclaim as a national symbol. The preliminary meeting of the republican caucus (a forerunner to the vote in the National Assembly) chose not Clemenceau but Paul Deschanel by 408 votes to 389. In response Clemenceau refused to be put forward for the vote in the National Assembly because he did not want to win by a small majority but by a near-unanimous vote. Only then, he claimed, could he negotiate with confidence with the Allies.[25]
In his last speech to the Cabinet on 18 January he said: "We must show the world the extent of our victory, and we must take up the mentality and habits of a victorious people, which once more takes its place at the head of Europe. But all that will now be placed in jeopardy...It will take less time and less thought to destroy the edifice so patiently and painfully erected than it took to complete it. Poor France. The mistakes have begun already".[26]
Last years[]
Clemenceau resigned as Prime Minister as soon as the Presidential election was held and took no further part in politics. In private he condemned the unilateral occupation by French troops of the German city of Frankfurt in 1920 and said if he had been in power he would have persuaded the British to join it.[26]
He took a holiday in Egypt and the Sudan from February to April 1920, then embarking for the Far East in September, returning to France in March 1921. In June he visited England and received an honorary degree from Oxford. He met Lloyd George and said to him that after the Armistice he had become the enemy of France. Lloyd George replied: “Well, was not that always our traditional policy?” He was joking but after reflection Clemenceau took it seriously. After Lloyd George's fall from power in 1922 Clemenceau remarked: “As for France, it is a real enemy who disappears. Lloyd George did not hide it: at my last visit to London he cynically admitted it”.[27]
In late 1922 Clemenceau gave a lecture tour in the major cities of the American north east. He defended the policy of France, including war-debts and reparations, and condemned American isolationism. He was well received and attracted large audiences but America's policy remained unchanged. On 9 August 1926 he wrote an open letter to the American President Calvin Coolidge, arguing against France paying all its war-debts: "France is not for sale, even to her friends". This appeal went unheard.[28]
He condemned Poincaré's occupation of the Ruhr as undoing of the entente between France and Britain.[26]
He wrote two short biographies of the Greek orator Demosthenes and the French painter Claude Monet. He also penned a huge two-volume tome, covering philosophy, history and science, titled Au Soir de la Pensée. Writing this occupied most of his time between 1923 and 1927.[29]
During his last months he wrote his memoirs, despite declaring previously that he would not write them. He was spurred into doing so by the appearance of Marshal Foch's memoirs which were highly critical of Clemenceau, mainly for his policy at the Paris Peace Conference. He only had time to finish the first draft and it was published posthumously as Grandeurs et Misères d'une Victoire (The Grandeur and Misery of Victory). He was critical of Foch and also of his successors who had allowed the Versailles treaty to be undermined in the face of Germany's revival. He burned all his private letters.
Clemenceau's First Ministry, 25 October 1906 – 24 July 1909[]
Georges Clemenceau – President of the Council and Minister of the Interior
Stéphen Pichon – Minister of Foreign Affairs
Georges Picquart – Minister of War
Joseph Caillaux – Minister of Finance
René Viviani – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Edmond Guyot-Dessaigne – Minister of Justice
Gaston Thomson – Minister of Marine
Aristide Briand – Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts, and Worship
Joseph Ruau – Minister of Agriculture
Raphaël Milliès-Lacroix – Minister of Colonies
Louis Barthou – Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
Gaston Doumergue – Minister of Commerce and Industry.
Changes
4 January 1908 – Aristide Briand succeeds Guyot-Dessaigne as Minister of Justice. Gaston Doumergue succeeds Briand as Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. Briand remains Minister of Worship. Jean Cruppi succeeds Doumergue as Minister of Commerce and Industry.
22 October 1908 – Alfred Picard succeeds Thomson as Minister of Marine.
Clemenceau's Second Ministry, 16 November 1917 – 20 January 1920[]
Georges Clemenceau – President of the Council and Minister of War
Stéphen Pichon – Minister of Foreign Affairs
Louis Loucheur – Minister of Armaments and War Manufacturing
Jules Pams – Minister of the Interior
Louis Lucien Klotz – Minister of Finance
Pierre Colliard – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Louis Nail – Minister of Justice
Georges Leygues – Minister of Marine
Louis Lafferre – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Victor Boret – Minister of Agriculture and Supply
Henry Simon – Minister of Colonies
Albert Claveille – Minister of Public Works and Transport
Étienne Clémentel – Minister of Commerce, Industry, Maritime Transports, Merchant Marine, Posts, and Telegraphs
Charles Jonnart – Minister of Liberated Regions and Blockade.
Changes
23 November 1917 – Albert Lebrun succeeds Jonnart as Minister of Liberated Regions and Blockade.
26 November 1918 – Louis Loucheur becomes Minister of Industrial Reconstitution. His office of Minister of Armaments and War Manufacturing is abolished.
24 December 1918 – The office of Minister of Blockade is abolished. Lebrun remains Minister of Liberated Regions.
5 May 1919 – Albert Claveille succeeds Clémentel as Minister of Merchant Marine. He remains Minister of Public Works and Transport, while Clémentel remains Minister of Commerce, Industry, Posts, and Telegraphs
20 July 1919 – Joseph Noullens succeeds Boret as Minister of Agriculture and Supply.
6 November 1919 – André Tardieu succeeds Lebrun as Minister of Liberated Regions.
27 November 1919 – Léon Bérard succeeds Lafferre as Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. Louis Dubois succeeds Clémentel as Minister of Commerce, Industry, Posts, and Telegraphs.
2 December 1919 – Paul Jourdain succeeds Colliard as Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions.
Personal life[]
Clemenceau was a long-time friend and supporter of the impressionist painter Claude Monet. He was instrumental in persuading Monet to have a cataract operation in 1923, and for over a decade encouraged Monet to complete his donation to the French state of the "Nymphéas" (Water Lilies) paintings that are now on display in Paris' Musée de l'Orangerie in specially constructed oval galleries (which opened to the public in 1927).[30][31]
Legacy[]
James Douglas, Jr. bought an apartment in Paris for his friend Georges Clemenceau in 1926 to use as a retirement home. This building later became the Musée Clémenceau.[32]
Clemenceau, Arizona, USA was named in honor of Georges Clemenceau by his friend James Douglas, Jr. in 1917
Mount Clemenceau (3,658m) in the Canadian Rockies was named after Clemenceau in 1919.
The French aircraft carrier Clemenceau was named after Georges Clemenceau.
The Cuban Romeo y Julieta cigar brand once produced a size named the Clemenceau in his honour, and the Dominican-made variety still does.
A character named "George Clemenceau" portrayed by Cyril Cusack appears in The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles episode Paris, May 1919.
One of Beirut's streets is named in honour of Georges Clemenceau. See Rue Clémenceau
Similarly, there is a street named Clemenceau in a southeastern suburb of Montreal, Canada (Verdun).
Clemenceau's famous line "War is too important to be left to the generals" is quoted by the character General Ripper in the movie Dr. Strangelove.
It is also quote in the episode "Mindset" of "Exosquad", but the writers use Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord as the source.
He was played by Paul Bildt in the 1930 German film Dreyfus.
See also[]
List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s – 4 Jan. 1926
Notes[]
References[]
Dallas, Gregor. At the Heart of a Tiger: Clemenceau and His World 1841-1929 (1993); emphasis on political milieu
Greenhalgh, Elizabeth, " David Lloyd George, Georges Clemenceau, and the 1918 Manpower Crisis," Historical Journal (2007) 50#2 pp. 397–421
Holt, E., The Tiger: The Life of Georges Clemenceau 1841–1929, (London : Hamilton, 1976)
Jackson, J. Hampden. Clemenceau and the Third Republic (1962) online edition
MacMillan, Margaret. Peacemakers: The Paris Conference of 1919 and Its Attempt to End War (2001)
McAuliffe, Mary. Dawn of the Belle Epoque: The Paris of Monet, Zola, Bernhardt, Eiffel, Debussy, Clemenceau, and Their Friends (2011) excerpt and text search
Newhall, David S. Clemenceau: A Life at War (1991)
Terraine, John (1978). To Win a War. London: Sidgwick & Jackson. ISBN 0-304-35321-3.
Watson, D. R. "The Making of French Foreign Policy during the First Clemenceau Ministry, 1906-1909," English Historical Review (1971) 86#341 pp. 774–782 in JSTOR
Watson, David R. Georges Clemenceau: France: Makers of the Modern World (2009), 176pp excerpt and text search
Watson, David R. Georges Clemenceau: A Political Biography (1976) online edition
[]
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RAYMOND POINCARE Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. | Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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https://bayshoreshoppingcentre.com/whatsinstore/product/address-delivered-by-mr-raymond-poincare-president-of-the-french-republic-lord-rector-of-the-university-of-glasgow-1914-1919-on-by-raymond-poincare-coles-cc66e2
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This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. | Address Delivered by Mr. Raymond Poincaré President of the French Republic Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow 1914-1919 on by RAYMOND POINCARE
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POINCARÉ, RAYMOND (1860–1934)EARLY CAREERWORLD WAR IPOSTWAR CAREERBIBLIOGRAPHYFrench politician. Source for information on Poincaré, Raymond (1860–1934): Encyclopedia of Modern Europe: Europe Since 1914: Encyclopedia of the Age of War and Reconstruction dictionary.
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EARLY CAREER
WORLD WAR I
POSTWAR CAREER
BIBLIOGRAPHY
French politician.
Raymond Poincaré was one of the most visible political figures in the Third Republic in the first decades of the twentieth century. A deputy at age twenty-seven, minister at thirty-three, in 1912 he was appointed prime minister. He served as president of France from 1913 to 1920 and, before illness forced him to leave office, he was twice more appointed prime minister, from January 1922 to March 1924, and again from July 1926 to July 1929.
For all that, only at the end of his life did Poincaré enjoy real popularity. Unlike his adversary Georges Clemenceau (1841–1929), Poincaré was tagged with disparaging nicknames such as "Poincaré-la-guerre" when a campaign in the 1920s accused him of being responsible for the First World War, and "L'homme-qui-rit-dans-lescimetières" (the man who laughs in the cemeteries) after a snapshot showed him blinking from the sunlight as he entered a military cemetery. The cap he wore during visits to the front made him look like a cab driver, and that was another motive for mockery. Despite singular intelligence and eloquence—he was a rigorous jurist and a well-known lawyer—his cold exterior and punctilious personality prevented him from becoming genuinely popular.
EARLY CAREER
Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc and as a young boy witnessed the disastrous Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871 that ended with the French losing Alsace and North Lorraine to Germany. He grew up to become a faithful patriot and also a convinced republican, which placed him close to the left wing in French politics. During the Dreyfus affair, Poincaré was a moderate "Dreyfusard" who opposed the trial but kept out of the fray and away from the affair's turmoil and from the Radical Party founded in its wake. Moderation would be the key characteristic of Poincaré's domestic political agenda. Apart from a brief position as finance minister in 1906, from 1896 to 1912 he held no cabinet posts. It is no surprise that from 1903 on he preferred a seat in the senate, a more conservative body than the chamber of deputies.
Although a specialist in matters of the budget, Poincaré preferred foreign policy. Appointed prime minister in 1912, he chose himself as foreign affairs chief, intending to pursue a firm policy with Germany and to shore up France's relations with its allies, particularly with Russia. During a visit to St. Petersburg in August 1912, Poincaré learned about secret treaties signed, with Russian involvement, by Balkan countries that aimed to evict the Turks from Europe. He was unhappy about the matter but decided to downplay the issue so as to maintain strong ties with Russia. This crucial decision encouraged Russian foreign policy makers in their conviction that they need not be preoccupied by French diplomatic opinion, even while jeopardizing peace in Europe.
Poincaré was elected president of France in 1913, winning against the radical republican Jules Pams, thanks to support he received from the Right. He was prepared, while remaining within the constitutional framework, to return the presidency to its former level of influence, which had slipped in recent years. Poincaré pursued foreign affairs while firmly supporting the policy of three years' obligatory military service, which was voted to be renewed that year.
WORLD WAR I
Poincaré was surprised by the crisis of July 1914 in the wake of the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, which he learned about on the return trip from one of his regular visits to Russia. At sea for most of the time with his prime minister René Viviani, and at the mercy of poor telegraphic communication, he was unable to play an important role. He had been accused before his departure of conspiring with Russia to make war; there exists no proof of this, and it is more likely that Russia acted without even considering the French position. Circumstances conspired to make Poincaré a war president.
Poincaré wrote some ten volumes of memoirs of the period of the First World War, entitled Au service de la France (1926–1933; In the service of France). A final, eleventh volume was published posthumously a half century later. He also coined the famous slogan L'union sacrée (the sacred union) in a speech to parliament on 4 August 1914. His major role in French politics effectively ended in November 1917, when he decided he was obliged to appoint his rival Georges Clemenceau prime minister. Not only through war's end but throughout the debates around the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference (January–June 1919), Clemenceau kept Poincaré at a distance. The legislative chambers unanimously proclaimed on 11 November 1918 that Clemenceau and Marshal Ferdinand Foch had earned the "merit of the Nation"; but Poincaré had to wait until January 1920 to receive the same homage.
POSTWAR CAREER
After his presidency ended in 1920, Poincaré decided he still had an active role to play in politics and stood for reelection as senator from the Meuse region. He was reappointed prime minister in 1922 and again took charge of foreign affairs. He was then faced with applying the strictures of the Versailles Treaty, because Germany evinced reluctance to pay reparations. In addition, both Poincaré and Marshal Foch advocated a strong French presence in the Rhineland, in disagreement with Clemenceau, who initially wished to separate the Rhine's left bank from Germany. But the situation was favorable for Poincaré's policy and in 1923, after Germany failed to make scheduled reparations payments, he ordered the occupation of the Ruhr. While it caused great difficulties for Germany, the expensive troop deployment also marked the beginning of serious financial problems for France; moreover, the United States and England were strongly opposed to it. To pay for the occupation, Poincaré had to levy a considerable tax increase, which became one of the reasons he was defeated in the 1924 elections by a reunited coalition of left-wing parties. However, two years later the country's catastrophic financial situation brought him back to power. He turned over foreign affairs to Aristide Briand, who managed a conciliatory policy with Germany, while he took charge of finances.
Poincaré's rigorous economic policy bore fruit. The war had been financed principally by loans, and in 1928—after a serious devaluation of the franc had reduced it to about one-fifth of its 1914 value—the economic situation improved. The creation of the Franc-Poincaré remained a symbol of France's financial recovery, supported by a clear economic upturn. When Poincaré retired for health reasons, France seemed to have recovered a measure of stability. By the time he died in 1934 at age seventy-four, however, the country was suffering from the effects of the worldwide economic crisis.
See alsoBriand, Aristide; Clemenceau, Georges; Reparations; World War I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Poincaré, Raymond. The Memoirs of R. Poincaré, 1915. Translated and adapted by Sir George Arthur. London, 1930.
——. Au service de la France: Neuf années de souvenirs. 11 vols. Paris, 1926–1974.
Secondary Sources
Becker, Jean-Jacques. 1914: Comment les français sont entrés dans la guerre. Paris, 1977.
Becker, Jean-Jacques, and Serge Berstein. Victoire et frustrations: 1914–1929. Paris, 1990.
Keiger, John F. V. Raymond Poincaré. New York, l997.
Jean-Jacques Becker
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Raymond Poincaré Keiger Paperback Cambridge University Press 9780521892162 9780521892162
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9780521892162, Cambridge University Press. J. F. V. Keiger (Author). This study is a scholarly biography of one of France's foremost political leaders. In a career which ran from the 1880s to the 1930s, one of the most formative periods of modern French history, Poincaré held the principal offices of state.
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£16.12GermanyParcelforce Global Priority
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/french-history-biographies/raymond-poincare
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Raymond Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré >The French statesman Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) served as president of >France during World War I [1] and four times as its premier. French politics from 1912 to 1929 was largely dominated by the figures of Raymond Poincaré and Georges Clemenceau [2].
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Raymond Poincaré
The French statesman Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) served as president of France during World War I and four times as its premier.
French politics from 1912 to 1929 was largely dominated by the figures of Raymond Poincaré and Georges Clemenceau. As premier, and then as president before World War I, Poincaré pursued a nationalistic policy that contributed toward world tension. During World War I he entrusted the premiership to Clemenceau. Returning to active politics in 1922, Poincaré, as premier, followed an intransigent policy toward Germany, occupying the Ruhr in order to ensure German payment of reparations, an action that contributed to economic collapse in Germany. He also dealt effectively with French financial crises in 1924 and 1926.
Education and Early Career
Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine on Aug. 20, 1860. The son of a meteorologist and civil servant, he was educated at the lycées of Bar-le-Duc and Louis le Grand in Paris, and he studied law at the Sorbonne. Poincaré then practiced law in Paris, contributed to political journals, and served in the Department of Agriculture.
In 1887 Poincaré was elected deputy for the Meuse. At that time Louis Madelin described him as "short, slender, rather pale, with crewcut hair, and his serious face framed by a young beard." Later observers were impressed by his unemotional and distant manner.
Poincaré became a member of the Budget Commissions of 1890-1891 and 1892, and he served during 1893 and 1894 in the Cabinets of Charles Dupuy, first as minister of education and then as minister of finance. Next he became minister of public instruction in the Ribot Cabinet. In 1895 he was chosen vice president of the Chamber of Deputies, and Poincaré retained this position until 1897. In 1899 President émile Loubet asked him to form a Cabinet, but he was unsuccessful because he would not accept a Socialist minister in his coalition.
From this time until 1912, Poincaré refused to join any government except for a brief period between March and October 1906, when he was minister of finance in the Sarrien Cabinet. He emphasized his withdrawal from an active role by accepting a seat in the Senate. During this period Poincaré devoted himself to his law practice, and he became one of the wealthiest and most successful lawyers in France. In 1909 his literary efforts won him election to the French Academy.
Political Ideas
Poincaré's political ideas remained relatively constant throughout his career. He was conservative in his basic outlook, and as the balance of power in the legislature shifted to the left, he found himself and the moderates, whom he represented, moving to the right. He was fundamentally anticlerical, believing that the Church should remain in its own sphere and play no part in education or politics. He was a dedicated republican and a patriot of the Lorraine variety whose sentiments had been molded by the German seizure of most of Lorraine in 1870.
First Premiership
In the reaction after the crisis at Agadir, Morocco, in January 1912, Poincaré formed a "national ministry." He emphasized the need for a strong, authoritative government, and his program called for electoral reform at home and maintenance of France's alliances and friendships abroad. Poincaré expressed his desire for peace, but he also stressed military preparedness.
Concerned to maintain France's security and prestige, Poincaré supported Russia's policy during the First Balkan War, and later he again assured the Russians that they could depend upon France. Poincaré also obtained a reorganization and strengthening of the French navy. His government entered into a naval agreement with Great Britain that resulted in France's concentrating its fleet in the Mediterranean. Poincaré also reestablished friendly relations with Italy after a naval incident in January 1912. By the end of 1912 Poincaré was widely acknowledged as France's strongest statesman.
Poincaré's Presidency
In December 1912 Poincaré announced his intention to run for the presidency of the republic, although open candidacies were not customary. Poincaré's campaign marked the climax of the strong presidency agitation that had been growing for some time. He openly advocated a fuller use of the president's constitutional powers, and he doubtless expected to revitalize the weak office of the presidency. On Jan. 17, 1913, he was elected the ninth president of the French Republic by the National Assembly.
His strong nationalist beliefs led Poincaré to support the bill raising the term of military service from 2 to 3 years. He was, to a large extent, responsible for its passage, and he maintained it despite opposition, which continued to grow. This active role in policy formulation made him a party president, and it produced frequent attacks upon him by the left Radical-Socialist elements.
In foreign affairs Poincaré followed the program he had inaugurated as premier, supporting Théophile Delcasséas ambassador to Russia and attempting to preserve peace by ensuring that the Entente powers pursued a strong and united policy. He made state visits to England in June 1913 and to Russia in July 1914, and he was returning to France by way of the Scandinavian capitals when Austria delivered its ultimatum to Serbia on July 23, 1914. Hastening to Paris, he urged Russia to delay mobilization, and he presided over the foreign-policy decisions of the Cabinet.
During the war Poincaré worked tirelessly to maintain morale. He urged Frenchmen to perform heroically and visited training camps, hospitals, and front lines. In November 1917 in a decision proving his statesmanship and self-sacrifice, Poincaré called upon his traditional political foe, Clemenceau, to form a Cabinet. During the peace negotiations, Poincaré found himself again in opposition to Clemenceau. Poincaré supported Marshal Ferdinand Foch in his campaign for a separate Rhineland, and he disputed Clemenceau's policy, urging a firm stand and heavy reparations. These attempts to influence policy were generally unsuccessful, and Poincaré completed his term of office in January 1920. He had been France's strongest president, but he had made no basic alteration in the office.
Second Premiership
Reelected as senator from the Meuse, Poincaré accepted the premiership in January 1922, and he retained this post, together with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, until June 1, 1924. The chief problem at this time was reparations. Poincaré insisted that Germany fulfill its obligations. Unable to reach agreement on policy with the British in Interallied conferences held in London and Paris, Poincaré's government decided to act alone. When Germany defaulted on fuel deliveries in January 1923, French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr. The Germans adopted a policy of passive resistance for some months, and the German mark collapsed completely. The cost of occupation was undermining the French economy as well, and Poincaré agreed to an Anglo-American proposal to review the reparations issue. The result was the Dawes Plan, accepted in April 1924, which stabilized the mark, provided foreign loans for Germany, and reduced reparations payments.
The international exchange situation produced a financial crisis in France during the first quarter of 1924. Poincaré's adroit moves on the money market, and a 20 percent increase in indirect taxes in order to pay for the Ruhr occupation, saved the situation, but the taxes were unpopular. Attacks by the Radicals and Socialists won a substantial victory for the Cartel of the Left in the general elections of May 11, 1924, and when the new Chamber assembled, Poincaré resigned. During the next 2 years, though he retained his Senate seat, Poincaré was relatively inactive in politics.
Third Premiership
The economic policies of the Cartel proved unsatisfactory, and in the midst of a serious financial crisis, President Gaston Doumergue recalled Poincaré to head a National Union government. Public confidence was restored, and the franc immediately rose from 50 to 40 per American dollar. The legislature granted Poincaré decree powers to meet crises. He introduced new taxes, mostly indirect; he reduced government expenses; he created, through constitutional amendment, an inviolate fund to meet bond payments; and he increased interest rates. The result was a budgetary surplus and an exchange rate of 25 francs per dollar. The elections of April 1928 brought victory for the National Union, which had supported Poincaré, and, shortly after, he officially devalued the franc, establishing it at one-fifth its prewar value.
Fourth Premiership
The Radical-Socialists withdrew their support and obliged Poincaré to resign on Nov. 7, 1928, but he formed a new ministry on November 12 and retained his post until July 1929, when ill health forced him to retire. He refused a fifth offer of the premiership in 1930. Meanwhile, he had published his memoirs in 10 volumes, entitled Au service de la France (In the Service of France), describing the events of 1911-1920 and his role in them. Poincaré died in Paris on Oct. 15, 1934.
Further Reading
Poincaré's memoirs have been translated as The Memoirs of Raymond Poincaré (4 vols., 1926-1930). The chief biographical work in English is Sisley Huddleston, Poincaré: A Biographical Portrait (1924), a postwar study that is necessarily incomplete. Poincaré's role as president is well analyzed by Gordon Wright, Raymond Poincaré and the French Presidency (1942).
Additional Sources
Poincaré, Raymond, The memoirs of Raymond Poincaré, New York: AMS Press, 1975. □
POINCARÉ, RAYMOND
POINCARÉ, RAYMOND (1860–1934), French politician.
Born in Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) in Lorraine on 20 August 1860, Raymond Poincaré occupied the highest offices of the French state, including president of the republic, in a political career that ran from 1886 to 1934. Longevity and achievement made him one of the foremost statesmen of the French Third Republic. He played crucial roles in France's entry into World War I, the organization of the war effort, the peace settlement, the reparations question, the occupation of the Ruhr, and the reorganization of French finances in the 1920s.
Born into a solidly middle-class family, the eldest son of an engineer, Poincaré was educated at the lycées of Bar-le-Duc and Louis-le-Grand in Paris, and graduated from the Sorbonne with an arts and a law degree. He was called to the Paris bar in 1882. At an early age he displayed the intelligence and enormous capacity for work that were hallmarks of his political career.
Poincaré began his life in politics in 1886 as a councilor for the Meuse, a position he would retain until his death on 15 October 1934. In 1887, he was elected a member of the lower house of parliament for Meuse and sat on the center-left of the Chamber with the Progressists. His reputation for efficient committee work on legal and financial matters saw him appointed minister of education and culture (April–November 1893) at only thirty-two years of age. The following year he was finance minister (May 1894–January 1895), then education minister again (January–October 1895).
Throughout his political career, Poincaré always steered a middle course. A champion of secularism, he was no anticlerical. Although opposed to the more left-leaning Radicals, he was no reactionary, and often included them in the governments he later formed. Disillusioned with the radical turn in French politics from 1901, he withdrew from ministerial office (apart from a brief interlude as finance minister in 1906) and concentrated on his extremely successful legal practice. Politics were not abandoned altogether, as he was elected vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies in 1895 and remained a member of the lower house of parliament until his election to the Senate in 1903. During those wilderness years he produced a number of books and articles on politics, which helped secure his election to the Académie Française in 1909. Those years also saw him promote ideas far less associated with his austere legalistic image. He championed animal rights and antivivisectionism and promoted women's rights from the freedom to practice law to the vote.
Following the 1911 Franco-German Agadir crisis in Morocco, Poincaré was recalled to office as premier and foreign minister on 12 January 1912. He set about ensuring that diplomatically and militarily France was prepared for any eventuality. Although he did so by tightening up France's alliance and entente with Russia and Britain, he was careful not to adopt an aggressive policy toward Germany. Even when in January 1913 he was elected president of the Republic, he saw to it that governments were put in place that would continue his firm policy. This, combined with his Lorraine origins—supposedly synonymous with revanche—has been interpreted as meaning that he sought war. However, his role in the circumstances that led up to the outbreak of war in August 1914 was far more blameless than the myth of Poincaré-laguerre would suggest. That myth was the result of postwar propaganda generated by Germany and Poincaré's political opponents at home. The former wished to contest the principle of German war guilt on which the payment of reparations was built by displacing some of the blame onto France; the latter were intent on blocking Poincaré's return to power in the 1920s. His greatest triumph was to ensure that the country entered the war united, symbolized by his famous union sacrée speech of 4 August 1914, following Germany's declaration of war on France the day before.
Poincaré and his policies have traditionally been associated with values that posterity has tended to view as unfashionable—order, stability, dignity, politeness, honesty, and thrift. His identification with the middle class, which claimed to incarnate those values and which historiography has not found exciting or treated kindly, has left Poincaré, if not one of the unsung heroes of modern French history, then one whose political stature has not received the recognition it deserves.
See alsoAlliance System; France.
bibliography
Keiger, John F. V. Raymond Poincaré. Cambridge, U.K., 1997.
Roth, François. Raymond Poincaré: Un homme d'Etat républicain. Paris, 2000.
J. F. V. Keiger
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Affordable & Flexible Serviced Offices To Rent in avenue Raymond Poincaré, 16ème arrondissement, Paris, 75116
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Raymond Poincaré | French President & Statesman
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Raymond Poincaré was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic. The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré (born August 20, 1860, Bar-le-Duc, France—died October 15, 1934, Paris) was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic.
The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at the University of Paris, he was admitted to the bar in 1882. Elected a deputy in 1887, he became six years later the youngest minister in the history of the Third Republic, holding the portfolio of education. In 1894 he served as minister of finance and in 1895 again as minister of education. In the Dreyfus Affair he declared that new evidence necessitated a retrial (see Alfred Dreyfus).
Despite the promise of a brilliant political career, Poincaré left the Chamber of Deputies in 1903, serving until 1912 in the Senate, which was considered comparatively unimportant politically. He devoted most of his time to his private law practice, serving in the cabinet only once, in March 1906, as minister of finance. In January 1912, however, he became prime minister, serving simultaneously as foreign minister until January 1913. In the face of new threats from Germany, he conducted diplomacy with new decisiveness and determination. In August 1912 he assured the Russian government that his government would stand by the Franco-Russian alliance, and in November he concluded an agreement with Britain committing both countries to consult in the event of an international crisis as well as on joint military plans. Although his support of Russian activities in the Balkans and his uncompromising attitude toward Germany have been cited as evidence of his being a warmongering revanchist, Poincaré believed that in the existing state of contemporary Europe war was inevitable and that only a strong alliance guaranteed security. His greatest fear was that France might be isolated as it had been in 1870, easy prey for a militarily superior Germany.
Poincaré ran for the office of president; despite the opposition of the left, under Georges Clemenceau, a lifelong enemy, he was elected on January 17, 1913. Although the presidency was a position with little real power, he hoped to infuse new vitality into it and make it the base of a union sacrée of right, left, and centre. Throughout World War I (1914–18) he strove to preserve national unity, even confiding the government to Clemenceau, the man best qualified to lead the country to victory.
After his term as president ran out in 1920, Poincaré returned to the Senate and was for a time chairman of the reparations commission. He supported the thesis of Germany’s war guilt implicit in the Versailles Treaty; and when he served again as prime minister and minister for foreign affairs (1922–24), he refused a delay in German reparation payments and in January 1923 ordered French troops into the Ruhr in reaction to the default. Unseated by a leftist bloc, he was returned as prime minister in July 1926 and is largely credited with having solved France’s acute financial crisis by stabilizing the value of the franc and basing it on the gold standard. Under his highly successful economic policies the country enjoyed a period of new prosperity.
Illness forced Poincaré to resign from office in July 1929. He spent the remainder of his life writing his memoirs, Au service de la France, 10 vol. (1926–33).
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/poincare-raymond-1860-1934
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Poincaré, Raymond (1860–1934)
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POINCARÉ, RAYMOND (1860–1934)EARLY CAREERWORLD WAR IPOSTWAR CAREERBIBLIOGRAPHYFrench politician. Source for information on Poincaré, Raymond (1860–1934): Encyclopedia of Modern Europe: Europe Since 1914: Encyclopedia of the Age of War and Reconstruction dictionary.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/poincare-raymond-1860-1934
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EARLY CAREER
WORLD WAR I
POSTWAR CAREER
BIBLIOGRAPHY
French politician.
Raymond Poincaré was one of the most visible political figures in the Third Republic in the first decades of the twentieth century. A deputy at age twenty-seven, minister at thirty-three, in 1912 he was appointed prime minister. He served as president of France from 1913 to 1920 and, before illness forced him to leave office, he was twice more appointed prime minister, from January 1922 to March 1924, and again from July 1926 to July 1929.
For all that, only at the end of his life did Poincaré enjoy real popularity. Unlike his adversary Georges Clemenceau (1841–1929), Poincaré was tagged with disparaging nicknames such as "Poincaré-la-guerre" when a campaign in the 1920s accused him of being responsible for the First World War, and "L'homme-qui-rit-dans-lescimetières" (the man who laughs in the cemeteries) after a snapshot showed him blinking from the sunlight as he entered a military cemetery. The cap he wore during visits to the front made him look like a cab driver, and that was another motive for mockery. Despite singular intelligence and eloquence—he was a rigorous jurist and a well-known lawyer—his cold exterior and punctilious personality prevented him from becoming genuinely popular.
EARLY CAREER
Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc and as a young boy witnessed the disastrous Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871 that ended with the French losing Alsace and North Lorraine to Germany. He grew up to become a faithful patriot and also a convinced republican, which placed him close to the left wing in French politics. During the Dreyfus affair, Poincaré was a moderate "Dreyfusard" who opposed the trial but kept out of the fray and away from the affair's turmoil and from the Radical Party founded in its wake. Moderation would be the key characteristic of Poincaré's domestic political agenda. Apart from a brief position as finance minister in 1906, from 1896 to 1912 he held no cabinet posts. It is no surprise that from 1903 on he preferred a seat in the senate, a more conservative body than the chamber of deputies.
Although a specialist in matters of the budget, Poincaré preferred foreign policy. Appointed prime minister in 1912, he chose himself as foreign affairs chief, intending to pursue a firm policy with Germany and to shore up France's relations with its allies, particularly with Russia. During a visit to St. Petersburg in August 1912, Poincaré learned about secret treaties signed, with Russian involvement, by Balkan countries that aimed to evict the Turks from Europe. He was unhappy about the matter but decided to downplay the issue so as to maintain strong ties with Russia. This crucial decision encouraged Russian foreign policy makers in their conviction that they need not be preoccupied by French diplomatic opinion, even while jeopardizing peace in Europe.
Poincaré was elected president of France in 1913, winning against the radical republican Jules Pams, thanks to support he received from the Right. He was prepared, while remaining within the constitutional framework, to return the presidency to its former level of influence, which had slipped in recent years. Poincaré pursued foreign affairs while firmly supporting the policy of three years' obligatory military service, which was voted to be renewed that year.
WORLD WAR I
Poincaré was surprised by the crisis of July 1914 in the wake of the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, which he learned about on the return trip from one of his regular visits to Russia. At sea for most of the time with his prime minister René Viviani, and at the mercy of poor telegraphic communication, he was unable to play an important role. He had been accused before his departure of conspiring with Russia to make war; there exists no proof of this, and it is more likely that Russia acted without even considering the French position. Circumstances conspired to make Poincaré a war president.
Poincaré wrote some ten volumes of memoirs of the period of the First World War, entitled Au service de la France (1926–1933; In the service of France). A final, eleventh volume was published posthumously a half century later. He also coined the famous slogan L'union sacrée (the sacred union) in a speech to parliament on 4 August 1914. His major role in French politics effectively ended in November 1917, when he decided he was obliged to appoint his rival Georges Clemenceau prime minister. Not only through war's end but throughout the debates around the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference (January–June 1919), Clemenceau kept Poincaré at a distance. The legislative chambers unanimously proclaimed on 11 November 1918 that Clemenceau and Marshal Ferdinand Foch had earned the "merit of the Nation"; but Poincaré had to wait until January 1920 to receive the same homage.
POSTWAR CAREER
After his presidency ended in 1920, Poincaré decided he still had an active role to play in politics and stood for reelection as senator from the Meuse region. He was reappointed prime minister in 1922 and again took charge of foreign affairs. He was then faced with applying the strictures of the Versailles Treaty, because Germany evinced reluctance to pay reparations. In addition, both Poincaré and Marshal Foch advocated a strong French presence in the Rhineland, in disagreement with Clemenceau, who initially wished to separate the Rhine's left bank from Germany. But the situation was favorable for Poincaré's policy and in 1923, after Germany failed to make scheduled reparations payments, he ordered the occupation of the Ruhr. While it caused great difficulties for Germany, the expensive troop deployment also marked the beginning of serious financial problems for France; moreover, the United States and England were strongly opposed to it. To pay for the occupation, Poincaré had to levy a considerable tax increase, which became one of the reasons he was defeated in the 1924 elections by a reunited coalition of left-wing parties. However, two years later the country's catastrophic financial situation brought him back to power. He turned over foreign affairs to Aristide Briand, who managed a conciliatory policy with Germany, while he took charge of finances.
Poincaré's rigorous economic policy bore fruit. The war had been financed principally by loans, and in 1928—after a serious devaluation of the franc had reduced it to about one-fifth of its 1914 value—the economic situation improved. The creation of the Franc-Poincaré remained a symbol of France's financial recovery, supported by a clear economic upturn. When Poincaré retired for health reasons, France seemed to have recovered a measure of stability. By the time he died in 1934 at age seventy-four, however, the country was suffering from the effects of the worldwide economic crisis.
See alsoBriand, Aristide; Clemenceau, Georges; Reparations; World War I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Poincaré, Raymond. The Memoirs of R. Poincaré, 1915. Translated and adapted by Sir George Arthur. London, 1930.
——. Au service de la France: Neuf années de souvenirs. 11 vols. Paris, 1926–1974.
Secondary Sources
Becker, Jean-Jacques. 1914: Comment les français sont entrés dans la guerre. Paris, 1977.
Becker, Jean-Jacques, and Serge Berstein. Victoire et frustrations: 1914–1929. Paris, 1990.
Keiger, John F. V. Raymond Poincaré. New York, l997.
Jean-Jacques Becker
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Raymond Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré >The French statesman Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) served as president of >France during World War I [1] and four times as its premier. French politics from 1912 to 1929 was largely dominated by the figures of Raymond Poincaré and Georges Clemenceau [2].
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Raymond Poincaré
The French statesman Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) served as president of France during World War I and four times as its premier.
French politics from 1912 to 1929 was largely dominated by the figures of Raymond Poincaré and Georges Clemenceau. As premier, and then as president before World War I, Poincaré pursued a nationalistic policy that contributed toward world tension. During World War I he entrusted the premiership to Clemenceau. Returning to active politics in 1922, Poincaré, as premier, followed an intransigent policy toward Germany, occupying the Ruhr in order to ensure German payment of reparations, an action that contributed to economic collapse in Germany. He also dealt effectively with French financial crises in 1924 and 1926.
Education and Early Career
Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine on Aug. 20, 1860. The son of a meteorologist and civil servant, he was educated at the lycées of Bar-le-Duc and Louis le Grand in Paris, and he studied law at the Sorbonne. Poincaré then practiced law in Paris, contributed to political journals, and served in the Department of Agriculture.
In 1887 Poincaré was elected deputy for the Meuse. At that time Louis Madelin described him as "short, slender, rather pale, with crewcut hair, and his serious face framed by a young beard." Later observers were impressed by his unemotional and distant manner.
Poincaré became a member of the Budget Commissions of 1890-1891 and 1892, and he served during 1893 and 1894 in the Cabinets of Charles Dupuy, first as minister of education and then as minister of finance. Next he became minister of public instruction in the Ribot Cabinet. In 1895 he was chosen vice president of the Chamber of Deputies, and Poincaré retained this position until 1897. In 1899 President émile Loubet asked him to form a Cabinet, but he was unsuccessful because he would not accept a Socialist minister in his coalition.
From this time until 1912, Poincaré refused to join any government except for a brief period between March and October 1906, when he was minister of finance in the Sarrien Cabinet. He emphasized his withdrawal from an active role by accepting a seat in the Senate. During this period Poincaré devoted himself to his law practice, and he became one of the wealthiest and most successful lawyers in France. In 1909 his literary efforts won him election to the French Academy.
Political Ideas
Poincaré's political ideas remained relatively constant throughout his career. He was conservative in his basic outlook, and as the balance of power in the legislature shifted to the left, he found himself and the moderates, whom he represented, moving to the right. He was fundamentally anticlerical, believing that the Church should remain in its own sphere and play no part in education or politics. He was a dedicated republican and a patriot of the Lorraine variety whose sentiments had been molded by the German seizure of most of Lorraine in 1870.
First Premiership
In the reaction after the crisis at Agadir, Morocco, in January 1912, Poincaré formed a "national ministry." He emphasized the need for a strong, authoritative government, and his program called for electoral reform at home and maintenance of France's alliances and friendships abroad. Poincaré expressed his desire for peace, but he also stressed military preparedness.
Concerned to maintain France's security and prestige, Poincaré supported Russia's policy during the First Balkan War, and later he again assured the Russians that they could depend upon France. Poincaré also obtained a reorganization and strengthening of the French navy. His government entered into a naval agreement with Great Britain that resulted in France's concentrating its fleet in the Mediterranean. Poincaré also reestablished friendly relations with Italy after a naval incident in January 1912. By the end of 1912 Poincaré was widely acknowledged as France's strongest statesman.
Poincaré's Presidency
In December 1912 Poincaré announced his intention to run for the presidency of the republic, although open candidacies were not customary. Poincaré's campaign marked the climax of the strong presidency agitation that had been growing for some time. He openly advocated a fuller use of the president's constitutional powers, and he doubtless expected to revitalize the weak office of the presidency. On Jan. 17, 1913, he was elected the ninth president of the French Republic by the National Assembly.
His strong nationalist beliefs led Poincaré to support the bill raising the term of military service from 2 to 3 years. He was, to a large extent, responsible for its passage, and he maintained it despite opposition, which continued to grow. This active role in policy formulation made him a party president, and it produced frequent attacks upon him by the left Radical-Socialist elements.
In foreign affairs Poincaré followed the program he had inaugurated as premier, supporting Théophile Delcasséas ambassador to Russia and attempting to preserve peace by ensuring that the Entente powers pursued a strong and united policy. He made state visits to England in June 1913 and to Russia in July 1914, and he was returning to France by way of the Scandinavian capitals when Austria delivered its ultimatum to Serbia on July 23, 1914. Hastening to Paris, he urged Russia to delay mobilization, and he presided over the foreign-policy decisions of the Cabinet.
During the war Poincaré worked tirelessly to maintain morale. He urged Frenchmen to perform heroically and visited training camps, hospitals, and front lines. In November 1917 in a decision proving his statesmanship and self-sacrifice, Poincaré called upon his traditional political foe, Clemenceau, to form a Cabinet. During the peace negotiations, Poincaré found himself again in opposition to Clemenceau. Poincaré supported Marshal Ferdinand Foch in his campaign for a separate Rhineland, and he disputed Clemenceau's policy, urging a firm stand and heavy reparations. These attempts to influence policy were generally unsuccessful, and Poincaré completed his term of office in January 1920. He had been France's strongest president, but he had made no basic alteration in the office.
Second Premiership
Reelected as senator from the Meuse, Poincaré accepted the premiership in January 1922, and he retained this post, together with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, until June 1, 1924. The chief problem at this time was reparations. Poincaré insisted that Germany fulfill its obligations. Unable to reach agreement on policy with the British in Interallied conferences held in London and Paris, Poincaré's government decided to act alone. When Germany defaulted on fuel deliveries in January 1923, French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr. The Germans adopted a policy of passive resistance for some months, and the German mark collapsed completely. The cost of occupation was undermining the French economy as well, and Poincaré agreed to an Anglo-American proposal to review the reparations issue. The result was the Dawes Plan, accepted in April 1924, which stabilized the mark, provided foreign loans for Germany, and reduced reparations payments.
The international exchange situation produced a financial crisis in France during the first quarter of 1924. Poincaré's adroit moves on the money market, and a 20 percent increase in indirect taxes in order to pay for the Ruhr occupation, saved the situation, but the taxes were unpopular. Attacks by the Radicals and Socialists won a substantial victory for the Cartel of the Left in the general elections of May 11, 1924, and when the new Chamber assembled, Poincaré resigned. During the next 2 years, though he retained his Senate seat, Poincaré was relatively inactive in politics.
Third Premiership
The economic policies of the Cartel proved unsatisfactory, and in the midst of a serious financial crisis, President Gaston Doumergue recalled Poincaré to head a National Union government. Public confidence was restored, and the franc immediately rose from 50 to 40 per American dollar. The legislature granted Poincaré decree powers to meet crises. He introduced new taxes, mostly indirect; he reduced government expenses; he created, through constitutional amendment, an inviolate fund to meet bond payments; and he increased interest rates. The result was a budgetary surplus and an exchange rate of 25 francs per dollar. The elections of April 1928 brought victory for the National Union, which had supported Poincaré, and, shortly after, he officially devalued the franc, establishing it at one-fifth its prewar value.
Fourth Premiership
The Radical-Socialists withdrew their support and obliged Poincaré to resign on Nov. 7, 1928, but he formed a new ministry on November 12 and retained his post until July 1929, when ill health forced him to retire. He refused a fifth offer of the premiership in 1930. Meanwhile, he had published his memoirs in 10 volumes, entitled Au service de la France (In the Service of France), describing the events of 1911-1920 and his role in them. Poincaré died in Paris on Oct. 15, 1934.
Further Reading
Poincaré's memoirs have been translated as The Memoirs of Raymond Poincaré (4 vols., 1926-1930). The chief biographical work in English is Sisley Huddleston, Poincaré: A Biographical Portrait (1924), a postwar study that is necessarily incomplete. Poincaré's role as president is well analyzed by Gordon Wright, Raymond Poincaré and the French Presidency (1942).
Additional Sources
Poincaré, Raymond, The memoirs of Raymond Poincaré, New York: AMS Press, 1975. □
POINCARÉ, RAYMOND
POINCARÉ, RAYMOND (1860–1934), French politician.
Born in Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) in Lorraine on 20 August 1860, Raymond Poincaré occupied the highest offices of the French state, including president of the republic, in a political career that ran from 1886 to 1934. Longevity and achievement made him one of the foremost statesmen of the French Third Republic. He played crucial roles in France's entry into World War I, the organization of the war effort, the peace settlement, the reparations question, the occupation of the Ruhr, and the reorganization of French finances in the 1920s.
Born into a solidly middle-class family, the eldest son of an engineer, Poincaré was educated at the lycées of Bar-le-Duc and Louis-le-Grand in Paris, and graduated from the Sorbonne with an arts and a law degree. He was called to the Paris bar in 1882. At an early age he displayed the intelligence and enormous capacity for work that were hallmarks of his political career.
Poincaré began his life in politics in 1886 as a councilor for the Meuse, a position he would retain until his death on 15 October 1934. In 1887, he was elected a member of the lower house of parliament for Meuse and sat on the center-left of the Chamber with the Progressists. His reputation for efficient committee work on legal and financial matters saw him appointed minister of education and culture (April–November 1893) at only thirty-two years of age. The following year he was finance minister (May 1894–January 1895), then education minister again (January–October 1895).
Throughout his political career, Poincaré always steered a middle course. A champion of secularism, he was no anticlerical. Although opposed to the more left-leaning Radicals, he was no reactionary, and often included them in the governments he later formed. Disillusioned with the radical turn in French politics from 1901, he withdrew from ministerial office (apart from a brief interlude as finance minister in 1906) and concentrated on his extremely successful legal practice. Politics were not abandoned altogether, as he was elected vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies in 1895 and remained a member of the lower house of parliament until his election to the Senate in 1903. During those wilderness years he produced a number of books and articles on politics, which helped secure his election to the Académie Française in 1909. Those years also saw him promote ideas far less associated with his austere legalistic image. He championed animal rights and antivivisectionism and promoted women's rights from the freedom to practice law to the vote.
Following the 1911 Franco-German Agadir crisis in Morocco, Poincaré was recalled to office as premier and foreign minister on 12 January 1912. He set about ensuring that diplomatically and militarily France was prepared for any eventuality. Although he did so by tightening up France's alliance and entente with Russia and Britain, he was careful not to adopt an aggressive policy toward Germany. Even when in January 1913 he was elected president of the Republic, he saw to it that governments were put in place that would continue his firm policy. This, combined with his Lorraine origins—supposedly synonymous with revanche—has been interpreted as meaning that he sought war. However, his role in the circumstances that led up to the outbreak of war in August 1914 was far more blameless than the myth of Poincaré-laguerre would suggest. That myth was the result of postwar propaganda generated by Germany and Poincaré's political opponents at home. The former wished to contest the principle of German war guilt on which the payment of reparations was built by displacing some of the blame onto France; the latter were intent on blocking Poincaré's return to power in the 1920s. His greatest triumph was to ensure that the country entered the war united, symbolized by his famous union sacrée speech of 4 August 1914, following Germany's declaration of war on France the day before.
Poincaré and his policies have traditionally been associated with values that posterity has tended to view as unfashionable—order, stability, dignity, politeness, honesty, and thrift. His identification with the middle class, which claimed to incarnate those values and which historiography has not found exciting or treated kindly, has left Poincaré, if not one of the unsung heroes of modern French history, then one whose political stature has not received the recognition it deserves.
See alsoAlliance System; France.
bibliography
Keiger, John F. V. Raymond Poincaré. Cambridge, U.K., 1997.
Roth, François. Raymond Poincaré: Un homme d'Etat républicain. Paris, 2000.
J. F. V. Keiger
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https://time.com/archive/6778068/france-election-looms/
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FRANCE: Election Looms
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1928-04-23T05:00:00+00:00
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France goes to the polls, this week, to elect the 14th Chamber of Deputies of her present Third Republic. As happened in 1924, when the 13th Chamber was chosen, the Prime Minister who now faces...
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https://time.com/archive/6778068/france-election-looms/
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France goes to the polls, this week, to elect the 14th Chamber of Deputies of her present Third Republic. As happened in 1924, when the 13th Chamber was chosen, the Prime Minister who now faces the country is again M. Raymond Poincaré, 67, brisk, snowy haired, charming of manner, firm of mind, sagacious. Last time this paladin of politics lost the election (1924) and went out of power for two years. Then the collapse of the franc resulted in his being recalled to the Prime Ministry to restore the shattered finances of France (TIME, Aug. 2, 1926). That task he has now magnificently performed and he turns for recognition and support to a proverbially fickle electorate. Amid the electoral complexities inseparable from French politics the supporters of the Sacred Union Cabinet of M. Poincaré are merely heavy favorites in a type of a race which is too often run with freakish results.
New-Old System. This week French voters will thankfully resume the simple system of balloting which sufficed them before the War. In the 1924 election they were mystified by the so-called scrutin de liste, a well meant but inexplicable procedure which was supposed to ensure by mathematical proportioning a greater representation of minority groups in Parliament.
At present a first balloting will occur on April 22, 1928, and a second vote will be taken one week later in electoral districts where no candidate achieved a majority.
Champions. Astute M. André Geraud, famed as Pertinax, leading Parisian journalist-oracle, has said of the present election: “Socialism would appear to be the principal issue . . . or rather, the battle will be fought between the uncompromising opponents of socialism and the people who halfway disapprove of it.”
The anti-socialist ranks include Prime Minister Poincaré, erudite Minister of Justice Louis Barthou, and smart, facile Minister of Public Works André Tardieu. A swing by the electorate to these men and their supporters would mean the definite retention in office of M. Poincaré and the consecration of his policies.
In the rival and cautiously socialist ranks referred to by Pertinax stand the leaders of the famed Cartel des Gauches or Coalition of the Left Parties, which has been the strongest influence in French politics for 25 years. These men include Minister of Education Edouard Herriot, who has bungled so often as Prime Minister, Louis Loucheur “the richest man in France,” and Minister of Interior Albert Sarraut. Their orbit usually encompasses such more independent socialists as famed Foreign Minister Aristide Briand and that great mathematician War Minister Paul Painlevé.
A leftward swing by the voters to pre-ponderately support this group of groups would very probably result in the eventual replacement of Prime Minister Poincaré by some outstanding member of the Cartel des Gauches and would lead to less orthodox handling of State finance. As may be seen from the above summary, it is a curious fact that the leaders of both the large rival groupings are now members of the present Sacred Union Cabinet which was assembled during the franc crisis from leaders of all parties. Thus no matter which way the election swings, a considerable proportion of the present Cabinet Ministers are sure to remain in office.
For the moment the minor internal issues of French politics are entirely dwarfed by that of finance; and the external policy of the Republic seems sure to continue liberal and pacific under the guidance of the Cartel and veteran Foreign Minister Aristide Briand. Thus the coming realignment of political forces will presumably lead not to an abrupt but to a gradual change in direction and policies.
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78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116
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This workspace offers more than just a place to work. Proximity to transport links, restaurants, and shopping centers makes it the perfect location for networking and collaboration with other local businesses in this culturally diverse region. Proximity to renowned nightlife makes this a perfect spot to unwind after work and still be close enough to commute on business trips, as international airports are situated just a few miles away from the site. With thoughtful details at hand, this workspace is easily accessible but also within reach of amenities that enhance quality of life.
Victor Hugo0.1 Km
Gare du Nord0.1 Km
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Who's Who - Raymond Poincare
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance, entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913, defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to strengthen France's armed forces for the eventuality of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed, and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the 'bloc national'. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany, sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany's failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Click here to read the text of Poincare's opening of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919.
Click here to view film footage of Poincare with King George V during the latter's state visit to France in 1914. Click here to view footage of Poincare during the opening of his July 1914 state visit to Russia.
A 'Toasting Fork' was a bayonet, often used for the named purpose.
- Did you know?
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News, insights, analysis and data
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Raymond Poincaré was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic. The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré (born August 20, 1860, Bar-le-Duc, France—died October 15, 1934, Paris) was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic.
The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at the University of Paris, he was admitted to the bar in 1882. Elected a deputy in 1887, he became six years later the youngest minister in the history of the Third Republic, holding the portfolio of education. In 1894 he served as minister of finance and in 1895 again as minister of education. In the Dreyfus Affair he declared that new evidence necessitated a retrial (see Alfred Dreyfus).
Despite the promise of a brilliant political career, Poincaré left the Chamber of Deputies in 1903, serving until 1912 in the Senate, which was considered comparatively unimportant politically. He devoted most of his time to his private law practice, serving in the cabinet only once, in March 1906, as minister of finance. In January 1912, however, he became prime minister, serving simultaneously as foreign minister until January 1913. In the face of new threats from Germany, he conducted diplomacy with new decisiveness and determination. In August 1912 he assured the Russian government that his government would stand by the Franco-Russian alliance, and in November he concluded an agreement with Britain committing both countries to consult in the event of an international crisis as well as on joint military plans. Although his support of Russian activities in the Balkans and his uncompromising attitude toward Germany have been cited as evidence of his being a warmongering revanchist, Poincaré believed that in the existing state of contemporary Europe war was inevitable and that only a strong alliance guaranteed security. His greatest fear was that France might be isolated as it had been in 1870, easy prey for a militarily superior Germany.
Poincaré ran for the office of president; despite the opposition of the left, under Georges Clemenceau, a lifelong enemy, he was elected on January 17, 1913. Although the presidency was a position with little real power, he hoped to infuse new vitality into it and make it the base of a union sacrée of right, left, and centre. Throughout World War I (1914–18) he strove to preserve national unity, even confiding the government to Clemenceau, the man best qualified to lead the country to victory.
After his term as president ran out in 1920, Poincaré returned to the Senate and was for a time chairman of the reparations commission. He supported the thesis of Germany’s war guilt implicit in the Versailles Treaty; and when he served again as prime minister and minister for foreign affairs (1922–24), he refused a delay in German reparation payments and in January 1923 ordered French troops into the Ruhr in reaction to the default. Unseated by a leftist bloc, he was returned as prime minister in July 1926 and is largely credited with having solved France’s acute financial crisis by stabilizing the value of the franc and basing it on the gold standard. Under his highly successful economic policies the country enjoyed a period of new prosperity.
Illness forced Poincaré to resign from office in July 1929. He spent the remainder of his life writing his memoirs, Au service de la France, 10 vol. (1926–33).
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Who's Who - Raymond Poincare
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance, entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913, defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to strengthen France's armed forces for the eventuality of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed, and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the 'bloc national'. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany, sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany's failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Click here to read the text of Poincare's opening of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919.
Click here to view film footage of Poincare with King George V during the latter's state visit to France in 1914. Click here to view footage of Poincare during the opening of his July 1914 state visit to Russia.
A 'Toasting Fork' was a bayonet, often used for the named purpose.
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RAYMOND POINCARE & WORLD WAR I
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2006-11-27T00:00:00
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Primary Documents: President Poincare's War Address, 4 August 1914 With Germany's decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the following day, 4 August 1914 - the…
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/a6abaa5cad3c07fbccb5b74830f3dc56c16669fca575d4f6843693f4528ca528?s=32
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Cambridge Forecast Group Blog
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https://cambridgeforecast.wordpress.com/2006/11/27/raymond-poincare-world-war-i/
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November 27, 2006 at 1:40 pm | Posted in Globalization, History, Literary, Military, Research | Leave a comment
Primary Documents:
President Poincare’s War Address, 4 August 1914
With Germany’s decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the
French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular
enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the
following day, 4 August 1914 – the date Britain joined France and Russia in the war
against Germany – the French President Raymond Poincare
wrote the following speech (his first war address) which was read to the French parliament
by the Minister of Justice. The text of his speech is reproduced below.
Gentlemen:
France has just been the object of a violent and premeditated attack,
which is an insolent defiance of the law of nations. Before any declaration of war had
been sent to us, even before the German Ambassador had asked for his passports, our
territory has been violated. The German Empire has waited till yesterday evening to give
at this late stage the true name to a state of things which it had already created.
For more than forty years the French, in sincere love of peace, have
buried at the bottom of their heart the desire for legitimate reparation.
They have given to the world the example of a great nation which,
definitely raised from defeat by the exercise of will, patience, and labour, has only used
its renewed and rejuvenated strength in the interest of progress and for the good of
humanity.
Since the ultimatum of Austria opened a crisis which threatened the
whole of Europe, France has persisted in following and in recommending on all sides a
policy of prudence, wisdom, and moderation.
To her there can be imputed no act, no movement, no word, which has not
been peaceful and conciliatory.
At the hour when the struggle is beginning, she has the right, in
justice to herself, of solemnly declaring that she has made, up to the last moment,
supreme efforts to avert the war now about to break out, the crushing responsibility for
which the German Empire will have to bear before history. Our fine and courageous army,
which France today accompanies with her maternal thought has risen eager to defend the
honour of the flag and the soil of the country.
The President of the Republic interpreting the unanimous feeling of the
country, expresses to our troops by land and sea the admiration and confidence of every
Frenchman.
Closely united in a common feeling, the nation will persevere with the
cool self-restraint of which, since the beginning of the crisis, she has given daily
proof. Now, as always, she will know how to harmonise the most noble daring and most
ardent enthusiasm with that self-control which is the sign of enduring energy and is the
best guarantee of victory.
In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the
eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by
individuals.
She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break
their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a
common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.
She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally; she is supported by the
loyal friendship of Great Britain.
And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good
wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty,
Justice, and Reason.
‘Haut les coeurs et vive la France!’
Who’s Who: Raymond Poincare
Updated – Saturday, 11 August, 2001
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc
in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a
lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various
cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance,
entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the
history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a
coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913,
defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to
strengthen France’s armed forces for the eventuality
of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed,
and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to
form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice
Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French
security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of
Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare
returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the
‘bloc national’. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany,
sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany’s
failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to
coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing
Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to
the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by
initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc
at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Raymond Poincare’s Welcoming Address
18 January 1919
Gentlemen:
France greets and welcomes you and thanks you for having unanimously
chosen as the seat of your labours the city which, for over four years, the enemy has made
his principal military objective and which the valour of the Allied armies has
victoriously defended against unceasingly renewed offensives.
Allow me to see in your decision the homage of all the nations that you
represent towards a country which, still more than any others, has endured the sufferings
of war, of which entire provinces, transformed into vast battlefields, have been
systematically wasted by the invader, and which has paid the heaviest tribute to death.
France has borne these enormous sacrifices without having incurred the
slightest responsibility for the frightful cataclysm which has overwhelmed the universe,
and at the moment when this cycle of horror is ending, all the Powers whose delegates are
assembled here may acquit themselves of any share in the crime which has resulted in so
unprecedented a disaster.
What gives you authority to establish a peace of justice is the fact
that none of the peoples of whom you are the delegates has had any part in injustice.
Humanity can place confidence in you because you are not among those who have outraged the
rights of humanity.
There is no need of further information or for special inquiries into
the origin of the drama which has just shaken the world. The truth, bathed in blood, has
already escaped from the Imperial archives. The premeditated character of the trap is
today clearly proved.
In the hope of conquering, first, the hegemony of Europe and next the
mastery of the world, the Central Empires, bound together by a secret plot, found the most
abominable pretexts for trying to crush Serbia and force their way to the East. At the
same time they disowned the most solemn undertakings in order to crush Belgium and force
their way into the heart of France.
These are the two unforgettable outrages which opened the way to
aggression. The combined efforts of Great Britain, France, and Russia broke themselves
against that mad arrogance.
If, after long vicissitudes, those who wished to reign by the sword
have perished by the sword, they have but themselves to blame; they have been destroyed by
their own blindness. What could be more significant than the shameful bargains they
attempted to offer to Great Britain and France at the end of July 1914, when to Great
Britain they suggested: “Allow us to attack France on land and we will notenter the Channel”; and
when they instructed their Ambassador to say to France: “We will only accept a
declaration of neutrality on your part if you surrender to us Briey, Toul, and
Verdun”?
It is in the light of these memories, gentlemen, that all the
conclusions you will have to draw from the war will take shape.
Your nations entered the war successively, but came, one and all, to
the help of threatened right. Like Germany, Great Britain and France had guaranteed the
independence of Belgium.
Germany sought to crush Belgium. Great Britain and France both swore to
save her. Thus, from the very beginning of hostilities, came into conflict the two ideas
which for fifty months were to struggle for the dominion of the world – the idea of
sovereign force, which accepts neither control nor check, and the idea of justice, which
depends on the sword only to prevent or repress the abuse of strength.
Faithfully supported by her Dominions and Colonies, Great Britain
decided that she could not remain aloof from a struggle in which the fate of every country
was involved. She has made, and her Dominions and Colonies have made with her, prodigious
efforts to prevent the war from ending in the triumph of the spirit ofconquest and the destruction
of right.
Japan, in her turn, only decided to take up arms out of loyalty to
Great Britain, her great Ally, and from the consciousness of the danger in which both Asia
and Europe would have stood, for the hegemony of which the Germanic Empires had dreamt.
Italy, who from the first had refused to lend a helping hand to German
ambition, rose against an age-long foe only to answer the call of oppressed populations
and to destroy at the cost of her blood the artificial political combination which took no
account of human liberty.
Rumania resolved to fight only to realize that national unity which was
opposed by the same powers of arbitrary force. Abandoned, betrayed, and strangled, she had
to submit to an abominable treaty, the revision of which you will exact.
Greece, whom the enemy for many months tried to turn from her
traditions and destinies, raised an army only to escape attempts at domination, of which
she felt the growing threat.
Portugal, China, and Siam abandoned neutrality only to escape the
strangling pressure of the Central Powers.
Thus it was the extent of German ambitions that brought so many
peoples, great and small, to form a league against the same adversary.
And what shall I say of the solemn resolution taken by the United
States in the spring of 1917 under the auspices of their illustrious President, Mr.
Wilson, whom I am happy to greet here in the name of grateful France, and, if you will
allow me to say so, gentlemen, in the name of all the nations represented in this room?
What shall I say of the many other American Powers which either
declared themselves against Germany – Brazil, Cuba, Panama, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Haiti,
Honduras – or at least broke off diplomatic relations – Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador,Uruguay?
From north to south the New World rose with indignation when it saw the
empires of Central Europe, after having let loose the war without provocation and without
excuse, carry it on with fire, pillage, and massacre of inoffensive beings.
The intervention of the United States was something more, something
greater, than a great political and military event: it was a supreme judgment passed at
the bar of history by the lofty conscience of a free people and their Chief Magistrate on
the enormous responsibilities incurred in the frightful conflict which was lacerating
humanity.
It was not only to protect themselves from the audacious aims of German
megalomania that the United States equipped fleets and created immense armies,but also, and above all, to
defend an ideal of liberty over which they saw the huge shadow of the Imperial Eagle
encroaching farther every day.
America, the daughter of Europe, crossed the ocean to wrest her mother
from the humiliation of thraldom and to save civilization. The American people wished to
put an end to the greatest scandal that has ever sullied the annals of mankind.
Autocratic governments, having prepared in the secrecy of the Chancelleries and the General Staff a map programme of universal domination, at the time fixed by their genius for intrigue let loose their packs and sounded the horns for the chase, ordering science at the very time when it was beginning to abolish distances, bring men closer, and make life sweeter, to leave the bright sky towards which it was soaring and to place itself submissively at the service of violence, lowering the religious idea to the extent of making God the complacent auxiliary of their passions and the accomplice of their crimes; in short, counting as naught the traditions and wills of peoples, the lives of citizens, the honour of women, and all those principles of public and private morality which we for our part have endeavoured to keep unaltered through the war and which neither nations nor individuals can repudiate or disregard with impunity.
While the conflict was gradually extending over the entire surface of the earth the clanking of chains was heard here and there, and captive nationalities from the depths of their age-long jails cried out to us for help.
Yet more, they escaped to come to our aid. Poland came to life again and sent us troops. The Czecho-Slovaks won their right to independence in Siberia, in France, and in Italy. The Jugo-Slays, the Armenians, the Syrians and Lebanese, the Arabs, all the oppressed peoples, all the victims, long helpless or resigned, of great historic deeds of injustice, all the martyrs of the past, all the outraged consciences, all the strangled liberties revived at the clash of our arms, and turnedtowards us, as their natural defenders.
Thus the war gradually attained the fullness of its first significance, and became, in the fullest sense of the term, a crusade of humanity for Right; and if anything can console us in part at least, for the losses we have suffered, it is assuredly the thought that our victory is also the victory of Right.
This victory is complete, for the enemy only asked for the armistice to escape from an irretrievable military disaster. In the interest of justice and peace it now rests with you to reap from this victory its full fruits in order to carry out this immense task. You have decided to admit, at first, only the Allied or associated Powers, and, in so far as their interests are involved in the debates, the nations which remained neutral.
You have thought that the terms of peace ought to be settled among ourselves before they are communicated to those against whom we have together fought the good fight. The solidarity which has united us during the war and has enabled us to win military success ought to remain unimpaired during the negotiations for, and after the signing of, the Treaty.
It is not only governments, but free peoples, who are represented here.
Through the test of danger they have learned to know and help one another. They want their
intimacy of yesterday to assure the peace of tomorrow. V ainly would our enemies seek to
divide us. If they have not yet renounced their customary manoeuvres, they will soon find
that they are meeting today, as during the hostilities, a homogeneous block which nothing
will be able to disintegrate.
Even before the armistice you placed that necessary unity under the
standard of the lofty moral and political truths of which President Wilson has nobly made
himself the interpreter.
And in the light of those truths you intend to accomplish your mission.
You will, therefore, seek nothing but justice, “justice that has no favourites,”
justice in territorial problems, justice in financial problems, justice in economic
problems.
But justice is not inert, it does not submit to injustice. What it
demands first, when it has been violated, are restitution and reparation for the peoples
and individuals who have been despoiled or maltreated. In formulating this lawful claim,
it obeys neither hatred nor an instinctive or thoughtless desire for reprisals. It pursues
a twofold object – to render to each his due, and not to encourage crime through leaving
it unpunished.
What justice also demands, inspired by the same feeling, is the
punishment of the guilty and effective guaranties against an active return of the spirit
by which theywere
tempted; and it is logical to demand that these guaranties should be given, above all, to
the nations that have been, and might again be most exposed to aggressions or threats, to
those who have many times stood in danger of being submerged by the periodic tide of the
same invasions.
What justice banishes is the dream of conquest and imperialism,
contempt for national will, the arbitrary exchange of provinces between states as though
peoples were but articles of furniture or pawns in a game.
The time is no more when diplomatists could meet to redraw with
authority the map of the empires on the corner of a table. If you are to remake the map of
the world it is in the name of the peoples, and on condition that you shall faithfully
interpret their thoughts, and respect the right of nations, small and great, to dispose of
themselves, and to reconcile it with the right, equally sacred, of ethnical and religious
minorities – a formidable task, which science and history, your two advisers, will
contribute to illumine and facilitate.
You will naturally strive to secure the material and moral means of
subsistence for all those peoples who are constituted or reconstituted into states; for
those who wish to unite themselves to their neighbours; for those who divide themselves
into separate units; for those who reorganize themselves according to their regained traditions; and, lastly, for all those whose freedom you have already sanctioned or are about to sanction.
You will not call them into existence only to sentence them to death
immediately. You would like your work in this, as in all other matters, to be fruitful and lasting.
While thus introducing into the world as much harmony as possible, you will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions unanimously adopted by the Great Allied Powers, establish a general League of Nations, which will be a supreme guarantee against any fresh assaults upon the right of peoples.
You do not intend this International Association to be directed against anybody in future. It will not of set purpose shut out anybody, but, having been organized by the nations that have sacrificed themselves in defence of Right, it will receive from them its statutes and fundamental rules. It will lay down conditions to which its present or future adherents will submit, and, as it is to have for its essential aim to prevent, as far as. possible, the renewal of wars, it will, above all, seek to gain respect for the peace which you will have established, and will find it the less difficult to maintain in proportion as this peace will in itself imply greater realities of justice and safer guaranties of stability.
By establishing this new order of things you will meet the aspiration of humanity, which, after the frightful convulsions of these bloodstained years, ardently wishes to feel itself protected by a union of free peoples against the ever-possible revivals of primitive savagely.
An immortal glory will attach to the names of the nations and the men who have desired to co-operate in this grand work in faith and brotherhood, and who have taken pains to eliminate from the future peace causes of disturbance and instability.
This very day forty-eight years ago, on January 18, 1871, the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French provinces; it was thus vitiated from its origin and by the fault of the founders; born in injustice, it has ended in opprobrium.
You are assembled in order to repair the evil that it has done and to prevent a recurrence of it. You hold in your hands the future of the world. I leave you, gentlemen, to your grave deliberations, and I declare the Conference of Paris open.
Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923
Primary Documents:
Raymond Poincare’s
Welcoming Address at the Paris Peace Conference
18 January 1919
With Germany’s decision to seek an armistice – or face domestic as well as military collapse – arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.
The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.
Reproduced below is the welcoming address given to delegates by French President Raymond Poincare.
Click here to read the opening address by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson; click here to read British Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s address; click here to read Italian Prime Minister Sidney Sonnino’s address; click here to read French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau’s address.
Click
here to read an account of the run up to the opening session by the official British observer Sisley Huddleston. (see Sisley Huddleston CFG blog post elsewhere in this blog)
Click here to read the German delegation’s
protest against the final Allied peace terms. Click
here to read the Allied response. Click
here to read a Dutch newspaper editorial condemning the Allied terms. Click here to read a journalist’s account of the
signing ceremony.
Click
here to read the text of the eventual peace treaty.
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Raymond Poincaré Keiger Paperback Cambridge University Press 9780521892162 9780521892162
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9780521892162, Cambridge University Press. J. F. V. Keiger (Author). This study is a scholarly biography of one of France's foremost political leaders. In a career which ran from the 1880s to the 1930s, one of the most formative periods of modern French history, Poincaré held the principal offices of state.
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£16.12GermanyParcelforce Global Priority
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Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré.
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dbo:abstract
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Mosa (Lorena), 20 d'agost, 1860 – París 15 d'octubre, 1934) fou un polític francès que fou Primer ministre de França cinc cops i President de la República francesa del 1913 al 1920. Era fill del conegut metereòleg , i cosí del científic Henri Poincaré. Estudià dret a la Universitat de París, i durant un temps va exercir l'advocacia. Va entrar a servir al departament d'agricultura i el 1887 fou elegit diputat pel departament de . Es guanyà una gran reputació a l'Assemblea Nacional com a economista, raó per la qual fou membre de les comissions pressupostàries del 1890-1891 i 1892. També fou ministre d'educació, belles arts i religió en el primer govern (abril – novembre 1893) de Charles Dupuy, i ministre de finances en el segon i tercer govern d'aquest (maig 1894 – gener 1895). En el govern d' fou ministre d'instrucció pública. Encara que fou exclòs del govern del Partit Radical que el va succeir, aquest adoptà algunes de les seves propostes. També fou vicepresident de l'Asemblea Nacional la tardor del 1895, i malgrat l'amarga hostilitat dels radicals va mantenir el càrrec el 1896 i el 1897. El 1906 fou nomenat ministre de finances en el govern . Durant aquest temps va continuar exercint el dret, i publicà nombrosos volums d'assaig de literatura i afers polítics. Fou nomenat primer ministre el gener del 1912, i endegà una línia política antialemanya, marcada per la restauració d'estrets lligams amb Rússia i la imposició de dos anys de servei militar obligatori. Fou elegit President de la República francesa el 1913 per a succeir a Armand Fallières (tot vencent a les eleccions al candidat radical-socialista, el nord-català Jules Pams. Intentà fer del seu càrrec un espai de poder efectiu i no només nominal, per primer cop des de la presidència de Mac-Mahon el 1870. En particular maldà per controlar de la política exterior, i els seus sentiments antialemanys provocaren que alguns l'acusessin en part de l'esclat de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La seva política es va veure reforçada encara més amb el nomenament de Georges Clemenceau com a primer ministre el 1917. El 1920 acabà el seu mandat i fou succeït per Paul Deschanel. El 1922 tornà a ser nomenat primer ministre, des d'on mantingué una política intransigent davant les reparacions de guerra alemanyes (Ocupació de la conca del Ruhr, 1923-1924). Però l'alta despesa que provocava l'ocupació francesa a Alemanya provocà la seva derrota electoral el 1924. La crisi econòmica del 1926 li va permetre tornar novament al poder, i fou novament primer ministre fins que es va retirar el 1929. Va morir a París el 1934. (ca)
Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré. (cs)
ريمون بوانكاريه (بالفرنسية: Raymond Poincaré) سياسي فرنسي (1860-1934).تولى رئاسة الجمهورية الفرنسية الثالثة العاشر (1913-1920) وفي عهده دخلت بلاده الحرب العالمية الأولى. كما تولى رئاسة الوزارة في فرنسا ثلاث مرات: * من 21 يناير 1912 إلى 21 يناير 1913. * من 15 يناير 1922 إلى 6 يونيو 1924. * من 23 يوليو 1926 إلى 29 يوليو 1929. * وزير الخارجية (1912-1913)و(1922-1924). * وزير التعليم (1893) و(1895). أخوه عالم فيزيائي، وقريبه هنري بوانكاريه عالم فيزيائي ورياضي معروف.ولد الرئيس الفرنسي ريمون بوانكارية في مدينة بار لو دوك التي تتبع إقليم ميوز الذي يقع في شمال شرق فرنسا في حين انه انتقل للعاصمة الفرنسية باريس ليتخرج من كلية الحقوق سنة 1879 م حيث أصبح محاميا ماهرا انضم لنقابة المحاميين والتحق بخدمة الشأن العام ويعتبر من أهم الشخصيات السياسية في عهد الجمهورية الثالثة .أطلق عليه وزير خارجية فرنسا جورج كليمنصو لقب «النمر» بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى حينما هدد ألمانيا مجددا بحرب ضروس واحتلال دائم لأرضيها وحرك جيشه في عمق حدودها في حال تقاعست عن دفع التعويضات المفروضة عليها جراء هزيمتها بعد أن اتهمت بانها بدأت الحرب على المذكورة على الحلفاء . هذا وقد تولى ريموند عدة مناصب أهمها بالإضافة لرئاسة الجمهورية كان وزيرا للتعليم والفنون الجميلة والدين 1893 -1895 م كما تولى رئاسة الوزراء ثلاث مرات 1912- و1922 و1926 م و وزارة الخارجية 1912 و1913 و1922 و1924 معلما بانه مثل مقاطعة ميوز الشمالية حيث مسقط راسه عندما انتخب نائب عنها سنة 1887 م كان من لشد المتحمسين بان تحظى بلاده بحصة مستقلة من أحواض النفط في الدول التابعة لفرنسا استعماريا ساهم معنويا وبأفكاره لأنشاء شركة توتال وسهل كل إمكانيته الرسمية ومناصبه من اجل ذلك . (ar)
Ο Ρεϋμόν Πουανκαρέ (Raymond Poincaré, 20 Αυγούστου 1860 - 15 Οκτωβρίου 1934) ήταν Γάλλος πολιτικός, που διετέλεσε τρεις φορές πρωθυπουργός και μία φορά πρόεδρος της Γαλλικής Δημοκρατίας (1913-1920). (el)
Raymond Poincaré (* 20. August 1860 in Bar-le-Duc, Département Meuse; † 15. Oktober 1934 in Paris) war ein französischer Politiker in der Dritten Republik (ARD). Er war mehrmals Ministerpräsident und vom 18. Februar 1913 bis 17. Februar 1920 Staatspräsident. Er war ein Cousin des Mathematikers Henri Poincaré. (de)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860-París, 15 de octubre de 1934) fue un político francés, presidente de la República durante la Primera Guerra Mundial y primer ministro de Francia en tres ocasiones: entre 1912 y 1913; entre 1922 y 1924, y entre 1926 y 1929, primo del matemático y científico Henri Poincaré. (es)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Frantzia, 1860ko abuztuaren 20a - Paris, Frantzia, 1934ko urriaren 15a) frantses politikari eta estatu-gizona izan zen. (eu)
Raymond Poincaré, du nom complet Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, est né le 20 août 1860 à Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) et mort le 15 octobre 1934 à Paris, est un avocat et homme d'État français. Il est le président de la République française du 18 février 1913 au 18 février 1920. Ministre à plusieurs reprises, président du Conseil puis président de la République de 1913 à 1920, Raymond Poincaré fut l'une des plus grandes figures politiques de la IIIe République. Il fut également, en tant que président de la République, l'un des personnages centraux de la Première Guerre mondiale, conflit durant lequel il appela Georges Clemenceau à la présidence du Conseil, en 1917. Après son mandat présidentiel, il est à nouveau président du Conseil de 1922 à 1924 et de 1926 à 1929. (fr)
Raymond Nicholas Landry Poincare (20 Agustus 1860 – 15 Oktober 1934) adalah seorang negarawan yang berasal dari Prancis dan merupakan Presiden Rebublik Ketiga pada tahun 1912 yang sangat menerapkan kebijakan nasionalis, yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap ketegangan dunia yang mengarah dalam keterlibatan Prancis pada Perang Dunia I. Poincare merupakan putra seorang Insinyur. Poincare menempuh pendidikannya di École Polytechnique. Kemudian melanjutkan studi hukum di Universitas Paris. Setelah itu pada tahun 1887, Poincare menjadi menteri termuda dalam sejarah Republik Ketiga. Poincare memiliki janji politik yang bagus dan cemerlang, akan tetapi hal ini tidak sesuai dengan kepentingan rakyatnya, akan tetapi memanfaatkan waktunya hanya untuk praktik hukum pribadinya sendiri. Kemudian pada bulan januari 1912, Poincare menjadi perdana menteri, tetapi ia hanya melayani kepentingan bersama sebagai menteri luar negeri sampai januari 1913. Pioncare memiliki ketegasan dan tekad baru untuk menghadapi ancaman baru dari Jerman, Ia melakukan diplomasi dalam masalah ini. Kemudian pada bulan Agustus 1912, Poincare dapat meyakinkan pemerintah Rusia bahwa pemerintahannya akan berdiri oleh Franco-Rusia atau hubungan kerjasama dengan negara Rusia. Selanjutnya pada tahun ke 1894, Poincare menjabat sebagai menteri keuangan dan pada tahun 1895, Poincare kembali menjadi menteri pendidikan. (in)
Raymond Poincaré /ʁɛˈmõ pwɛ̃kaˈʁe/ (Bar-le-Duc, 20 agosto 1860 – Parigi, 15 ottobre 1934) è stato un politico francese. Fu Presidente della Repubblica francese durante la prima guerra mondiale e in seguito primo ministro. Era fratello di e cugino di Henri Poincaré, e fu fondatore della Réunion des Musées Nationaux insieme a Georges Leygues. (it)
レイモン・ポアンカレ（ポワンカレ、Raymond Poincaré、1860年8月20日 – 1934年10月15日）は、フランス第三共和政の政治家、弁護士。通算5期に渡り首相となり、1913年から1920年まで大統領を務めた。 (ja)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 augustus 1860 – Parijs, 15 oktober 1934) was een Franse staatsman. (nl)
( 다른 뜻에 대해서는 푸앵카레 문서를 참고하십시오.) 레몽 푸앵카레(프랑스어: Raymond Poincaré, 1860년 8월 20일 ~ 1934년 10월 15일)는 프랑스의 정치가이다. 유명한 수학자 앙리 푸앵카레의 사촌이기도 하다. 1887년 프랑스의 하원 의원으로 정치 인생을 시작했다. 1912년에 수상, 1913년에는 대통령이 되었다. 제1차 세계 대전 때 프랑스를 이끈 정치가로 대독일 강경 정책을 추진했으며, 1917년에는 조르주 클레망소를 총리로 임명하여 전쟁을 승리로 이끌었다. 1920년에 독일과의 강화가 이뤄지려 하자 대통령에서 물러났으나, 2년 뒤 다시 수상이 되어 루르 지방 점령에 앞장 섰다. (ko)
Raymond Poincaré (ur. 20 sierpnia 1860 w Bar-le-Duc, zm. 15 października 1934 w Paryżu) – polityk francuski, pięciokrotny premier, prezydent Francji w latach 1913-1920. W kwestii polskiej wydał dekret o utworzeniu Błękitnej Armii dowodzonej przez generała Hallera. (pl)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, född 20 augusti 1860 i Bar-le-Duc, död 15 oktober 1934 i Paris, var en fransk politiker. Poincaré var Frankrikes president 1913–1920, samt konseljpresident 1912–1913, 1922–1924 och 1926–1929. Han var Frankrikes president under Första världskriget. (sv)
Раймóн Николя́ Ландри́ Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, 20 августа 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 октября 1934, Париж) — французский государственный деятель, трижды занимал пост премьер-министра Франции, 10-й президент Франции (1913—1920) (Третья республика). Также был лидером партии консерваторов, направляя деятельность на политическую и социальную стабильность. Имея опыт в юриспруденции, Пуанкаре в 1887 году был избран депутатом и служил в кабинетах Дюпюи и Рибо. В 1902 году он стал сооснователем демократического республиканского альянса, наиболее важной правоцентристской партии Третьей республики, став в 1912 году премьер-министром и в 1913 году президентом. Он был отмечен за сильное антинемецкое отношение и дважды посещал Россию для поддержания стратегических связей. На Парижской мирной конференции Пуанкаре выступал за повторную оккупацию Рейнской области, которую он смог осуществить в 1923 году в качестве премьер-министра. (ru)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860 – Paris, 15 de outubro de 1934) foi um político e estadista francês que serviu como Presidente da França de 1913 a 1920. Ele também ocupou o cargo de Primeiro-ministro três vezes. Educado em direito, Poincaré foi eleito como membro da Câmara de Deputados da França em 1887 e serviu nos gabinetes dos primeiros-ministros Charles Dupuy e Alexandre Ribot. Em 1902, ele cofundou a , o mais importante partido de centro-direita da Terceira República Francesa, se tornando ele mesmo primeiro-ministro em 1912 e depois sendo eleito Presidente da República, servindo de 1913 a 1920. Ele purgou o governo francês de todos os seus oponentes e críticos e controlou sozinho a política externa francesa de 1912 até o início da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Poincaré era conhecido por suas fortes atitudes anti-Alemanha, mudando a Aliança Franco-Russa de um pacto defensivo para um ofensivo, com ele visitando a Rússia em 1912 e 1914 para fortalecer as relações entre as duas nações e dando o apoio da França à mobilização militar russa durante a Crise de Julho de 1914. A partir de 1917, ele exerceu menos influência como seu rival político Georges Clemenceau que era seu primeiro-ministro. Na Conferência de Paz de Paris de 1919, ele defendeu a ocupação Aliada da Renânia por pelo menos trinta anos e apoiou movimentos separatistas na região. Em 1922, Poincaré retornou ao poder, desta vez como primeiro-ministro. Em 1923, ele ordenou a Ocupação do Ruhr para forçar a Alemanha a pagar as reparações que devia. Nessa época, Poincaré era visto, especialmente no Reino Unido e nos Estados Unidos, como uma figura agressiva (Poincaré-la-Guerre) que ajudou a causar a guerra em 1914 e que agora era a favor de políticas punitivas anti-alemãs. Seu governo foi derrotado nas eleições de 1924 por uma aliança política conhecida como . Ele serviu novamente como primeiro-ministro entre 1926 e 1929. (pt)
Раймо́н Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Poincaré; 20 серпня 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 жовтня 1934, Париж) — французький політичний і державний діяч, двоюрідний брат відомого математика Анрі Пуанкаре. За фахом адвокат, журналіст. Обіймав посади міністра фінансів, іноземних справ, п'ять разів призначався прем'єр-міністром Франції, у 1913–1920 роках — президент республіки. (uk)
雷蒙·普恩加莱（Raymond Poincaré，1860年8月20日－1934年10月15日），又译雷蒙·彭加勒，法國政治家。1912年－1913年擔任法國總理和外交部長；1913年－1920年擔任法兰西第三共和国的總統；1922年－1924年與1926年－1929年再次出任總理，他是第三共和國任期最長的總理（在任時間共計2343天）。 (zh)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Mosa (Lorena), 20 d'agost, 1860 – París 15 d'octubre, 1934) fou un polític francès que fou Primer ministre de França cinc cops i President de la República francesa del 1913 al 1920. Era fill del conegut metereòleg , i cosí del científic Henri Poincaré. Estudià dret a la Universitat de París, i durant un temps va exercir l'advocacia. Va entrar a servir al departament d'agricultura i el 1887 fou elegit diputat pel departament de . Es guanyà una gran reputació a l'Assemblea Nacional com a economista, raó per la qual fou membre de les comissions pressupostàries del 1890-1891 i 1892. També fou ministre d'educació, belles arts i religió en el primer govern (abril – novembre 1893) de Charles Dupuy, i ministre de finances en el segon i tercer govern d'aquest (maig 1894 – gener 1895). En el govern d' fou ministre d'instrucció pública. Encara que fou exclòs del govern del Partit Radical que el va succeir, aquest adoptà algunes de les seves propostes. També fou vicepresident de l'Asemblea Nacional la tardor del 1895, i malgrat l'amarga hostilitat dels radicals va mantenir el càrrec el 1896 i el 1897. El 1906 fou nomenat ministre de finances en el govern . Durant aquest temps va continuar exercint el dret, i publicà nombrosos volums d'assaig de literatura i afers polítics. Fou nomenat primer ministre el gener del 1912, i endegà una línia política antialemanya, marcada per la restauració d'estrets lligams amb Rússia i la imposició de dos anys de servei militar obligatori. Fou elegit President de la República francesa el 1913 per a succeir a Armand Fallières (tot vencent a les eleccions al candidat radical-socialista, el nord-català Jules Pams. Intentà fer del seu càrrec un espai de poder efectiu i no només nominal, per primer cop des de la presidència de Mac-Mahon el 1870. En particular maldà per controlar de la política exterior, i els seus sentiments antialemanys provocaren que alguns l'acusessin en part de l'esclat de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La seva política es va veure reforçada encara més amb el nomenament de Georges Clemenceau com a primer ministre el 1917. El 1920 acabà el seu mandat i fou succeït per Paul Deschanel. El 1922 tornà a ser nomenat primer ministre, des d'on mantingué una política intransigent davant les reparacions de guerra alemanyes (Ocupació de la conca del Ruhr, 1923-1924). Però l'alta despesa que provocava l'ocupació francesa a Alemanya provocà la seva derrota electoral el 1924. La crisi econòmica del 1926 li va permetre tornar novament al poder, i fou novament primer ministre fins que es va retirar el 1929. Va morir a París el 1934. (ca)
Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré. (cs)
ريمون بوانكاريه (بالفرنسية: Raymond Poincaré) سياسي فرنسي (1860-1934).تولى رئاسة الجمهورية الفرنسية الثالثة العاشر (1913-1920) وفي عهده دخلت بلاده الحرب العالمية الأولى. كما تولى رئاسة الوزارة في فرنسا ثلاث مرات: * من 21 يناير 1912 إلى 21 يناير 1913. * من 15 يناير 1922 إلى 6 يونيو 1924. * من 23 يوليو 1926 إلى 29 يوليو 1929. * وزير الخارجية (1912-1913)و(1922-1924). * وزير التعليم (1893) و(1895). أخوه عالم فيزيائي، وقريبه هنري بوانكاريه عالم فيزيائي ورياضي معروف.ولد الرئيس الفرنسي ريمون بوانكارية في مدينة بار لو دوك التي تتبع إقليم ميوز الذي يقع في شمال شرق فرنسا في حين انه انتقل للعاصمة الفرنسية باريس ليتخرج من كلية الحقوق سنة 1879 م حيث أصبح محاميا ماهرا انضم لنقابة المحاميين والتحق بخدمة الشأن العام ويعتبر من أهم الشخصيات السياسية في عهد الجمهورية الثالثة .أطلق عليه وزير خارجية فرنسا جورج كليمنصو لقب «النمر» بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى حينما هدد ألمانيا مجددا بحرب ضروس واحتلال دائم لأرضيها وحرك جيشه في عمق حدودها في حال تقاعست عن دفع التعويضات المفروضة عليها جراء هزيمتها بعد أن اتهمت بانها بدأت الحرب على المذكورة على الحلفاء . هذا وقد تولى ريموند عدة مناصب أهمها بالإضافة لرئاسة الجمهورية كان وزيرا للتعليم والفنون الجميلة والدين 1893 -1895 م كما تولى رئاسة الوزراء ثلاث مرات 1912- و1922 و1926 م و وزارة الخارجية 1912 و1913 و1922 و1924 معلما بانه مثل مقاطعة ميوز الشمالية حيث مسقط راسه عندما انتخب نائب عنها سنة 1887 م كان من لشد المتحمسين بان تحظى بلاده بحصة مستقلة من أحواض النفط في الدول التابعة لفرنسا استعماريا ساهم معنويا وبأفكاره لأنشاء شركة توتال وسهل كل إمكانيته الرسمية ومناصبه من اجل ذلك . (ar)
Ο Ρεϋμόν Πουανκαρέ (Raymond Poincaré, 20 Αυγούστου 1860 - 15 Οκτωβρίου 1934) ήταν Γάλλος πολιτικός, που διετέλεσε τρεις φορές πρωθυπουργός και μία φορά πρόεδρος της Γαλλικής Δημοκρατίας (1913-1920). (el)
Raymond Poincaré (* 20. August 1860 in Bar-le-Duc, Département Meuse; † 15. Oktober 1934 in Paris) war ein französischer Politiker in der Dritten Republik (ARD). Er war mehrmals Ministerpräsident und vom 18. Februar 1913 bis 17. Februar 1920 Staatspräsident. Er war ein Cousin des Mathematikers Henri Poincaré. (de)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860-París, 15 de octubre de 1934) fue un político francés, presidente de la República durante la Primera Guerra Mundial y primer ministro de Francia en tres ocasiones: entre 1912 y 1913; entre 1922 y 1924, y entre 1926 y 1929, primo del matemático y científico Henri Poincaré. (es)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Frantzia, 1860ko abuztuaren 20a - Paris, Frantzia, 1934ko urriaren 15a) frantses politikari eta estatu-gizona izan zen. (eu)
Raymond Poincaré, du nom complet Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, est né le 20 août 1860 à Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) et mort le 15 octobre 1934 à Paris, est un avocat et homme d'État français. Il est le président de la République française du 18 février 1913 au 18 février 1920. Ministre à plusieurs reprises, président du Conseil puis président de la République de 1913 à 1920, Raymond Poincaré fut l'une des plus grandes figures politiques de la IIIe République. Il fut également, en tant que président de la République, l'un des personnages centraux de la Première Guerre mondiale, conflit durant lequel il appela Georges Clemenceau à la présidence du Conseil, en 1917. Après son mandat présidentiel, il est à nouveau président du Conseil de 1922 à 1924 et de 1926 à 1929. (fr)
Raymond Nicholas Landry Poincare (20 Agustus 1860 – 15 Oktober 1934) adalah seorang negarawan yang berasal dari Prancis dan merupakan Presiden Rebublik Ketiga pada tahun 1912 yang sangat menerapkan kebijakan nasionalis, yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap ketegangan dunia yang mengarah dalam keterlibatan Prancis pada Perang Dunia I. Poincare merupakan putra seorang Insinyur. Poincare menempuh pendidikannya di École Polytechnique. Kemudian melanjutkan studi hukum di Universitas Paris. Setelah itu pada tahun 1887, Poincare menjadi menteri termuda dalam sejarah Republik Ketiga. Poincare memiliki janji politik yang bagus dan cemerlang, akan tetapi hal ini tidak sesuai dengan kepentingan rakyatnya, akan tetapi memanfaatkan waktunya hanya untuk praktik hukum pribadinya sendiri. Kemudian pada bulan januari 1912, Poincare menjadi perdana menteri, tetapi ia hanya melayani kepentingan bersama sebagai menteri luar negeri sampai januari 1913. Pioncare memiliki ketegasan dan tekad baru untuk menghadapi ancaman baru dari Jerman, Ia melakukan diplomasi dalam masalah ini. Kemudian pada bulan Agustus 1912, Poincare dapat meyakinkan pemerintah Rusia bahwa pemerintahannya akan berdiri oleh Franco-Rusia atau hubungan kerjasama dengan negara Rusia. Selanjutnya pada tahun ke 1894, Poincare menjabat sebagai menteri keuangan dan pada tahun 1895, Poincare kembali menjadi menteri pendidikan. (in)
Raymond Poincaré /ʁɛˈmõ pwɛ̃kaˈʁe/ (Bar-le-Duc, 20 agosto 1860 – Parigi, 15 ottobre 1934) è stato un politico francese. Fu Presidente della Repubblica francese durante la prima guerra mondiale e in seguito primo ministro. Era fratello di e cugino di Henri Poincaré, e fu fondatore della Réunion des Musées Nationaux insieme a Georges Leygues. (it)
レイモン・ポアンカレ（ポワンカレ、Raymond Poincaré、1860年8月20日 – 1934年10月15日）は、フランス第三共和政の政治家、弁護士。通算5期に渡り首相となり、1913年から1920年まで大統領を務めた。 (ja)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 augustus 1860 – Parijs, 15 oktober 1934) was een Franse staatsman. (nl)
( 다른 뜻에 대해서는 푸앵카레 문서를 참고하십시오.) 레몽 푸앵카레(프랑스어: Raymond Poincaré, 1860년 8월 20일 ~ 1934년 10월 15일)는 프랑스의 정치가이다. 유명한 수학자 앙리 푸앵카레의 사촌이기도 하다. 1887년 프랑스의 하원 의원으로 정치 인생을 시작했다. 1912년에 수상, 1913년에는 대통령이 되었다. 제1차 세계 대전 때 프랑스를 이끈 정치가로 대독일 강경 정책을 추진했으며, 1917년에는 조르주 클레망소를 총리로 임명하여 전쟁을 승리로 이끌었다. 1920년에 독일과의 강화가 이뤄지려 하자 대통령에서 물러났으나, 2년 뒤 다시 수상이 되어 루르 지방 점령에 앞장 섰다. (ko)
Raymond Poincaré (ur. 20 sierpnia 1860 w Bar-le-Duc, zm. 15 października 1934 w Paryżu) – polityk francuski, pięciokrotny premier, prezydent Francji w latach 1913-1920. W kwestii polskiej wydał dekret o utworzeniu Błękitnej Armii dowodzonej przez generała Hallera. (pl)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, född 20 augusti 1860 i Bar-le-Duc, död 15 oktober 1934 i Paris, var en fransk politiker. Poincaré var Frankrikes president 1913–1920, samt konseljpresident 1912–1913, 1922–1924 och 1926–1929. Han var Frankrikes president under Första världskriget. (sv)
Раймóн Николя́ Ландри́ Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, 20 августа 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 октября 1934, Париж) — французский государственный деятель, трижды занимал пост премьер-министра Франции, 10-й президент Франции (1913—1920) (Третья республика). Также был лидером партии консерваторов, направляя деятельность на политическую и социальную стабильность. Имея опыт в юриспруденции, Пуанкаре в 1887 году был избран депутатом и служил в кабинетах Дюпюи и Рибо. В 1902 году он стал сооснователем демократического республиканского альянса, наиболее важной правоцентристской партии Третьей республики, став в 1912 году премьер-министром и в 1913 году президентом. Он был отмечен за сильное антинемецкое отношение и дважды посещал Россию для поддержания стратегических связей. На Парижской мирной конференции Пуанкаре выступал за повторную оккупацию Рейнской области, которую он смог осуществить в 1923 году в качестве премьер-министра. (ru)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860 – Paris, 15 de outubro de 1934) foi um político e estadista francês que serviu como Presidente da França de 1913 a 1920. Ele também ocupou o cargo de Primeiro-ministro três vezes. Educado em direito, Poincaré foi eleito como membro da Câmara de Deputados da França em 1887 e serviu nos gabinetes dos primeiros-ministros Charles Dupuy e Alexandre Ribot. Em 1902, ele cofundou a , o mais importante partido de centro-direita da Terceira República Francesa, se tornando ele mesmo primeiro-ministro em 1912 e depois sendo eleito Presidente da República, servindo de 1913 a 1920. Ele purgou o governo francês de todos os seus oponentes e críticos e controlou sozinho a política externa francesa de 1912 até o início da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Poincaré era conhecido por suas fortes atitudes anti-Alemanha, mudando a Aliança Franco-Russa de um pacto defensivo para um ofensivo, com ele visitando a Rússia em 1912 e 1914 para fortalecer as relações entre as duas nações e dando o apoio da França à mobilização militar russa durante a Crise de Julho de 1914. A partir de 1917, ele exerceu menos influência como seu rival político Georges Clemenceau que era seu primeiro-ministro. Na Conferência de Paz de Paris de 1919, ele defendeu a ocupação Aliada da Renânia por pelo menos trinta anos e apoiou movimentos separatistas na região. Em 1922, Poincaré retornou ao poder, desta vez como primeiro-ministro. Em 1923, ele ordenou a Ocupação do Ruhr para forçar a Alemanha a pagar as reparações que devia. Nessa época, Poincaré era visto, especialmente no Reino Unido e nos Estados Unidos, como uma figura agressiva (Poincaré-la-Guerre) que ajudou a causar a guerra em 1914 e que agora era a favor de políticas punitivas anti-alemãs. Seu governo foi derrotado nas eleições de 1924 por uma aliança política conhecida como . Ele serviu novamente como primeiro-ministro entre 1926 e 1929. (pt)
Раймо́н Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Poincaré; 20 серпня 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 жовтня 1934, Париж) — французький політичний і державний діяч, двоюрідний брат відомого математика Анрі Пуанкаре. За фахом адвокат, журналіст. Обіймав посади міністра фінансів, іноземних справ, п'ять разів призначався прем'єр-міністром Франції, у 1913–1920 роках — президент республіки. (uk)
雷蒙·普恩加莱（Raymond Poincaré，1860年8月20日－1934年10月15日），又译雷蒙·彭加勒，法國政治家。1912年－1913年擔任法國總理和外交部長；1913年－1920年擔任法兰西第三共和国的總統；1922年－1924年與1926年－1929年再次出任總理，他是第三共和國任期最長的總理（在任時間共計2343天）。 (zh)
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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3
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https://www.dreyfus.fr/en/contact-eng/
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en
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Need more information? Contact us
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2019-10-15T17:14:27+00:00
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Contact Dreyfus & associés : Write to us through this contact form for any request, we will be happy to answer you.
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dreyfus
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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1
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https://www.casolvillasfrance.com/villa-rentals/paris/16th-arrondissement/apartment.html
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en
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Le Poincaré, Paris luxury Apartment for Rent, 16th
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Vacations in Paris? Rent now your luxury apartment in the chic 16th arrondissement with Casol Villas France! Welcoming up to 10 guests, with it's 3,767 sq.ft, 5 bedrooms, 5 bathrooms, grand salon, dining room and office near La Place du Trocadero, the French restaurants, boutiques on Avenue Montaigne and famous art museums, your apartment offers you one of the best locations in Paris.
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https://www.casolvillasfrance.com/favicon.ico
| null |
Le Poincaré
Paris, 16e, France
10 Guests, 5 Bedrooms, 5 Bathrooms, Grand Salon, City Views
From â¬35,000 / week
Your Apartment
Vacations in Paris? Rent now your luxury apartment in the chic 16th arrondissement with Casol Villas France! Welcoming up to 10 guests, with it's 3,767 sq.ft, 5 bedrooms, 5 bathrooms, grand salon, dining room and office near La Place du Trocadero, the French restaurants, boutiques on Avenue Montaigne and famous art museums, your apartment offers you one of the best locations in Paris!
Perfectly located for you to explore by foot your new quartier, it lies on l'Avenue Raymond Poincaré, a charming street that links the Trocadero with Place Victor Hugo.
Be free and feel the grandiose power in your large spaces that combine 19th century Hausmannien architecture with today's comfort approach, creating the most modern of living spaces.
Eat in your central kitchen with ceilings that offer high-spec audio, lighting and air-conditioning systems. With Italian antique furniture and contemporary art to grace the soaring walls, together with a connected guest studio with private entrance, this is a property which brings the modern and the classic into perfect harmony, for you to live legendary moments with your family or friends in Paris!
Bedrooms & Bathrooms
Bedroom 1
King size bed, En-suite bathroom, Dressing area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 2
Queen size bed, En-suite bathroom, Office area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 3
King size bed, En-suite bathroom, Sitting area, Fireplace, Television, City views.
Bedroom 4
Double size bed, En-suite bathroom, Office area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 5
Guest studio: Queen size bed, En-suite bathroom, Television, Private entrance, kitchenette, City Views.
Features
Fully equipped apartment of 3,767 sq.ft (350 m2)
Located on the 2nd floor
Accessible by elevator
5 bedrooms, 5 ensuite bathrooms
Luxury toiletries in all the bathrooms
One maid room (approximately 12 m²) located on 6th floor in stall building with kitchenette and shower
Fully fitted luxury kitchen with Bulthaup appliances and breakfast area
2 salons
Dining room
Office
Utility room
Reverse-cycle air conditioning and heating throughout
Audio Visual System
Wifi
fireplace
Fully equipped professional laundry
Security system
3 sets of front door keys
3 of back studio door
2 secured garages located on 60 Avenue R. Poincaré
Staff & Services
Welcome service
Cleaning 4 hours per day Monday to Friday
Linen change once a week and change of towels as required
Secured entrance
Video surveillance and guardian on building entrance
Concierge
Assistance and thank you at apartment on departure
Casol travel services since 1985
Apartment Policies
Maximum 10 guests (8 adults + 2 children or 9 adults), children welcome.
Location
Place Trocadero: 2 min drive
L'Arc de Triomphe: 5 minutes drive
Eiffel Tower: 5 minutes drive
Avenue Montaigne: 10 min drive
Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré: 15 min drive
Louvre: 11 min drive
Centre Pompidou: 18 min drive
Charles de Gaulle Airport: 30 minutes drive
Rates / Week
From â¬35,000
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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2
| 61
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https://ideas.dickinsonlaw.psu.edu/fac-works/348/
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en
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Artificial Intelligence Tools in Clinical Neuroradiology: Essential Medico-Legal Aspects
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[
"Artificial intelligence; Regulation; Clinical decision support; Privacy protection; Neuroradiology"
] | null |
[
"Dennis M. Hedderich",
"School of Medicine",
"Medical Radiological Institute",
"Follow Sofie Van Cauter",
"Department of Radiology",
"Faculty of Medicine",
"Department of Neuroradiology",
"University Hospital Bonn",
"Venusberg-Campus Sara Gerke",
"Sofie Van Cauter"
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Commercial software based on artificial intelligence (AI) is entering clinical practice in neuroradiology. Consequently, medico-legal aspects of using Software as a Medical Device (SaMD) become increasingly important. These medico-legal issues warrant an interdisciplinary approach and may affect the way we work in daily practice. In this article, we seek to address three major topics: medical malpractice liability, regulation of AI-based medical devices, and privacy protection in shared medical imaging data, thereby focusing on the legal frameworks of the European Union and the USA. As many of the presented concepts are very complex and, in part, remain yet unsolved, this article is not meant to be comprehensive but rather thought-provoking. The goal is to engage clinical neuroradiologists in the debate and equip them to actively shape these topics in the future.
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Dickinson Law IDEAS
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https://ideas.dickinsonlaw.psu.edu/fac-works/348
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Abstract
Commercial software based on artificial intelligence (AI) is entering clinical practice in neuroradiology. Consequently, medico-legal aspects of using Software as a Medical Device (SaMD) become increasingly important. These medico-legal issues warrant an interdisciplinary approach and may affect the way we work in daily practice. In this article, we seek to address three major topics: medical malpractice liability, regulation of AI-based medical devices, and privacy protection in shared medical imaging data, thereby focusing on the legal frameworks of the European Union and the USA. As many of the presented concepts are very complex and, in part, remain yet unsolved, this article is not meant to be comprehensive but rather thought-provoking. The goal is to engage clinical neuroradiologists in the debate and equip them to actively shape these topics in the future.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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0
| 4
|
https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
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en
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Serviced offices to rent and lease at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris
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Serviced offices to rent at 78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris Ile de France - arrange a viewing today! This upmarket business centre has a choice of fully furnished, light and spacious offices or virtual office solutions available. Offices are equipped with dedicated telephone number, answering service and the latest internet connections. In a prestigious Paris location close to the Eiffel Tower.
|
en
|
https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
|
Serviced offices
Commonly referred to as business centres, executive suites or managed offices, serviced offices are operated by management companies and usually come with rental terms that are more flexible than traditional office space. Most serviced office packages include numerous services, amenities and rates in the monthly fee.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 78
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
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en
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/on/demandware.static/Sites-bash-us-Site/-/default/dwfd79c544/images/favicon.ico
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
|
general terms & conditions of sales
The trade website ba-sh.com (“Site") is an electronic commerce website accessible via the internet and open to all users of the network. The Site is operated by ba&sh SAS (« ba&sh »), a subsidiary of ba&sh Group.
If you have any questions or comments about our privacy policy, terms and conditions, or our website, please contact us :
for Swedish version click here.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 34
|
https://www.instantoffices.com/en/fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincare-16eme-arrondissement-14630
|
en
|
78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116
|
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[] |
[
""
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[] | null |
en
|
https://content.instantoffices.com/Prod/images/legacyImages/images/favicon.ico
|
https://www.instantoffices.com/en/fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincare-16eme-arrondissement-14630
|
1) Interested in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré?
Looking for office space in Paris? Consider 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, a commercial building that offers a range of flexible workspace solutions for rent.
2) What is the smallest office available at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré?
Our smallest private office is 5 square meters and can comfortably accommodate up to 1 people and prices start from 1500€ per month.
3) What types of offices are available at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré?
78 avenue Raymond Poincaré is a perfect office space in Paris for smaller or larger teams. We have spacious private offices for 100 people - all stylishly furnished and managed by our friendly staff. 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré includes private offices and other flexible workspace solutions for rent
4) Are you looking for affordable / cheap office space at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré?
Prices start from 1500€ and everything is negotiable with our partners. Our advisors will secure you a viewing and take you on a journey to secure the best rates following the viewing.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 54
|
https://www.timothy-corrigan.com/contact.html
|
en
|
Interior Designer
|
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[] |
[
"Contact",
"Timothy Corrigan",
"Inc."
] | null |
[] | null |
Contact Information for Timothy Corrigan at www.timothy-corrigan.com
|
en
| null | |||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 15
|
https://historica.fandom.com/wiki/Raymond_Poincare
|
en
|
Raymond Poincare
|
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|
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[
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[
"Contributors to Historica Wiki"
] |
2024-07-12T14:06:28+00:00
|
Raymond Poincare (20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was President of France from 18 February 1913 to 18 February 1920, succeeding Armand Fallieres and preceding Paul Deschanel, and Prime Minister from 15 January 1922 to 1 June 1924 (succeeding Aristide Briand and preceding Frederic...
|
en
|
https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/totalwar-ar/images/4/4a/Site-favicon.ico/revision/latest?cb=20210601140725
|
Historica Wiki
|
https://historica.fandom.com/wiki/Raymond_Poincare
|
Raymond Poincare (20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was President of France from 18 February 1913 to 18 February 1920, succeeding Armand Fallieres and preceding Paul Deschanel, and Prime Minister from 15 January 1922 to 1 June 1924 (succeeding Aristide Briand and preceding Frederic Francois-Marsal) and again from 23 July 1926 to 26 July 1929 (succeeding Edouard Herriot and preceding Briand).
Biography[]
Raymond Poincare was born in Bar-le-Duc, France on 20 August 1860, and he became a lawyer in 1880, the youngest lawyer in France (at the age of 20). In 1887, the young Poincare was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for Meuse, and he affiliated himself with the liberal Opportunists. In 1893 and 1895, he served as Minister of Education, and he also served as Finance Minister from 1894 to 1895 and in 1906. Poincare was known to be passionate about cats, to hold conservative views without being an idealist, and to be paranoid about his enemy Georges Clemenceau, a liberal leader in the country. In 1913, Poincare became President of France, and he was in favor of increasing relations with the German Empire rather than going to war. He made the office of President a powerful seat, the first president since Patrice de MacMahon to hold any power in the office. Poincare reinforced the alliance with the Russian Empire after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in 1914, leading to France entering World War I as an ally of Russia when Germany and Austria-Hungary declared war. During the war, the Prime Minister held all the power, and Clemenceau took over the reins of government in 1917. Poincare would serve as premier from 1922 to 1924 and from 1926 to 1929, and Poincare ordered the 1923 occupation of the Ruhr region of Germany to extract war reparations after the Weimar Republic refused to pay any to France. Poincare died in 1934 at the age of 74.
|
||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 6
|
https://dbpedia.org/page/Raymond_Poincar%25C3%25A9
|
en
|
About: http://dbpedia.org/resource/Raymond
|
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Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré.
|
DBpedia
|
http://dbpedia.org/resource/Raymond_Poincar%C3%A9
|
dbo:abstract
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Mosa (Lorena), 20 d'agost, 1860 – París 15 d'octubre, 1934) fou un polític francès que fou Primer ministre de França cinc cops i President de la República francesa del 1913 al 1920. Era fill del conegut metereòleg , i cosí del científic Henri Poincaré. Estudià dret a la Universitat de París, i durant un temps va exercir l'advocacia. Va entrar a servir al departament d'agricultura i el 1887 fou elegit diputat pel departament de . Es guanyà una gran reputació a l'Assemblea Nacional com a economista, raó per la qual fou membre de les comissions pressupostàries del 1890-1891 i 1892. També fou ministre d'educació, belles arts i religió en el primer govern (abril – novembre 1893) de Charles Dupuy, i ministre de finances en el segon i tercer govern d'aquest (maig 1894 – gener 1895). En el govern d' fou ministre d'instrucció pública. Encara que fou exclòs del govern del Partit Radical que el va succeir, aquest adoptà algunes de les seves propostes. També fou vicepresident de l'Asemblea Nacional la tardor del 1895, i malgrat l'amarga hostilitat dels radicals va mantenir el càrrec el 1896 i el 1897. El 1906 fou nomenat ministre de finances en el govern . Durant aquest temps va continuar exercint el dret, i publicà nombrosos volums d'assaig de literatura i afers polítics. Fou nomenat primer ministre el gener del 1912, i endegà una línia política antialemanya, marcada per la restauració d'estrets lligams amb Rússia i la imposició de dos anys de servei militar obligatori. Fou elegit President de la República francesa el 1913 per a succeir a Armand Fallières (tot vencent a les eleccions al candidat radical-socialista, el nord-català Jules Pams. Intentà fer del seu càrrec un espai de poder efectiu i no només nominal, per primer cop des de la presidència de Mac-Mahon el 1870. En particular maldà per controlar de la política exterior, i els seus sentiments antialemanys provocaren que alguns l'acusessin en part de l'esclat de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La seva política es va veure reforçada encara més amb el nomenament de Georges Clemenceau com a primer ministre el 1917. El 1920 acabà el seu mandat i fou succeït per Paul Deschanel. El 1922 tornà a ser nomenat primer ministre, des d'on mantingué una política intransigent davant les reparacions de guerra alemanyes (Ocupació de la conca del Ruhr, 1923-1924). Però l'alta despesa que provocava l'ocupació francesa a Alemanya provocà la seva derrota electoral el 1924. La crisi econòmica del 1926 li va permetre tornar novament al poder, i fou novament primer ministre fins que es va retirar el 1929. Va morir a París el 1934. (ca)
Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré. (cs)
ريمون بوانكاريه (بالفرنسية: Raymond Poincaré) سياسي فرنسي (1860-1934).تولى رئاسة الجمهورية الفرنسية الثالثة العاشر (1913-1920) وفي عهده دخلت بلاده الحرب العالمية الأولى. كما تولى رئاسة الوزارة في فرنسا ثلاث مرات: * من 21 يناير 1912 إلى 21 يناير 1913. * من 15 يناير 1922 إلى 6 يونيو 1924. * من 23 يوليو 1926 إلى 29 يوليو 1929. * وزير الخارجية (1912-1913)و(1922-1924). * وزير التعليم (1893) و(1895). أخوه عالم فيزيائي، وقريبه هنري بوانكاريه عالم فيزيائي ورياضي معروف.ولد الرئيس الفرنسي ريمون بوانكارية في مدينة بار لو دوك التي تتبع إقليم ميوز الذي يقع في شمال شرق فرنسا في حين انه انتقل للعاصمة الفرنسية باريس ليتخرج من كلية الحقوق سنة 1879 م حيث أصبح محاميا ماهرا انضم لنقابة المحاميين والتحق بخدمة الشأن العام ويعتبر من أهم الشخصيات السياسية في عهد الجمهورية الثالثة .أطلق عليه وزير خارجية فرنسا جورج كليمنصو لقب «النمر» بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى حينما هدد ألمانيا مجددا بحرب ضروس واحتلال دائم لأرضيها وحرك جيشه في عمق حدودها في حال تقاعست عن دفع التعويضات المفروضة عليها جراء هزيمتها بعد أن اتهمت بانها بدأت الحرب على المذكورة على الحلفاء . هذا وقد تولى ريموند عدة مناصب أهمها بالإضافة لرئاسة الجمهورية كان وزيرا للتعليم والفنون الجميلة والدين 1893 -1895 م كما تولى رئاسة الوزراء ثلاث مرات 1912- و1922 و1926 م و وزارة الخارجية 1912 و1913 و1922 و1924 معلما بانه مثل مقاطعة ميوز الشمالية حيث مسقط راسه عندما انتخب نائب عنها سنة 1887 م كان من لشد المتحمسين بان تحظى بلاده بحصة مستقلة من أحواض النفط في الدول التابعة لفرنسا استعماريا ساهم معنويا وبأفكاره لأنشاء شركة توتال وسهل كل إمكانيته الرسمية ومناصبه من اجل ذلك . (ar)
Ο Ρεϋμόν Πουανκαρέ (Raymond Poincaré, 20 Αυγούστου 1860 - 15 Οκτωβρίου 1934) ήταν Γάλλος πολιτικός, που διετέλεσε τρεις φορές πρωθυπουργός και μία φορά πρόεδρος της Γαλλικής Δημοκρατίας (1913-1920). (el)
Raymond Poincaré (* 20. August 1860 in Bar-le-Duc, Département Meuse; † 15. Oktober 1934 in Paris) war ein französischer Politiker in der Dritten Republik (ARD). Er war mehrmals Ministerpräsident und vom 18. Februar 1913 bis 17. Februar 1920 Staatspräsident. Er war ein Cousin des Mathematikers Henri Poincaré. (de)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860-París, 15 de octubre de 1934) fue un político francés, presidente de la República durante la Primera Guerra Mundial y primer ministro de Francia en tres ocasiones: entre 1912 y 1913; entre 1922 y 1924, y entre 1926 y 1929, primo del matemático y científico Henri Poincaré. (es)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Frantzia, 1860ko abuztuaren 20a - Paris, Frantzia, 1934ko urriaren 15a) frantses politikari eta estatu-gizona izan zen. (eu)
Raymond Poincaré, du nom complet Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, est né le 20 août 1860 à Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) et mort le 15 octobre 1934 à Paris, est un avocat et homme d'État français. Il est le président de la République française du 18 février 1913 au 18 février 1920. Ministre à plusieurs reprises, président du Conseil puis président de la République de 1913 à 1920, Raymond Poincaré fut l'une des plus grandes figures politiques de la IIIe République. Il fut également, en tant que président de la République, l'un des personnages centraux de la Première Guerre mondiale, conflit durant lequel il appela Georges Clemenceau à la présidence du Conseil, en 1917. Après son mandat présidentiel, il est à nouveau président du Conseil de 1922 à 1924 et de 1926 à 1929. (fr)
Raymond Nicholas Landry Poincare (20 Agustus 1860 – 15 Oktober 1934) adalah seorang negarawan yang berasal dari Prancis dan merupakan Presiden Rebublik Ketiga pada tahun 1912 yang sangat menerapkan kebijakan nasionalis, yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap ketegangan dunia yang mengarah dalam keterlibatan Prancis pada Perang Dunia I. Poincare merupakan putra seorang Insinyur. Poincare menempuh pendidikannya di École Polytechnique. Kemudian melanjutkan studi hukum di Universitas Paris. Setelah itu pada tahun 1887, Poincare menjadi menteri termuda dalam sejarah Republik Ketiga. Poincare memiliki janji politik yang bagus dan cemerlang, akan tetapi hal ini tidak sesuai dengan kepentingan rakyatnya, akan tetapi memanfaatkan waktunya hanya untuk praktik hukum pribadinya sendiri. Kemudian pada bulan januari 1912, Poincare menjadi perdana menteri, tetapi ia hanya melayani kepentingan bersama sebagai menteri luar negeri sampai januari 1913. Pioncare memiliki ketegasan dan tekad baru untuk menghadapi ancaman baru dari Jerman, Ia melakukan diplomasi dalam masalah ini. Kemudian pada bulan Agustus 1912, Poincare dapat meyakinkan pemerintah Rusia bahwa pemerintahannya akan berdiri oleh Franco-Rusia atau hubungan kerjasama dengan negara Rusia. Selanjutnya pada tahun ke 1894, Poincare menjabat sebagai menteri keuangan dan pada tahun 1895, Poincare kembali menjadi menteri pendidikan. (in)
Raymond Poincaré /ʁɛˈmõ pwɛ̃kaˈʁe/ (Bar-le-Duc, 20 agosto 1860 – Parigi, 15 ottobre 1934) è stato un politico francese. Fu Presidente della Repubblica francese durante la prima guerra mondiale e in seguito primo ministro. Era fratello di e cugino di Henri Poincaré, e fu fondatore della Réunion des Musées Nationaux insieme a Georges Leygues. (it)
レイモン・ポアンカレ（ポワンカレ、Raymond Poincaré、1860年8月20日 – 1934年10月15日）は、フランス第三共和政の政治家、弁護士。通算5期に渡り首相となり、1913年から1920年まで大統領を務めた。 (ja)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 augustus 1860 – Parijs, 15 oktober 1934) was een Franse staatsman. (nl)
( 다른 뜻에 대해서는 푸앵카레 문서를 참고하십시오.) 레몽 푸앵카레(프랑스어: Raymond Poincaré, 1860년 8월 20일 ~ 1934년 10월 15일)는 프랑스의 정치가이다. 유명한 수학자 앙리 푸앵카레의 사촌이기도 하다. 1887년 프랑스의 하원 의원으로 정치 인생을 시작했다. 1912년에 수상, 1913년에는 대통령이 되었다. 제1차 세계 대전 때 프랑스를 이끈 정치가로 대독일 강경 정책을 추진했으며, 1917년에는 조르주 클레망소를 총리로 임명하여 전쟁을 승리로 이끌었다. 1920년에 독일과의 강화가 이뤄지려 하자 대통령에서 물러났으나, 2년 뒤 다시 수상이 되어 루르 지방 점령에 앞장 섰다. (ko)
Raymond Poincaré (ur. 20 sierpnia 1860 w Bar-le-Duc, zm. 15 października 1934 w Paryżu) – polityk francuski, pięciokrotny premier, prezydent Francji w latach 1913-1920. W kwestii polskiej wydał dekret o utworzeniu Błękitnej Armii dowodzonej przez generała Hallera. (pl)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, född 20 augusti 1860 i Bar-le-Duc, död 15 oktober 1934 i Paris, var en fransk politiker. Poincaré var Frankrikes president 1913–1920, samt konseljpresident 1912–1913, 1922–1924 och 1926–1929. Han var Frankrikes president under Första världskriget. (sv)
Раймóн Николя́ Ландри́ Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, 20 августа 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 октября 1934, Париж) — французский государственный деятель, трижды занимал пост премьер-министра Франции, 10-й президент Франции (1913—1920) (Третья республика). Также был лидером партии консерваторов, направляя деятельность на политическую и социальную стабильность. Имея опыт в юриспруденции, Пуанкаре в 1887 году был избран депутатом и служил в кабинетах Дюпюи и Рибо. В 1902 году он стал сооснователем демократического республиканского альянса, наиболее важной правоцентристской партии Третьей республики, став в 1912 году премьер-министром и в 1913 году президентом. Он был отмечен за сильное антинемецкое отношение и дважды посещал Россию для поддержания стратегических связей. На Парижской мирной конференции Пуанкаре выступал за повторную оккупацию Рейнской области, которую он смог осуществить в 1923 году в качестве премьер-министра. (ru)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860 – Paris, 15 de outubro de 1934) foi um político e estadista francês que serviu como Presidente da França de 1913 a 1920. Ele também ocupou o cargo de Primeiro-ministro três vezes. Educado em direito, Poincaré foi eleito como membro da Câmara de Deputados da França em 1887 e serviu nos gabinetes dos primeiros-ministros Charles Dupuy e Alexandre Ribot. Em 1902, ele cofundou a , o mais importante partido de centro-direita da Terceira República Francesa, se tornando ele mesmo primeiro-ministro em 1912 e depois sendo eleito Presidente da República, servindo de 1913 a 1920. Ele purgou o governo francês de todos os seus oponentes e críticos e controlou sozinho a política externa francesa de 1912 até o início da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Poincaré era conhecido por suas fortes atitudes anti-Alemanha, mudando a Aliança Franco-Russa de um pacto defensivo para um ofensivo, com ele visitando a Rússia em 1912 e 1914 para fortalecer as relações entre as duas nações e dando o apoio da França à mobilização militar russa durante a Crise de Julho de 1914. A partir de 1917, ele exerceu menos influência como seu rival político Georges Clemenceau que era seu primeiro-ministro. Na Conferência de Paz de Paris de 1919, ele defendeu a ocupação Aliada da Renânia por pelo menos trinta anos e apoiou movimentos separatistas na região. Em 1922, Poincaré retornou ao poder, desta vez como primeiro-ministro. Em 1923, ele ordenou a Ocupação do Ruhr para forçar a Alemanha a pagar as reparações que devia. Nessa época, Poincaré era visto, especialmente no Reino Unido e nos Estados Unidos, como uma figura agressiva (Poincaré-la-Guerre) que ajudou a causar a guerra em 1914 e que agora era a favor de políticas punitivas anti-alemãs. Seu governo foi derrotado nas eleições de 1924 por uma aliança política conhecida como . Ele serviu novamente como primeiro-ministro entre 1926 e 1929. (pt)
Раймо́н Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Poincaré; 20 серпня 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 жовтня 1934, Париж) — французький політичний і державний діяч, двоюрідний брат відомого математика Анрі Пуанкаре. За фахом адвокат, журналіст. Обіймав посади міністра фінансів, іноземних справ, п'ять разів призначався прем'єр-міністром Франції, у 1913–1920 роках — президент республіки. (uk)
雷蒙·普恩加莱（Raymond Poincaré，1860年8月20日－1934年10月15日），又译雷蒙·彭加勒，法國政治家。1912年－1913年擔任法國總理和外交部長；1913年－1920年擔任法兰西第三共和国的總統；1922年－1924年與1926年－1929年再次出任總理，他是第三共和國任期最長的總理（在任時間共計2343天）。 (zh)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Mosa (Lorena), 20 d'agost, 1860 – París 15 d'octubre, 1934) fou un polític francès que fou Primer ministre de França cinc cops i President de la República francesa del 1913 al 1920. Era fill del conegut metereòleg , i cosí del científic Henri Poincaré. Estudià dret a la Universitat de París, i durant un temps va exercir l'advocacia. Va entrar a servir al departament d'agricultura i el 1887 fou elegit diputat pel departament de . Es guanyà una gran reputació a l'Assemblea Nacional com a economista, raó per la qual fou membre de les comissions pressupostàries del 1890-1891 i 1892. També fou ministre d'educació, belles arts i religió en el primer govern (abril – novembre 1893) de Charles Dupuy, i ministre de finances en el segon i tercer govern d'aquest (maig 1894 – gener 1895). En el govern d' fou ministre d'instrucció pública. Encara que fou exclòs del govern del Partit Radical que el va succeir, aquest adoptà algunes de les seves propostes. També fou vicepresident de l'Asemblea Nacional la tardor del 1895, i malgrat l'amarga hostilitat dels radicals va mantenir el càrrec el 1896 i el 1897. El 1906 fou nomenat ministre de finances en el govern . Durant aquest temps va continuar exercint el dret, i publicà nombrosos volums d'assaig de literatura i afers polítics. Fou nomenat primer ministre el gener del 1912, i endegà una línia política antialemanya, marcada per la restauració d'estrets lligams amb Rússia i la imposició de dos anys de servei militar obligatori. Fou elegit President de la República francesa el 1913 per a succeir a Armand Fallières (tot vencent a les eleccions al candidat radical-socialista, el nord-català Jules Pams. Intentà fer del seu càrrec un espai de poder efectiu i no només nominal, per primer cop des de la presidència de Mac-Mahon el 1870. En particular maldà per controlar de la política exterior, i els seus sentiments antialemanys provocaren que alguns l'acusessin en part de l'esclat de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La seva política es va veure reforçada encara més amb el nomenament de Georges Clemenceau com a primer ministre el 1917. El 1920 acabà el seu mandat i fou succeït per Paul Deschanel. El 1922 tornà a ser nomenat primer ministre, des d'on mantingué una política intransigent davant les reparacions de guerra alemanyes (Ocupació de la conca del Ruhr, 1923-1924). Però l'alta despesa que provocava l'ocupació francesa a Alemanya provocà la seva derrota electoral el 1924. La crisi econòmica del 1926 li va permetre tornar novament al poder, i fou novament primer ministre fins que es va retirar el 1929. Va morir a París el 1934. (ca)
Raymond Poincaré [rémon puenkaré] (20. srpen 1860, Bar-le-Duc – 15. října 1934, Paříž) byl francouzský konzervativní politik, prezident Francouzské republiky v letech 1913 až 1920 a předtím i poté celkově třikrát premiér. Byl bratrancem matematika Henriho Poincaré. (cs)
ريمون بوانكاريه (بالفرنسية: Raymond Poincaré) سياسي فرنسي (1860-1934).تولى رئاسة الجمهورية الفرنسية الثالثة العاشر (1913-1920) وفي عهده دخلت بلاده الحرب العالمية الأولى. كما تولى رئاسة الوزارة في فرنسا ثلاث مرات: * من 21 يناير 1912 إلى 21 يناير 1913. * من 15 يناير 1922 إلى 6 يونيو 1924. * من 23 يوليو 1926 إلى 29 يوليو 1929. * وزير الخارجية (1912-1913)و(1922-1924). * وزير التعليم (1893) و(1895). أخوه عالم فيزيائي، وقريبه هنري بوانكاريه عالم فيزيائي ورياضي معروف.ولد الرئيس الفرنسي ريمون بوانكارية في مدينة بار لو دوك التي تتبع إقليم ميوز الذي يقع في شمال شرق فرنسا في حين انه انتقل للعاصمة الفرنسية باريس ليتخرج من كلية الحقوق سنة 1879 م حيث أصبح محاميا ماهرا انضم لنقابة المحاميين والتحق بخدمة الشأن العام ويعتبر من أهم الشخصيات السياسية في عهد الجمهورية الثالثة .أطلق عليه وزير خارجية فرنسا جورج كليمنصو لقب «النمر» بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى حينما هدد ألمانيا مجددا بحرب ضروس واحتلال دائم لأرضيها وحرك جيشه في عمق حدودها في حال تقاعست عن دفع التعويضات المفروضة عليها جراء هزيمتها بعد أن اتهمت بانها بدأت الحرب على المذكورة على الحلفاء . هذا وقد تولى ريموند عدة مناصب أهمها بالإضافة لرئاسة الجمهورية كان وزيرا للتعليم والفنون الجميلة والدين 1893 -1895 م كما تولى رئاسة الوزراء ثلاث مرات 1912- و1922 و1926 م و وزارة الخارجية 1912 و1913 و1922 و1924 معلما بانه مثل مقاطعة ميوز الشمالية حيث مسقط راسه عندما انتخب نائب عنها سنة 1887 م كان من لشد المتحمسين بان تحظى بلاده بحصة مستقلة من أحواض النفط في الدول التابعة لفرنسا استعماريا ساهم معنويا وبأفكاره لأنشاء شركة توتال وسهل كل إمكانيته الرسمية ومناصبه من اجل ذلك . (ar)
Ο Ρεϋμόν Πουανκαρέ (Raymond Poincaré, 20 Αυγούστου 1860 - 15 Οκτωβρίου 1934) ήταν Γάλλος πολιτικός, που διετέλεσε τρεις φορές πρωθυπουργός και μία φορά πρόεδρος της Γαλλικής Δημοκρατίας (1913-1920). (el)
Raymond Poincaré (* 20. August 1860 in Bar-le-Duc, Département Meuse; † 15. Oktober 1934 in Paris) war ein französischer Politiker in der Dritten Republik (ARD). Er war mehrmals Ministerpräsident und vom 18. Februar 1913 bis 17. Februar 1920 Staatspräsident. Er war ein Cousin des Mathematikers Henri Poincaré. (de)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860-París, 15 de octubre de 1934) fue un político francés, presidente de la República durante la Primera Guerra Mundial y primer ministro de Francia en tres ocasiones: entre 1912 y 1913; entre 1922 y 1924, y entre 1926 y 1929, primo del matemático y científico Henri Poincaré. (es)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, Frantzia, 1860ko abuztuaren 20a - Paris, Frantzia, 1934ko urriaren 15a) frantses politikari eta estatu-gizona izan zen. (eu)
Raymond Poincaré, du nom complet Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, est né le 20 août 1860 à Bar-le-Duc (Meuse) et mort le 15 octobre 1934 à Paris, est un avocat et homme d'État français. Il est le président de la République française du 18 février 1913 au 18 février 1920. Ministre à plusieurs reprises, président du Conseil puis président de la République de 1913 à 1920, Raymond Poincaré fut l'une des plus grandes figures politiques de la IIIe République. Il fut également, en tant que président de la République, l'un des personnages centraux de la Première Guerre mondiale, conflit durant lequel il appela Georges Clemenceau à la présidence du Conseil, en 1917. Après son mandat présidentiel, il est à nouveau président du Conseil de 1922 à 1924 et de 1926 à 1929. (fr)
Raymond Nicholas Landry Poincare (20 Agustus 1860 – 15 Oktober 1934) adalah seorang negarawan yang berasal dari Prancis dan merupakan Presiden Rebublik Ketiga pada tahun 1912 yang sangat menerapkan kebijakan nasionalis, yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap ketegangan dunia yang mengarah dalam keterlibatan Prancis pada Perang Dunia I. Poincare merupakan putra seorang Insinyur. Poincare menempuh pendidikannya di École Polytechnique. Kemudian melanjutkan studi hukum di Universitas Paris. Setelah itu pada tahun 1887, Poincare menjadi menteri termuda dalam sejarah Republik Ketiga. Poincare memiliki janji politik yang bagus dan cemerlang, akan tetapi hal ini tidak sesuai dengan kepentingan rakyatnya, akan tetapi memanfaatkan waktunya hanya untuk praktik hukum pribadinya sendiri. Kemudian pada bulan januari 1912, Poincare menjadi perdana menteri, tetapi ia hanya melayani kepentingan bersama sebagai menteri luar negeri sampai januari 1913. Pioncare memiliki ketegasan dan tekad baru untuk menghadapi ancaman baru dari Jerman, Ia melakukan diplomasi dalam masalah ini. Kemudian pada bulan Agustus 1912, Poincare dapat meyakinkan pemerintah Rusia bahwa pemerintahannya akan berdiri oleh Franco-Rusia atau hubungan kerjasama dengan negara Rusia. Selanjutnya pada tahun ke 1894, Poincare menjabat sebagai menteri keuangan dan pada tahun 1895, Poincare kembali menjadi menteri pendidikan. (in)
Raymond Poincaré /ʁɛˈmõ pwɛ̃kaˈʁe/ (Bar-le-Duc, 20 agosto 1860 – Parigi, 15 ottobre 1934) è stato un politico francese. Fu Presidente della Repubblica francese durante la prima guerra mondiale e in seguito primo ministro. Era fratello di e cugino di Henri Poincaré, e fu fondatore della Réunion des Musées Nationaux insieme a Georges Leygues. (it)
レイモン・ポアンカレ（ポワンカレ、Raymond Poincaré、1860年8月20日 – 1934年10月15日）は、フランス第三共和政の政治家、弁護士。通算5期に渡り首相となり、1913年から1920年まで大統領を務めた。 (ja)
Raymond Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 augustus 1860 – Parijs, 15 oktober 1934) was een Franse staatsman. (nl)
( 다른 뜻에 대해서는 푸앵카레 문서를 참고하십시오.) 레몽 푸앵카레(프랑스어: Raymond Poincaré, 1860년 8월 20일 ~ 1934년 10월 15일)는 프랑스의 정치가이다. 유명한 수학자 앙리 푸앵카레의 사촌이기도 하다. 1887년 프랑스의 하원 의원으로 정치 인생을 시작했다. 1912년에 수상, 1913년에는 대통령이 되었다. 제1차 세계 대전 때 프랑스를 이끈 정치가로 대독일 강경 정책을 추진했으며, 1917년에는 조르주 클레망소를 총리로 임명하여 전쟁을 승리로 이끌었다. 1920년에 독일과의 강화가 이뤄지려 하자 대통령에서 물러났으나, 2년 뒤 다시 수상이 되어 루르 지방 점령에 앞장 섰다. (ko)
Raymond Poincaré (ur. 20 sierpnia 1860 w Bar-le-Duc, zm. 15 października 1934 w Paryżu) – polityk francuski, pięciokrotny premier, prezydent Francji w latach 1913-1920. W kwestii polskiej wydał dekret o utworzeniu Błękitnej Armii dowodzonej przez generała Hallera. (pl)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, född 20 augusti 1860 i Bar-le-Duc, död 15 oktober 1934 i Paris, var en fransk politiker. Poincaré var Frankrikes president 1913–1920, samt konseljpresident 1912–1913, 1922–1924 och 1926–1929. Han var Frankrikes president under Första världskriget. (sv)
Раймóн Николя́ Ландри́ Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré, 20 августа 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 октября 1934, Париж) — французский государственный деятель, трижды занимал пост премьер-министра Франции, 10-й президент Франции (1913—1920) (Третья республика). Также был лидером партии консерваторов, направляя деятельность на политическую и социальную стабильность. Имея опыт в юриспруденции, Пуанкаре в 1887 году был избран депутатом и служил в кабинетах Дюпюи и Рибо. В 1902 году он стал сооснователем демократического республиканского альянса, наиболее важной правоцентристской партии Третьей республики, став в 1912 году премьер-министром и в 1913 году президентом. Он был отмечен за сильное антинемецкое отношение и дважды посещал Россию для поддержания стратегических связей. На Парижской мирной конференции Пуанкаре выступал за повторную оккупацию Рейнской области, которую он смог осуществить в 1923 году в качестве премьер-министра. (ru)
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré (Bar-le-Duc, 20 de agosto de 1860 – Paris, 15 de outubro de 1934) foi um político e estadista francês que serviu como Presidente da França de 1913 a 1920. Ele também ocupou o cargo de Primeiro-ministro três vezes. Educado em direito, Poincaré foi eleito como membro da Câmara de Deputados da França em 1887 e serviu nos gabinetes dos primeiros-ministros Charles Dupuy e Alexandre Ribot. Em 1902, ele cofundou a , o mais importante partido de centro-direita da Terceira República Francesa, se tornando ele mesmo primeiro-ministro em 1912 e depois sendo eleito Presidente da República, servindo de 1913 a 1920. Ele purgou o governo francês de todos os seus oponentes e críticos e controlou sozinho a política externa francesa de 1912 até o início da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Poincaré era conhecido por suas fortes atitudes anti-Alemanha, mudando a Aliança Franco-Russa de um pacto defensivo para um ofensivo, com ele visitando a Rússia em 1912 e 1914 para fortalecer as relações entre as duas nações e dando o apoio da França à mobilização militar russa durante a Crise de Julho de 1914. A partir de 1917, ele exerceu menos influência como seu rival político Georges Clemenceau que era seu primeiro-ministro. Na Conferência de Paz de Paris de 1919, ele defendeu a ocupação Aliada da Renânia por pelo menos trinta anos e apoiou movimentos separatistas na região. Em 1922, Poincaré retornou ao poder, desta vez como primeiro-ministro. Em 1923, ele ordenou a Ocupação do Ruhr para forçar a Alemanha a pagar as reparações que devia. Nessa época, Poincaré era visto, especialmente no Reino Unido e nos Estados Unidos, como uma figura agressiva (Poincaré-la-Guerre) que ajudou a causar a guerra em 1914 e que agora era a favor de políticas punitivas anti-alemãs. Seu governo foi derrotado nas eleições de 1924 por uma aliança política conhecida como . Ele serviu novamente como primeiro-ministro entre 1926 e 1929. (pt)
Раймо́н Пуанкаре́ (фр. Raymond Poincaré; 20 серпня 1860, Бар-ле-Дюк — 15 жовтня 1934, Париж) — французький політичний і державний діяч, двоюрідний брат відомого математика Анрі Пуанкаре. За фахом адвокат, журналіст. Обіймав посади міністра фінансів, іноземних справ, п'ять разів призначався прем'єр-міністром Франції, у 1913–1920 роках — президент республіки. (uk)
雷蒙·普恩加莱（Raymond Poincaré，1860年8月20日－1934年10月15日），又译雷蒙·彭加勒，法國政治家。1912年－1913年擔任法國總理和外交部長；1913年－1920年擔任法兰西第三共和国的總統；1922年－1924年與1926年－1929年再次出任總理，他是第三共和國任期最長的總理（在任時間共計2343天）。 (zh)
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Georges Clemenceau | French Prime Minister & WWI Leader
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Georges Clemenceau was a statesman and journalist who was a dominant figure in the French Third Republic and, as premier (1917–20), a major contributor to the Allied victory in World War I and a framer of the postwar Treaty of Versailles. Clemenceau was born in Vendée, a coastal département of
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Georges-Clemenceau
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Early political career
Britannica Quiz
World War I Quiz
Five days after his marriage, Clemenceau returned to France and established himself as a doctor in Vendée. But politics soon took him back to Paris. In July 1870, Napoleon III declared war on Germany. Less than two months later, the French were defeated at Sedan and the empire collapsed. Clemenceau was among the crowd that invaded the Palais-Bourbon on September 4 and hailed the radical leader Léon Gambetta, who was proclaiming the republic. Soon afterward, Clemenceau was named mayor of the 18th arrondissement (district) of Paris (Montmartre) and, on February 8, 1871, was elected as a Radical Republican deputy to represent the Seine département in the National Assembly held in Bordeaux. He voted against the preliminaries of the harsh peace terms demanded by Germany and left Bordeaux determined to avenge France’s “shameful humiliation.”
Back in Paris, he became involved in the insurrection known as the Paris Commune and tried to mediate between its leaders and the National Assembly, then meeting at Versailles. He was not successful and, therefore, resigned as mayor and deputy (March 27, 1871). In 1876 he stood again for the Chamber of Deputies and was elected for the 18th arrondissement. He joined the extreme left, and his energy and mordant eloquence speedily made him the leader of the Radical bloc.
In 1877, in the constitutional crisis precipitated on le seize mai (May 16), when Pres. Patrice MacMahon attempted to make the government responsible to him rather than to the National Assembly, Clemenceau took a leading part in resisting such antirepublican policy. In 1880 he started his newspaper, La Justice, which became the principal organ of the Radicals in Paris; from that time onward, throughout the presidency (1879–87) of Jules Grévy, he rapidly built up his reputation as a political critic of republicans and radicals as well as of conservatives and as a destroyer of ministries who would not, however, take office himself. Hostile to the colonial expansion that was dispersing the resources of a weakened France, he mercilessly attacked its promoters, and in 1885 his use of a minor reverse in Tongking (Indochina; now Vietnam) was the principal factor in the fall of Jules Ferry’s cabinet. At the elections of 1885, he was returned both for his old seat in Paris and for the département of Var, for which he chose to sit. Refusing to form a ministry himself, because he could not command a majority in the Senate, he supported the government of Charles de Freycinet in 1886 and was responsible for the inclusion in the cabinet of Gen. Georges Boulanger as minister of war. Clemenceau had mistakenly imagined Boulanger to be a republican, but when he showed himself an irresponsible demagogue and nationalist, a focus for both Bonapartist and monarchist support, Clemenceau became a vigorous opponent of the Boulangist movement and helped to form the League of the Rights of Man to press for radical reforms.
By his share in the exposure of President Grévy’s son-in-law for trafficking in honours, Clemenceau caused the resignation of another prime minister, Maurice Rouvier, in 1887. Yet he refused Grévy’s request that he form a ministry and intrigued to keep various other leaders out of office. His destructive political power won him an ever-increasing number of enemies, and his implication in the scandal of 1892, caused by the failure of the French Panama Canal Company (Compagnie Universelle du Canal Interocéanique), gave them all—especially the Boulangists—an unrivalled opportunity for revenge. Clemenceau’s associations with the Jewish financier Cornélius Herz, who was deeply involved in the affair, inevitably threw suspicion on him; later he was accused of being in the pay of the British Foreign Office. The attack on Clemenceau was mounted in the powerful daily newspaper, Le Petit Journal; it took a dramatic turn when, in the Chamber of Deputies on December 20, 1892, the author and Boulangist Paul Déroulède denounced him as the protégé and supporter of Herz. Clemenceau claimed that Déroulède was lying and challenged him to a duel, in which neither was hurt. More effectively, Clemenceau brought a successful lawsuit against his detractors. Their condemnation forced some of them to resign as deputies, but in the end they took Clemenceau with them. All the accumulated venom he had aroused was concentrated in the election of 1893 when, standing again for the Var département, Clemenceau was attacked on all sides. Despite conducting an exhaustive and brilliant campaign, he was defeated.
But Clemenceau was too much of a fighter to give in to discouragement. He started upon a serious career in journalism and, after a difficult beginning, came to be classed among the foremost political writers of his time. A new Clemenceau was revealed: a man of reflection, of vast culture, a friend of the best known writers and artists of the period. An ardent supporter of the Impressionists, he especially favoured the work of Monet: after World War I he arranged for a series of Monet’s paintings to be exhibited in the Orangerie in the Tuileries Gardens.
At the same time, Clemenceau was writing books, mainly political and sociological, but his Au pied du Sinaï (At the Foot of Mount Sinai, 1922), illustrated by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, was a volume of sketches on the history of the Jewish people. He also tried his hand at writing a play.
He was, however, essentially a journalist and inevitably wrote much about the Dreyfus case, which agitated France from 1894 to 1906. At first Clemenceau had assumed that the young Jewish officer Alfred Dreyfus had, indeed, been guilty of selling secrets to Germany. But, once convinced of his innocence, Clemenceau carried on an eight-year battle (1897–1905) in his newspapers La Justice and L’Aurore (founded in 1897). Clemenceau’s support for Dreyfus brought him back into favour with his fellow republicans, and he was prevailed upon to accept election as senator for Var in April 1902.
This election was of vital importance in the political career of Clemenceau. He remained a senator from Var until 1920, the year in which he voluntarily ended his political activity. It was as senator that he was to show his greatest qualities as a statesman. He became a member of the cabinet in 1906 as interior minister and was premier from 1906 to 1909. Finally, in 1917, after three years of World War I, when France’s morale and resources were at their lowest ebb, he accepted Pres. Raymond Poincaré’s invitation to head the war government (1917–20). His steadfast and ruthless pursuit of war brought him the title “Father of Victory.”
As minister of the interior, Clemenceau faced difficult problems, notably the enforcement of the new law (1905) separating church and state, as well as serious labour problems. When a strike of miners in the Pas-de-Calais led to a threat of disorder in 1906, he resolved to employ the military. His attitude in this matter alienated the Socialist Party, from which he definitely broke in a notable speech. It marked him, however, as the “strong man” of the day in French politics, and, when the ministry of Ferdinand Sarrien resigned in October 1906, Clemenceau became premier. During 1907 and 1908 the new entente with England was cemented. In Morocco, a dispute between France and Germany over the harbouring in the German consulate of German deserters from the French Foreign Legion brought renewed tension between the two countries. Austria-Hungary urged calmness on the Germans, and in February 1909 a joint agreement was signed, recognizing the economic interests of Germany and the special political interests of France in Morocco. The Clemenceau government fell on July 20, 1909, Clemenceau resigning after a violent and unexpected argument with the influential statesman Théophile Delcassé.
Freed from the responsibilities of power, Clemenceau travelled abroad. He took advantage of this opportunity to make speeches in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil on the subject of democracy. “I am a soldier of democracy,” he said. “It is the only form of government which can establish equality for all, and which can bring closer the ultimate goals: freedom and justice.”
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https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Raymond-Poincar%25C3%25A9/276481
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Raymond Poincaré
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(1860–1934). Of all the statesmen who shaped the policies of France during the early years of the 20th century, none believed more strongly than Raymond Poincaré that war…
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https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Raymond-Poincaré/276481
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(1860–1934). Of all the statesmen who shaped the policies of France during the early years of the 20th century, none believed more strongly than Raymond Poincaré that war with Germany was inevitable. He worked harder than anyone else to prepare France for the conflict of World War I.
Poincaré was born on Aug. 20, 1860, in Bar-le-Duc, France, and was educated at the École Polytechnique and the University of Paris. He was elected to parliament in 1887 and held several cabinet posts before becoming premier in 1912. Following an anti-German policy, he cemented France’s friendship with Great Britain and Russia. In 1913 he was elected president, and he continued in this office throughout World War I. In the Peace Conference he fought for the infliction of harsh terms on Germany.
At the end of his term of office, in 1920, Poincaré was reelected to the Senate, and twice more he was called on to serve as premier. He was holding the office of premier in 1923 when France marched troops into Germany’s Ruhr River region to force reparations payments by Germany. In 1926–28 he saved France from disaster by stabilizing the franc. Poincaré died in Paris on Oct. 15, 1934.
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Office of the Historian
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Paris Peace Conf. 180.0201/1
Preliminary Peace Conference, Protocol No. 1, Session of January 18, 1919
A meeting of the Inter-Allied Conference for the preliminaries of peace having been decided on by the governments of the United States of America and the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, the allied and associated belligerent powers, as well as the powers which have broken diplomatic relations with the enemy powers, were invited to send representatives thereto.
The session is opened under the Presidency of Mr. Raymond Poincaré, President of the French Republic, at 15 o’clock (3 p.m.), in the Peace Rooms at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Present
For the United States of America Dominions and India The President of the United States. canada Honorable Robert Lansing, Secretary of State. The Rt. Hon. Sir George Eulas Foster, G. C. M. G., Minister of Trade and Commerce. Honorable Henry White, Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris and Rome. The Hon. Arthur Lewis Sifton, Minister of Customs and Inland Revenue. General Tasker H. Bliss, Military Representative of the United States on the Supreme War Council. australia For the British Empire The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes, Prime Minister. great britain The Rt. Hon. Sir J. Cook, K. C. M. G., Minister for the Navy. The Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George, M. P., Prime Minister, First Lord of the Treasury. south africa The Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, O. M., M. P., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. General the Rt. Hon. Louis Botha, Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. The Rt. Hon. A. Bonar Law, M. P., Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Commons. Lt. General the Rt. Hon. J. C. Smuts, K. C, Minister of Defense. The Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes, Minister without Portfolio. india The Rt. Hon. Sir W. F. Lloyd, K. C. M. G., Prime Minister of Newfoundland. Major General His Highness Sir Ganga Singh Bahadur, Maharaja of Bikaner, G. C. S. I., G. C. I. E., G. C. V. O., K, C. B. [Page 158] The Rt. Hon. The Lord Sinha, K. C., Under Secretary of State for India (Representing the Secretary of State for India). Mr. Pandia Calogeras, Deputy, Former Minister of Finance. France China Mr. Clemenceau, President of the Council, Minister of War. Mr. Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Cheng-ting Thomas Wang, Former Temporary Minister of Agriculture and Commerce. Mr. L. L. Klotz, Minister of Finance. Cuba Mr. André Tardieu, Commissioner-General for Franco-American War Affairs. Mr. Rafael Martinez, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Cuba at Paris (Temporarily replacing Mr. Antonio Sanchez [de] Bustamante, President of the Cuban Society of International Law, Professor at the University of Habana). Mr. Jules Cambon, Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of France. Ecuador Marshal Foch, Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies. Mr. Dorn y de Alsua, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Ecuador at Paris. Italy Greece Baron Sonnino, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Nicolas Politis, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Marquis Salvago Raggi, Senator of the Kingdom, former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Italy at Paris. The Hedjaz Japan His Highness the Emir Feisal. Viscount Sutemi Chinda, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at London. Mr. Rustem Haidar. Mr. K. Matsui, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at Paris. Peru Belgium Mr. Francisco Garcia Calderon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru at Brussels. Mr. Hymans, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of State. Poland Mr. Van den Heuvel, Minister of State, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of the Belgians. Mr. Roman Dmowski, President of the Polish National Committee. Mr. Rolin-Jaequemyns, Secretary General of the Belgian Delegation and its former President. Portugal Bolivia Dr. Egas Moniz, Deputy, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Ismael Montes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Bolivia at Paris. Dr. Alvaro Villela, Professor of International Law at the University of Coimbra. Brazil Roumania Mr. Olyntho de Magalhaes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of Brazil at Paris, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Jean C. Bratiano, President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of Foreign Affairs. [Page 159] Serbia Mr. Nicolas Misu, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at London. Mr. Pachitch, President of the Council of Ministers. Mr. Phya Bibadh Kosha, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Rome. Mr. Trumbitch, Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Czecho-Slovak Republic Mr. Vesnitch, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Serbia at Paris Mr. Edouard Benes, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Siam Uruguay Prince Charoon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Paris. Mr. Juan Carlos Blanco, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Uruguay at Paris.
The President of the Republic (speaking in French) delivers the following speech:
An English translation for this speech is read by Mr. Mantoux, officer-interpreter.
The President of the French Republic withdraws after shaking hands with all the Delegates.
Mr. Clemenceau, President of the French Council of Ministers, and Minister of War, takes his place in the Presidential chair as temporary President of the Conference. Mr. Clemenceau proposes the nomination of a permanent president.
The President of the United States (speaking in English), proposes the name of M. Clemenceau as President of the Conference, as follows: [Page 165]
His words are immediately translated into French.
Mr. Lloyd George (Great Britain), speaking in English, seconds the proposal of the President of the United States, as follows:
His words are immediately translated into French.
Baron Sonnino (Italy), associates himself with the words just spoken, and expresses himself thus:
The proposal of President Wilson, seconded by Mr. Lloyd George and Baron Sonnino, is put to the vote and unanimously adopted.
Mr. Clemenceau is declared President of the Conference.
The President proposes that the Conference should proceed to the election of Vice Presidents to the number of four, chosen from the Plenipotentiaries of each of the four Great Powers not yet represented in the Bureau, namely (in alphabetical order): United States of America, the British Empire, Italy and Japan.
This proposal is unanimously accepted.
The President announces that the Japanese Plenipotentiaries have proposed, for their part, Marquis Saionji.
The Conference then proceeds to the nomination of a Secretary General.
The President proposes M. Dutasta, Ambassador of France.
This proposal is also unanimously adopted.
The President then proposes to complete the Secretariat by the nomination of one secretary for each Great Power, with the right of substitution.
This proposal is accepted.
The President adds that it is necessary to proceed to the appointment of a Drafting Committee composed of one representative of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan.
This proposal is accepted.
Finally, the President observes that a Committee on Credentials should be formed to include a Plenipotentiary of each of the five Great Powers.
This proposal is adopted. (Annex 1.)
The President, passing to the order of the day of the Session, delivers (speaking in French), the following speech:
The President lays on the table the rules of the conference, for distribution among the delegates. (Annex 2).
Passing, then, to the last part of the order of the day of the Session, the President announces that the questions contained in it are the following:
(1)
The responsibility of the authors of the war;
(2)
The penalty for the crimes committed during the war;
(3)
International legislation on labor.
The President declares that the Delegates of all powers represented are invited to hand in memoranda on these three questions. He also begs the representatives of the powers who have special interests to deliver to the Secretariat General memoranda on questions of every kind—territorial, financial, or economic—which particularly interest them. This method is somewhat new, but it has not seemed right to impose upon the Conference a particular order of work. To gain time, powers are invited first to make known their claims. All the peoples represented at the Conference can put forward, not only demands which concern themselves, but also demands of a general character. The Delegations are begged to present these memoranda as soon as possible.
On these memoranda a comprehensive work will be compiled for submission to the Conference. The third question, relative to international legislation on labor, can even be treated from the point of view of the organization of labor; it therefore covers a very wide field.
The President draws the attention of the Conference to the urgency of the first question, concerning the responsibility of the authors of the war. It is unnecessary to state the reason for this; if it is wished to establish law in the world, penalties for the breach thereof can be applied at once, since the allied and associated powers are victorious. These penalties will be demanded against the authors of the abominable crimes committed during the war. This first question is, indeed, the subject of a memorandum by Mr. Larnaude, Dean of the Faculty of Law of Paris, and Mr. de Lapradelle, Professor of International Law of the same Faculty, published under the following title: “Examen de la Responsabilité Pénale de l’Empereur Guillaume II.” This memorandum will be distributed by the Secretariat-General to all the Delegations.
[Page 170]
In England and in America works have also been published on this point.
This program of work having met with general approval, the President informs the Conference that at the head of the order of the day of the next Session stands the question of the League of Nations.
Finally, the President thinks right to add that as the different Delegations are to work in complete agreement, each member of the Conference is invited to present such observations as he may consider necessary. The Bureau will welcome the expression of any opinion which may be manifested and will reply to all questions asked of it.
As nobody wishes to speak, the session is adjourned at 16:35 o’clock (4:35 p.m.).
Annex I
Bureau of the Conference
President:
Mr. Georges Clémenceau (France)
Vice Presidents:
Hon. Robert Lansing (United States of America)
The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George (British Empire)
Mr. V. E. Orlando (Italy)
Marquis Saionji (Japan)
Secretary General:
Mr. Dutasta (France)
Secretaries:
united states of america
Mr. Joseph Clark Grew, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. Leland Harrison, Counsellor of Embassy.
Colonel U. S. Grant 3d, General Staff.
[Page 171]
british empire
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Maurice Hankey, Secretary to the War Cabinet.
Mr. H. Norman, Counsellor of Embassy.
Mr. Eric Phipps, First Secretary of Embassy.
france
Mr. P. Gauthier, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. de Bearn, Secretary of Embassy.
italy
Count Aldrovandi, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Marquis C. Durazzo, Counsellor of Legation.
Mr. G. Brambilla, Counsellor of Legation.
japan
Mr. Sadao Saburi, Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Mr. E. Kimura, First Secretary of Embassy.
Mr. H. Ashida, Secretary of Embassy.
Committee on Credentials:
Hon. Henry White (United States of America)
The Rt. Hon. Arthur Balfour (British Empire)
Mr. Jules Cambon (France)
Marquis Salvago Raggi (Italy)
Mr. K. Matsui (Japan)
Committee on Drafting:
Mr. James Brown Scott.
Mr. Hurst, C. B., K. C, Counsellor of Embassy, Legal Adviser to the Foreign Office (British Empire)
Mr. Fromageot, Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (France)
Mr. Ricci-Busatti, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the Legal Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Italy)
Mr. H. Nagaoka, Counsellor of the Japanese Embassy at Paris (Japan)
[Page 172]
Annex II
Rules of the Conference
I
The Conference summoned with a view to lay down the conditions of peace, in the first place by peace preliminaries and later by a definite Treaty of Peace, shall include the representatives of the Allied or Associated belligerent Powers.
The belligerent Powers with general interests (the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan) shall attend all sessions and commissions.
The belligerent Powers with special interests (Belgium, Brazil, the British Dominions and India, China, Cuba, Greece, Guatemala, Hayti, the Hedjaz, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Serbia, Siam, the Czecho-Slovak Republic) shall attend the sessions at which questions concerning them are discussed.
Powers having broken off diplomatic relations with the enemy Powers (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay) shall attend sessions at which questions interesting them will be discussed.
Neutral Powers and States in process of formation shall, on being summoned by the Powers with general interests, be heard, either orally or in writing, at sessions devoted especially to the examination of questions in which they are directly concerned, and only in so far as those questions are concerned.
II
The Powers shall be represented by Plenipotentiary Delegates to the number of:—
Five for the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan;
Three for Belgium, Brazil, Serbia;
Two for China, Greece, the Hedjaz, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Siam, the Czecho-Slovak Republic;
One for Cuba, Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama;
One for Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay.
The British Dominions and India shall be represented as follows:—Two delegates each for Canada, Australia, South Africa, India (including the native States);
One Delegate for New Zealand.
Each Delegation shall be entitled to set up a panel, but the number of Plenipotentiaries shall not exceed the figures given above.
[Page 173]
The representatives of the Dominions (including Newfoundland) and of India can, moreover, be included in the representation of the British Empire by means of the panel system.
Montenegro shall be represented by one Delegate, but the manner of his appointment shall not be decided until the present political situation of that country becomes clear.
The conditions governing the representation of Russia shall be settled by the Conference when Russian affairs come up for discussion.
III
Each Delegation of Plenipotentiaries may be accompanied by duly accredited Technical Delegates and by two shorthand writers.
The Technical Delegates may attend sessions in order to supply information when called upon. They may be asked to speak in order to give necessary explanations.
IV
The order of precedence shall follow the alphabetical order of the Powers in French.
V
The Conference shall be opened by the President of the French Republic. The President of the French Council of Ministers shall thereupon provisionally take the chair.
The credentials of members present shall at once be examined by a Committee composed of one Plenipotentiary for each of the Allied or Associated Powers.
VI
At the first meeting the permanent President and four Vice-Presidents shall be elected from among the Plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers in alphabetical order.
VII
A Secretariat chosen outside the ranks of the Plenipotentiaries, consisting of one representative each of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, shall be submitted for the approval of the Conference by the President, who shall be in control of and responsible for it.
The Secretariat shall draw up the protocols of the sessions, classify the archives, provide for the administrative organization of the Conference [Page 174] and, generally, ensure the regular and punctual working of the services entrusted to it.
The head of the Secretariat shall be responsible for the safe custody of the protocols and archives.
The archives shall be accessible at all times to members of the Conference.
VIII
Publicity shall be given to the proceedings by means of official communiqués prepared by the Secretariat and made public. In case of disagreement as to the wording of such communiqués, the matter shall be referred to the chief Plenipotentiaries or their representatives.
IX
All documents to be incorporated in the protocols must be supplied in writing by the Plenipotentiaries originally responsible for them.
No document or proposal may be so supplied except by a Plenipotentiary or in his name.
X
With a view to facilitate discussion, any Plenipotentiary wishing to propose a resolution must give the President twenty-four hours’ notice thereof, except in the case of proposals connected with the order of the day and arising from the actual discussion.
Exceptions may, however, be made to this rule in the case of amendments or secondary questions which do not constitute actual proposals.
XI
All petitions, memoranda, observations and documents addressed to the Conference by any persons other than the Plenipotentiaries must be received and classified by the Secretariat.
Such of these communications as are of any political interest shall be briefly summarized in a list circulated to all the Plenipotentiaries. Supplementary editions of this list shall be issued as such communications are received.
All these documents shall be deposited in the archives.
XII
All questions to be decided shall be discussed at a first and second reading; the former shall afford occasion for a general discussion for the purpose of arriving at an agreement on points of principle; the second reading shall provide an opportunity of discussing details.
[Page 175]
XIII
The Plenipotentiaries shall be entitled, subject to the approval of the Conference, to authorize their Technical Delegates to submit direct any technical explanations considered desirable regarding any particular question.
If the Conference shall think fit, the study of any particular question from the technical point of view may be entrusted to a Committee composed of Technical Delegates, who shall be instructed to present a report and suggest solutions.
XVI
The protocols drawn up by the Secretariat shall be printed and circulated in proof to the Delegates with the least possible delay.
To save time, this circulation of the protocols in advance shall take the place of reading them at the beginning of the sessions. Should no alterations be demanded by the Plenipotentiaries, the text shall be considered as approved and deposited in the archives.
Should any alteration be called for, it shall be read aloud by the President at the beginning of the following session.
The whole of the protocol shall, however, be read if one of the Plenipotentiary members shall so request.
XV
A committee shall be formed to draft the motions adopted.
This Committee shall deal only with questions which have been decided; its sole task shall be to draw up the text of the decisions adopted and to present them to the Conference for approval.
It shall consist of five members who shall not be Plenipotentiary Delegates and shall comprise one representative each of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan.
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Prints of Raymond Poincare, French politician, 1920. Poincare (left) (1860-1934). Our beautiful Wall Art and Photo Gifts include Framed Prints
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Media Storehouse Photo Prints
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https://www.mediastorehouse.com.au/heritage-images/raymond-poincare-french-politician-1920-14949819.html
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Heritage Images Photo Prints and Wall Art
Raymond Poincare, French politician, 1920
Raymond Poincare, French politician, 1920. Poincare (left) (1860-1934) was Prime Minister of France on five occasions and President of the Republic from 1913-1920. A photograph from Album de Photographies, Dans L Intimite de Personnages Illustres, 1850-1950, Editions MD, 22 Rue de L Arcade, Paris 8, 1850-1950
Heritage Images features heritage image collections
Media ID 14949819
© The Print Collector / Heritage-Images
Leader Poincar Poincare President President Poincar President Poincare Prime Minister Print Collector12 Raymond Raymond Poincar Raymond Poincare Third Republic
FEATURES IN THESE COLLECTIONS
> Arts > Contemporary art > Photography > Portraits
> Arts > Contemporary art > Portraits > Portrait photography
> Arts > Minimalist artwork > Monochrome artwork > Monochrome photography
> Arts > Portraits > Black and white portraits > Fine art portraits
> Arts > Portraits > Black and white portraits
> Arts > Street art graffiti > Portraits > Portrait photography
> Europe > France > Military
> Europe > France > Paris > Politics
> Europe > France > Paris > Related Images
> Historic > World War I and II
EDITORS COMMENTS
This print captures Raymond Poincare, a prominent French politician of the early 20th century. Taken in 1920, Poincare is seen standing confidently in a formal suit, exuding an air of authority and leadership. Poincare's political career was marked by significant achievements and influence. Serving as Prime Minister of France on five occasions, he also held the position of President of the Republic from 1913 to 1920. This portrait reflects his role as a statesman during a crucial period in French history. The backdrop of World War I adds depth to this image, symbolizing the challenges faced by Poincare during his time in office. As one of the key figures leading France through this tumultuous era, he played an instrumental role in shaping national policies and strategies. The monochrome aesthetic enhances the gravity and seriousness associated with Poincare's political stature. His expression reveals determination and resolve, embodying his commitment to serving his country. This photograph is part of "Album de Photographies: Dans L'Intimite de Personnages Illustres" showcasing influential individuals from 1850-1950 Paris. It serves as both a historical document capturing an important figure in French politics and a testament to Poincare's enduring legacy as a respected leader who navigated France through challenging times.
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Paris Peace Conf. 180.0201/1
Preliminary Peace Conference, Protocol No. 1, Session of January 18, 1919
A meeting of the Inter-Allied Conference for the preliminaries of peace having been decided on by the governments of the United States of America and the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, the allied and associated belligerent powers, as well as the powers which have broken diplomatic relations with the enemy powers, were invited to send representatives thereto.
The session is opened under the Presidency of Mr. Raymond Poincaré, President of the French Republic, at 15 o’clock (3 p.m.), in the Peace Rooms at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Present
For the United States of America Dominions and India The President of the United States. canada Honorable Robert Lansing, Secretary of State. The Rt. Hon. Sir George Eulas Foster, G. C. M. G., Minister of Trade and Commerce. Honorable Henry White, Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris and Rome. The Hon. Arthur Lewis Sifton, Minister of Customs and Inland Revenue. General Tasker H. Bliss, Military Representative of the United States on the Supreme War Council. australia For the British Empire The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes, Prime Minister. great britain The Rt. Hon. Sir J. Cook, K. C. M. G., Minister for the Navy. The Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George, M. P., Prime Minister, First Lord of the Treasury. south africa The Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, O. M., M. P., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. General the Rt. Hon. Louis Botha, Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. The Rt. Hon. A. Bonar Law, M. P., Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Commons. Lt. General the Rt. Hon. J. C. Smuts, K. C, Minister of Defense. The Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes, Minister without Portfolio. india The Rt. Hon. Sir W. F. Lloyd, K. C. M. G., Prime Minister of Newfoundland. Major General His Highness Sir Ganga Singh Bahadur, Maharaja of Bikaner, G. C. S. I., G. C. I. E., G. C. V. O., K, C. B. [Page 158] The Rt. Hon. The Lord Sinha, K. C., Under Secretary of State for India (Representing the Secretary of State for India). Mr. Pandia Calogeras, Deputy, Former Minister of Finance. France China Mr. Clemenceau, President of the Council, Minister of War. Mr. Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Cheng-ting Thomas Wang, Former Temporary Minister of Agriculture and Commerce. Mr. L. L. Klotz, Minister of Finance. Cuba Mr. André Tardieu, Commissioner-General for Franco-American War Affairs. Mr. Rafael Martinez, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Cuba at Paris (Temporarily replacing Mr. Antonio Sanchez [de] Bustamante, President of the Cuban Society of International Law, Professor at the University of Habana). Mr. Jules Cambon, Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of France. Ecuador Marshal Foch, Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies. Mr. Dorn y de Alsua, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Ecuador at Paris. Italy Greece Baron Sonnino, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Nicolas Politis, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Marquis Salvago Raggi, Senator of the Kingdom, former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Italy at Paris. The Hedjaz Japan His Highness the Emir Feisal. Viscount Sutemi Chinda, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at London. Mr. Rustem Haidar. Mr. K. Matsui, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at Paris. Peru Belgium Mr. Francisco Garcia Calderon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru at Brussels. Mr. Hymans, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of State. Poland Mr. Van den Heuvel, Minister of State, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of the Belgians. Mr. Roman Dmowski, President of the Polish National Committee. Mr. Rolin-Jaequemyns, Secretary General of the Belgian Delegation and its former President. Portugal Bolivia Dr. Egas Moniz, Deputy, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Ismael Montes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Bolivia at Paris. Dr. Alvaro Villela, Professor of International Law at the University of Coimbra. Brazil Roumania Mr. Olyntho de Magalhaes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of Brazil at Paris, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Jean C. Bratiano, President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of Foreign Affairs. [Page 159] Serbia Mr. Nicolas Misu, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at London. Mr. Pachitch, President of the Council of Ministers. Mr. Phya Bibadh Kosha, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Rome. Mr. Trumbitch, Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Czecho-Slovak Republic Mr. Vesnitch, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Serbia at Paris Mr. Edouard Benes, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Siam Uruguay Prince Charoon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Paris. Mr. Juan Carlos Blanco, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Uruguay at Paris.
The President of the Republic (speaking in French) delivers the following speech:
An English translation for this speech is read by Mr. Mantoux, officer-interpreter.
The President of the French Republic withdraws after shaking hands with all the Delegates.
Mr. Clemenceau, President of the French Council of Ministers, and Minister of War, takes his place in the Presidential chair as temporary President of the Conference. Mr. Clemenceau proposes the nomination of a permanent president.
The President of the United States (speaking in English), proposes the name of M. Clemenceau as President of the Conference, as follows: [Page 165]
His words are immediately translated into French.
Mr. Lloyd George (Great Britain), speaking in English, seconds the proposal of the President of the United States, as follows:
His words are immediately translated into French.
Baron Sonnino (Italy), associates himself with the words just spoken, and expresses himself thus:
The proposal of President Wilson, seconded by Mr. Lloyd George and Baron Sonnino, is put to the vote and unanimously adopted.
Mr. Clemenceau is declared President of the Conference.
The President proposes that the Conference should proceed to the election of Vice Presidents to the number of four, chosen from the Plenipotentiaries of each of the four Great Powers not yet represented in the Bureau, namely (in alphabetical order): United States of America, the British Empire, Italy and Japan.
This proposal is unanimously accepted.
The President announces that the Japanese Plenipotentiaries have proposed, for their part, Marquis Saionji.
The Conference then proceeds to the nomination of a Secretary General.
The President proposes M. Dutasta, Ambassador of France.
This proposal is also unanimously adopted.
The President then proposes to complete the Secretariat by the nomination of one secretary for each Great Power, with the right of substitution.
This proposal is accepted.
The President adds that it is necessary to proceed to the appointment of a Drafting Committee composed of one representative of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan.
This proposal is accepted.
Finally, the President observes that a Committee on Credentials should be formed to include a Plenipotentiary of each of the five Great Powers.
This proposal is adopted. (Annex 1.)
The President, passing to the order of the day of the Session, delivers (speaking in French), the following speech:
The President lays on the table the rules of the conference, for distribution among the delegates. (Annex 2).
Passing, then, to the last part of the order of the day of the Session, the President announces that the questions contained in it are the following:
(1)
The responsibility of the authors of the war;
(2)
The penalty for the crimes committed during the war;
(3)
International legislation on labor.
The President declares that the Delegates of all powers represented are invited to hand in memoranda on these three questions. He also begs the representatives of the powers who have special interests to deliver to the Secretariat General memoranda on questions of every kind—territorial, financial, or economic—which particularly interest them. This method is somewhat new, but it has not seemed right to impose upon the Conference a particular order of work. To gain time, powers are invited first to make known their claims. All the peoples represented at the Conference can put forward, not only demands which concern themselves, but also demands of a general character. The Delegations are begged to present these memoranda as soon as possible.
On these memoranda a comprehensive work will be compiled for submission to the Conference. The third question, relative to international legislation on labor, can even be treated from the point of view of the organization of labor; it therefore covers a very wide field.
The President draws the attention of the Conference to the urgency of the first question, concerning the responsibility of the authors of the war. It is unnecessary to state the reason for this; if it is wished to establish law in the world, penalties for the breach thereof can be applied at once, since the allied and associated powers are victorious. These penalties will be demanded against the authors of the abominable crimes committed during the war. This first question is, indeed, the subject of a memorandum by Mr. Larnaude, Dean of the Faculty of Law of Paris, and Mr. de Lapradelle, Professor of International Law of the same Faculty, published under the following title: “Examen de la Responsabilité Pénale de l’Empereur Guillaume II.” This memorandum will be distributed by the Secretariat-General to all the Delegations.
[Page 170]
In England and in America works have also been published on this point.
This program of work having met with general approval, the President informs the Conference that at the head of the order of the day of the next Session stands the question of the League of Nations.
Finally, the President thinks right to add that as the different Delegations are to work in complete agreement, each member of the Conference is invited to present such observations as he may consider necessary. The Bureau will welcome the expression of any opinion which may be manifested and will reply to all questions asked of it.
As nobody wishes to speak, the session is adjourned at 16:35 o’clock (4:35 p.m.).
Annex I
Bureau of the Conference
President:
Mr. Georges Clémenceau (France)
Vice Presidents:
Hon. Robert Lansing (United States of America)
The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George (British Empire)
Mr. V. E. Orlando (Italy)
Marquis Saionji (Japan)
Secretary General:
Mr. Dutasta (France)
Secretaries:
united states of america
Mr. Joseph Clark Grew, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. Leland Harrison, Counsellor of Embassy.
Colonel U. S. Grant 3d, General Staff.
[Page 171]
british empire
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Maurice Hankey, Secretary to the War Cabinet.
Mr. H. Norman, Counsellor of Embassy.
Mr. Eric Phipps, First Secretary of Embassy.
france
Mr. P. Gauthier, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Mr. de Bearn, Secretary of Embassy.
italy
Count Aldrovandi, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Marquis C. Durazzo, Counsellor of Legation.
Mr. G. Brambilla, Counsellor of Legation.
japan
Mr. Sadao Saburi, Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Mr. E. Kimura, First Secretary of Embassy.
Mr. H. Ashida, Secretary of Embassy.
Committee on Credentials:
Hon. Henry White (United States of America)
The Rt. Hon. Arthur Balfour (British Empire)
Mr. Jules Cambon (France)
Marquis Salvago Raggi (Italy)
Mr. K. Matsui (Japan)
Committee on Drafting:
Mr. James Brown Scott.
Mr. Hurst, C. B., K. C, Counsellor of Embassy, Legal Adviser to the Foreign Office (British Empire)
Mr. Fromageot, Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (France)
Mr. Ricci-Busatti, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the Legal Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Italy)
Mr. H. Nagaoka, Counsellor of the Japanese Embassy at Paris (Japan)
[Page 172]
Annex II
Rules of the Conference
I
The Conference summoned with a view to lay down the conditions of peace, in the first place by peace preliminaries and later by a definite Treaty of Peace, shall include the representatives of the Allied or Associated belligerent Powers.
The belligerent Powers with general interests (the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan) shall attend all sessions and commissions.
The belligerent Powers with special interests (Belgium, Brazil, the British Dominions and India, China, Cuba, Greece, Guatemala, Hayti, the Hedjaz, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Serbia, Siam, the Czecho-Slovak Republic) shall attend the sessions at which questions concerning them are discussed.
Powers having broken off diplomatic relations with the enemy Powers (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay) shall attend sessions at which questions interesting them will be discussed.
Neutral Powers and States in process of formation shall, on being summoned by the Powers with general interests, be heard, either orally or in writing, at sessions devoted especially to the examination of questions in which they are directly concerned, and only in so far as those questions are concerned.
II
The Powers shall be represented by Plenipotentiary Delegates to the number of:—
Five for the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan;
Three for Belgium, Brazil, Serbia;
Two for China, Greece, the Hedjaz, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Siam, the Czecho-Slovak Republic;
One for Cuba, Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama;
One for Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay.
The British Dominions and India shall be represented as follows:—Two delegates each for Canada, Australia, South Africa, India (including the native States);
One Delegate for New Zealand.
Each Delegation shall be entitled to set up a panel, but the number of Plenipotentiaries shall not exceed the figures given above.
[Page 173]
The representatives of the Dominions (including Newfoundland) and of India can, moreover, be included in the representation of the British Empire by means of the panel system.
Montenegro shall be represented by one Delegate, but the manner of his appointment shall not be decided until the present political situation of that country becomes clear.
The conditions governing the representation of Russia shall be settled by the Conference when Russian affairs come up for discussion.
III
Each Delegation of Plenipotentiaries may be accompanied by duly accredited Technical Delegates and by two shorthand writers.
The Technical Delegates may attend sessions in order to supply information when called upon. They may be asked to speak in order to give necessary explanations.
IV
The order of precedence shall follow the alphabetical order of the Powers in French.
V
The Conference shall be opened by the President of the French Republic. The President of the French Council of Ministers shall thereupon provisionally take the chair.
The credentials of members present shall at once be examined by a Committee composed of one Plenipotentiary for each of the Allied or Associated Powers.
VI
At the first meeting the permanent President and four Vice-Presidents shall be elected from among the Plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers in alphabetical order.
VII
A Secretariat chosen outside the ranks of the Plenipotentiaries, consisting of one representative each of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, shall be submitted for the approval of the Conference by the President, who shall be in control of and responsible for it.
The Secretariat shall draw up the protocols of the sessions, classify the archives, provide for the administrative organization of the Conference [Page 174] and, generally, ensure the regular and punctual working of the services entrusted to it.
The head of the Secretariat shall be responsible for the safe custody of the protocols and archives.
The archives shall be accessible at all times to members of the Conference.
VIII
Publicity shall be given to the proceedings by means of official communiqués prepared by the Secretariat and made public. In case of disagreement as to the wording of such communiqués, the matter shall be referred to the chief Plenipotentiaries or their representatives.
IX
All documents to be incorporated in the protocols must be supplied in writing by the Plenipotentiaries originally responsible for them.
No document or proposal may be so supplied except by a Plenipotentiary or in his name.
X
With a view to facilitate discussion, any Plenipotentiary wishing to propose a resolution must give the President twenty-four hours’ notice thereof, except in the case of proposals connected with the order of the day and arising from the actual discussion.
Exceptions may, however, be made to this rule in the case of amendments or secondary questions which do not constitute actual proposals.
XI
All petitions, memoranda, observations and documents addressed to the Conference by any persons other than the Plenipotentiaries must be received and classified by the Secretariat.
Such of these communications as are of any political interest shall be briefly summarized in a list circulated to all the Plenipotentiaries. Supplementary editions of this list shall be issued as such communications are received.
All these documents shall be deposited in the archives.
XII
All questions to be decided shall be discussed at a first and second reading; the former shall afford occasion for a general discussion for the purpose of arriving at an agreement on points of principle; the second reading shall provide an opportunity of discussing details.
[Page 175]
XIII
The Plenipotentiaries shall be entitled, subject to the approval of the Conference, to authorize their Technical Delegates to submit direct any technical explanations considered desirable regarding any particular question.
If the Conference shall think fit, the study of any particular question from the technical point of view may be entrusted to a Committee composed of Technical Delegates, who shall be instructed to present a report and suggest solutions.
XVI
The protocols drawn up by the Secretariat shall be printed and circulated in proof to the Delegates with the least possible delay.
To save time, this circulation of the protocols in advance shall take the place of reading them at the beginning of the sessions. Should no alterations be demanded by the Plenipotentiaries, the text shall be considered as approved and deposited in the archives.
Should any alteration be called for, it shall be read aloud by the President at the beginning of the following session.
The whole of the protocol shall, however, be read if one of the Plenipotentiary members shall so request.
XV
A committee shall be formed to draft the motions adopted.
This Committee shall deal only with questions which have been decided; its sole task shall be to draw up the text of the decisions adopted and to present them to the Conference for approval.
It shall consist of five members who shall not be Plenipotentiary Delegates and shall comprise one representative each of the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan.
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78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116
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The New President of the French Republic, Raymond Poincare, Front Cover Illustration from 'Le Petit Journal', Supplement Illustre, 26th January 1913
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The New President of the French Republic, Raymond Poincare, Front Cover Illustration from 'Le Petit Journal', Supplement Illustre, 26th January 1913
|
en
|
/favicon.svg
|
MeisterDrucke
|
https://www.meisterdrucke.ie/fine-art-prints/French-School/113051/The-New-President-of-the-French-Republic,-Raymond-Poincare,-Front-Cover-Illustration-from-'Le-Petit-Journal',-Supplement-Illustre,-26th-January-1913.html
|
(The new President of the French Republic, Raymond Poincare, front cover illustration from 'Le Petit Journal', supplement illustre, 26th January 1913 )
French School
1913 · colour lithograph · Picture ID: 113051 Cultural Circles · Newspapers and Illustrations
The New President of the French Republic, Raymond Poincare, Front Cover Illustration from 'Le Petit Journal', Supplement Illustre, 26th January 1913 by French School. Available as an art print on canvas, photo paper, watercolor board, uncoated paper or Japanese paper.
male · portrait · bust · politician · statesman · republican · flag · tricolour · flags · tricolor · oval · moustache · goatee · prime minister · fasces · laurel · leaves · leaf · medallion
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 88
|
https://www.abebooks.com/9780521573870/Raymond-Poincar%25C3%25A9-Keiger-0521573874/plp
|
en
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Keiger, J. F. V.: 9780521573870
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[
"J. F. V",
"John F. V",
"J. F. V. Keiger",
"Keiger J. F. V"
] |
1997-07-22T00:00:00
|
Raymond Poincaré by Keiger, J. F. V. - ISBN 10: 0521573874 - ISBN 13: 9780521573870 - Cambridge University Press - 1997 - Hardcover
|
en
|
https://www.abebooks.com/9780521573870/Raymond-Poincar%C3%A9-Keiger-0521573874/plp
|
Raymond Poincar
Keiger J. F. V.
Published by Cambridge University Press, 1997
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: 1 available
Seller: Majestic Books, Hounslow, United Kingdom
Seller Rating:
Condition: New. pp. 424 9:B&W 6 x 9 in or 229 x 152 mm Case Laminate on Creme w/Gloss Lam. Seller Inventory # 7619163
Contact seller
Raymond Poincare
J. F. V. Keiger
Published by Cambridge University Press, 1997
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: Over 20 available
Print on Demand
Seller: THE SAINT BOOKSTORE, Southport, United Kingdom
Seller Rating:
Hardback. Condition: New. This item is printed on demand. New copy - Usually dispatched within 5-9 working days. Seller Inventory # C9780521573870
Contact seller
Raymond Poincar
Keiger, J. F. V.|Keiger, John F. V.
Published by Cambridge University Press, 2010
ISBN 10: 0521573874 / ISBN 13: 9780521573870
New / Hardcover
Quantity: Over 20 available
Print on Demand
Seller: moluna, Greven, Germany
Seller Rating:
Condition: New. Dieser Artikel ist ein Print on Demand Artikel und wird nach Ihrer Bestellung fuer Sie gedruckt. This book is a scholarly biography of one of France s foremost modern politicians. Based on considerable archival material, it sheds light on the origins of the Great War, inter-war international finance as well as the early years of the French feminist and. Seller Inventory # 446940620
Contact seller
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 65
|
https://euromathsoc.org/magazine/articles/189
|
en
|
The Maison Poincaré – a maths museum in France
|
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EMS Magazine Article from: Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage
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https://euromathsoc.org/magazine/articles/189
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Beginning of the story
The Institut Henri Poincaré (IHP) has a long history dating back to its inauguration in 1928 by the then President of the Council, Raymond Poincaré, a cousin of Henri Poincaré (1854–1912). Founded by the mathematician Émile Borel (1871–1956), the institute was built thanks to private funds from the International Education Board of the Rockefeller Foundation and the French patron Edmond de Rothschild. It sits opposite the physical chemistry laboratory built by the physicist Jean Perrin (1870–1942) just two years earlier. Perrin’s building itself (Figure ) is adjoining the Institut du Radium, Marie Curie’s laboratory, which was completed on the eve of WWI. All of these brick buildings are located at the heart of Paris on the fields of a former convent – later converted to a reformatory run by nuns – acquired by the University of Paris at the beginning of the 20 century.
In the interwar period, Borel and his assistant Jeanne Fournier, born Ferrier – who held a Ph.D. in mathematics and was appointed as assistant in calculus of probability but actually worked as a secretary – invited to IHP the greatest specialists of the time in analysis, probability, and mathematical physics: Léon Bloch, George Birkhoff, Max Born, Marcel Brillouin, Francesco P. Cantelli, Torsten Carleman, Charles G. Darwin, Paul Dirac, Théophile de Donder, Albert Einstein, Enrico Fermi (Figure ), Vladimir A. Kostitzine, Paul Lévy, George Pólya, Erwin Schrödinger, Vito Volterra, etc., from whom we can read lectures in the Annales de l’Institut Henri Poincaré.
Over the years, IHP developed as a renowned international research centre for mathematics and theoretical physics. Even though Borel’s building was raised by two additional floors in the 1950s, the institute’s activities became somehow cramped at the turn of the 21st century. All the more so that it hosted several learned societies (SMF, SMAI, SFdS, SFP), non-profit associations (Animath, Femmes & mathématiques, MATh.en.JEANS) and the Fondation Sciences Mathématiques de Paris. It had become difficult to accommodate all the people in the offices, along with regular seminars, national or international meetings beside the IHP scientific programmes coordinated by the Centre Émile Borel – a dedicated department created in 1994 when the institute was reborn after a post May 1968 period of uncertainty.
Inception of the expansion
Cédric Villani became director of IHP in 2009. He had great plans for it and looked for possibilities to expand the premises from the start. Perrin’s building, which was still hosting the physical chemistry laboratory, renamed Laboratoire de chimie physique – matière et rayonnement (LCPMR), was not up to modern standards. The Université Pierre et Marie Curie (UPMC), who owned the building, was planning to move LCPMR to more suitable premises at “Jussieu” (Figure ), its main campus.
Villani managed to convince UPMC to reallocate Perrin’s building to IHP as part of a major centre for mathematics which would be open to the public. This plan was reminiscent of Michel Demazure’s ideas, who had defended IHP’s future when meeting with Lionel Jospin, the Minister of Education, in the late 1980s. Villani laid the groundwork for his plans with first initiatives such as exhibitions, a film club, public lectures, documentaries, aimed at the general public, school children, companies and society in general.
Together with his deputy director Jean-Philippe Uzan and with the help of many others supporting these ideas, Villani secured an impressive 14-million-euro public funding for the refurbishment of Perrin’s building (Figure ). This included 8 million from the city of Paris, 3 million from the Île-de-France region, 2 million from the French Government, and 1 million from the CNRS, not to mention the estimated 9 million value of the building per se. As of its completion in 2023, the whole budget eventually approached 17 million, including an additional contribution from the French Government as part of the recovery plan following the Covid-19 crisis. During the construction, a small part of the budget was dedicated to renovate Borel’s original building.
The project of an expanded mathematical centre, known internally as IHP+, has also been supported by the IHP Endowment Fund, created in 2016 by Villani on that purpose with the CNRS, UPMC, learned societies and a Circle of Partner Companies as founding members. Outside the mathematical community, it was promoted under the name of “Maison des mathématiques” project, with a mathematics museum as flagship, which would occupy the ground floor (600m2) and part of the basement (300m2) of Perrin’s building.
In 2017, Villani was elected Member of Parliament and resigned from his director position. Before his departure, the expansion project had been launched by UPMC as the project owner. An architect had been chosen, Atelier Novembre, along with a museum designer, du&ma. Their joint project had indeed convinced the jury of the architectural competition that it was the best at enhancing heritage features while complying with modern standards.
On 1 January 2018, UPMC (Paris 6) merged with Université Paris-Sorbonne, also known as Paris 4, to become Sorbonne Université, and I took over as director of IHP. For years, I worked hard with numerous people to make IHP+ a reality. For an extended period, I lived with visualisations of the IHP+ project provided by Atelier Novembre and du&ma, and I was lucky enough to see this dream decor come to life. I got much more involved in the museum project than I had anticipated. I loved this amazing experience, of which the following gives an overview.
Museum project
At first, the museum concept relied on a few rough ideas launched by the former directors, Villani and Uzan. These ideas ranged from celebrating the founders (Borel, Perrin, Rockefeller, Rothschild) and telling the story of the building to showcasing a selection of mathematical objects from IHP’s collection of around 600 pieces (Figure ) and developing a most innovative outreach experience in mixed reality, Holo-Math (Figure ).
We did implement the original ideas while modifying some as I shall explain later, and many, many more which we developed along the process. A huge amount of work was to be done to design the very first museum in France that would be fully dedicated to mathematics and its applications.
One of the features which made it unique among maths museums in the world is that it was to be installed within an international research centre. Our targeted audience was thought of as middle schoolers, high school students, college students, teachers, and of course the general public. A challenge and goal at the same time would be to foster interactions between the public and the researchers coming to work at IHP, either visiting or dropping by.
It soon became clear that we needed to find a good name. Indeed, “Maison des mathématiques” was not specific enough, as the whole institute had been known as the “House of mathematics and theoretical physics” for a long time. However, we liked the warm connotation of the word Maison. This is how we came up with the name “Maison Poincaré,” after a public poll. This name inspired the graphic designers working with du&ma, who proposed a logo (Figure ) based on a pun in French that was already used by the Poincaré family themselves (“point” meaning dot and “carré” meaning square).
The name choice was settled early 2020. Marion Liewig, who had been appointed by the CNRS as project manager in 2016, became the very first head of the newly created department at IHP called Maison Poincaré, which led to a museum bearing the same name [].
How it started
Back in 2018, we still had to imagine and work out the contents of the permanent exhibition, which we wanted to represent contemporary mathematics in all its immensity and vitality. We reached out to the IHP Outreach Advisory Board, chaired by Olivier Druet at the time, and also invited a number of specialists who we hoped to bring on board. After gathering everyone in a large lecture hall at Jussieu in May 2018, we involved researchers, teachers and science communicators in half a dozen working groups that were set up accordingly with the architectural spaces of the future museum. Marion, Olivier and I were very happy with the outcome and this nourished our energy to go on.
However, there was still a gap in the whole picture. We needed an expert who would be able to interact with these working groups and with the scenographer (the museum designer): a museographer. Only a few days after the meeting at Jussieu, I was contacted by one of them, Céline Nadal, who happened to be originally trained as a physicist and had heard of the project. The connection was facilitated by IHP’s deputy director at the time, Rémi Monasson, who had known her as a physicist. Luckily, we were allowed by Sorbonne Université to appoint Céline Nadal as our official museographer. This led to a most fruitful collaboration for the next five years.
By March 2019, Céline Nadal had come up with a detailed programme in which every museum space was described by a word intended to summarize its aim. Choosing topics and words had been a challenging task for every working group. The result was to be showcased by means of giant suspended letters designed by the scenographer: CONNECTER (connecting), MODÉLISER (modelling), VISUALISER (visualizing), DEVENIR (becoming), INVENTER (discovering), PARTAGER (sharing).
Figures and are actual pictures of the completed museum. It is amazing how they resemble the 3D simulations that were provided by the scenographer. We felt like we were entering our screen when we saw the real layout of the spaces.
Challenges and achievements
The issue of language came up early in the discussions with du&ma and their graphic designers. It was clear to us that we needed everything to be translated into English at least, so that our international researchers and tourists could enjoy the museum. This meant that we had to optimize the content so that both languages – French and English – would fit on panels, exhibits, hands-on, games, films, etc. The six giant words are among the very few words that are translated separately on panels or sheets.
It was also very important for us to ensure accessibility to people with disabilities. We were guided by a specialist to design adapted exhibits for visually impaired people. They include texts in Braille and figures in relief. It was a challenge for the scenographer to find room for this additional material. While it was a challenge to make everything fit, we are very happy with the outcome which also attracts the attention of people without any disabilities. For people that are deaf or hard of hearing, we included French sign language and subtitles in both French and English in all videos.
One of the most active mathematicians in the working groups, Clotilde Fermanian Kammerer, had been involved in the project since its inception, representing the CNRS National Institute for Mathematical Sciences and their Interactions as its deputy director for several years. In the autumn of 2019, she took over as chair of the IHP Outreach Advisory Board and played a crucial role in deciding the content of the Maison Poincaré []. At this point, I also thank Antoine Chambert-Loir who played a great role as a leader of a working group and who co-authored the mathematical Metro with me.
Quite notable, by 2019, the project management team had become 100% female with Marion, Céline, Clotilde and me. This certainly played a role in the decisions regarding the gender gap in mathematics that we took regarding the Maison Poincaré: First, we quickly abandoned the original idea of welcoming the visitors with portraits of the solely male founders and searched for alternatives. We came to the conclusion that our aim was to showcase an inclusive STEM world, as balanced as it should be. Therefore, we decided to present as many women as men [], whether they are historical characters or contemporary personalities. This implied in particular to showcase the female physicist Yvette Cauchois (1908–1999), a successful and influential scientist who worked in this very office as director of the Laboratoire de chimie physique for 25 years.
A further big concern was the Holo-Math project, for which there was no pilot available when I took over as director of IHP. My first testing of the prototype was quite disappointing, and I was also put off by the tremendous cost of code development, not to mention the equipment. Nevertheless, we were convinced that this high-tech and innovative experience would be an asset to the museum. Fortunately, we managed to hire a science communicator, Adrien Rossille, early in 2019. He was fascinated by the concept and managed the Holo-Math project []: With Adrien, we were able to find enough financial support to fully develop an experience around the Brownian motion, particularly thanks to the IHP endowment fund and the Fondation Sciences Mathématiques de Paris, and also to acquire a fleet of mixed reality headsets.
Serendipity and emotion
During the construction work I had the opportunity to see an ancient shaft (Figure ) leading to 30-meter-deep experiment galleries which I would not have dared to explore even if I had been allowed to do so. We had very little information on these galleries, but I was originally told that they were used by Marie Curie (1867–1934) herself, which sounded quite exciting. An extensive search of the archives produced only two pictures and a sketch map. In particular, I found out that this shaft had been built to connect the building’s basement to underground old quarries… in 1935. Too late for Marie Curie! Despite my disappointment, I find it moving to have seen this shaft before it was sealed up by half a meter thick concrete disk for security reasons. Visitors of the museum can nevertheless see a glass disk indicating its location in the temporary exhibition space, together with a panel displaying the sketch map.
As an anecdote, another view that is lost forever is the painting (Figure ) I discovered on a basement door in December 2019, after the building was cleaned from radioactivity, asbestos, lead, etc. Even though it was not a Monet, I liked this greeting left by former occupants even though we were not able to keep it. We were able to preserve another piece of art though: a painting of Émile René Ménard (1862–1930) dated from 1927. It spans over several meters on the rear wall of Perrin’s lecture hall, illustrating and surrounded by the first words of his bestseller book “Les atomes.”
Speaking of art and science, I have to mention the Rulpidon. This is the name given by the French artist Ulysse Lacoste to a series of metal art pieces. He had handed me a small, bronze version of it as a gift to IHP in 2019 – this is now displayed in an optical theatre in the entrance hall of the building. I was instantly fascinated by the Rulpidon, and in turn found several mathematical stories to tell about it []. We ended up choosing it as the symbol of the Maison Poincaré: In addition to the mathematical stories, the Rulpidon fits very well with the logo. A monumental, steel version of it (Figure ) was later commissioned by the IHP Endowment fund and installed in the garden.
A last personal involvement I would like to talk about is the knots panel in the tearoom (PARTAGER) (Figure ). Even though it is far from my field of research, knot theory is fascinating to me, as being rather recent – more recent anyway than most of the mathematics that people learn at school – and still an active theory opening to wider topics, while being rooted in ancestral knowledge of humanity. When discussing the best use of a large panel in the tearoom, the showcases of which were already planned to host mathematical objects in connection with art, Céline, Clotilde and I quickly agreed that knots were a golden subject. The scenographer supported our idea after we suggested that the knots should be made like bead necklaces to echo of the œuvre of French artist Jean-Michel Othoniel.
Opening and first feedback
After all these years of preparation, the Maison Poincaré eventually opened its doors to the public on 30 September 2023, three days after its official inauguration in the presence of Sylvie Retailleau, the Minister of Higher Education and Research.
This opening was a huge success, which we owe to the hard work of numerous people, starting from the IHP staff and in particular the Maison Poincaré team, managed since 1 January 2022 by Élodie Christophe Cheyrou. She secured additional funding and built a team composed of a cultural projects manager and three science communicators. Over a period of several months, they prepared the contents of guided tours to be offered to schools and to the general public, developing these in collaboration with teachers. Élodie also implemented a thorough communication plan with the CNRS and Sorbonne Université (Figure ). This enabled us to have colossal media impact in newspapers, magazines, on the radio and TV.
The museum’s capacity is limited to 200 visitors, for security reasons. This limit has been reached every Saturday and during all holidays since the opening. We also have a lot of visitors during school days. By the end of November 2023, all slots for school groups were booked for the whole school year. Depending on the success of the museum, we will be able to increase the staff number to offer more slots for groups.
Since the start in 2018 we have reached an impressive set of milestones, and achieved this amazing project in ways that could not have been foreseen when I jumped on board. As the next step, we now have to ensure sustainability of the Maison Poincaré, as part of an expanded Institut Henri Poincaré in a magnificent building. More challenges to come!
Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage is professor at Université Claude Bernard Lyon 1, Institut Camille Jordan. In 2017, she was appointed director of the Institut Henri Poincaré in Paris by the CNRS and Sorbonne Université. benzoni@math.univ-lyon1.fr
References
S. Benzoni-Gavage, Le Rulpidon sous toutes ses coutures. Dunod, Malakoff, France (2024)
S. Benzoni-Gavage and C. Fermanian Kammerer, L’extension de l’IHP: un chantier au long cours. Gaz. Math. 177, 66–74 (2023)
S. Benzoni and M. Liewig, Bridging the gap between maths and society. In Handbook of Mathematical Science Communication, pp. 93–115, World Scientific (2022)
S. Benzoni-Gavage and C. Nadal, Concevoir un parcours permanent égalitaire. In Guide pour un musée féministe, pp. 104–109, Association musé·e·s, Rennes, France (2022)
A. Rossille, Holo-Math, visualiser les mathématiques autrement. Tangente Hors série 77 (Mathématiques et imagerie), 52–53 (2021)
Cite this article
Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage, The Maison Poincaré – a maths museum in France. Eur. Math. Soc. Mag. 132 (2024), pp. 23–29
DOI 10.4171/MAG/189
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Mathematics without Apologies, by Michael Harris
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2020-05-27T04:33:48+00:00
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Posts about Images written by mathematicswithoutapologies
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Mathematics without Apologies, by Michael Harris
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https://mathematicswithoutapologies.wordpress.com/category/images/
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(This is a revised version of a post published on March 12, under a much longer title. The revision takes into account the later dramatic developments in the case of retired King Juan Carlos I of Spain. If you missed János Kollár’s article about the curse that, according to two economists, afflicts Fields Medalists with an alarming loss of productivity, you probably have the time to read it now. It’s very entertaining and I guarantee it will take your mind off the pandemic and your lockdown for a few minutes at least.)
I had been preparing a blog post on the history of holding the International Congress under the patronage of figures of political authority. This patronage has been symbolized in recent times by inviting important politicians — often heads of state — to place the Fields Medals in the hands of the year’s Laureates. This has been the consistent practice since at least 2002, when I was in the Great Hall of the People to witness Chinese President and CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin handing the Fields Medals to Laurent Lafforgue and Vladimir Voevodsky. Like most of my colleagues I assumed this was a sign of the importance the host country attached to the ceremony, and to mathematics as a whole. By extension I concluded that an ICM at which the head of state was absent from the opening ceremony was on some level a symbolic failure for the host country’s organizers as well as for the international mathematical community.
On the other hand, as readers of this blog have probably guessed, I was motivated to write about the topic because I wonder whether this kind of high patronage is still a good idea in an age when practically no important political leader in the world enjoys the kind of respect that would do honor to the ideals that motivate the International Mathematical Union, and when so many leaders of major countries (and smaller countries as well) are authoritarians or crooks or both at once. It turns out that the practice of placing ICM under the sponsorship of the highest political spheres has not been consistent. The IMU has helpfully made the proceedings of all past congresses available, and the reading of the early pages of the earliest congresses is pleasurable as well as enlightening. How would I have learned otherwise that the 1920 Congress in Strasbourg cost 83,525 F, and that the most generous sponsor was the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (10,000 F), followed closely by the 7,000 F provided by the Commissariat générale d’Alsace-Lorraine (restored to France only two years earlier) and the 5,000 F donation of Solvay, headquartered (still) in Brussels? I focused, however, on the congresses at which Fields Medals were awarded, starting with the Oslo congress in 1936, and specifically on whether the honor of presenting the Medals to the winners was entrusted to heads of state, to lesser politicians, to mathematicians, or to other representatives of civil society.
Reports on the opening ceremonies contain gaps, and I am not certain that I am reading them correctly, but I believe that the 1936 proceedings affirms that King Haakon VII of Norway was indeed in attendance, but that it was Elie Cartan who presented the first Fields Medals to Lars Ahlfors and to Norbert Wiener, representing Jesse Douglas who was too “fatigué” to attend. In Cambridge (Massachusetts) in 1950, it was the turn of Harald Bohr to hand the Medals to Laurent Schwartz and Atle Selberg, and in 1954 in Amsterdam Hermann Weyl transmitted the prize to Kunihiko Kodaira and Jean-Pierre Serre. Mathematicians — respectively Academician Mstislav Keldysh, Rolf Nevanlinna, Wladislaw Orlicz, Lars Ahlfors, and Beno Eckmann — again did the honors in Moscow in 1966, in Helsinki in 1978, in Warsaw in 1983, in Berkeley in 1986, and in Zürich in 1994. And it appears that Yuri I. Manin presented the Fields Medals in Berlin in 1998 — but I can’t figure it out from the report on the opening ceremonies, which include lengthy speeches by a series of high officials from various levels of the German government, and this is particularly embarrassing because I was actually in the audience (or maybe I wasn’t) and I don’t remember what happened.
The case of Moscow was a bit ambiguous. Georges de Rham introduced the laureates.
Unfortunately, A. Grothendieck, was unable to come. May I call Messrs. Atiyah, Cohen and Smale to come forward and receive these medals from the hands of Academician Keldysh.
I have already mentioned this but I repeat the information because (as I just learned) Академик Мстислав Келдыш is the name of a 6,240 ton Russian scientific research vessel which played a role in the filming of James Cameron’s Titanic. Not a bad fate for the name of a mathematician!
On all the other occasions the prizes were presented by politicians. Here is a rundown:
1958, Edinburgh: The prizes were presented by the Right Honorable Ian Johnson-Gilbert, Lord Provost of Edinburgh (not to be confused with Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh).
1962, Stockholm: “The International Mathematical Union considers it a great honour that His Majesty the King has agreed to be present here and to give the Fields Medals to the winners of the Prizes” (ICM Proceedings, p. xl).
1970, Nice: The congress was placed under the highest possible patronage: “Monsieur Georges POMPIDOU, Président de la République Française, a accordé son haut patronage au Congrès. Monsieur Jacques CHABAN-DELMAS, Premier Ministre, a accordé son patronage au Congrès.”
However, neither the President nor the Prime Minister made the trip to Nice. Instead,
Monsieur Olivier GUICHARD, Ministre de l’Éducation nationale, remet les médailles Fields aux quatre lauréats, qu’il félicite.
The financial sponsorship for the congress was prominently displayed in the Nice proceedings, as it had been in the 1920 Strasbourg proceedings — in other words, I had to skip over the account of financial sponsorship before finding the report on the opening ceremony — and I thought readers might like to see that as well:
Le Congrès a bénéficié de l’aide d’un Comité de soutien pour la diffusion des travaux du Congrès, composé comme suit : Président : M. Georges DESBRIèRE, Vice-Président de Péchiney, Président de l’Association pour le Développement de l’Enseignement et des Recherches auprès des Facultés des Sciences de l’Université de Paris (A.D.E.R.P.). Membres : MM. BAUMGARTNER, Président de Rhône-Poulenc, CHASSAGNY, Prési-dent de l’Union syndicale des industries aéronautiques et spatiales, DELOUVRIER, Président de l’Électricité de France, DONTOT, Président de la Fédération nationale des industries électroniques, FERRY, Président de la Chambre syndicale de la sidérurgie, GALICHON, Président d’Air France, GLASSER, Président du Syndicat général de la Construction électrique, GRANDPIERRE, Président de l’Institut des hautes études scientifiques, HAAS-PICARD, Président de l’Union des Chambres syndicales de l’industrie du pétrole, HOTTINGUER, Président de l’Association professionnelle des Banques, HUVELIN, Président du Conseil National du Patronat Français, LESOURNE, Président de la S. E. M. A. (METRA International), d’ORNHJELM, Président de la Chambre syndicale des Constructeurs d’Automobiles, Ambroise Roux, Président de la Compagnie générale d’Électricité
1974, Vancouver: H.M.S. Coxeter, President of the Congress,
announced that a telegram would be sent to His Excellency, the Right Honourable Jules Leger, C. C, C.M.M., Governor General of Canada, Patron of the Congress. The text of the telegram is as follows: We much appreciate your agreeing to serve as Patron of the first meeting in Vancouver of the International Congress of Mathematicians. We regret your inability to be present and we convey our warmest wishes for a complete recovery.
At the end of the opening ceremony, Professor Chandrasekharan, chairman of the Fields Medals Committee, made a speech that concluded:
May I offer them our warmest congratulations, and invite them to come forward to receive the medals from the hands of His Honour, the Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia.
1990, Kyoto: “The winners came forward and received their medals and prize checks from Mr. Kosuke Hori, Minister of Education, Science and Culture.”
The Medals were presented by mathematicians in 1994, and 1998, as I already explained. As you can see, the practice of receiving Fields Medals from high-ranking politicians is not so well established as some of us believed. And recent history has shown a curious correlation between getting close to the Fields Medal ceremony and being investigated for corruption. The prime example is that of former President Park Geun-Hye, shown above in Seoul in 2014, charged less than 3 years later with “abuse of power, bribery, coercion and leaking government secrets.” She will be in jail for a long long time, and although it was no fault of the four Fields Medalists, can they honestly say that it was an honor to accept the medals from an individual who enjoys such a dubious distinction?
The 2018 Fields Medal ceremony narrowly escaped being tainted by the participation of a no less corrupt politician:
From France24, May 15, 2019:
Former Brazil president Michel Temer left prison on Wednesday less than a week after returning to a Sao Paulo penitentiary in relation to a wide-ranging corruption scandal that has engulfed several high profile South American politicians.
The 78-year-old left the Military Police Battalion in Sao Paulo at 1.30 pm (1630 GMT) in a heavily guarded convoy as he headed to his home in an upmarket neighborhood in the sprawling city’s west.
His release was ordered by all four judges on the Superior Court of Justice under the writ of habeas corpus, which demands that a prisoner who claims unlawful detention be brought before a court.
However, several conditions were attached, including a freezing of his assets and the seizure of his passport.…
He is suspected of having been at the head of a criminal organization that diverted up to 1.8 billion reais ($460 million) and has been operating for 40 years.
Temer participated enthusiastically in the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016 and was still President during the ICM in Rio de Janeiro. In that capacity it was expected that he would hand out the Fields Medals at the opening ceremony. However (according to a colleague in Brazil with whom I spoke at the time) Temer found a diplomatic excuse to justify his absence at the ceremony, where his presence would certainly have been met with a loud and embarrassing protest — his approval rating had dropped to about 3%, a record low for any sitting President, anywhere in the world, even before his indictment.
It was India’s President, and not the better-known (and more powerful) Prime Minister, who brought the dignity of state to the opening ceremony of the ICM in Hyderabad in August 2010.
The officers of the IMU could have anticipated that the ordinary corruption of state, the ubiquitous kind to which most of us rarely pay attention, would accompany her presence, especially since she had already been under investigation:
From Wikipedia: Patil was a chairperson of the [Pratibha Mahila Sahakari] bank and also one of its directors, along with many of her relatives. She is one of 34 respondents in an ongoing case [as of 2007, according to Wikipedia] before the Aurangabad bench of the Bombay High Court regarding alleged mismanagement of the bank and misappropriation of funds.… The Reserve Bank of India … revoked the licence of the bank in 2003 after it was found out that the bank had engaged in various irregularities, including illegally waiving interest on loans given to many of Patil’s family members.
At this point in my chronology I was hoping to be able to point to an exception in the person of former King Juan Carlos I of Spain. While few (probably none) of my Spanish friends are monarchists, they all recognize the role he played at a crucial moment in the consolidation of the still-fragile democracy that was installed after Franco’s death, and for the most part he was comfortable in his role of titular head of state in the system that reserves the actual power of government for the elected parliament. Moreover, unlike his successor and son, King Felipe VI, he has not intervened pointlessly in the Catalan independence crisis.
Overall, then, King Juan Carlos enjoyed broad respect in Spain and did bring a certain dignity to the 2006 ICM in Madrid, as did King Haakon VII in Oslo in 1936 (and even more in retrospect, for his refusal to recognize the Nazi occupation of Norway during the Second World War). But a week before I revised this post the following story broke in El País:
This followed the revelation that “A public prosecutor in Switzerland has been investigating a multi-million-euro donation received by Corinna Larsen, a friend of former Spanish King Juan Carlos I, from a Swiss bank account linked to a Panamanian foundation.” The donation of $100 million to Corinna Larsen — also known as Corinna zu Sayn-Wittgenstein — was apparently a kickback in connection with the construction of the Haramain high speed rail connection between Medina and Mecca, which was completed in 2018 by a consortium of 12 Spanish companies.
When I originally wrote this post I had not found allusions to this story in the English-language press. The Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), the leading force in the current coalition government along with the parties pressing the case (Unidas Podemos etc.). was reluctant to investigate the economic activities of Juan Carlos, based on their reading of the Spanish constitution, which — as was demonstrated in a similar case two years ago — literally places the King above the law:
“las prerrogativas de inviolabilidad y no sujeción a responsabilidad del Rey, consagradas en el artículo 56.3 de la Constitución, son absolutas, abarcan a la totalidad del periodo en que se ejerce la Jefatura del Estado y tienen efectos jurídicos permanentes”
Ultimately King Felipe VI, son of Juan Carlos, renounced his inheritance and cut off his father’s stipend in a belated recognition that the individual standing in the middle of the above photo, and many other photos during his long reign, did not in retrospect lend dignity to the ceremony (and many other ceremonies) to the extent that the (figurative) crown on his head must have led the organizers to expect.
I am tempted to extend the disgraceful list back to the 2002 ICM in Beijing when I read questions like this:
Why is Xi Jinping afraid to jail Jiang Zemin even though there’s a lot of evidence of corruption against him and his alleged involvement in Beijing blasts to shake Xi’s authority? (Question answered on Quora.)
But I am aware that rivalries among factions of China’s ruling stratum take many unexpected forms and I know too well not to take this kind of comment at face value.
Mathematical platonists like to argue that our work is devoted to the discovery of truths that transcend any merely human laws. This sheds a novel light on the decision to invite heads of state who are above the law — whether they enjoy this status by virtue of a political system disposed in their favor, as was at least temporarily the case in 2018, 2014, 2010, and arguably in 2002, or by an exception carved into the law itself, as in the case of Spain’s former King — to lend their aura of inviolabilidad for a moment in order to enhance the solemnity of transfer of the Fields Medal. Advancing the 2022 Fields Medal ceremony to the week following Donald Trump’s successful evasion of his Constitutional responsibilities, with the help of the (very favorably disposed) US Senate, would have been a perfect illustration of this principle.
But we missed the opportunity and will therefore have to wait another two years for a more exemplary native of the imponderable innermost sanctum of politics, where words like “corruption,” “grace,” and “raw power” become practically synonymous, to dignify the St. Petersburg ICM with a moment of transcendence.
Colleagues who attended the São Paulo IMU General Assembly meeting, at which St. Petersburg was chosen over Paris as the venue for the 2022 ICM, informed me that the promise that President (for life?) Vladimir Putin himself would be on hand, to present the Fields Medals, was one of the arguments that clinched the decision. I have just provided a quasi-theological rationale for this thesis but I still find it hard to grasp, and I prefer the materialist explanation: namely, that Russia’s team had promised a much more generous budget than the French; the Chambre syndicale des Constructeurs d’Automobile, the Association professionnelle des Banques, and the rest of the list, not to mention Solvay and their 5000 F, carry much less weight in today’s globalized economy than they did 50 or 100 years ago.
It’s all about the Benjamins, in other words; or more precisely, about the николай николаевичи — the External Goods to which MWA devotes such obsessive attention. The money for the ICM has to come from somewhere. Who would seriously argue that private sources like the Union des Chambres syndicales de l’industrie du pétrole are really less tainted than the funds provided by the Russian government or the St. Petersburg administration? Besides, the many countries represented at the São Paulo meeting were perfectly aware that xenophobia had been a dominant theme in French elections for over 30 years — remember that at the same meeting they had voted to remove the name of Rolf Nevanlinna, who had presented the Fields Medals just 40 years earlier, from the computer science prize, because of his Nazi sympathies. And they knew all too well that France’s next presidential elections would be taking place before the 2022 ICM, with unpredictable results.
The candidate elected in 2022 will still be French President in 2026. But this may be irrelevant. The rumor is that New York will be bidding for the honors, with External Goods to be provided by the city’s robust financial services industry. I estimate that something like $30 million would be needed to cover the difference between 10 nights of hotel accommodations for 10000 participants in New York as compared to Paris, under normal circumstances; but maybe New York’s team knows how to transcend normal circumstances. Most intriguing, of course, is the prospect that the United States will have a very different kind of head of state by then.
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correct_leader_00105
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré | French President & Statesman
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[
"Raymond Poincaré",
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"article"
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[
"The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica"
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
|
Raymond Poincaré was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic. The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at
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en
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
|
Raymond Poincaré (born August 20, 1860, Bar-le-Duc, France—died October 15, 1934, Paris) was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic.
The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at the University of Paris, he was admitted to the bar in 1882. Elected a deputy in 1887, he became six years later the youngest minister in the history of the Third Republic, holding the portfolio of education. In 1894 he served as minister of finance and in 1895 again as minister of education. In the Dreyfus Affair he declared that new evidence necessitated a retrial (see Alfred Dreyfus).
Despite the promise of a brilliant political career, Poincaré left the Chamber of Deputies in 1903, serving until 1912 in the Senate, which was considered comparatively unimportant politically. He devoted most of his time to his private law practice, serving in the cabinet only once, in March 1906, as minister of finance. In January 1912, however, he became prime minister, serving simultaneously as foreign minister until January 1913. In the face of new threats from Germany, he conducted diplomacy with new decisiveness and determination. In August 1912 he assured the Russian government that his government would stand by the Franco-Russian alliance, and in November he concluded an agreement with Britain committing both countries to consult in the event of an international crisis as well as on joint military plans. Although his support of Russian activities in the Balkans and his uncompromising attitude toward Germany have been cited as evidence of his being a warmongering revanchist, Poincaré believed that in the existing state of contemporary Europe war was inevitable and that only a strong alliance guaranteed security. His greatest fear was that France might be isolated as it had been in 1870, easy prey for a militarily superior Germany.
Poincaré ran for the office of president; despite the opposition of the left, under Georges Clemenceau, a lifelong enemy, he was elected on January 17, 1913. Although the presidency was a position with little real power, he hoped to infuse new vitality into it and make it the base of a union sacrée of right, left, and centre. Throughout World War I (1914–18) he strove to preserve national unity, even confiding the government to Clemenceau, the man best qualified to lead the country to victory.
After his term as president ran out in 1920, Poincaré returned to the Senate and was for a time chairman of the reparations commission. He supported the thesis of Germany’s war guilt implicit in the Versailles Treaty; and when he served again as prime minister and minister for foreign affairs (1922–24), he refused a delay in German reparation payments and in January 1923 ordered French troops into the Ruhr in reaction to the default. Unseated by a leftist bloc, he was returned as prime minister in July 1926 and is largely credited with having solved France’s acute financial crisis by stabilizing the value of the franc and basing it on the gold standard. Under his highly successful economic policies the country enjoyed a period of new prosperity.
Illness forced Poincaré to resign from office in July 1929. He spent the remainder of his life writing his memoirs, Au service de la France, 10 vol. (1926–33).
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Raymond Poincaré - WWI, Quotes & Facts
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2009-11-09T15:46:54+00:00
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Raymond Poincaré guided France through World War I as president and undertook dramatic measures to stablize the country's economy as prime minister.
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en
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HISTORY
|
https://www.history.com/topics/european-history/raymond-poincare
|
Early Years
Raymond Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc, France, on August 20, 1860. He studied law at the University of Pairs, was admitted to the bar in 1882 and went on to practice law in Paris.
In 1887, Poincaré was elected deputy for the French district of Meuse and began his career in politics. He rose to cabinet-level positions in succeeding years, including minister of education and minister of finance. By 1895, he was chosen vice president of the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative assembly of the French Parliament). However, in 1899 he refused the request of French President Émile Loubet (1838-1929) to form a coalition government. Strong-willed, politically conservative and nationalistic, Poincaré refused to accept a Socialist minister into his coalition–he resigned from the Chamber of Deputies in 1903 and instead practiced law and served in the politically less-significant Senate until 1912.
Poincaré Becomes Prime Minister, then President
Poincaré returned to national prominence when he became prime minister in January 1912. In this most powerful position in France, he proved to be a strong leader and foreign minister. To everyone’s surprise, however, the following year he decided to run for the presidency, a relatively less powerful office, and he was elected to the post in January 1913. Unlike earlier presidents, however, Poincaré took an active role in policy formation. His strong sense of nationalism moved him to work diligently to secure France’s defense, strengthening alliances with Britain and Russia and supporting legislation to raise national military service from two years to three. Although he worked for peace, as a native of the Lorraine region, Poincaré was suspicious of Germany, which had seized the area in 1871.
When World War I broke out in August 1914, Poincaré proved to be a strong wartime leader and mainstay of French morale. Indeed, he demonstrated how dedicated he was to a unified France when, in 1917, he asked his longtime political enemy Georges Clemenceau to form a government. Poincaré believed that Clemenceau was the best-qualified man to serve as prime minister and lead the nation, despite his leftist political leanings, to which Poincaré was opposed.
The Treaty of Versailles and German Reparations
Poincaré soon found himself in serious disagreement with Clemenceau over the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed in June 1919 and defined the terms of peace following World War I. Poincaré felt strongly that Germany should be subjected to heavy reparations and assume responsibility for starting the war. Although American and British leaders regarded the treaty as overly punitive, the document, which called for substantial financial and territorial reparations from Germany, was not harsh enough to satisfy Poincaré.
Poincaré further demonstrated his aggressive stance toward Germany when he assumed the position of prime minister again in 1922. He was also minister of foreign affairs during this term. When the Germans failed to meet their reparations payment in January 1923, Poincaré ordered French troops to occupy the Ruhr Valley area, an important industrial region in western Germany. Despite the occupation, the German government refused to make the payment. German workers’ passive resistance to French authority wreaked havoc on the German economy. The German mark failed and the French economy also suffered because of the cost of the occupation.
Finally, in 1924, the British and American governments negotiated a settlement that attempted to stabilize the German economy and soften the terms of the reparations. During the same year, Poincaré’s party suffered a defeat in the general election, and he resigned as prime minister.
The Financial Crisis of 1926
Poincaré was not out of office long. In 1926, amidst a serious economic crisis in France, Poincaré was once again asked to form a government and assume the role of prime minister. He moved quickly and forcefully to handle the financial situation by cutting government spending, increasing interest rates, introducing new taxes and stabilizing the value of the franc, basing it on the gold standard. Public confidence soared in the prosperity that followed Poincaré’s handling of the situation. The April 1928 general elections demonstrated popular support for Poincaré’s party and his role as prime minister.
Final Years
On November 7, 1928, under attack from the Radical-Socialist Party, Poincaré was forced to resign. He acted swiftly to form a new ministry within the week, marking his final term as prime minister. Citing ill health, Poincaré left office in July 1929, and subsequently refused the offer of yet another term as prime minister in 1930.
Poincaré died in Paris on October 15, 1934, at age 74. He had devoted nearly all of his life to public service, and his work as president during World War I, coupled with his financial acumen as prime minister in later years, established his legacy as a great leader and a man who valued his nation above all else.
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MUSÉE RAYMOND POINCARÉ
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The 'musée départemental' is on the ground floor of the former summer residence of President Raymond Poincaré. It was built between 1906 and 1913 in a neo-Louis XIII style by an architect from Nancy, Charles-Désiré Bourgon.
Raymond Poincaré was
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Ressentez le frisson du Far West avec Lucky Luke Casino Avis! Jouez à nos passionnants jeux de Poker et de Roulette, et bénéficiez de bonus de bienvenue généreux! L'aventure commence ici! Rejoignez-nous aujourd'hui!
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RAYMOND POINCARE & WORLD WAR I
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2006-11-27T00:00:00
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Primary Documents: President Poincare's War Address, 4 August 1914 With Germany's decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the following day, 4 August 1914 - the…
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Cambridge Forecast Group Blog
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https://cambridgeforecast.wordpress.com/2006/11/27/raymond-poincare-world-war-i/
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November 27, 2006 at 1:40 pm | Posted in Globalization, History, Literary, Military, Research | Leave a comment
Primary Documents:
President Poincare’s War Address, 4 August 1914
With Germany’s decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the
French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular
enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the
following day, 4 August 1914 – the date Britain joined France and Russia in the war
against Germany – the French President Raymond Poincare
wrote the following speech (his first war address) which was read to the French parliament
by the Minister of Justice. The text of his speech is reproduced below.
Gentlemen:
France has just been the object of a violent and premeditated attack,
which is an insolent defiance of the law of nations. Before any declaration of war had
been sent to us, even before the German Ambassador had asked for his passports, our
territory has been violated. The German Empire has waited till yesterday evening to give
at this late stage the true name to a state of things which it had already created.
For more than forty years the French, in sincere love of peace, have
buried at the bottom of their heart the desire for legitimate reparation.
They have given to the world the example of a great nation which,
definitely raised from defeat by the exercise of will, patience, and labour, has only used
its renewed and rejuvenated strength in the interest of progress and for the good of
humanity.
Since the ultimatum of Austria opened a crisis which threatened the
whole of Europe, France has persisted in following and in recommending on all sides a
policy of prudence, wisdom, and moderation.
To her there can be imputed no act, no movement, no word, which has not
been peaceful and conciliatory.
At the hour when the struggle is beginning, she has the right, in
justice to herself, of solemnly declaring that she has made, up to the last moment,
supreme efforts to avert the war now about to break out, the crushing responsibility for
which the German Empire will have to bear before history. Our fine and courageous army,
which France today accompanies with her maternal thought has risen eager to defend the
honour of the flag and the soil of the country.
The President of the Republic interpreting the unanimous feeling of the
country, expresses to our troops by land and sea the admiration and confidence of every
Frenchman.
Closely united in a common feeling, the nation will persevere with the
cool self-restraint of which, since the beginning of the crisis, she has given daily
proof. Now, as always, she will know how to harmonise the most noble daring and most
ardent enthusiasm with that self-control which is the sign of enduring energy and is the
best guarantee of victory.
In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the
eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by
individuals.
She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break
their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a
common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.
She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally; she is supported by the
loyal friendship of Great Britain.
And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good
wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty,
Justice, and Reason.
‘Haut les coeurs et vive la France!’
Who’s Who: Raymond Poincare
Updated – Saturday, 11 August, 2001
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc
in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a
lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various
cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance,
entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the
history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a
coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913,
defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to
strengthen France’s armed forces for the eventuality
of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed,
and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to
form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice
Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French
security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of
Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare
returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the
‘bloc national’. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany,
sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany’s
failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to
coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing
Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to
the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by
initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc
at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Raymond Poincare’s Welcoming Address
18 January 1919
Gentlemen:
France greets and welcomes you and thanks you for having unanimously
chosen as the seat of your labours the city which, for over four years, the enemy has made
his principal military objective and which the valour of the Allied armies has
victoriously defended against unceasingly renewed offensives.
Allow me to see in your decision the homage of all the nations that you
represent towards a country which, still more than any others, has endured the sufferings
of war, of which entire provinces, transformed into vast battlefields, have been
systematically wasted by the invader, and which has paid the heaviest tribute to death.
France has borne these enormous sacrifices without having incurred the
slightest responsibility for the frightful cataclysm which has overwhelmed the universe,
and at the moment when this cycle of horror is ending, all the Powers whose delegates are
assembled here may acquit themselves of any share in the crime which has resulted in so
unprecedented a disaster.
What gives you authority to establish a peace of justice is the fact
that none of the peoples of whom you are the delegates has had any part in injustice.
Humanity can place confidence in you because you are not among those who have outraged the
rights of humanity.
There is no need of further information or for special inquiries into
the origin of the drama which has just shaken the world. The truth, bathed in blood, has
already escaped from the Imperial archives. The premeditated character of the trap is
today clearly proved.
In the hope of conquering, first, the hegemony of Europe and next the
mastery of the world, the Central Empires, bound together by a secret plot, found the most
abominable pretexts for trying to crush Serbia and force their way to the East. At the
same time they disowned the most solemn undertakings in order to crush Belgium and force
their way into the heart of France.
These are the two unforgettable outrages which opened the way to
aggression. The combined efforts of Great Britain, France, and Russia broke themselves
against that mad arrogance.
If, after long vicissitudes, those who wished to reign by the sword
have perished by the sword, they have but themselves to blame; they have been destroyed by
their own blindness. What could be more significant than the shameful bargains they
attempted to offer to Great Britain and France at the end of July 1914, when to Great
Britain they suggested: “Allow us to attack France on land and we will notenter the Channel”; and
when they instructed their Ambassador to say to France: “We will only accept a
declaration of neutrality on your part if you surrender to us Briey, Toul, and
Verdun”?
It is in the light of these memories, gentlemen, that all the
conclusions you will have to draw from the war will take shape.
Your nations entered the war successively, but came, one and all, to
the help of threatened right. Like Germany, Great Britain and France had guaranteed the
independence of Belgium.
Germany sought to crush Belgium. Great Britain and France both swore to
save her. Thus, from the very beginning of hostilities, came into conflict the two ideas
which for fifty months were to struggle for the dominion of the world – the idea of
sovereign force, which accepts neither control nor check, and the idea of justice, which
depends on the sword only to prevent or repress the abuse of strength.
Faithfully supported by her Dominions and Colonies, Great Britain
decided that she could not remain aloof from a struggle in which the fate of every country
was involved. She has made, and her Dominions and Colonies have made with her, prodigious
efforts to prevent the war from ending in the triumph of the spirit ofconquest and the destruction
of right.
Japan, in her turn, only decided to take up arms out of loyalty to
Great Britain, her great Ally, and from the consciousness of the danger in which both Asia
and Europe would have stood, for the hegemony of which the Germanic Empires had dreamt.
Italy, who from the first had refused to lend a helping hand to German
ambition, rose against an age-long foe only to answer the call of oppressed populations
and to destroy at the cost of her blood the artificial political combination which took no
account of human liberty.
Rumania resolved to fight only to realize that national unity which was
opposed by the same powers of arbitrary force. Abandoned, betrayed, and strangled, she had
to submit to an abominable treaty, the revision of which you will exact.
Greece, whom the enemy for many months tried to turn from her
traditions and destinies, raised an army only to escape attempts at domination, of which
she felt the growing threat.
Portugal, China, and Siam abandoned neutrality only to escape the
strangling pressure of the Central Powers.
Thus it was the extent of German ambitions that brought so many
peoples, great and small, to form a league against the same adversary.
And what shall I say of the solemn resolution taken by the United
States in the spring of 1917 under the auspices of their illustrious President, Mr.
Wilson, whom I am happy to greet here in the name of grateful France, and, if you will
allow me to say so, gentlemen, in the name of all the nations represented in this room?
What shall I say of the many other American Powers which either
declared themselves against Germany – Brazil, Cuba, Panama, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Haiti,
Honduras – or at least broke off diplomatic relations – Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador,Uruguay?
From north to south the New World rose with indignation when it saw the
empires of Central Europe, after having let loose the war without provocation and without
excuse, carry it on with fire, pillage, and massacre of inoffensive beings.
The intervention of the United States was something more, something
greater, than a great political and military event: it was a supreme judgment passed at
the bar of history by the lofty conscience of a free people and their Chief Magistrate on
the enormous responsibilities incurred in the frightful conflict which was lacerating
humanity.
It was not only to protect themselves from the audacious aims of German
megalomania that the United States equipped fleets and created immense armies,but also, and above all, to
defend an ideal of liberty over which they saw the huge shadow of the Imperial Eagle
encroaching farther every day.
America, the daughter of Europe, crossed the ocean to wrest her mother
from the humiliation of thraldom and to save civilization. The American people wished to
put an end to the greatest scandal that has ever sullied the annals of mankind.
Autocratic governments, having prepared in the secrecy of the Chancelleries and the General Staff a map programme of universal domination, at the time fixed by their genius for intrigue let loose their packs and sounded the horns for the chase, ordering science at the very time when it was beginning to abolish distances, bring men closer, and make life sweeter, to leave the bright sky towards which it was soaring and to place itself submissively at the service of violence, lowering the religious idea to the extent of making God the complacent auxiliary of their passions and the accomplice of their crimes; in short, counting as naught the traditions and wills of peoples, the lives of citizens, the honour of women, and all those principles of public and private morality which we for our part have endeavoured to keep unaltered through the war and which neither nations nor individuals can repudiate or disregard with impunity.
While the conflict was gradually extending over the entire surface of the earth the clanking of chains was heard here and there, and captive nationalities from the depths of their age-long jails cried out to us for help.
Yet more, they escaped to come to our aid. Poland came to life again and sent us troops. The Czecho-Slovaks won their right to independence in Siberia, in France, and in Italy. The Jugo-Slays, the Armenians, the Syrians and Lebanese, the Arabs, all the oppressed peoples, all the victims, long helpless or resigned, of great historic deeds of injustice, all the martyrs of the past, all the outraged consciences, all the strangled liberties revived at the clash of our arms, and turnedtowards us, as their natural defenders.
Thus the war gradually attained the fullness of its first significance, and became, in the fullest sense of the term, a crusade of humanity for Right; and if anything can console us in part at least, for the losses we have suffered, it is assuredly the thought that our victory is also the victory of Right.
This victory is complete, for the enemy only asked for the armistice to escape from an irretrievable military disaster. In the interest of justice and peace it now rests with you to reap from this victory its full fruits in order to carry out this immense task. You have decided to admit, at first, only the Allied or associated Powers, and, in so far as their interests are involved in the debates, the nations which remained neutral.
You have thought that the terms of peace ought to be settled among ourselves before they are communicated to those against whom we have together fought the good fight. The solidarity which has united us during the war and has enabled us to win military success ought to remain unimpaired during the negotiations for, and after the signing of, the Treaty.
It is not only governments, but free peoples, who are represented here.
Through the test of danger they have learned to know and help one another. They want their
intimacy of yesterday to assure the peace of tomorrow. V ainly would our enemies seek to
divide us. If they have not yet renounced their customary manoeuvres, they will soon find
that they are meeting today, as during the hostilities, a homogeneous block which nothing
will be able to disintegrate.
Even before the armistice you placed that necessary unity under the
standard of the lofty moral and political truths of which President Wilson has nobly made
himself the interpreter.
And in the light of those truths you intend to accomplish your mission.
You will, therefore, seek nothing but justice, “justice that has no favourites,”
justice in territorial problems, justice in financial problems, justice in economic
problems.
But justice is not inert, it does not submit to injustice. What it
demands first, when it has been violated, are restitution and reparation for the peoples
and individuals who have been despoiled or maltreated. In formulating this lawful claim,
it obeys neither hatred nor an instinctive or thoughtless desire for reprisals. It pursues
a twofold object – to render to each his due, and not to encourage crime through leaving
it unpunished.
What justice also demands, inspired by the same feeling, is the
punishment of the guilty and effective guaranties against an active return of the spirit
by which theywere
tempted; and it is logical to demand that these guaranties should be given, above all, to
the nations that have been, and might again be most exposed to aggressions or threats, to
those who have many times stood in danger of being submerged by the periodic tide of the
same invasions.
What justice banishes is the dream of conquest and imperialism,
contempt for national will, the arbitrary exchange of provinces between states as though
peoples were but articles of furniture or pawns in a game.
The time is no more when diplomatists could meet to redraw with
authority the map of the empires on the corner of a table. If you are to remake the map of
the world it is in the name of the peoples, and on condition that you shall faithfully
interpret their thoughts, and respect the right of nations, small and great, to dispose of
themselves, and to reconcile it with the right, equally sacred, of ethnical and religious
minorities – a formidable task, which science and history, your two advisers, will
contribute to illumine and facilitate.
You will naturally strive to secure the material and moral means of
subsistence for all those peoples who are constituted or reconstituted into states; for
those who wish to unite themselves to their neighbours; for those who divide themselves
into separate units; for those who reorganize themselves according to their regained traditions; and, lastly, for all those whose freedom you have already sanctioned or are about to sanction.
You will not call them into existence only to sentence them to death
immediately. You would like your work in this, as in all other matters, to be fruitful and lasting.
While thus introducing into the world as much harmony as possible, you will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions unanimously adopted by the Great Allied Powers, establish a general League of Nations, which will be a supreme guarantee against any fresh assaults upon the right of peoples.
You do not intend this International Association to be directed against anybody in future. It will not of set purpose shut out anybody, but, having been organized by the nations that have sacrificed themselves in defence of Right, it will receive from them its statutes and fundamental rules. It will lay down conditions to which its present or future adherents will submit, and, as it is to have for its essential aim to prevent, as far as. possible, the renewal of wars, it will, above all, seek to gain respect for the peace which you will have established, and will find it the less difficult to maintain in proportion as this peace will in itself imply greater realities of justice and safer guaranties of stability.
By establishing this new order of things you will meet the aspiration of humanity, which, after the frightful convulsions of these bloodstained years, ardently wishes to feel itself protected by a union of free peoples against the ever-possible revivals of primitive savagely.
An immortal glory will attach to the names of the nations and the men who have desired to co-operate in this grand work in faith and brotherhood, and who have taken pains to eliminate from the future peace causes of disturbance and instability.
This very day forty-eight years ago, on January 18, 1871, the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French provinces; it was thus vitiated from its origin and by the fault of the founders; born in injustice, it has ended in opprobrium.
You are assembled in order to repair the evil that it has done and to prevent a recurrence of it. You hold in your hands the future of the world. I leave you, gentlemen, to your grave deliberations, and I declare the Conference of Paris open.
Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923
Primary Documents:
Raymond Poincare’s
Welcoming Address at the Paris Peace Conference
18 January 1919
With Germany’s decision to seek an armistice – or face domestic as well as military collapse – arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.
The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.
Reproduced below is the welcoming address given to delegates by French President Raymond Poincare.
Click here to read the opening address by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson; click here to read British Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s address; click here to read Italian Prime Minister Sidney Sonnino’s address; click here to read French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau’s address.
Click
here to read an account of the run up to the opening session by the official British observer Sisley Huddleston. (see Sisley Huddleston CFG blog post elsewhere in this blog)
Click here to read the German delegation’s
protest against the final Allied peace terms. Click
here to read the Allied response. Click
here to read a Dutch newspaper editorial condemning the Allied terms. Click here to read a journalist’s account of the
signing ceremony.
Click
here to read the text of the eventual peace treaty.
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Lycée Raymond Poincaré
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Dreaming of an exciting, lifechanging, funded Study Abroad experience? Find 5,000+ Erasmus destination all in one place!
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Lycée Raymond Poincaré is an educational institution that is located in a region known as Bar Le Duc, which is found in the country of France.
Lycée Raymond Poincaré Review
Lycée Raymond Poincaré is one of the best Erasmus locations in all of Europe, and is certainly regarded as a top choice in France.
Score ratings (100):
Overview
The official name of this Erasmus listing is Lycée Raymond Poincaré.
The address is 1 Place Paul Lemagny, postcode of 55012.
It is located in the region of Bar Le Duc in the country of France.
Apply
To apply to Lycée Raymond Poincaré, you need to consult your course coordinator, Erasmus manager or the International Office at your home school and follow these steps:
Is Lycée Raymond Poincaré a top ranked university in France?
So, when it comes to comparing Lycée Raymond Poincaré with the rest, is it in the Top 10 Erasmus destinations in Europe? Well, the best way to find out is to check our Current Erasmus Top 100 Rankings and see if Lycée Raymond Poincaré makes the top of the list!
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There have been no negative reports recieved from Erasmus Students, Tourists, Staff, Visitors, Parents or Professors at Lycée Raymond Poincaré.
It was a great experience attending this destination.
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French President Raymond Poincaré with members of the French mission and a group of people meeting him at the entrance to the People's House of Emperor Nicholas II. July 28, 1912.
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Download Image of French President Raymond Poincaré with members of the French mission and a group of people meeting him at the entrance to the People's House of Emperor Nicholas II. July 28, 1912.. Free for commercial use, no attribution required. "M. Poincare, the French Prime Minister, arrived at Kronstadt on Friday week in the cruiser Conde' for a week's visit to Russia. M. Poincare is not only Prime Minister but Minister for Foreign Affairs. He is clear-headed, well versed in public affairs, and widely informed, and France is fortunate in her representative. On Sunday he was received by the Emperor, and political conversations took place between him and M. Kokovtsoff, the Russian Prime Minister, and M. Sazonoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs. In a statement to the Malin M. Sazonoff said that the visit was a " normal" event, as it was " logical " for the statesmen of the allied nations to have periodically the opportunity of exchanging opinions. He denied that the new Naval Convention between France and Russia had anything to do with a scheme for getting the Dardanelles opened to Russian ships." THE SPECTATOR - 17 AUGUST 1912 Визит президента Франции Раймона Пуанкаре в июле 1912. Пребывание в Петербурге.. Dated: 1912. Topics: российская империя, russian empire, russia, россия, президент франции, раймонд пуанкаре, french president, visit, raymond poincare, president of france, визит в россию, saint petersburg, санкт петербург, history of russia, poincare, poincare raymond, premier minister, church, france
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https://www.romanovempire.org/media/french-president-raymond-poincare-with-members-of-the-french-mission-and-a-ae060b
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"M. Poincare, the French Prime Minister, arrived at Kronstadt on Friday week in the cruiser Conde' for a week's visit to Russia. M. Poincare is not only Prime Minister but Minister for Foreign Affairs. He is clear-headed, well versed in public affairs, and widely informed, and France is fortunate in her representative. On Sunday he was received by the Emperor, and political conversations took place between him and M. Kokovtsoff, the Russian Prime Minister, and M. Sazonoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs. In a statement to the Malin M. Sazonoff said that the visit was a " normal" event, as it was " logical " for the statesmen of the allied nations to have periodically the opportunity of exchanging opinions. He denied that the new Naval Convention between France and Russia had anything to do with a scheme for getting the Dardanelles opened to Russian ships." THE SPECTATOR - 17 AUGUST 1912 Визит президента Франции Раймона Пуанкаре в июле 1912. Пребывание в Петербурге.
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Myth Of A Guilty Nation, by Albert Jay Nock.
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Project Gutenberg's The Myth of a Guilty Nation, by Albert Jay Nock This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The Myth of a Guilty Nation Author: Albert Jay Nock Release Date: December 25, 2013 [EBook #44508] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MYTH OF A GUILTY NATION *** Produced by Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
[Pg 1]
THE MYTH OF A GUILTY NATION
[Pg 3]
THE MYTH OF A
GUILTY NATION
BY
ALBERT JAY NOCK
("HISTORICUS")
new york B.W. HUEBSCH, Inc. mcmxxii
[Pg 4]
COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY
THE FREEMAN, Inc.
COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY
B. W. HUEBSCH, Inc.
PRINTED IN U. S. A.
[Pg 5]
PREFACE
This book is made up of a series of articles originally published in the Freeman. It was compiled to establish one point and only one, namely: that the German Government was not solely guilty of bringing on the war. I have not been at all concerned with measuring the German Government's share of guilt, with trying to show that it was either great or small, or that it was either less or more than that of any other Government or association of Governments. All this is beside the point. I do not by any means wish to escape the responsibility of saying that I think the German Government's share of guilt in the matter is extremely small; so small by comparison with that of the major Powers allied against Germany, as to be inconsiderable. That is my belief, demonstrable as I think by such evidence as has now become available to any candid person. But this has nothing whatever to do with the subject-matter of this volume. If the guilt of the German Government could be[Pg 6] proved to be ten times greater than it was represented to be by the publicity-bureaux of the Allied Powers, the conclusion established in the following chapters would still remain. Guilty as the German Government may have been; multiply by ten any estimate that any person, interested or disinterested, informed or uninformed, may put upon its guilt; the fact remains that it was far, very far indeed, from being the only guilty party concerned.
If there were no practical end to be gained by establishing this conclusion, if one's purpose were only to give the German Government the dubious vindication of a tu quoque, the effort would be hardly worth making. But as I say at the outset, there is at stake an extremely important matter, one that will unfavourably affect the peace of the world for at least a generation—the treaty of Versailles. If the German Government may not be assumed to be solely responsible for the war, this treaty is indefensible; for it is constructed wholly upon that assumption. It becomes, not a treaty, but a verdict pronounced after the manner of Brennus, by a superior power which, without regard to justice, arrogates to itself the functions of prosecutor, jury and judge.
[Pg 7]
It is probably superfluous to point out that this treaty, conceived in the pure spirit of the victorious Apache, has, in practice, utterly broken down. It has not worked and it will not work, because it sets at defiance certain economic laws which are as inexorable as the law of gravitation. The incidence of these laws was well understood and clearly foretold, at the time of the peace-conference, by an informed minority in Europe, notably by Mr. Maynard Keynes in his volume entitled "The Economic Consequences of the Peace." In this country also, a minority, sufficiently informed to know its right hand from its left in economic affairs, stood aghast in contemplation of the ruinous consequences which it perceived as inevitable under any serious attempt to put this vicious instrument into operation. But both here and in Europe, this minority was very small and uninfluential, and could accomplish nothing against the ignorant and unreasoning bad temper which the politicians kept aflame.
The treaty had therefore to go to the test of experiment; and of the results of this, one need surely say nothing, for they are obvious. The harder Germany tried to fulfill the conditions of the treaty, and the nearer she came to doing so, the worse things went in all the countries that[Pg 8] were presumably to benefit by her sacrifice. The Central Empires are, as the informed minority in all countries has been from the beginning anxiously aware, the key-group in the whole of European industry and commerce. If they must work and trade under unfavourable conditions, they also thereby automatically impose correspondingly unfavourable conditions upon the whole of Europe; and, correspondingly unfavourable conditions are thereby in turn automatically set up wherever the trade of Europe reaches—for example, in the United States. There is now no possible doubt about this, for one has but to glance at the enormous dislocations of international commerce, and the universal and profound stagnation of industry, in order to prove it to one's complete satisfaction. Germany wisely and far-sightedly made a sincere and vigourous effort to comply with the conditions of the treaty; and by so doing she has carried the rest of the world to the verge of economic collapse. The damage wrought by the war was in general of a spectacular and impressive type, and was indeed very great—no one would minimize it—but the damage, present and prospective, wrought by the treaty of peace is much greater and more far-reaching.
[Pg 9]
The political inheritors of those who made the peace are now extremely uneasy about it. Their predecessors (including Mr. Lloyd George, who still remains in office) had flogged up popular hatred against the Central Empires at such a rate that when they took office they still had, or thought they had, to court and indulge this hatred. Thus we found Mr. Secretary Hughes, for example, in his first communication to the German Government, laying it down that the basis of the Versailles treaty was sound—that Germany was solely responsible for the war. He spoke of it quite in the vein of Mr. Lloyd George, as a chose jugée. After having promulgated the treaty with such immense ceremony, and raised such preposterous and extravagant popular expectations on the strength of it, the architects of the treaty bequeathed an exceedingly difficult task to their successors; the task of letting the public down, diverting their attention with this or that gesture, taking their mind off their disappointments and scaling down their expectations, so that in time it might be safe to let the Versailles treaty begin to sink out of sight.
The task is being undertaken; the curious piece of mountebankery recently staged in Washington, for example, was an ambitious effort to keep the[Pg 10] peoples, particularly those of Europe, hopeful, confiding and diverted; and if economic conditions permit, if times do not become too hard, it may succeed. The politicians can not say outright that the theory of the Versailles treaty is dishonest and outrageous, and that the only chance of peace and well-being is by tearing up the treaty and starting anew on another basis entirely. They can not say this on account of the exigencies of their detestable trade. The best that they can do is what they are doing. They must wait until the state of public feeling permits them to ease down from their uncompromising stand upon the treaty. Gradually, they expect, the public will accustom itself to the idea of relaxations and accommodations, as it sees, from day to day, the patent impracticability of any other course; feelings will weaken, asperities soften, hatreds die out, contacts and approaches of one kind or another will take place; and finally, these public men or their political inheritors will think themselves able to effect in an unobtrusive way, such substantial modifications of the treaty of Versailles as will amount to its annulment.
The process is worth accelerating by every means possible; and what I have here done is meant to assist it. There are many persons in the[Pg 11] country who are not politicians, and who are capable and desirous of approaching a matter of this kind with intellectual honesty. Quite possibly they are not aware, many of them, that the Versailles treaty postulates the sole responsibility of the German Government for bringing on the war; undoubtedly they are not acquainted with such evidence as I have here compiled to show that this assumption is unjust and erroneous. Having read this evidence, they will be in a position to review the terms of the Versailles treaty and reassess the justice of those terms. They will also be able to understand the unwillingness, the inability, of the German people to acquiesce in those terms; and they can comprehend the slowness and difficulty wherewith peace and good feeling are being re-established in Europe, and the extreme precariousness and uncertainty of Europe's situation—and our own, in consequence—throughout a future that seems longer than one cares to contemplate.
The reader will perceive at once that this book is a mere compilation and transcription of fact, containing not a shred of opinion or of any original matter. On this account it was published anonymously in its serial form, because it seemed to me that such work should be judged strictly[Pg 12] as it stands, without regard to the authority, or lack of authority, which the compiler might happen to possess. Almost all of it is lifted straight from the works of my friends Mr. Francis Neilson and Mr. E. D. Morel. I earnestly hope—indeed, it is my chief motive in publishing this book—that it may serve as an introduction to these words. I can not place too high an estimate upon their importance to a student of British and Continental diplomacy. They are, as far as I know, alone in their field; nothing else can take their place. They are so thorough, so exhaustive and so authoritative that I wonder at their being so little known in the United States. Mr. Morel's works,[1] "Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy," "Truth and the War," and "Diplomacy Revealed," are simply indispensable. Mr. Neilson's book "How Diplomats Make War,"[2] is not an easy book to read; no more are Mr. Morel's; but without having read it no serious student can possibly do justice to the subject.
Albert Jay Nock
[Pg 13]
THE MYTH OF
A GUILTY NATION
I
The present course of events in Europe is impressing on us once more the truth that military victory, if it is to stand, must also be demonstrably a victory for justice. In the long run, victory must appeal to the sense of justice in the conquered no less than in the conquerors, if it is to be effective. There is no way of getting around this. Mr. Gilbert K. Chesterton is right when he says that if the South had not finally accepted the outcome of the Civil War as being on the whole just, Lincoln would have been wrong in trying to preserve the Union; which is only another way of expressing Lincoln's own homely saying that nothing is ever really settled until it is settled right. The present condition of Europe is largely due to the fact that the official peacemakers have not taken into their reckoning the[Pg 14] German people's sense of justice. Their mistake—it was also Mr. Wilson's great mistake—was in their disregard of what Bismarck called the imponderabilia. The terms of the peace treaty plainly reflect this mistake. That is largely the reason why the treaty is to-day inoperative and worthless. That is largely why the Governments of Europe are confronted with the inescapable alternative: they can either tear up the treaty and replace it by an understanding based on justice, or they can stick to the treaty and by so doing protract indefinitely the dismal succession of wars, revolutions, bankruptcies and commercial dislocations that the treaty inaugurated.
That is the situation; and it is a situation in which the people of the United States have an interest to preserve—the primary interest of a creditor, and also the interest of a trader who needs a large and stable market. It is idle to suppose that American business can prosper so long as Europe remains in a condition of instability and insolvency. Our business is adjusted to the scale of a solvent Europe, and it can not be readjusted without irreparable damage. Until certain matters connected with the war are resolutely put under review, Europe can not be[Pg 15] reconstructed, and the United States can not be prosperous. The only thing that can better our own situation is the resumption of normal economic life in Europe; and this can be done only through a thorough reconsideration of the injustices that have been put upon the German people by the conditions of the armistice and the peace treaty.
Of these injustices, the greatest, because it is the foundation for all the rest, is the imputation of Germany's sole responsibility for the war. The German people will never endure that imputation; they should never be expected to endure it. Nothing can really be settled until the question of responsibility is openly and candidly re-examined, and an understanding established that is based on facts instead of on official misrepresentation. This question is by no means one of abstract justice alone, or of chivalry and fair play towards a defeated enemy. It is a question of self-interest, immediate and urgent. However it may be regarded by the American sense of justice and fair play, it remains, to the eye of American industry and commerce, a straight question of dollars and cents. The prosperity of the United States, as we are beginning to see, hangs upon the economic [Pg 16]re-establishment of Europe. Europe can not possibly be settled upon the present terms of peace; and these terms can not be changed without first vacating the theory of Germany's sole responsibility, because it is upon this theory that the treaty of Versailles was built. This theory, therefore, must be re-examined in the light of evidence that the Allied and Associated Governments have done their best either to ignore or to suppress. Hence, for the American people, the way to prosperity lies through a searching and honest examination of this theory that has been so deeply implanted in their mind—the theory of a brigand-nation, plotting in solitude to achieve the mastery of the world by fire and sword.
Americans, however, come reluctantly to the task of this examination, for two reasons. First, we are all tired of the war, we hate to think of it or of anything connected with it, and as far as possible, we keep it out of our minds. Second, nearly every reputation of any consequence in this country, political, clerical, academic and journalistic, is already committed, head over ears, to the validity of this theory. How many of our politicians are there whose reputations are not bound up inextricably with this legend of a German plot? How many of our newspaper-editors[Pg 17] managed to preserve detachment enough under the pressure of war-propaganda to be able to come forward to-day and say that the question of responsibility for the war should be re-opened? How can the pro-war liberals and ex-pacifists ask for such an inquest when they were all swept off their feet by the specious plea that this war was a different war from all other wars in the history of mankind? What can our ministers of religion say after the unreserved endorsement that they put upon the sanctity of the Allied cause? What can our educators say, after having served so zealously the ends of the official propagandists? From our journalists and men of letters what can we expect—after all his rodomontade about Potsdam and the Potsdam gang, how could we expect Dr. Henry Van Dyke, for instance, to face the fact that the portentous Potsdam meeting of the Crown Council on 5 July, 1914, never took place at all? There is no use in trying to put a breaking-strain upon human nature, or, on the other hand, in assuming a pharisaic attitude towards its simplest and commonest frailties. It is best, under the circumstances, merely to understand that on this question every institutional voice in the United States is tongue-tied. Press, pulpit, schools and universities, charities and[Pg 18] foundations, forums, all are silent; and to expect them to break their silence is to expect more than should be expected from the pride of opinion in average human nature.
[Pg 19]
II
In examining the evidence let us first take Mr. Lloyd George's own statement of the theory. Except in one particular, it presents the case against Germany quite as it has been rehearsed by nearly every institutional voice in the United States. On 4 August, 1917—after America's entry into the war—the British Premier said:
What are we fighting for? To defeat the most dangerous conspiracy ever plotted against the liberty of nations; carefully, skilfully, insidiously, clandestinely planned in every detail, with ruthless, cynical determination.
Except for one point, this statement sums up what we have all heard to be the essential doctrine of the war. The one missing point in Mr. Lloyd George's indictment is that the great German conspiracy was launched upon an unprepared Europe. In Europe itself, the official propagandists did not make much of this particular point, for far too many people knew better; but in the[Pg 20] United States it was promulgated widely. Indeed, this romance of Allied unpreparedness was an essential part of the whole story of German responsibility. Germany, so the official story ran, not only plotted in secret, but she sprung her plot upon a Europe that was wholly unprepared and unsuspecting. Her action was like that of a highwayman leaping from ambush upon a defenceless wayfarer. Belgium was unprepared, France unprepared, Russia unprepared, England unprepared; and in face of an unprovoked attack, these nations hurriedly drew together in an extemporized union, and held the "mad dog" at bay with an extemporized defence until they could devise a plan of common action and a pooling of military and naval resources.
Such, then, is a fair statement of the doctrine of the war as America was taught it. Next, in order to show how fundamental this doctrine is to the terms of the peace treaty, let us consider another statement of Mr. Lloyd George made 3 March, 1921:
For the allies, German responsibility for the war is fundamental. It is the basis upon which the structure of the treaty of Versailles has been erected, and if that acknowledgment is repudiated or abandoned, the treaty[Pg 21] is destroyed.... We wish, therefore, once and for all, to make it quite clear that German responsibility for the war must be treated by the Allies as a chose jugée.
Thus the British Premier explicitly declares that the treaty of Versailles is based upon the theory of Germany's sole responsibility.
Now, as against this theory, the main facts may be summarized as follows: (1) The British and French General Staffs had been in active collaboration for war with Germany ever since January 1906. (2) The British and French Admiralty had been in similar collaboration. (3) The late Lord Fisher [First Sea Lord of the British Admiralty], twice in the course of these preparations, proposed an attack upon the German fleet and a landing upon the coast of Pomerania, without a declaration of war. (4) Russia had been preparing for war ever since 1909, and the Russian and French General Staffs had come to a formal understanding that Russian mobilization should be held equivalent to a declaration of war. (5) Russian mobilization was begun in the spring of 1914, under the guise of "tests," and these tests were carried on continuously to the outbreak of the war. (6) In April, 1914, four months before the war, the[Pg 22] Russian and French naval authorities initiated joint plans for maritime operations against Germany. (7) Up to the outbreak of the war, Germany was selling grain in considerable quantities to both France and Russia. (8) It can not be shown that the German Government ever in a single instance, throughout all its dealings with foreign Governments, demanded or intimated for Germany anything more than a position of economic equality with other nations.
These facts, among others to which reference will hereafter be made, have come to light only since the outbreak of the war. They effectively dispose of the theory of an unprepared and unsuspecting Europe; and a historical survey of them excludes absolutely, and stamps as utterly untenable and preposterous, the theory of a deliberate German plot against the peace of the world.
[Pg 23]
III
Let us now consider the idea so generally held in America, though not in Europe, that in 1914, England and the Continental nations were not expecting war and not prepared for war. The fact is that Europe was as thoroughly organized for war as it could possibly be. The point to which that organization was carried by England, France and Russia, as compared with Germany and Austria, may to some extent be indicated by statistics. In 1913, Russia carried a military establishment (on a peace footing) of 1,284,000 men; France, by an addition of 183,000 men, proposed to raise her peace-establishment to a total of 741,572. Germany, by an addition of 174,373 men, proposed to raise her total to 821,964; and Austria, by additions of 58,505 already made, brought her total up to 473,643. These are the figures of the British War Office, as furnished to the House of Commons in 1913.
Here is a set of figures that is even more interesting and significant. From 1909 to 1914, the[Pg 24] amount spent on new naval construction by England, France and Russia, as compared with Germany, was as follows:
England France Russia Germany 1909 £11,076,551 £ 4,517,766 £ 1,758,487 £10,177,062 1910 £14,755,289 £ 4,977,682 £ 1,424,013 £11,392,856 1911 £15,148,171 £ 5,876,659 £ 3,216,396 £11,710,859 1912 £16,132,558 £ 7,114,876 £ 6,897,580 £11,491,187 1913 £16,883,875 £ 8,893,064 £12,082,516 £11,010,883 1914 £18,676,080 £11,772,862 £13,098,613 £10,316,264
These figures can not be too carefully studied by those who have been led to think that Germany pounced upon a defenceless and unsuspecting Europe like a cat upon a mouse. If it be thought worth while to consider also the period of a few years preceding 1909, one finds that England's superiority in battleships alone was 112 per cent in 1901, and her superiority rose to nearly 200 per cent in 1904; in which year England spent £42,431,000 on her navy, and Germany £11,659,000. Taking the comparative statistics of naval expenditure from 1900, in which year England spent £32,055,000 on her navy, and Germany spent £7,472,000, down to 1914 it is absolutely impossible to make the figures show that Germany enforced upon the other nations of Europe an unwilling competition in naval armament.
[Pg 25]
But the German army! According to all accounts of German militarism which were suffered to reach these shores, it is here that we shall find evidence of what Mr. Lloyd George, on 4 August, 1917, called "the most dangerous conspiracy ever plotted against the liberty of nations; carefully, skilfully, insidiously, clandestinely planned in every detail, with ruthless, cynical determination." Well, if one chooses to hold the current view of German militarism, it must be admitted that Germany had at her disposal some miraculous means of getting something for nothing, getting a great deal for nothing, in fact, for on any other supposition, the figures are far from supporting that view. In 1914 (pre-war figures), Germany and Austria together carried an army-expenditure of £92 million; England, France and Russia together carried one of £142 million. England "had no army," it was said; all her military strength lay in her navy. If that were true, then it must be said that she had as miraculous a faculty as Germany's; only, whereas Germany's was a faculty for getting more than her money's worth, England's was for getting less than her money's worth. England's army-expenditure for 1914 (pre-war figures) was £28 million; £4 million more than Austria's. Nor[Pg 26] was this a sudden emergency-outlay. Going back as far as 1905, we find that she laid out in that year the same amount, £28 million. In that year, Germany and Austria together spent £48 million on their armies; England, France and Russia together spent £94 million on theirs. If between 1905 and 1913, England, France and Russia spent any such sums upon their armies as their statistics show, and nothing came of it but an unprepared and unsuspecting Europe in 1914, it seems clear that the taxpayers of those countries were swindled on an inconceivably large scale.
[Pg 27]
IV
At this point, some questions may be raised. Why, in the decade preceding 1914, did England, France and Russia arm themselves at the rate indicated by the foregoing figures? Why did they accelerate their naval development progressively from about £17 million in 1909 to about £43 million in 1914? Why did Russia alone propose to raise her military peace-establishment to an army of 1,700,000, more than double the size of Germany's army? Against whom were these preparations directed, and understood to be directed? Certainly not against one another. France and Russia had been bound by a military convention ever since 17 August, 1892; England and France had been bound since January, 1906, by a similar pact; and this was subsequently extended to include Belgium. These agreements will be considered in detail hereafter; they are now mentioned merely to show that the military activity in these countries was not independent in purpose. France, England, Russia and Belgium[Pg 28] were not uneasy about one another and not arming against one another; nor is there any evidence that anyone thought that they were. It was against the Central Empires only that these preparations were addressed. Nor can one who scans the table of relative expenditure easily believe that the English-French-Russian combination was effected for purely defensive purposes; and taking the diplomatic history of the period in conjunction with the testimony of the budgets, such belief becomes impossible.
[Pg 29]
V
The British Government is the one which was most often represented to us as taken utterly by surprise by the German onslaught on Belgium. Let us see. The Austrian Archduke was assassinated 28 June, 1914, by three men who, according to wide report in Europe and absolute certainty in America, were secret agents of the German Government, acting under German official instruction. The findings of the court of inquiry showed that they were Serbs, members of a pan-Slav organization; that the assassination was plotted in Belgrade, and the weapons with which it was committed were obtained there.[3] Serbia denied all connexion with the assassins (the policy of Serbia being then controlled by the Russian Foreign Office), and then the Russian[Pg 30] Government stepped forward to prevent the humiliation of Serbia by Austria. It is clear from the published diplomatic documents that the British Foreign Office knew everything that took place between the assassination and the burial of the Archduke; all the facts, that is, connected with the murder. The first dispatch in the British White Paper is dated 20 July, and it is addressed to the British Ambassador at Berlin. One wonders why not to the Ambassador at Vienna; also one wonders why the diplomats apparently found nothing to write about for nearly three weeks between the Archduke's funeral and 20 July. It is a strange silence. Sir Edward Grey, however, made a statement in the House of Commons, 27 July, in which he gave the impression that he got his first information about the course of the quarrel between Austria and Serbia no earlier than 24 July, three days before. The Ambassador at Vienna, Sir M. de Bunsen, had, notwithstanding, telegraphed him that the Austrian Premier had given him no hint of "the impending storm" and that it was from a private source "that I received, 15 July, the forecast of what was about to happen, concerning which I telegraphed to you the following day." Sir Maurice de Bunsen's telegram on this important[Pg 31] subject thus evidently was suppressed; and the only obvious reason for the suppression is that it carried evidence that Sir E. Grey was thoroughly well posted by 16 July on what was taking place in Vienna. Sir M. de Bunsen's allusion to this telegram confirms this assumption; in fact, it can be interpreted in no other way.
On 28 July, the House of Commons was informed that Austria had declared war on Serbia. Two days later, 30 July, Sir E. Grey added the item of information that Russia had ordered a partial mobilization "which has not hitherto led to any corresponding steps by other Powers, so far as our information goes." Sir E. Grey did not add, however, that he knew quite well what "corresponding steps" other Powers were likely to take. He knew the terms of the Russian-French military convention, under which a mobilization by Russia was to be held equivalent to a declaration of war; he also knew the terms of the English-French agreement which he himself had authorized—although up to the eve of the war he denied, in reply to questions in the House of Commons, that any such agreement existed, and acknowledged it only on 3 August, 1914.[4] He[Pg 32] had promised Sazonov, the Russian Foreign Minister, in 1912, that in the event of Germany's coming to Austria's aid, Russia could rely on Great Britain to "stake everything in order to inflict the most serious blow to German power." To say that Sir E. Grey, and à fortiori Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister; Lord Haldane, the Minister for War, whose own book has been a most tremendous let-down to the fictions of the propagandists; Mr. Winston Churchill, head of the Admiralty, who at Dundee, 5 June, 1915, declared that he had been sent to the Admiralty in 1911 with the express duty laid upon him by the Prime Minister to put the fleet in a state of instant and constant readiness for war; to say that these men were taken by surprise and unprepared, is mere levity.
Austria was supposed to be, and still is by some believed to have been, Germany's vassal State, and by menacing Serbia to have been doing Germany's dirty work. No evidence of this has been adduced; and the trouble with this idea of Austria's status is that it breaks down before the report of Sir M. de Bunsen, 1 September, 1914, that Austria finally yielded and agreed to accept all the proposals of the Powers for mediation [Pg 33]between herself and Serbia. She made every concession. Russian mobilization, however, had begun on 25 July and become general four days later; and it was not stopped. Germany then gave notice that she would mobilize her army if Russian mobilization was not stopped in twelve hours; and also, knowing the terms of the Russian-French convention of 1892, she served notice on France, giving her eighteen hours to declare her position. Russia made no reply; France answered that she would do what she thought best in her own interest; and almost at the moment, on 1 August, when Germany ordered a general mobilization, Russian troops were over her border, the British fleet had been mobilized for a week in the North Sea, and British merchant ships were lying at Kronstadt, empty, to convey Russian troops from that port to the Pomeranian coast, in pursuance of the plan indicated by Lord Fisher in his autobiography, recently published.
These matters are well summed up by Lord Loreburn, as follows:
Serbia gave offence to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, cause of just offence, as our Ambassador frankly admits in his published dispatches. We [England] had no[Pg 34] concern in that quarrel, as Sir Edward Grey says in terms. But Russia, the protectress of Serbia, came forward to prevent her being utterly humiliated by Austria. We were not concerned in that quarrel either, as Sir Edward also says. And then Russia called upon France under their treaty to help in the fight. France was not concerned in that quarrel any more than ourselves, as Sir Edward informs us. But France was bound by a Russian treaty, of which he did not know the terms, and then France called on us for help. We were tied by the relations which our Foreign Office had created, without apparently realizing that they had created them.
In saying that Sir E. Grey did not know the terms of the Franco-Russian agreement, Lord Loreburn is generous, probably more generous than he should be; but that is no matter. The thing to be remarked is that Lord Loreburn's summing-up comes to something wholly different from Mr. Lloyd George's "most dangerous conspiracy ever plotted against the liberty of nations." It comes to something wholly different from the notion implanted in Americans, of Germany pouncing upon a peaceful, unprepared and unsuspecting Europe. The German nation, we may be sure, is keenly aware of this difference; and therefore, any peace which, like the peace of Versailles, is bottomed on the chose jugée of [Pg 35]laying the sole responsibility for the war at the door of the German nation, or even at the door of the German Government, is simply impracticable and impossible.
[Pg 36]
VI
If the theory upon which the treaty of Versailles is based, the theory of a single guilty nation, were true, there would be no trouble about saying what the war was fought for. The Allied belligerents would have a simple, straight story to tell; they could describe their aims and intentions clearly in a few words that any one could understand, and their story would be reasonably consistent and not vary greatly from year to year. It would be practically the same story in 1918 as in 1915 or at any time between. In America, indeed, the story did not greatly vary up to the spring of 1917, for the reason that this country was pretty much in the dark about European international relations. Once our indignation and sympathies were aroused, it was for the propagandists mostly a matter of keeping them as hot as possible. Few had the information necessary to discount the plain, easy, understandable story of a robber nation leaping upon an unprepared and defenceless Europe for no cause whatever[Pg 37] except the lofty ambition, as Mr. Joseph Choate said, "to establish a world-empire upon the ruins of the British Empire." Those who had this information could not make themselves heard; and thus it was that the propagandists had no need to vary the one story that was most useful to their purpose of keeping us in a state of unreasoning indignation, and accordingly they did not vary it.
In Europe and in England, however, the case was different. International relations were better understood by those who were closer to them than we were; more questions were raised and more demands made. Hence the Allied politicians and propagandists were kept busy upon the defensive. When from time to time the voice of popular discontent or of some influential body of opinion insisted on a statement of the causes of the war or of the war-aims of the Allies, they were confronted with the politician's traditional difficulty. They had to say something plausible and satisfactory, which yet must be something that effectively hid the truth of the situation. As the war hung on, their difficulty became desperate and they threw consistency to the winds, telling any sort of story that would enable them for the moment to "get by." The publication of the secret treaties which had been seined out[Pg 38] of the quagmire of the old Russian Foreign Office by the revolutionists made no end of trouble for them. It is amusing now to remember how promptly these treaties were branded by the British Foreign Office as forgeries; especially when it turned out that the actual terms of the armistice—not the nominal terms, which were those of Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points, but the actual terms—were the terms of the secret treaties! The publication of the secret treaties in this country did not contribute much towards a disillusionment of the public; the press as a rule ignored or lied about them, they were not widely read, and few who did read them had enough understanding of European affairs to interpret them. But abroad they put a good deal of fat into the fire; and this was a specimen of the kind of thing that the Allied politicians had to contend with in their efforts to keep their peoples in line.
The consequence was that the official and semi-official statements of the causes of the war and of the war-aims of the Allies are a most curious hotchpotch. In fact, if any one takes stock in the theory of the one guilty nation and is therefore convinced that the treaty of Versailles is just and proper and likely to enforce an [Pg 39]enduring peace, one could suggest nothing better than that he should go through the literature of the war, pick out these statements, put them in parallel columns, and see how they look. If the war originated in the unwarranted conspiracy of a robber nation, if the aims of the Allies were to defeat that conspiracy and render it impotent and to chastise and tie the hands of the robber nation—and that is the theory of the treaty of Versailles—can anyone in his right mind suppose that the Allied politicians and propagandists would ever give out, or need to give out, these ludicrously contradictory and inconsistent explanations and statements? When one has a simple, straight story to tell, and a most effective story, why complicate it and undermine it and throw all sorts of doubts upon it, by venturing upon all sorts of public utterances that will not square with it in any conceivable way? Politicians, of all men, never lie for the fun of it; their available margin of truth is always so narrow that they keep within it when they can. Mr. Lloyd George, for example, is one of the cleverest of politicians. We have already considered his two statements; first, that of 4 August, 1917:
What are we fighting for? To defeat the most dangerous conspiracy ever plotted against the liberty of[Pg 40] nations; carefully, skilfully, insidiously, clandestinely planned in every detail with ruthless, cynical determination.
—and then that of 3 March, 1921:
For the Allies, German responsibility for the war is fundamental. It is the basis upon which the structure of the treaty of Versailles has been erected, and if that acknowledgment is repudiated or abandoned, the treaty is destroyed.... German responsibility for the war must be treated by the Allies as a chose jugée.
A little over two months before Mr. George made this latter utterance, on 23 December, 1920, he said this:
The more one reads memoirs and books written in the various countries of what happened before the first of August, 1914, the more one realizes that no one at the head of affairs quite meant war at that stage. It was something into which they glided, or rather staggered and stumbled, perhaps through folly; and a discussion, I have no doubt, would have averted it.
Well, it would strike an unprejudiced person that if this were true, there is a great deal of doubt put upon Mr. Lloyd George's former statements by Mr. Lloyd George himself. Persons who plot carefully, skilfully, insidiously and clandestinely, do not glide; they do not stagger or stumble, especially through folly. They keep [Pg 41]going, as we in America were assured that the German Government did keep going, right up to The Day of their own choosing. Moreover, they are not likely to be headed off by discussion; highwaymen are notoriously curt in their speech and if one attempts discussion with them they become irritable and peremptory. This is the invariable habit of highwaymen. Besides, if discussion would have averted war in 1914, why was it not forthcoming? Certainly not through any fault of the Austrian Government, which made every concession, as the British Ambassador's report shows, notwithstanding its grievance against Serbia was a just one. Certainly not through any fault of the German Government, which never refused discussion and held its hand with all the restraint possible under the circumstances just described. Well, then, how is it so clear that German responsibility for the war should be treated as a chose jugée?
[Pg 42]
VII
People who have a clear and simple case do not talk in this fashion. Picking now at random among the utterances of politicians and propagandists, we find an assorted job-lot of aims assigned and causes alleged, and in all of them there is that curious, incomprehensible and callous disregard of the power of conviction that a straight story always exercises, if you have one to tell. In November, 1917, when the Foreign Office was being pestered by demands for a statement of the Allied war-aims, Lord Robert Cecil said in the House of Commons, that the restitution of Alsace and Lorraine to France was a "well-understood war-aim from the moment we entered the war." As things have turned out, it is an odd coincidence how so many of these places that have iron or coal or oil in them seem to represent a well-understood war-aim. Less than a month before, in October, 1917, General Smuts said that to his mind the one great dominating war-aim was "the end of militarism, the end of standing armies." Well, the Allies won the war, but judging by[Pg 43] results, this dominating war-aim seems rather to have been lost sight of. Mr. Lloyd George again on another occasion, said in the House of Commons that "self-determination was one of the principles for which we entered the war ... a principle from which we have never departed since the beginning of the war." This, too, seems an aim that for some reason the victorious nations have not quite realized; indeed in some cases, as in Ireland, for example, there has been no great alacrity shown about trying to realize it. Viscount Bryce said that the war sprang from the strife of races and religions in the Balkan countries, and from the violence done to the sentiment of nationality in Alsace-Lorraine which made France the ally of Russia. But the fact is that France became the ally of Russia on the basis of hard cash, and since the Russian Revolution, she has been a bit out of luck by way of getting her money back. Mr. Asquith in the House of Commons, 3 August, 1914 said:
If I am asked what we are fighting for, I reply in two sentences. In the first place, to fulfil a solemn international obligation.... Secondly we are fighting ... to vindicate the principle that small nationalities are not to be crushed in defiance of international good faith.
[Pg 44]
Just so: and in the House of Commons, 20 December, 1917, he said:
The League of Nations ... was the avowed purpose, the very purpose ... for which we entered the war and for which we are continuing the war.
You pays your money, you see, and takes your choice. The point to be made, however, is that one who has a strong case, a real case, never trifles with it in this way. Would the reader do it?
[Pg 45]
VIII
Mr. Asquith's citation of a "solemn international obligation" refers to the so-called Belgian treaties. It will be remembered that the case of Belgium was the great winning card played by the Allied Governments for the stakes of American sympathies; and therefore we may here properly make a survey, somewhat in detail, of the status of Belgium at the outset of the war.
Belgium had learned forty years ago how she stood under the treaties of 1831 and 1839. When in the late 'eighties there was likelihood of a Franco-German war, the question of England's participation under these treaties was thoroughly discussed, and it was shown conclusively that England was not obligated. Perhaps the best summary of the case was that given by Mr. W. T. Stead in the Pall Mall Gazette in the issues of 4 and 5 February, 1887. After an examination of the treaties of 1831, 1839 and 1870—an examination unfortunately too long to be quoted here—Mr. Stead briefly sums up the result of his investigation in the following statement:
[Pg 46]
There is therefore no English guarantee to Belgium. It is possible perhaps, to 'construct' such a guarantee; but the case may be summed up as follows: (1) England is under no guarantee whatever except such as is common to Austria, France, Russia and Germany; (2) that guarantee is not specifically of the neutrality of Belgium at all; and (3) is given, not to Belgium but to the Netherlands.
This was the official view of the British Government at the time, and it is reflected in the celebrated letter signed "Diplomaticus" in the Standard of 4 February, to which Mr. Stead refers; which, indeed, he makes the guiding text for his examination. The Standard was then the organ of Lord Salisbury's Government, and it is as nearly certain as anything of the sort can be, that the letter signed "Diplomaticus" was written by the hand of the British Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury himself.
How Mr. Asquith's Government in August 1914 came suddenly to extemporize a wholly different view of England's obligations to Belgium is excellently told by that inveterate diarist and chronicler, Mr. Wilfred Scawen Blunt:
The obligation of fighting in alliance with France in case of a war with Germany concerned the honour of three members only of Asquith's Cabinet, who alone were aware of the exact promises that had been made.[Pg 47] These, though given verbally and with reservations as to the consent of Parliament, bound the three as a matter of personal honour, and were understood at the Quai d'Orsay as binding the British nation. Neither Asquith nor his two companions[5] in this inner Cabinet could have retained office had they gone back from their word in spirit or in letter. It would also doubtless have entailed a serious quarrel with the French Government had they failed to make it good. So clearly was the promise understood at Paris to be binding that President Poincaré, when the crisis came, had written to King George reminding him of it as an engagement made between the two nations which he counted on His Majesty to keep.
Thus faced, the case was laid before the Cabinet, but was found to fail as a convincing argument for war. It was then that Asquith, with his lawyer's instinct, at a second Cabinet meeting brought forward the neutrality of Belgium as a better plea than the other to lay before a British jury, and by representing the neutrality-treaties of 1831 and 1839 as entailing an obligation on England to fight (of which the text of the treaties contains no word) obtained the Cabinet's consent, and war was declared.
Belgium was not thought of by the British Cabinet before 2 August, 1914. She was brought in then as a means of making the war go down with the British people. The fact is that Belgium was thoroughly prepared for war, thoroughly [Pg 48]prepared for just what happened to her. Belgium was a party to the military arrangements effected among France, England and Russia; for this we have the testimony of Marshal Joffre before the Metallurgic Committee in Paris, and also the record of the "conversations" that were carried on in Brussels between the Belgian chief of staff and Lt.-Col. Barnardiston. On 24 July, 1914, the day when the Austrian note was presented to Serbia (the note of which Sir E. Grey had gotten an intimation as early as 16 July by telegraph from the British Ambassador at Vienna, Sir M. de Bunsen), the Belgian Foreign Minister, M. Davignon, promptly dispatched to all the Belgian embassies an identical communication containing the following statement, the significance of which is made clear by a glance at a map:
All necessary steps to ensure respect of Belgian neutrality have nevertheless been taken by the Government. The Belgian army has been mobilized and is taking up such strategic positions as have been chosen to secure the defence of the country and the respect of its neutrality. The forts of Antwerp and on the Meuse have been put in a state of defence.
It was on the eastern frontier, we perceive, therefore—not on the western, where Belgium might have been invaded by France—that all the[Pg 49] available Belgian military force was concentrated. Hence, to pretend any longer that the Belgian Government was surprised by the action of Germany, or unprepared to meet it; to picture Germany and Belgium as cat and mouse, to understand the position of Belgium otherwise than that she was one of four solid allies under definite agreement worked out in complete practical detail, is sheer absurdity.
[Pg 50]
IX
If the official theory of German responsibility were correct, it would be impossible to explain the German Government's choice of the year 1914 as a time to strike at "an unsuspecting and defenceless Europe." The figures quoted in Chapter III show that the military strength of Germany, relatively to that of the French-Russian-English combination, had been decreasing since 1910. If Germany had wished to strike at Europe, she had two first-rate chances, one in 1908 and another in 1912, and not only let them both go by, but threw all her weight on the side of peace. This is inexplicable upon the theory that animates the treaty of Versailles. Germany was then in a position of advantage. The occasion presented itself in 1908, in Serbia's quarrel with Austria over the annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina. Russia, which was backing Serbia, was in no shape to fight; her military strength, used up in the Russo-Japanese war, had not recovered. France would not at this time have been willing to go to[Pg 51] war with Germany over her weak ally's commitments in the Danube States. Germany, however, contented herself with serving notice on the Tsar of her unequivocal support of Austria; and this was enough. The Tsar accepted the fait accompli of the annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina; Serbia retired and cooled off; and Turkey, from whom the annexed province was ravished, was compensated by Austria. It is not to the point to scrutinize the propriety of these transactions; the point is that Germany held the peace of Europe in the hollow of her hand, with immense advantages in her favour, and chose not to close her hand. The comment of a neutral diplomat, the Belgian Minister in Berlin, is interesting. In his report of 1 April, 1909, to the Belgian Foreign Office, he says:
The conference scheme elaborated by M. Isvolsky and Sir Edward Grey; the negotiations for collective representations in Vienna; and the whole exchange of ideas among London, Paris and Petersburg, were steadily aimed at forcing Austria-Hungary into a transaction which would strongly have resembled a humiliation. This humiliation would have affected Germany as directly and as sensibly as Austria-Hungary, and would have struck a heavy blow at the confidence which is inspired in Vienna by the alliance with Germany. These machinations were frustrated by Germany's absolutely[Pg 52] unequivocal and decided attitude, from which she has never departed in spite of all the urgings with which she has been harassed. Germany alone has accomplished the preservation of peace. The new grouping of the Powers, organized by the King of England, has measured its forces with the alliance of the Central European Powers, and has shown itself incapable of impairing the same. Hence the vexation which is manifested.
The last two sentences of the foregoing seem to show—putting it mildly—that the Belgian Minister did not suspect the German Government of any aggressive spirit. In the same dispatch, moreover, he remarks:
As always, when everything does not go as the French, English or Russian politicians want it to, the Temps shows its bad temper. Germany is the scapegoat.
Again, at the time of the Balkan War in 1912, Germany had an excellent opportunity to gratify her military ambition, if she had any, at the expense of an "unsuspecting and unprepared Europe"; not as advantageous as in 1908 but more advantageous than in 1914. Serbia's provocations against Austria-Hungary had become so great that the Austrian Archduke (assassinated in 1914 at Sarajevo) told the German Emperor personally that they had reached the limit of endurance.[Pg 53] On this occasion also, however, William II put himself definitely on the side of peace, and in so doing left the Austrian Government somewhat disappointed and discontented. Another neutral diplomat reports of the German Foreign Minister that
whatever plans he may have in his head (and he has big ideas), for winning the sympathies of the young Balkan Powers over to Germany, one thing is absolutely certain, and that is that he is rigidly determined to avoid a European conflagration. On this point the policy of Germany is similar to that of England and France, both of which countries are determinedly pacifist.
This is a fair statement of the English and French position in 1912. There was a great revulsion of feeling in England after her close shave of being dragged into war over Morocco and her sentiment was all for attending to certain pressing, domestic problems. Besides, it was only in November, 1911, and only through the indiscretion of a French newspaper, that the British public (and the British Parliament as well) had learned that the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 had secret articles attached to it, out of which had emanated the imbroglio over Morocco; and there was a considerable feeling of distrust towards the Foreign Office. In fact, Sir[Pg 54] E. Grey, the Foreign Minister, was so unpopular with his own party that quite probably he would have had to get out of office if he had not been sustained by Tory influence. Mr. W. T. Stead expressed a quite general sentiment in the Review of Reviews for December, 1911:
The fact remains that in order to put France in possession of Morocco, we all but went to war with Germany. We have escaped war, but we have not escaped the national and abiding enmity of the German people. Is it possible to frame a heavier indictment of the foreign policy of any British Ministry? The secret, the open secret, of this almost incredible crime against treaty-faith, British interests and the peace of the world, is the unfortunate fact that Sir Edward Grey has been dominated by men in the Foreign Office who believe all considerations must be subordinated to the one supreme duty of thwarting Germany at every turn, even if in doing so British interests, treaty-faith and the peace of the world are trampled underfoot. I speak that of which I know.
This was strong language and it went without challenge, for too many Englishmen felt that way. In France, the Poincaré-Millerand-Delcassé combination was getting well into the saddle; but with English public opinion in this notably undependable condition, English support of France, in spite of the secret agreement binding[Pg 55] the two governments, was decidedly risky. Thereupon France also was "determinedly pacifist." Now if Germany had been the prime mover in "the most dangerous conspiracy ever plotted against the liberty of nations," why did she not take advantage of that situation?
Russia, too, was "determinedly pacifist" in 1912, and with good reason. There was a party of considerable influence in the Tsar's court that was strongly for going to war in behalf of Serbia, but it was finally headed off by the Foreign Minister, Sazonov, who knew the state of public opinion in England and its effect on France, and knew therefore that the French-Russian-English alliance was not yet in shape to take on large orders. It is true that the Poincaré-Millerand-Delcassé war-party in France had proof enough in 1912 that it could count on the British Government's support; and what France knew, Russia knew. Undoubtedly, too, the British Government would somehow, under some pretext or other, possibly Belgian neutrality, have contrived to redeem its obligations as it did in 1914. But the atmosphere of the country was not favourable and the thing would have been difficult. Accordingly, Sazonov saw that it was best for him to restrain Serbia's impetuosity and truculence[Pg 56] for the time being—Russia herself being none too ready—and accordingly he did so.
But how? The Serbian Minister at Petersburg says that Sazonov told him that in view of Serbia's successes "he had confidence in our strength and believed that we would be able to deliver a blow at Austria. For that reason we should feel satisfied with what we were to receive, and consider it merely as a temporary halting-place on the road to further gains." On another occasion "Sazonov told me that we must work for the future because we would acquire a great deal of territory from Austria." The Serbian Minister at Bucharest says that his Russian and French colleagues counselled a policy of waiting "with as great a degree of preparedness as possible the important events which must make their appearance among the Great Powers." How, one may ask, was the Russian Foreign Office able to look so far and so clearly into the future? If German responsibility for the war is fundamental, a chose jugée, as Mr. Lloyd George said it is, this seems a strange way for the Russian Foreign Minister to be talking, as far back as 1912. But stranger still is the fact that the German Government did not jump in at this juncture instead of postponing its blow until 1914[Pg 57] when every one was apparently quite ready to receive it. When the historian of the future considers the theory of the Versailles treaty and considers the behaviour of the German Government in the crisis of 1908 and in the crisis of 1912, he will have to scratch his head a great deal to make them harmonize.
[Pg 58]
X
By the spring of 1913, the diplomatic representatives of the Allied Danube States made no secret of the relations in which their Governments stood to the Tsar's Foreign Office. The Balkan League was put through by Russian influence and Russia controlled its diplomacy. Serbia was as completely the instrument of Russia as Poland is now the instrument of France. "If the Austrian troops invade Balkan territory," wrote Baron Beyens on 4 April, 1913, "it would give cause for Russia to intervene, and might let loose a universal war." Now, if Germany had been plotting "with ruthless, cynical determination," as Mr. Lloyd George said, against the peace of Europe, what inconceivable stupidity for her not to push Austria along rather than do everything possible to hold her back! Why give Russia the benefit of eighteen months of valuable time for the feverish campaign of "preparedness" that she carried on? Those eighteen months meant a great deal. In February, 1914, the Tsar [Pg 59]arranged to provide the Serbian army with rifles and artillery, Serbia agreeing to put half a million soldiers in the field. In the same month Russia negotiated a French loan of about $100 million for improvements on her strategic railways and frontier-roads. During the spring, she made "test" mobilizations of large bodies of troops which were never demobilized, and these "test" mobilizations continued down to the outbreak of the war; and in April Russian agents made technical arrangements with agents of the British and French Admiralties for possible combined naval action.
Yes, those eighteen months were very busy months for Russia. True, she came out at the end of them an "unprepared and unsuspecting" nation, presumably, for was not all Europe unprepared and unsuspecting? Is it not so nominated in the Versailles treaty? One can not help wondering, however, how it is that Germany, "carefully, skilfully, insidiously, clandestinely planning in every detail" a murderous attack on the peace of Europe, should have given Russia the inestimable advantage of those eighteen months.
[Pg 60]
XI
Mr. E. D. Morel, editor of the British monthly, Foreign Affairs, performed more than a distinguished service—it is a splendid, an illustrious service—to the disparaged cause of justice, when recently he translated and published in England through the National Labour Press, a series of remarkable State documents.[6] This consists of reports made by the Belgian diplomatic representatives at Paris, London and Berlin, to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, covering the period from 7 February, 1905 to 2 July, 1914. Their authenticity has never been questioned. They have received no notice in this country; their content and import were carefully kept from the American people as long as it was possible to do so, and consequently they remain unknown except to a few who are students of international affairs or who have some similar special interest.
[Pg 61]
It can hardly be pretended by anyone that Belgian officials had, during that decade, any particular love or leaning towards Germany. The Belgian Foreign Office has always been as free from sentimental attachments as any other. It has always been governed by the same motives that govern the British, French, German and Russian Foreign Offices. Its number, like theirs, was number one; it was out, first and last, for the interests of the Belgian Government, and it scrutinized every international transaction from the viewpoint of those interests and those only. It was fully aware of the position of Belgium as a mere "strategic corridor" and battle-ground for alien armies in case of a general European war, and aware that Belgium had simply to make the best of its bad outlook, for nothing else could be done. If the Belgian Foreign Office and its agents, moreover, had no special love for Germany, neither had they any special fear of her. They were in no more or deeper dread of a German invasion than of a British or French invasion. In fact, in 1911, the Belgian Minister at Berlin set forth in a most matter-of-fact way his belief that in the event of war, Belgian neutrality would be first violated by Great Britain.[7] These[Pg 62] observers, in short, may on all accounts, as far as one can see, be accepted as neutral and disinterested, with the peculiar disinterestedness of one who has no choice between two evils.
Well, then, under the circumstances it is remarkable that if Germany during the ten years preceding August, 1914, were plotting against the peace of the world, these Belgian observers seem unaware of it. It is equally noteworthy that if Germany's assault were unprovoked, they seem unaware of that also. These documents relate in an extremely matter-of-fact way a continuous series of extraordinary provocations put upon the German Government, and moreover, they represent the behaviour of the German Government, under these provocations, in a very favourable light. On the other hand, they show from beginning to end a most profound distrust of English diplomacy. If there is any uncertainty about the causes of ill-feeling between England and Germany, these Belgian officials certainly do not share it. They regularly speak[Pg 63] of England's jealousy of Germany's economic competition, and the provocative attitude to which this jealousy gave rise. They speak of it, moreover, as though it were something that the Belgian Government were already well aware of; they speak of it in the tone of pure commonplace, such as one might use in an incidental reference to the weather or to a tariff-schedule or to any other matter that is well understood and about which there is no difference of opinion and nothing new to be said. This is all the more remarkable in view of the fact that it was nominally to save Belgium and to defend the sanctity of Belgian neutrality that England entered the war in August, 1914. These Belgian agents are invariably suspicious of English diplomacy, as Mr. E. D. Morel points out, "mainly because they feel that it is tending to make the war which they dread for their country." They persistently and unanimously "insinuate that if left to themselves, France and Germany would reach a settlement of their differences, and that British diplomacy was being continually exercised to envenom the controversy and to draw a circle of hostile alliances round Germany." This, indeed, under a specious concern for the "balance of power," has been the historic rôle of English[Pg 64] diplomacy. Every one remembers how in 1866, just before the Franco-Prussian war, Mr. Matthew Arnold's imaginary Prussian, Arminius von Thunder-ten-Tronckh, wrote to the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, begging him to prevail upon his fellow-countrymen "for Heaven's sake not to go on biting, first the French Emperor's tail, and then ours."
On 18 February, 1905, the Belgian Minister in Berlin reported thus:
The real cause of the English hatred of Germany is the jealousy aroused by the astonishing development of Germany's merchant navy and of her commerce and manufactures. This hatred will last until the English have thoroughly learned to understand that the world's trade is not by rights an exclusively English monopoly. Moreover, it is studiously fostered by the Times and a whole string of other daily papers and periodicals that do not stop short of calumny in order to pander to the tastes of their readers.
At that time the centre of the English navy had just been shifted to the North Sea, to the accompaniment of a very disturbing and, as at first reported, a very flamboyant speech from the Civil Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Lee. Of the sensation thereby created in Germany, the Belgian Minister says:
[Pg 65]
In informing the British public that Germany does not dream of any aggression against England, Count Bülow [the German Chancellor] said no more than what is recognized by every one who considers the matter dispassionately. Germany would have nothing to gain from a contest.... The German fleet has been created with a purely defensive object. The small capacity of the coal-bunkers in her High Seas Fleet, and the small number of her cruisers, prove besides that her fleet is not intended for use at any distance from the coast.
On the other hand, he remarks in the same report:
It was obvious that the new disposition of the English navy was aimed at Germany ... it certainly is not because of Russia, whose material stock is to a great extent destroyed and whose navy has just given striking proof of incompetence [in the Russo-Japanese war].
Such is the tone uniformly adopted by these neutral observers throughout their reports from 1905 to 1914. On 24 October, 1905, the Belgian Minister in Paris wrote:
England, in her efforts to maintain her supremacy and to hinder the development of her great German rival, is evidently inspired by the wish to avoid a conflict, but are not her selfish aims in themselves bringing it upon us?... She thought, when she concluded the Japanese alliance and gradually drew France into similar ties, that she had found the means to her end, by sufficiently[Pg 66] paralysing Germany's powers as to make war impossible.
This view of the Anglo-Japanese alliance is interesting and significant, especially now when that instrument is coming up for renewal, with the United States standing towards England in the same relation of economic competitorship that Germany occupied in 1905. True, Viscount Bryce assured the Institute of Politics at Williams College last summer that it was not Germany's economic rivalry that disturbed England; but on this point it would be highly advantageous for the people of the United States, while there is yet time, to read what the Belgian Minister in Berlin had to say on 27 October, 1905:
A very large number of Germans are convinced that England is either seeking allies for an attack upon Germany, or else, which would be more in accordance with British tradition, that she is labouring to provoke a Continental war in which she would not join, but of which she would reap the profit.
I am told that many English people are troubled with similar fears and go in dread of German aggression.
I am puzzled upon what foundations such an impression in London can be based. Germany is absolutely incapable of attacking England.... Are these people in England really sincere who go about expressing fears of a German invasion which could not materialize?[Pg 67] Are they not rather pretending to be afraid of it in order to bring on a war which would annihilate Germany's navy, her merchant-fleet and her foreign commerce? Germany is as vulnerable to attack as England is safe from it; and if England were to attack Germany merely for the sake of extinguishing a rival, it would only be in accordance with her old precedents.
In turn she wiped out the Dutch fleet, with the assistance of Louis XIV; then the French fleet; and the Danish fleet she even destroyed in time of peace and without any provocation, simply because it constituted a naval force of some magnitude.
There are no ostensible grounds for war between Germany and England. The English hatred for Germany arises solely from jealousy of Germany's progress in shipping, in commerce and in manufacture.
Baron Greindl here presents an opinion very different from that in which the majority of Americans have been instructed; and before they accept further instruction at the hands of Viscount Bryce, they had better look into the matter somewhat for themselves.
Baron Greindl wrote the foregoing in October. In December, the head of the British Admiralty, Sir John Fisher, assured Colonel Repington that "Admiral Wilson's Channel fleet was alone strong enough to smash the whole German fleet." Two years later, Sir John Fisher wrote to King [Pg 68]Edward VII that "it is an absolute fact that Germany has not laid down a single dreadnaught, nor has she commenced building a single battleship or big cruiser for eighteen months.... England has ... ten dreadnaughts built and building, while Germany in March last had not even begun one dreadnaught ... we have 123 destroyers and forty submarines. The Germans have forty-eight destroyers and one submarine." Hence, if Sir John Fisher knew what he was talking about, and in such matters he usually did, he furnishes a very considerable corroboration of Baron Greindl's view of the German navy up to 1905. Looking back at the third chapter of this book, which deals with the comparative strength of the two navies and naval groups as developed from 1905 to 1914, the reader may well raise again Baron Greindl's question, "Are those people in England really sincere?"
[Pg 69]
XII
Such is the inveterate suspicion, the melancholy distrust, put upon English diplomacy by these foreign and neutral observers who could see so plainly what would befall their own country in the event of a European war. Such too, was the responsibility which these observers regularly imputed to the British Foreign Office—the British Foreign Office which was so soon to fix upon the neutrality of Belgium as a casus belli and pour out streams of propaganda about the sanctity of treaties and the rights of small nations! Every one of these observers exhibits this suspicion and distrust. In March, 1906, when Edward VII visited Paris and invited the discredited ex-Minister Delcassé to breakfast, the Belgian Minister at Paris wrote:
It looks as though the king wished to demonstrate that the policy which called forth Germany's active intervention [over Morocco] has nevertheless remained unchanged.... In French circles it is not over well received; Frenchmen feeling that they are being dragged against their will in the orbit of English policy, a policy[Pg 70] whose consequences they dread, and which they generally condemned by throwing over M. Delcassé. In short, people fear that this is a sign that England wants so to envenom the situation that war will become inevitable.
On 10 February, 1907, when the English King and Queen visited Paris, he says: "One can not conceal from oneself that these tactics, though their ostensible object is to prevent war, are likely to arouse great dissatisfaction in Berlin and to stir up a desire to risk anything that may enable Germany to burst the ring which England's policy is tightening around her." On 28 March, 1907, the Belgian chargé d'affaires in London speaks of "English diplomacy, whose whole effort is directed to the isolation of Germany." On the same date, by a curious coincidence, the Minister at Berlin, in the course of a blistering arraignment of French policy in Morocco, says: "But at the bottom of every settlement that has been made, or is going to be made, there lurks always that hatred of Germany.... It is a sequence of the campaign very cleverly conducted with the object of isolating Germany.... The English press is carrying on its campaign of calumny more implacably than ever. It sees the finger of Germany in everything that goes contrary to English wishes." On 18 April, 1907, Baron[Pg 71] Greindl says of the King of England's visit to the King of Spain that, like the alliances with Japan and France and the negotiations with Russia, it is "one of the moves in the campaign to isolate Germany that is being personally directed with as much perseverance as success by His Majesty King Edward VII." In the same dispatch he remarks: "There is some right to regard with suspicion this eagerness to unite, for a so-called defensive object, Powers who are menaced by nobody. At Berlin they can not forget that offer of 100,000 men made by the King of England to M. Delcassé."
On 24 May, 1907, the Minister at London reported that "it is plain that official England is pursuing a policy that is covertly hostile, and tending to result in the isolation of Germany, and that King Edward has not been above putting his personal influence at the service of this cause." On 19 June, 1907, Count de Lalaing again writes from London of the Anglo-Franco-Spanish agreement concerning the status quo in the Mediterranean region, that "it is, however, difficult to imagine that Germany will not regard it as a further step in England's policy, which is determined, by every sort of means, to isolate the German Empire."
[Pg 72]
Perusal of these documents from beginning to end will show nothing to offset against the view of English diplomacy exhibited in the foregoing quotations; nothing to modify or qualify that view in any way. Baron Greindl, however, speaks highly of the British Ambassador at Berlin, Sir F. Lascelles, and praises his personal and unsupported attempt to establish friendly relations between England and Germany. Of this he says: "I have been a witness for the last twelve years of the efforts he has made to accomplish it. And yet, possessing as he justly does the absolute confidence of the Emperor and the German Government, and eminently gifted with the qualities of a statesman, he has nevertheless not succeeded very well so far." The next year, 1908, when Sir F. Lascelles was forced to resign his post, Baron Greindl does not hesitate to say that "the zeal with which he has worked to dispel misunderstandings that he thought absurd and highly mischievous for both countries, does not fall in with the political views of his sovereign."
[Pg 73]
XIII
King Edward VII died 6 May, 1910. During the early part of 1911, the Belgian Ministers in London, Paris and Berlin report some indications of a less unfriendly policy towards Germany on the part of the British Government. In March of that year, Sir Edward Grey delivered a reassuring speech on British foreign policy, on the occasion of the debate on the naval budget. The Belgian Minister in Berlin says of this that it should have produced the most agreeable impression in Germany if one could confidently believe that it really entirely reflected the ideas of the British Government. It would imply, he says, that "England no longer wishes to give to the Triple Entente the aggressive character which was stamped upon it by its creator, King Edward VII." He remarks, however, the slight effect produced in Berlin by Sir E. Grey's speech, and infers that German public feeling may have "become dulled by the innumerable meetings and mutual demonstrations of courtesy which have never [Pg 74]produced any positive result," and he adds significantly that "this distrust is comprehensible."
It must be remembered that at the time this speech was delivered, England was under a secret agreement dating from 1904 to secure France's economic monopoly in Morocco. England was also under a secret obligation to France, dating from 1906, to support her in case of war with Germany. It must be above all remembered that this latter obligation carried with it a contingent liability for the Franco-Russian military alliance that had been in effect for many years. Thus if Russia went to war with Germany, France was committed, and in turn England was committed. The whole force of the Triple Entente lay in these agreements; and it can not be too often pointed out that they were secret agreements. No one in England knew until November, 1911, that in 1904 the British Government had bargained with the French Government, in return for a free hand in Egypt, to permit France to squeeze German economic interests out of Morocco—in violation of a published agreement, signed by all the interested nations, concerning the status of Morocco. No one in England knew until 3 August, 1914, that England had for several years been under a military and naval[Pg 75] agreement with France which carried the enormous contingent liability of the Franco-Russian military alliance. No matter what appeared on the surface of politics; no matter how many pacific speeches were made by Sir E. Grey and Mr. Asquith, no matter what the newspapers said, no matter how often and how impressively Lord Haldane might visit Berlin in behalf of peace and good feeling; those secret agreements held, they were the only things that did hold, and everything worked out in strict accordance with them and with nothing else, least of all with any public understanding or any statement of policy put out for public consumption. It was just as in the subsequent case of the armistice and the peace—and this is something that has been far too little noticed in this country. The real terms of the armistice and of the peace were not the terms of the Fourteen Points or of any of the multitudinous published statements of Allied war aims. On the contrary, they were the precise terms of the secret treaties made among the Allied belligerents during the war, and made public on their discovery by the Soviet Government in the archives of the Tsarist Foreign Office.
It is no wonder then, that the German Government was not particularly impressed by Sir E.[Pg 76] Grey's speech, especially as Germany saw France helping herself to Moroccan territory with both hands, and England looking on in indifferent complacency. In May, 1911, on a most transparent and preposterous pretext, a French army was ordered to march on Fez, the capital of Morocco. The German Government then informed France that as the Algeciras Act, which guaranteed the integrity and independence of Morocco, had thereby gone by the board, Germany would no longer consider herself bound by its provisions. In June, 30,000 French troops "relieved" Fez, occupied it and stayed there, evincing no intention whatever of getting out again, notwithstanding that the ostensible purpose of the expedition was accomplished; in reality, there was nothing to accomplish. Two months before this coup d'état, Baron Greindl, the Belgian Minister at Berlin, wrote to the Belgian Foreign Office as follows:
Every illusion, if ever entertained on the value of the Algeciras Act, which France signed with the firm intention of never observing, must long since have vanished. She has not ceased for one moment to pursue her plans of annexation; either by seizing opportunities for provisional occupations destined to last for ever or by extorting concessions which have placed the Sultan in a[Pg 77] position of dependence upon France, and which have gradually lowered him to the level of the Bey of Tunis.
A week later, 29 April, Baron Guillaume, who had succeeded M. Leghait as Belgian Minister in Paris, reported that "there are, so far, no grounds for fearing that the French expedition will bring about any disturbance of international policy. Germany is a calm spectator of events." He adds, significantly, "England, having thrust France into the Moroccan bog, is contemplating her work with satisfaction."
France professed publicly that the object of this expedition was to extricate certain foreigners who were imperilled at Fez; and having done so, she would withdraw her forces. The precious crew of concessionaires, profiteers, and dividend-hunters known as the Comité du Maroc had suddenly discovered a whole French colony living in Fez in a state of terror and distress. There was, in fact, nothing of the sort. Fez was never menaced, it was never short of provisions, and there were no foreigners in trouble. When the expeditionary force arrived, it found no one to shoot at. As M. Francis de Pressensé says:
Those redoubtable rebels who were threatening Fez had disappeared like dew in the morning. Barely did[Pg 78] a few ragged horsemen fire off a shot or two before turning around and riding away at a furious gallop. A too disingenuous, or too truthful, correspondent gave the show away. The expeditionary force complains, he gravely records, of the absence of the enemy; the approaching harvest season is keeping all the healthy males in the fields! Thus did the phantom so dexterously conjured by the Comité du Maroc for the benefit of its aims, disappear in a night.
Nevertheless, the expeditionary force did not, in accordance with the public professions of the French Government, march out of Fez as soon as it discovered this ridiculous mare's nest. It remained there and held possession of the Moorish capital. What was the attitude of the British Government in the premises? On 2 May, in the House of Commons, Sir Edward Grey said that "the action taken by France is not intended to alter the political status of Morocco, and His Majesty's Government can not see why any objection should be taken to it."
Germany had remained for eight years a tolerant observer of French encroachments in Morocco, and quite clearly, as Baron Greindl observes in his report of 21 April, 1911, could not "after eight years of tolerance, change her attitude unless she were determined to go to war, and war[Pg 79] is immeasurably more than Morocco is worth." In July, 1911, however, while the French force of 30,000 was still occupying Fez, Germany dispatched a gunboat, the "Panther," which anchored off the coast of Agadir.
[Pg 80]
XIV
This was the famous "Agadir incident," of which we have all heard. Did it mean that the worm had turned, that Germany had changed her attitude and was determined to go to war? It has been so represented; but there are many difficult inconsistencies involved in that explanation of the German Government's act, and there is also an alternative explanation which fits the facts far better. In the first place the "Panther" was hardly more than an ocean-going tug. She was of 1000 tons burden, mounting two small naval guns, six machine-guns, and she carried a complement of only 125 men. Second, she never landed a man upon the coast of Morocco. She chose for her anchorage a point where the coast is practically inaccessible; Agadir has no harbour, and there is nothing near it that offers any possible temptation to the predatory instinct. No more ostentatiously unimpressive and unmenacing demonstration could have been devised. Germany, too, was quite well aware that Morocco was not[Pg 81] worth a European war; and as Baron Guillaume said in his report of 29 April, "possibly she [Germany] is congratulating herself on the difficulties that weigh upon the shoulders of the French Government, and asks nothing better than to keep out of the whole affair as long as she is not forced into it by economic considerations." But the most significant indication that Germany had not changed her attitude is in the fact that if she were determined upon war, then, rather than two years later, was her time to go about it. This aspect of Germany's behaviour has been dealt with in a previous chapter. It can not be too often reiterated that if Germany really wanted war and was determined upon war, her failure to strike in 1908, when Russia was prostrate and France unready, and again in 1912, a few months after the Agadir incident, when the Balkan war was on, is inexplicable.[8]
[Pg 82]
The dispatch of the "Panther" gave the three Belgian observers a great surprise, and they were much puzzled to account for it. Baron Guillaume's thoughts at once turned to England. He writes 2 July:
It was long regarded as an axiom that England would never allow the Germans to establish themselves at any point of Moroccan territory. Has this policy been abandoned; and if so, at what price were they bought off?
During the month of July, while waiting for a statement from the British Foreign Office, the Belgian observers canvassed the possibility that Germany's action was a hint that she would like some territorial compensation for having been bilked out of her share in the Moroccan market. But the interesting fact, and for the purpose of this book the important fact, is that none of these diplomats shows the slightest suspicion that Germany was bent on war or that she had any thought of going to war. Baron Guillaume says, 28 July, "undoubtedly the present situation wears a serious aspect.... Nobody, however, wants war, and they will try to avoid it." He proceeds:
The French Government knows that a war would be the death-knell of the Republic.... I have very great[Pg 83] confidence in the Emperor William's love of peace, notwithstanding the not infrequent air of melodrama about what he says and does.... Germany can not go to war for the sake of Morocco, nor yet to exact payment of those compensations that she very reasonably demands for the French occupation of Fez, which has become more or less permanent. On the whole I feel less faith in Great Britain's desire for peace. She would not be sorry to see the others destroying one another; only, under those circumstances, it would be difficult for her to avoid armed intervention.... As I thought from the very first, the crux of the situation is in London.
By the end of July, a different conception of Germany's action seemed to prevail. It began to be seen that the episode of the "Panther" had been staged by way of calling for a show-down on the actual intentions and purposes of the Triple Entente; and it got one. Mr. Lloyd George, "the impulsive Chancellor of the Exchequer," as Count de Lalaing calls him, made a typical jingo speech at the Mansion House; a speech which the Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, and Sir Edward Grey, the Foreign Minister, had helped him to compose. The air was cleared at once—England stood by France—and what better plan could have been devised for clearing the air than the dispatch of the "Panther"? Germany stood for the policy of economic equality,[Pg 84] the policy of the open door to which all the Powers interested had agreed in the case of Morocco. France, at the end of a course of continuous aggression, had put 30,000 troops in occupation of the capital of Morocco on an infamously unscrupulous pretext, and put them there to stay, and the British Government "could not see why any objection should be taken to it." Germany, on the other hand, anchored an insignificant gunboat off an inaccessible coast, and without landing a man or firing a shot, left her there as a silent reminder of the Algeciras Act and the principle of the open door—carefully and even ostentatiously going no further—and the British Government promptly, through the mouth of Mr. Lloyd George, laid down a challenge and a threat. Thereupon Germany and France understood their relative positions; they understood, even without Sir E. Grey's explicit reaffirmation of 27 November of the policy of the Triple Entente, that England would stand by her arrangements with France. Baron Greindl writes from Berlin 6 December, and puts the case explicitly:
Was it not assuming the right of veto on German enterprise for England to start a hue and cry because a German cruiser cast anchor in the roads of Agadir, seeing that she had looked on without a murmur whilst[Pg 85] France and Spain had proceeded step by step to conquer Morocco and to destroy the independence of its Sultan?
England could not have acted otherwise. She was tied by her secret treaty with France. The explanation was extremely simple, but it was not of a sort to allay German irritation.
[Pg 86]
XV
Let us glance at British political chronology for a moment. King Edward VII, the chief factor in the Entente, the moving spirit in England's foreign alliances, had been dead a year. In December, 1905, the Liberal party had come into power. In April, 1908, Mr. H. H. Asquith became Prime Minister. In 1910, Anglo-German relations were apparently improving; in July, 1910, Mr. Asquith spoke of them in the House of Commons as "of the most cordial character. I look forward to increasing warmth and fervour and intimacy in these relations year by year." The great question was, then, in 1911, whether the Liberal Government would actually, when it came down to the pinch, stick by its secret covenant with France. Were the new Liberals, were Mr. Asquith, Lord Haldane, Sir E. Grey, Mr. Lloyd George, true-blue Liberal imperialists, or were they not? Could France and Russia safely trust them to continue the Foreign Office policy that Lord Lansdowne had bequeathed to Sir E.[Pg 87] Grey; or, when the emergency came, would they stand from under? After all, there had been a Campbell-Bannerman; there was no doubt of that; and one, at least, of the new Liberals, Mr. Lloyd George, had a bad anti-imperialist record in the South African war.
The Agadir incident elicited a satisfactory answer to these questions. The Liberal Government was dependable. However suspiciously the members of the Liberal Cabinet might talk, they were good staunch imperialists at heart. They were, as the theologians say, "sound on the essentials." Baron Greindl wrote, 6 December, 1911:
The Entente Cordiale was founded, not on the positive basis of defence of common interests, but on the negative one of hatred of the German Empire.... Sir Edward Grey adopts this tradition without reservation. He imagines that it is in conformity with English interests.... A revision of Great Britain's policy is all the less to be looked for, as ever since the Liberal Ministry took office, and more especially during the last few months, English foreign policy has been guided by the ideas with which King Edward VII inspired it.
[Pg 88]
XVI
Mr. Lloyd George's speech at the Mansion House in July, 1911, after the German gunboat "Panther" had anchored off the Moroccan coast, gave an immense impulse to the jingo spirit in France, because it was taken as definite assurance of England's good faith in seeing her secret agreements through to a finish. M. Caillaux, the French Premier, appears to have had his doubts, nevertheless, inasmuch as the British Foreign Office did not give a straight reply to the French Foreign Office's inquiry concerning British action in case the Germans landed a force in Morocco. He says:
Are we to understand that our powerful neighbours will go right through to the end with the resolve which they suggest? Are they ready for all eventualities? The British Ambassador, Sir Francis Bertie, with whom I converse, does not give me formal assurances. It is said, of course, that he would see without displeasure the outbreak of a conflict between France and Germany; his mind works in the way attributed to a number of leading British officials at the Foreign Office.
[Pg 89]
M. Caillaux here suggests the same suspicion of British intentions which the Belgian diplomats at London, Paris and Berlin intimate continually throughout their correspondence since 1905.[9] He accordingly favoured a less energetic policy towards Germany, and was thrown out of office. Count de Lalaing reported from London, 15 January, 1912, that the revelations which provoked this political crisis were disagreeable for the English Government. "They seem to prove," he says, "that the French Premier had been trying to negotiate with Berlin without the knowledge of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his other colleagues, and this is naturally disquieting to a Government whose interests are bound up with those of France, and which accordingly can ill tolerate any lapses of this kind." He adds:
These revelations have also strengthened the impression that M. Caillaux had recently favoured an ultra-conciliatory policy towards Germany, and this impression was felt all the more painfully in English official circles, as the full extent of the tension between London and Berlin caused by the Cabinet of St. James's loyal behaviour towards the Cabinet at Paris had hardly[Pg 90] been grasped. People in England are reluctant to face the fact that they have been 'more royalist than the King,' and have shown themselves even less accommodating than the friend they were backing.... Accordingly the press unanimously hails with delight the departure of M. Caillaux, and trusts that sounder traditions may be reverted to without delay.
This comment on the position of M. Caillaux is one of the most interesting observations to be found in these documents.
[Pg 91]
XVII
The Balkan war took place in 1912, and the whole history of the year shows the most mighty efforts of European politicians—efforts which seem ludicrous and laughable in spite of their tragic quality—to avert with their left hand the war which they were bringing on with their right. Mr. Lloyd George is right in saying that no one really wanted war. What every one wanted, and what every one was trying with might and main to do, was to cook the omelette of economic imperialism without breaking any eggs. There was in all the countries, naturally, a jingo nationalist party which wanted war. In Russia, which was then busily reorganizing her military forces which had been used up and left prostrate by the war with the Japanese, the pan-Slavists were influential and vociferous, but they were not on top. In England there was a great popular revulsion against the behaviour of the Government which had so nearly involved the English in a war against Germany the year before; and Mr. [Pg 92]Asquith's Government, which was pacifist in tendency, was meeting the popular sentiment in every way possible, short of the one point of revealing the secret engagements which bound it to the French Government and contingently to the Russian Government. Lord Haldane undertook an official mission to Berlin, which was attended with great publicity and was popularly supposed to be of a pacificatory nature; and really, within the limits of the Franco-English diplomatic agreement, it went as far as it could in the establishment of good relations. In fact, of course, it came to nothing; as long as the diplomatic agreement remained in force, it could come to nothing, nothing of the sort could come to anything; and the diplomatic agreement being guarded as a close secret, the reason why it must come to nothing was not apparent. The German Government also made tremendous efforts in behalf of peace; and it must be noted by those who accept the theory upon which the treaty of Versailles is based, that if Germany had wished or intended at any time to strike at the peace of Europe, now was the moment for her to do so. Instead, the German Emperor in person, and the German Government, through one of its best diplomatic agents, Baron von Marschall, met every[Pg 93] pacific overture more than half-way, and themselves initiated all that could be thought of. "There is no doubt," wrote Baron Beyens from Berlin, "that the Emperor, the Chancellor and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (von Kiderlen-Wächter) are passionately pacifists." Baron Beyens again says, 28 June, 1912, "The Emperor is persistent and has not given up hopes of winning back English sympathies, just as he has succeeded up to a certain point in obtaining the confidence of the Tsar, by the force of his personal attractions." Those who believe in the extraordinary notion of an unprepared and unsuspecting Europe, should read the diplomatic history of the year 1912, when all the chief office-holders in England and on the Continent were struggling like men caught in a quicksand, or like flies on fly-paper, to avert, or if they could not avert, to defer the inevitable war.
In one country, however, the jingo nationalist and militarist party came on top; and that country was France. M. Caillaux was succeeded by Raymond Poincaré; and in January, 1913, Poincaré became President of the Republic. Up to 1912, the people of France were increasingly indisposed to war and were developing a considerable impatience with militarism, and the[Pg 94] French Government was responsive to this sentiment. It knew, as Baron Guillaume remarked at the time of the Agadir incident, that "a war would be the death-knell of the Republic." M. Caillaux seems to have measured the feelings of his countrymen quite well. Baron Guillaume says that after the dispatch of the "Panther," the British Cabinet's first proposal was that the British and French Governments should each immediately send two men-of-war to Agadir; and that the French Cabinet strongly objected. Again, he says in his report of 8 July, 1911, "I am persuaded that Messrs. Caillaux and de Selves regret the turn given to the Moroccan affair by their predecessors in office. They were quite ready to give way, provided they could do so without humiliation."
The speech of Mr. Lloyd George at the Mansion House, however, which was taken by the French (and how correctly they took it became apparent on 3 August, 1914) as a definite assurance of British support against Germany, gave the militarist-nationalist party the encouragement to go ahead and dominate the domestic politics of France. It put the Poincaré-Millerand-Delcassé element on its feet and stiffened its resolution, besides clearing the way in large measure[Pg 95] for its predominance. On 14 February, 1913, Baron Guillaume reports from Paris thus:
The new President of the Republic enjoys a popularity in France to-day unknown to any of his predecessors.... Various factors contribute to explain his popularity. His election had been carefully prepared in advance; people are pleased at the skilful way in which, while a Minister, he manœuvred to bring France to the fore in the concert of Europe; he has hit upon some happy phrases that stick in the popular mind.
The career of M. Poincaré, in fact, and his management of popular sentiment, show many features which mutatis mutandis, find a parallel in the career of Theodore Roosevelt. Baron Guillaume adds, however, this extremely striking observation concerning the popularity of M. Poincaré:
But above all, one must regard it as a manifestation of the old French chauvinistic spirit, which had for many years slumbered, but which had come to life again since the affair of Agadir.
In the same communication to the Belgian Foreign Office, Baron Guillaume remarks:
M. Poincaré is a native of Lorraine, and loses no opportunity of telling people so. He was M. Millerand's colleague, and the instigator of his militarist policy.
Finally, the first word that he uttered at the very[Pg 96] moment when he learned that he was elected President of the Republic, was a promise that he would watch over and maintain all the means of national defence.
M. Poincaré had not be
|
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 8
|
https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/48987/world-war-i-centennial-poincar%25C3%25A9-takes-office-coup-mexico
|
en
|
Poincaré Takes Office, Coup in Mexico
|
[
"https://images2.minutemediacdn.com/image/upload/c_fill,w_720,ar_16:9,f_auto,q_auto,g_auto/shape/cover/sport/3426423-fa9db3d510972f93ab929692f7eacf63.jpg",
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Erik Sass"
] |
2013-02-18T23:00:00+00:00
|
Installment #56: On February 18, center-right politician Raymond Poincaré took office in an inauguration ceremony at the Hôtel de Ville. Poincaréâs presidency was an important factor in the lead-up to the First World War for a number of reasons. Although
|
en
|
Mental Floss
|
https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/48987/world-war-i-centennial-poincaré-takes-office-coup-mexico
| ||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 92
|
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25257755/
|
en
|
Do all Charcot Spine require surgery?
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
"pmid:25257755",
"doi:10.1016/j.otsr.2014.05.021",
"S Moreau",
"G Lonjon",
"C Garreau de Loubresse",
"Adolescent",
"Adult",
"Arthropathy",
"Neurogenic / diagnostic imaging",
"Arthropathy",
"Neurogenic / surgery*",
"Child",
"Child",
"Preschool",
"Female",
"Follow-Up Studies",
"Humans",
"Lumbar Vertebrae*",
"Male",
"Radiography",
"Retrospective Studies",
"Spinal Fusion / methods*",
"Thoracic Vertebrae*",
"Treatment Outcome",
"Young Adult",
"PubMed Abstract",
"NIH",
"NLM",
"NCBI",
"National Institutes of Health",
"National Center for Biotechnology Information",
"National Library of Medicine",
"MEDLINE"
] | null |
[] | null |
Level IV.
|
en
|
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/favicons/favicon.ico
|
PubMed
|
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25257755/
|
Introduction: Spinal neuroarthropathy (SNA), also called "Charcot spine", is very uncommon disease of unknown etiology. Kronig first reported this pathology in 1884 on a patient with Tabes dorsalis (also known as syphilitic myelopathy). As syphilis tends to disappear in developed countries, spinal cord lesion is the most frequent etiology of SNA.
Objectives: To describe clinical and radiographic results in 12 patients suffering from spinal neuroarthropathy (SNA).
Methods: Twelve patients diagnosed with SNA were included in the study. All patients were wheelchair users. The average delay between the neurological disease and the diagnosis of SNA was 18 years. All patients were initially treated conservatively. Surgery was only indicated in persistent symptomatic or instable cases, and for infected SNA. Surgery was a circumferential arthrodesis.
Results: From 12 patients, with a median follow-up of 4 years, five patients were operated on and 7 patients were still conservatively treated. Two patients with back pain and evolutive destruction were declined for surgery. One suffered of bilateral hip ankylosis and extensive spinal surgery would have confined him to bed, and one due to an evolutive bedsore. One patient improved with a complete regression of back pain.
Conclusion: Nowadays, surgical treatment is recommended with an extensive and circumferential fusion, in order to prevent relapses. Good radiographic outcome is reported but functional results have not been studied. Natural evolution of SNA remains unknown but can be less disabling than surgery. This pathologic mobility can contribute to patient's autonomy and can therefore be considered as opportune. Conservative therapy can be considered for SNA.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 64
|
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/raymond-poincare/FFE4C48708A0AA1FEC4755EC9697CD50
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"J. F. V. Keiger",
"University of Salford"
] | null |
Cambridge Core - European Studies - Raymond Poincaré
|
en
|
/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico
|
Cambridge Core
|
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/raymond-poincare/FFE4C48708A0AA1FEC4755EC9697CD50
|
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 72
|
https://www.takoma.fr/en/contact-us/
|
en
|
Contact us
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2018-06-11T13:17:03+00:00
|
en
|
TAKOMA
|
https://www.takoma.fr/en/contact-us/
|
The personal data collected are intended for TAKOMA and are used to respond to your request. TAKOMA relies on its legitimate interest to process your data. Mandatory data are indicated on the form. Access to the data is strictly limited to TAKOMA employees in charge of processing your request. They are kept for a period of 3 years from our last contact.
In accordance with Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of 27 April 2016 on the protection of personal data and the amended “Data Protection Act” of 6 January 1978, you have the right to access, rectify, delete and limit the processing of data concerning you, as well as the right to communicate directives on the fate of your data after your death. You also have the right to object to the processing of your data. You can exercise your rights by contacting the DPO at the following address: dpo@takoma.fr
If you feel that your rights have not been respected, you can lodge a complaint with the supervisory authority, the Commission Nationale de l’Informatique et des Libertés (CNIL).
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 84
|
https://www.timothy-corrigan.com/contact.html
|
en
|
Interior Designer
|
[
"https://www.timothy-corrigan.com/p/slides/home/652722050d27b2.40243631.jpg",
"https://www.timothy-corrigan.com/p/slides/home/65272306981b39.38451617.jpg",
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"https://a.1stdibscdn.com/badges/1stdibs-black_and_gold@2x.png",
"http://hv3.webstat.com/scripts/wsb.php?ac=96230"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
"Contact",
"Timothy Corrigan",
"Inc."
] | null |
[] | null |
Contact Information for Timothy Corrigan at www.timothy-corrigan.com
|
en
| null | |||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 27
|
https://loc.getarchive.net/topics/poincare
|
en
|
36 Poincare Images: LOC's Public Domain Archive Public Domain Search
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Download Images of - Free for commercial use, no attribution required. From: Children, Colmar [Welcome Poincare], to Wilson & Poincare, George Grantham Bain Collection. Find images dated from 1900 to 1924.
|
en
|
LOC's Public Domain Archive
|
https://loc.getarchive.net/topics/poincare
|
The objects in this archive are from Library of Congress - the nation’s first established cultural institution and the largest library in the world, with millions of items including books, recordings, photographs, maps and manuscripts in its collections. The Library provides Congress, the federal government and the American people with a rich, diverse and enduring source of knowledge to inform, inspire and engage them and support their intellectual and creative endeavors.
Disclaimer: A work of the Library of Congress is "a work prepared by an officer or employee" of the federal government "as part of that person's official duties." In general, under section 105 of the Copyright Act, such works are not entitled to domestic copyright protection under U.S. law and are therefore in the public domain. This website is developed as a part of the world's largest public domain archive, PICRYL.com, and not developed or endorsed by the Library of Congress, https://www.picryl.com
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 25
|
https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
|
en
|
Serviced offices to rent and lease at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Serviced offices to rent at 78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris Ile de France - arrange a viewing today! This upmarket business centre has a choice of fully furnished, light and spacious offices or virtual office solutions available. Offices are equipped with dedicated telephone number, answering service and the latest internet connections. In a prestigious Paris location close to the Eiffel Tower.
|
en
|
https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
|
Serviced offices
Commonly referred to as business centres, executive suites or managed offices, serviced offices are operated by management companies and usually come with rental terms that are more flexible than traditional office space. Most serviced office packages include numerous services, amenities and rates in the monthly fee.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 70
|
https://www.worldsepsiscongress.org/salomon
|
en
|
Salomon — 4th World Sepsis Congress
|
http://static1.squarespace.com/static/573f0e2a0442620ca05caa91/t/63934aae75e40533d5d751cd/1670597294095/4th+World+Sepsis+Congress_RLP.jpg?format=1500w
|
http://static1.squarespace.com/static/573f0e2a0442620ca05caa91/t/63934aae75e40533d5d751cd/1670597294095/4th+World+Sepsis+Congress_RLP.jpg?format=1500w
|
[
"https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/573f0e2a0442620ca05caa91/1615289205389-L9W1KL8TSFXCTQ59NJ5H/Salomon.jpg",
"https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/573f0e2a0442620ca05caa91/1495024595800-U7N0ZHGQP4CKMM6SMY8V/gsalogo"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/573f0e2a0442620ca05caa91/6e8ffcdb-2249-4d81-9ff4-0206e8ae1ec1/favicon.ico?format=100w
|
4th World Sepsis Congress
|
https://www.worldsepsiscongress.org/salomon
|
Born on 26th April 1969 in Paris, France. French nationality.
Father of 3 children (26, 24, 21 years old)
French Director General for Health, since January 2018.
University Full Professor: Public Health, Epidemiology, Infectious diseases
Hospital Practitioner in Infectious and Tropical Diseases, at Assistance Publique Hôpitaux de Paris, Paris Saclay University
Elected member of the WHO Executive Committee 2021
Background
University Full Professor - Hospital Senior Practitioner in Infectious Diseases since 2015.
Assistance Publique-Hôpitaux de Paris, GHU Paris Ile de France Ouest, Hôpital Raymond Poincaré, Université Paris Saclay, Université Versailles Saint-Quentin en Yvelines (UVSQ), Simone Veil Health Sciences Training and Research Unit. Member of the Joint Research Unit 1181, Bio2PhEID: Inserm, Institut Pasteur, UVSQ
University Professor at the Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers in Paris, from 2012 to 2015 (health and safety)
Hospital practitioner since 2002
Former Head of Clinic
Former resident at the Hospitals of Paris Ile de France
Activities in Hospitals and Clinics
President of the CLLIN of the University Hospitals Paris Ile de France Ouest (HU PIFO; APHP) since 2016
President of the University Innovation Research Strategy Commission (SIRU) of the HU PIFO since 2016
Member of COREB Ile de France and of the national steering committee SPILF COREB Emerging diseases
Deputy Head of Unit 4: Emergencies Proximity Specialities since 2016, HU PIFO
Elected member of the local medical establishment commissions. Referring doctor for crises at the HU PIFO
Referent management of infectious, epidemic and biological risks (V2014 certification)
Hospital Practitioner, CHU Raymond Poincaré de Garches (AP-HP) from 2002 to 2010 and President of CLLIN from 2004 to 2009
Head of Clinic - Hospital Assistant. 1999-2002. Infectious and Tropical Diseases Department. CHU R. Poincaré de Garches (AP-HP). Paris-Ouest Faculty.
Senior Doctor at the Emergency Reception Service, HIA Bégin Army Training Hospital (1997 - 2000) 1-year national service in the Army Health Service, HIA Bégin, Infectious and Tropical Diseases
Resident at the Paris Ile de France Hospitals (1994 - 1999)
Medal of Honour of the Health Service, January 2020 and Bronze Medal of Defence with Health Service Clasp (1997)
Collective Responsibilities
Project Manager, National Plan for the Diagnosis and Care of Tick-borne Diseases (HAS 2017)
Member of the Board of Directors of the National Public Health Agency since October 2016
Lead facilitator of the "Health" working group within the « En Marche” political movement from September 2016 to May 2017.
Adviser in charge of health security to the Minister of Social Affairs, Health and Women's Rights, Marisol Touraine (04/2013 to 05/2015)
Invited member of the Health Chair of the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris since 2012
Member of the National Committee for the Fight against Influenza since 2010
Health and research expert for the Terra Nova Foundation in 2010
President of the National Union of Public Health Specialists (SNSP) from 2007 to 2011
Member of the national bioterrorism team and smallpox dedicated team
Technical adviser on health security in the office of Bernard Kouchner, Minister Delegate for Health, 2001 to 2002
Technical adviser in charge of health security, public health, and medicines in the Cabinet of Dominique Gillot, Secretary of State for Health and Social Action, from July to November 1999.
In charge of health security and public health in the Cabinet of Bernard Kouchner, Secretary of State for Health and Social Action, from October 1998 to July 1999.
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 69
|
https://dmnwestinghouse.com/en/offices/france/
|
en
|
France
|
[
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"https://dmnwestinghouse.com/files/dmn-future-proof-desktop.svg",
"https://dmnwestinghouse.com/web/templates/images/dmn_corona.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/web/templates/images/favicon/apple-icon-57x57.png
|
https://dmnwestinghouse.com/en/offices/france/
|
Cookies Consent Popup
We use cookies and other tracking technologies to improve your browsing experience on our website, to show you personalized content and targeted ads, to analyze our website traffic, and to understand where our visitors are coming from.
Direction
Fabien Weisang
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 76
Portable +33 6 30 73 63 27
f.weisang@dmnwestinghouse.com
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Responsable Commercial Nord
Dorian Leplatre
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 75
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d.leplatre@dmnwestinghouse.com
Responsable Commercial Nord-Ouest
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f.weisang@dmnwestinghouse.com
Responsable Commercial Sud
Gilles Benhamron
Tel +33 4 91 82 14 03
Portable +33 6 77 17 30 79
g.benhamron@dmnwestinghouse.com
Responsable Commercial Est
Hervé Riou
Tel +33 9 67 07 35 27
Portable +33 6 31 48 66 91
h.riou@dmnwestinghouse.com
Responsable Commercial Ouest
Jean-Yves Tallon
Tel + 33 2 48 57 18 07
Portable 06 07 33 31 71
jy.tallon@dmnwestinghouse.com
Commerciaux internes
Harry Oliveira (Responsable Après-Ventes)
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 77
h.oliveira@dmnwestinghouse.com
Sylvie Drouilly
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 78
s.drouilly@dmnwestinghouse.com
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Tel +33 1 80 45 03 06
c.fabre@dmnwestinghouse.com
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v.martin@dmnwestinghouse.com
Service administratif
Sigrid Riboteau
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 74
s.riboteau@dmnwestinghouse.com
Mélodie Joharane(Administration des Ventes)
Tel +33 1 69 49 85 70
contact.FR@dmnwestinghouse.com
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 71
|
https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Alexandre_Millerand
|
en
|
Alexandre Millerand
|
https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711
|
https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711
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Alexandre Millerand (French: [alɛksɑ̃dʁ milʁɑ̃]; 1859–1943) was a French socialist politician. He was Prime Minister of France 20 January to 23 September 1920 and President of France from 23 September 1920 to 11 June 1924. His participation in Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet at the start of the 20th...
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en
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Military Wiki
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Alexandre_Millerand
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Alexandre Millerand (French: [alɛksɑ̃dʁ milʁɑ̃]; 1859–1943) was a French socialist politician. He was Prime Minister of France 20 January to 23 September 1920 and President of France from 23 September 1920 to 11 June 1924. His participation in Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet at the start of the 20th century, alongside the marquis de Galliffet who had directed the repression of the 1871 Paris Commune, sparked a debate in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) and in the Second International about the participation of socialists in "bourgeois governments".
Biography[]
Early activism[]
Born in Paris, he was educated for the bar, and made his reputation by his defence, in company with Georges Laguerre, of fr [Ernest Roche] and fr [Duc-Quercy], the instigators of the strike at Decazeville in 1883; he then took Laguerre's place on Georges Clemenceau's paper, La Justice. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the Seine département in 1885 as a Radical Socialist. He was associated with Clemenceau and Camille Pelletan as an arbitrator in the Carmaux strike (1892). He had long had the ear of the Chamber in matters of social legislation, and after the Panama scandals had discredited so many politicians his influence grew.
As member of the executive[]
He was chief of the Socialist faction (the Parti Socialiste de France in 1899), a group which then mustered sixty members, and edited until 1896 their organ in the press, La Petite République. His programme included the collective ownership of the means of production and the international association of labour, but, when in June 1899 he entered Pierre Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet of "republican defence" as Minister of Commerce, he limited himself to practical reforms, devoting his attention to the improvement of the mercantile marine, to the development of trade, of technical education, of the postal system, and to the amelioration of the conditions of labour. Labour questions were entrusted to a separate department, the Direction du Travail, and the pension and insurance office was also raised to the status of a "direction". As labour minister, Millerand was responsible for the introduction of a wide range of reforms, including the reduction in the maximum workday from 11 to 10 hours in 1904, the introduction of an 8-hour workday for postal employees, the prescribing of maximum hours and minimum wages for all work undertaken by public authorities, the bringing of worker’s representatives into the Conseil supérieur de travail, the establishment of arbitration tribunals and inspectors of labour, and the creation of a labour section inside his Ministry of commerce to tackle the problem of social insurance.
The introduction of trade union representatives on the Supreme Labour Council, the organization of local labour councils, and the instructions to factory inspectors to put themselves in communication with the councils of the trade unions, were valuable concessions to labour, and he further secured the rigorous application of earlier laws devised for the protection of the working class. His name was especially associated with a project for the establishment of old age pensions, which became law in 1905. In 1898, he became editor of La Lanterne.
His influence with the far left had already declined, for it was said that his departure from the true Marxist tradition had disintegrated the party. He was expelled from the group, and continued to move to the right, being appointed Prime Minister by the conservative President Paul Deschanel.
Presidency and later years[]
When Deschanel had to resign later that year due to his mental disorder, Millerand emerged as a compromise candidate for President between the Bloc National and the remnants of the Bloc des gauches. Millerand appointed Georges Leygues, a politician with a long career of ministerial office, as Prime Minister and attempted to strengthen the executive powers of the Presidency. This move was resisted in the Chamber of Deputies and the French Senate, and Millerand was forced to appoint a stronger figure, Aristide Briand. Briand's appointment was welcomed by both left and right, although the Socialists and the left wing of the Radical Party did not join his government. However, Millerand dismissed Briand after just a year, and appointed the conservative republican Raymond Poincaré.
Millerand was accused of favouring conservatives in spite of the traditional neutrality of French Presidents and the composition of the legislature. On 14 July 1922, Millerand escaped an assassination attempt by Gustave Bouvet, a young French anarchist. Two years later, Millerand resigned in the face of growing conflict between the elected legislature and the office of the President, following the victory of the Cartel des Gauches. Gaston Doumergue, who was the president of the Senate at the time, was chosen to replace Millerand.
Alexandre Millerand died in 1943 at Versailles, and was interred in the Passy Cemetery.
Millerand's Ministry, 20 January 1920 – 24 September 1920[]
Alexandre Millerand - President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
André Lefèvre - Minister of War
Théodore Steeg - Minister of the Interior
Frédéric François-Marsal - Minister of Finance
Paul Jourdain - Minister of Labour
Gustave L'Hopiteau - Minister of Justice
Adolphe Landry - Minister of Marine
André Honnorat - Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
André Maginot - Minister of War Pensions, Grants, and Allowances
Joseph Ricard - Minister of Agriculture
Albert Sarraut - Minister of Colonies
Yves Le Trocquer - Minister of Public Works
Auguste Isaac - Minister of Commerce and Industry
Émile Ogier - Minister of Liberated Regions
Gallery[]
Notes[]
References[]
Attribution
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. "[[Wikisource:1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Millerand, Alexandre|]]" Encyclopædia Britannica Cambridge University Press Endnotes:
For his administration in the Waldeck-Rousseau cabinet see A. Lavy, L'Œuvre de Millerand (1902);
his speeches between 1899 and 1907 were published in 1907 as Travail et travailleurs.
Further reading[]
Sowerine, Charles (year). France since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society publisher.
Cobban, Alfred (year). A History Of Modern France 1871-1962. 3 publisher.
[]
"Millerand, Alexandre". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
Chisholm, Hugh, ed (1922). "Millerand, Alexandre". Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). London & New York.
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51 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris, France
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LG2J in Paris, reviews by real people. Yelp is a fun and easy way to find, recommend and talk about what’s great and not so great in Paris and beyond.
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TAKOMA
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The personal data collected are intended for TAKOMA and are used to respond to your request. TAKOMA relies on its legitimate interest to process your data. Mandatory data are indicated on the form. Access to the data is strictly limited to TAKOMA employees in charge of processing your request. They are kept for a period of 3 years from our last contact.
In accordance with Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of 27 April 2016 on the protection of personal data and the amended “Data Protection Act” of 6 January 1978, you have the right to access, rectify, delete and limit the processing of data concerning you, as well as the right to communicate directives on the fate of your data after your death. You also have the right to object to the processing of your data. You can exercise your rights by contacting the DPO at the following address: dpo@takoma.fr
If you feel that your rights have not been respected, you can lodge a complaint with the supervisory authority, the Commission Nationale de l’Informatique et des Libertés (CNIL).
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MUSÉE RAYMOND POINCARÉ
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The 'musée départemental' is on the ground floor of the former summer residence of President Raymond Poincaré. It was built between 1906 and 1913 in a neo-Louis XIII style by an architect from Nancy, Charles-Désiré Bourgon.
Raymond Poincaré was
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Ressentez le frisson du Far West avec Lucky Luke Casino Avis! Jouez à nos passionnants jeux de Poker et de Roulette, et bénéficiez de bonus de bienvenue généreux! L'aventure commence ici! Rejoignez-nous aujourd'hui!
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correct_leader_00105
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RAYMOND POINCARE French politician, raising his glass at a
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Prints of RAYMOND POINCARE French politician, raising his glass at a dinner Date: 1860 1934. Our beautiful Wall Art
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Media Storehouse Photo Prints
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https://www.mediastorehouse.com/mary-evans-prints-online/raymond-poincare-14275350.html
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Mary Evans Picture Library Photo Prints and Wall Art
Raymond Poincare
RAYMOND POINCARE French politician, raising his glass at a dinner Date: 1860 - 1934
Mary Evans Picture Library makes available wonderful images created for people to enjoy over the centuries
Media ID 14275350
© Mary Evans Picture Library
Celebration Dinner Poincare Raising Raymond Sash Toast
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/303751661589
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Raymond Poincare,President of France,Politician,Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré
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Title: POINCARE, RAYMOND PRESIDENT OF FRANCE, 1913 -. This Photograph is aArchive Quality Reproduction created directly from the original photograph. The original is not for sale.
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eBay
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/303751661589
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Save up to $2.99 on shipping when you buy additional eligible items from historicalfindings.US $7.99GermanyStandard International ShippingAuthorities may apply import charges upon delivery
Estimated between Wed, Jul 31 and Mon, Aug 12 to 60323
Seller ships within 1 day after receiving cleared payment.
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correct_leader_00105
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Raymond Poincaré
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The Atlantic covers news, politics, culture, technology, health, and more, through its articles, podcasts, videos, and flagship magazine.
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The Atlantic
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I
I TAKE it for granted that in America at least everybody knows more or less clearly that a French President exercises a more limited authority than an American President: I have read a very accurate article on these limitations and their historical causes in the North American Review. I also take it for granted that there is an almost universal consciousness abroad that, in spite of these constitutional restrictions, M. Poincaré’s significance is immeasurably superior not only to that of his two immediate predecessors, M. Loubet and M. Fallières, but even to that of any French President since Maréchal MacMahon, — elected at the critical period of 1873, when France hung uncertain between the monarchical and ihe republican régimes. The object of the present article is to explain how a ‘mere President’ happens to occupy such a very exceptional position.
Certainly M. Raymond Poincaré is a man of rare distinction. He is only fifty-three years old at the present moment, and he has managed in his rapid career to secure a reputation not only in politics but at the bar, — where his only rival is another wellknown politician, M. Millerand, — and he is a member of the French Academy. He was a deputy at the age of twenty-eight, a cabinet minister at thirty-two, and he refused to be Prime Minister at thirty-eight. Yet three or four years ago, say at the time when M. Briand occupied almost alone the political stage, the name of M. Poincare was not often heard outside the law-courts. He was Senator Poincaré, a man of great talent and integrity who gave to politics what little leisure his professional affairs left him; a man upon whom, his intimate friends said, one could count at a pinch, but more of a barrister than a statesman, and more a name than a positive influence. Undoubtedly, when Casimir-Périer was elected President in 1894, —to resign shortly after in despair at his impotency, — he was a much more conspicuous person than M. Poincare in 1910.
The prima facie conclusion therefore must be that the new President is a man who could rise to an occasion, but whom circumstances favored. What these circumstances were we shall presently say, and as we proceed to give an account of them, the reader will notice that it is not quite accurate to speak of M. Poincaré as a lucky man, or even as one whose legitimate ambition has been successful. Such a phrase does not suit the dramatic moment of the history of France which we now witness. It might be better simply to speak of M. Poincaré as a providential man.
II
It is pleasant to find that so many foreign writers refer to the changed conditions in France at present, but I wonder if they realize the extent of the transformation. If it were possible in this age of wireless telegraphy that a man should have left France ten years ago and returned there without hearing of it in the interval, he would be another Rip van Winkle, with even more subjects for astonishment. At the beginning of the twentieth century the French were in the full enjoyment of that capacity for living on mere abstractions of which they have given so many proofs since the days of the Encyclopedists; to-day, they have gone back to an earlier stage of their development, and they watch keenly the sober facts connected with their country’s welfare: realism has taken the place of vague theology.
Until about 1895 France, as well as Germany, lived in constant fear of a war. It is well known that the anxiety over a possible revanche poisoned the last days of that strongest of men, Bismarck; and it is no less certain that the memories of the war of 1870 were more oppressive to the French in 1895 than twenty years before, when their army was first reconstituted. In the last years of the nineteenth century, three events took place which went far to tranquilize France. These events were the Franco-Russian alliance, the revelation of the industrial expansion of Germany, and the apparent cessation of the long quarrel between Monarchists and Republicans, thanks to the interference of Pope Leo XIII on behalf of the republican régime. This truce and the ‘new spirit,’ as it was called, which was its result among Republicans, making them less anticlerical than they had been, gave something like a settled appearance to home politics, while the Russian amity and the consciousness that Germany was henceforward to be more attentive to her commercial than to her territorial expansion made the chances of a war more remote.
These new conditions might have been productive of admirable results if they had not coincided with the appearance of a new factor, helped by a man hitherto obscure, who was, however, promptly to become celebrated. I mean the diffusion of the Socialist doctrines among the workers, and their unexpected representation in Parliament by a small group with Jaurès at its head.
Jaurès took advantage of the contrast between the economic prosperity of the country and the situation of the laborers, and his eloquence, coupled with the apparent security in which the republican régime found itself, carried away the so-called advanced elements in the Chamber. These advanced elements might be classed in two sections which have not disappeared at the present day, namely: the Socialists proper, who believed in the materialist millennium, which they based on Karl Marx, and were ready to make havoc with the existing legislation to bring it about; and the Radicals, most of them men of ample means and influence, who for years deceived their humble constituents, and possibly themselves, with a conviction that they wanted a complete remodeling of social conditions. Until quite recently the Socialists, urged by their very matter-of-fact friends — and in reality leaders — the Syndicalists, put forward practical measures which the Radicals supported in Parliament, knowing they could never be enacted,—no less than eight income-tax bills, for instance, — but which they translated into the vague slang of Progress and repeated ad nauseam for the benefit of their unenlightened countrymen. The result was a sort of universal intoxication in which men went on prophesying — and honestly or innocently believing — that war was a thing of the barbaric past, universal fraternity the certainty of the morrow, and that the first thing to do was to efface the last traces of militarism and use the immediate resources obtained by the suppression of standing armies for social or benevolent purposes.
It is difficult to resist an almost universal conviction, and we must admit that very few were the clear-headed individuals who saw through this enormous trumpery. Very many, on the contrary, were those who were wrought up by it to a state of exaltation which the trivial and at the same time immense incident known as the Dreyfus Affair changed into actual frenzy.
It is useless to expatiate on the Dreyfus case. But the reader ought to be reminded that the spirit which developed during that nightmare, and is even to-day known as Dreyfusism, was much more general than its cause. Practically it was the most extraordinary perversion of a generous instinct in the interests of arrant antipatriotism, and its outcome was the anarchism which the peaceful vocabulary of everyday history calls the Combes government, but which was in reality the complete absence of government. During three years this wonderful Prime Minister, M. Combes, never took a step without ascertaining, through the chiefs of the various groups in the Chamber, that he was sure of a majority; and Ins movements were dictated to him by the man without whose concurrence he could not have gone on for a week, namely, M. Jaurès. As to the positive consequences, they are well known: they can be summed up as anti-clericalism bringing about religious persecution and confiscation, on the one hand, and on the other — which is more important in our present consideration — as anti-militarism. During those years, the Minister of War, General André, and the Minister of the Navy, M. Pelletan, — two men who did not believe in the possibility of a war, — were employed in diffusing their certainty, and, worse than that, in emptying the magazines and arsenals, in flattering the men under pretence of making them ‘conscious citizens,’ and in molesting the officers in every way, the best known of which is the notorious ‘relation’ system.
From this dream of universal peace and fraternity, France was rudely awakened. Toward the end of 1906, when the chorus announcing the near advent of the United States of Europe was the loudest, the Tangier incident occurred. While André and Pelletan were acting as if war had been done away with, their colleague at the Foreign Office, M. Delcassé, had acted as if war were a matter of course. After years of patient labor of which the successive cabinets — even premiers — had known only what they could gather from the newspapers, M. Delcasse had succeeded through various agreements (with England, Spain, Italy) in bringing about what was termed the splendid isolation of Germany, and he had just engineered the beginnings of the Moroccan campaign without any reference to Berlin when the appearance of the Kaiser’s yacht off Tangier completely reversed the situation. In a few hours it became clear that the visit of William II to the Sultan of Morocco meant war in awful earnest, if the Moroccan operations were not stopped at once, and what had been looked upon as a scarecrow for feeble intellects became the reality of the morrow.
It would be unpleasant for a French writer to recall what happened, were it not that the mistake of a few cannot be saddled on a whole nation. Within a week M. Delcassé had been unceremoniously thrown overboard, and M. Rouvier, the Prime Minister, had begun the three months’negotiations with the German Ambassador which were eventually to result in peace, while France looked on in the speechlessness of astonishment rather than of panic.
During those eventful months, the country re-learned a lesson which it is necessary to bear in mind to understand the position of M. Poincaré: it realized the importance of a man. Since 1879 no individual could have been pointed out as the representative of France — the Chamber was that, and saw that nobody else should be; now, all eyes were fixed upon M. Rouvier. Rouvier was a politician and a financier whose past in both qualifications was doubtful. But in the emergency he was brave to heroism, and whenever he had to speak to the Chamber of what was going on, his words had a ring which nobody coukl mistake: it meant that the danger of France had been terrible, and could only be averted in the future, not by a change of policy but by something more akin to a conversion. It was Rouvier who reawakened in the French consciousness the very elemental instinct of self-preservation which it had well-nigh forgotten.
After Rouvier came Clemenceau, another man with a past, but capable of rising to the present; an undisciplined mind but fond of breaking others to obedience; a living paradox, denying duty and yet never shrinking from responsibilities, — a puzzling though complete representative of the lawlessness coupled with generosity of the nineteenth century. Clemenceau was the first French leader who had the joy to withstand Germany — at the time of the Casablanca affair. The arsenals had been replenished after more than a year of feverish activity, and with this background, outspokenness ceased to be folly. Clemenceau, strange to say, was also the first to curb the disorderly spirit which he had so often encouraged among the lower classes. His method in the repression of strikes with dangerous complications was of Napoleonic directness, and no one would have suspected that, so short a time before, pure Syndicalism had seemed to be the government of the future. There was, however, one exception which was of considerable importance, namely, the postal strike.
For more than a week the government was checkmated by the quiet insubordination of the postal clerks, and it was only through a ruse that Clemenceau managed to bring that comic and at the same time tragic situation to an end. This time the country at large was not so conscious of its dependence on one man, but Parliament was. Whoever talked over the difficulty with deputies at the time, must remember their discomfited air, as, day after day, they proposed ineffectual solutions. The quiet abdication of the Chamber from the rights which they had usurped under President Grévy, and had strengthened by twenty-five years of unchallenged possession, dates from that week.
The success of M. Briand as Prime Minister during the year that followed was mostly due to his evident desire to prevent such anarchy in the future; but as he did so, the necessity of hierarchical rights and duties was, so to speak, in t he air, and dispelled the most dangerous sophism on which the Radicals as well as the Socialists had lived. Here, as after the Tangier incident, it was one simple fact that taught the country the no less simple but all important lesson: to beware of such dangerous formulas as the identification of the Republic with unrestrained individual freedom.
In the summer of 1911, Germany, for the second time, did France the good turn to administer to her a strong tonic in the shape of another bullying action. The Agadir demonstration was exactly a replica of the Tangier affair, but circumstances had changed and the effect produced was very different. The French were sufficiently recovered from their former bewilderment to be wide awake and self-controlled, and they had considered the chances of a war long enough to regard it as a possibility, nay, a necessity.
The present writer remembers one of those vivid impressions which differentiate history lived from history read. He was at the moment of the Agadir surprise in an industrial town in the North of France which had been, and on the face of the matter still is, honeycombed with Syndicalism. The tone of the workmen in that particular centre as well as in practically every other, was startling. There was no more question of Socialism or Ideologism in any form: the only feeling discernible was wounded pride, and the simple patriotism of past generations; as to the impulse, it was decidedly military, and the formula which expressed it was as elemental as could be imagined: il faut toper dedans. I doubt whether at any period of her history France was more conscious of the soldierly spirit without which she never appears quite herself.
After Agadir, as after Tangier, negotiations averted a war, and the outcome was the Franco-Prussian agreement which made over a rich French colony, the Congo, to Germany, in exchange for a mere permission to have henceforward carte blanche in Morocco.
These negotiations had been conducted on the French side by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. de Selves, and by the Prime Minister, M. Caillaux. Subsequent revelations made it clear that M. de Selves, who was brave, and on several occasions was the true mouthpiece of the country, was nevertheless unprepared for his task and showed extraordinary gaps in his information, while M. Caillaux, who is the ablest financier in the Republic and a man of unequaled facility, gave proofs of singular unscrupulousness, negotiating over the heads of both the Foreign Minister and President Fallières, and finally reappearing before the nation with worse results than M. Rouvier had obtained under far less favorable circumstances.
The public in democracies is generally slow to realize the work of diplomacy, and it took France several months to make up her mind that her representative had been timid while she was for fighting, and that the consequence had been to give her an unpleasantly gullible appearance. This, however, was enough to do away with the old Republican fallacy of indifference to what passes beyond the frontiers, and to bring into strong light the crudeness of the principle of non-interference. A slow but complete evolution of the national mind caused even the man in the street to realize that shutting one’s self up at home to ponder over social progress and social philosophies is no terrestrial attitude, and that the Biblical maxim identifying man’s life here below with unceasing warfare is, after all, also a political maxim.
Since then, the Balkan experiences have only strengthened the impression. At the present moment no European nation is indifferent to what used to be termed ‘mere politics,’ and was skipped in schoolbooks as belonging to that superannuated chapter of history, ‘battles and treaties.’ Nowhere has the lesson been taken so much to heart as in France; at all events, nowhere has the tone of the tribune and the press changed so completely in the short space of seven years. I could quote a passage from an address of M. Steeg— since then twice a member of the ministry— so full of vague millennial optimism clad in cheap claptrap that it cannot be read without amusement , and place beside it certain more recent passages from the same politician, and even from Socialist orators, perfectly indiscernible from Nationalist utterances.
To sum up this exposé, without which the position of M. Poincaré would be unintelligible, we may therefore say that, in the last seven years, a real revolution has transformed French mentality, creating a deep distrust of the pacifist and anti-militarist ideas which used to be regarded as essentially Republican notions, compelling governments to accept responsibilities, and as Nietzsche says, ‘to learn how to live dangerously,’ and finally depriving the Chamber of its usurped privilege of centralizing the executive as well as the legislative power.
Is there an immediately visible connection between this new state of mind and the peculiar situation of M. Poincaré? Evidently no, for the New France, as she may well be called, has sprung into existence during the seven years which exactly coincided with M. Fallières’s presidency, and M. Fallières will appear in history as the typical King Log, not only resigned, but convinced and satisfied. So that there must be both in M. Poincaré’s character and in his previous position special features to which the new presidency owes its unexpected importance. We need only look eighteen or twenty months back to discover these features.
III
The chief difference between M. Poincaré and his predecessors lies in the fact that at the time of the presidential election his name had a distinct significance. Instead of being an obscure outsider like Felix Faure, or a man more distinguished for his character than his mental power, like Carnot, or above all, like M. Loubet and M. Fallières, a President of the Senate in the enjoyment of the most magnificent sinecure in the French Republic, he was a Prime Minister with a programme and difficulties, with warm friends and irreconcilable enemies. And being a Prime Minister meant more with him than it had meant since Gambetta’s days. He had been urgently entreated to take office at the time of M. Caillaux’s retirement, when the country seemed to be in exceptional difficulties; the best patriots in the Chamber and Senate had sought him in his political isolation and asked him to take the lead in the most remarkable Cabinet since 1881, with such men as Briand, Leon Bourgeois and Millerand as collaborators. He had been eminently the representative of France at the time when France had become anxious about her representatives.
His programme was clear and honest, but by no means likely to secure him universal approbation. It was summed up in a decidedly patriotic, that is to say, militarist attitude — emphasized by the choice of M. Millerand as Minister of War — and in a measure of parliamentary reform known as Proportional Representation. To the military effort the Socialists were of course resolutely opposed; to the Proportional Representation there was a much wider opposition, about which it is necessary to say a few words.
At the time of the postal strike, M. Briand, then Minister of the Interior, had been struck by the difficulties he found in removing or punishing some of the offending officials. Most of them had been appointed through the interest of some deputy who at present backed them, more or less overtly, against lire regular authorities. Here appeared the connection between the electioneering system and some of the quiet corruption going on in France. The deputies were elected, thanks to a handful of local leaders, — let it be remembered that France as a country is utterly indifferent to minor politics, — and these leaders in their turn were rewarded by appointments given to their relations, friends, or clients. There was only one remedy to that state of affairs: it was the suppression of what M. Briand called ‘les mares stagnantes,’ stagnant pools, by the substitution of a wider for the local electioneering systems. Given an election including much larger areas, it was evident that, the petty influences would lose their force, and at the same time that the candidates would be compelled to appeal to higher and broader interests. This the country seemed to realize, as half the deputies returned in 1910 felt constrained to promise Proportional Representation for the election of 1916; but to this the Radicals strongly objected.
I have pointed out above how the Radicals pretended to hold Socialist principles whenever they thought them popular and yet unlikely to result in definite measures from which their purse might suffer. They would probably have taken up the patriotic strains now in vogue if Proportional Representation had not been one of them. Their whole raison d’être having been selfish interest, and their sole method political jockeying, they felt, at once that the new system would turn against them, and easy calculations — which they more than once brought cynically to the tribune — soon convinced them that their misgivings were not unfounded. Now, the Radicals, although not in the majority in the Chamber, form the most numerous group there, and they have a majority of the Senate. The consequence was that when M. Poincaré promoted patriotic measures, he was more or less hypocritically followed, but whenever Proportional Representation was in question, he had to threaten the Chamber with his resignation to muster a sufficient majority. While this was evidently agreeable to the country, it created a sore feeling among the mere politicians in Parliament, and lobby intrigues were not lacking. Some months before the presidential election took place, the Radicals had openly chosen M. Caillaux as their chief, and they watched an opportunity to pit him against M. Poincaré. It was in this atmosphere that the very short campaign which precedes a French presidential election began,— five or six weeks before the appointed date, January 17.
The presidential election is made in Congress, that is to say, in a plenary assembly of the Chamber and Senate in the old Versailles palace. Legally it ought to be left entirely to their choice, but the custom has gradually been established among the Radical groups in both houses of designating a candidate a few days before the election, and this candidate continues to be called the Republican candidate, as if there really were a monarchist candidate against him. On several occasions the Republican candidate has been known to be replaced by another at the last minute, and it was in this way that Felix Faure was elected on a suggestion of Clemenceau, though his name had never been mentioned before. Needless to say, then, that a French presidential election is completely different from that of an American President, and that it is practically given up to Parliamentary arrangements or intrigues, while throughout the country the feeling is one of curiosity rather than interest.
This year the conditions were different. In the last weeks of 1912 the reinstatement by M. Millerand of a territorial officer who became well known during the Dreyfus agitation, M. du Paty de Clam, gave the Radicals a handle against M. Poincaré. His friend Millerand had been looked upon as his right arm, and was in fact the living incarnation of his patriotic ideas as well as the idol of the army. Getting rid of such a minister of war was at the same time dealing a hard blow to the Prime Minister. The Radicals did not take into consideration for one moment that M. Millerand was the embodiment of French defense in the most critical period of the Balkan War. They decided on his ejection, and, to the universal amazement, they found an instrument in the Cabinet itself. The Minister of Agriculture, M. Pams, declared himself in the Chamber against his colleague, and M. Millerand was constrained to offer his resignation. M. Pams was one of the Radicals whom political necessities had made it inevitable that M. Poincaré should take into the Cabinet. He had been known for several years as a rich business man from a Southern département, with a great deal of mild ambition, no particular intelligence, and no particular principles, a belief in hospitality and a persuasive cook, — the accomplished type of the good-natured politician whose conception of politics does not go further than give and take according to an easy formula.
This placid, kind, ordinary man did the incredible thing we have just mentioned, and publicly divided his cause, apparent ly from that of Millerand, but, to all intents and purposes, from that of Poincaré. Only a strong incentive could have inspired such a weak man to a step of this character. What the incentive was soon appeared when M. Pams was designated as the Republican candidate by the Radical caucus.
It would be superfluous to narrate how, after the refusal of M. Leon Bourgeois, M. Poincare was prevailed upon, or made up his mind, to fight the Southron. When his intention was known there was a furious outcry in the Radical camp: Poincaré ignored the Republican discipline, — as the phrase goes, — and his audacity was extreme. Deputation after deputation went to him to remonstrate on the enormity of his conduct, and the Radical forces indulged for almost a fortnight in very violent language against him.
However this agitation was merely political, and consequently superficial. It soon appeared clearly that it would not infect the country, and that the reverse was much more probable. For the first time since the institution of the Presidency the man in the street saw clearly the ins and outs of an election and took proportionate interest in it. In ordinary times M. Pams would have been a likely enough candidate, provided the Presidency was what President Grévy said it was, — ‘ an honorable retirement for an old servant of the country.’ At the critical moment in which France found herself, this candidacy was tragi-comic. Just at the time when the country needed a man the Radicals offered it a Pams. Was it not a thousand times a blessing that Providence should offer it a Poincaré ?
The reader must now see the significance of Poincaré’s election: it was a national victory against a crew of mere politicians represented to unhoped-for perfection by an ambitious nonentity. The programme of Poincaré was defense of the country through necessary sacrifices of men and money, along with an indispensable reform of political manners; the programme of Pams was only a vague promise of an improved state of affairs with no more definite indication of ways and means than the league of greeds and ambitions known as Republican Concentration, glorified in the jejune language of which the country, after thirty years, has become heartily sick, but which Radical eloquence will use as if it were everlastingly fresh.
It also must appear evident that the words ‘new presidency’ applied to the incumbency of M. Poincaré mean more than the accession of a new man to an old office. Circumstances and the character of M. Poincaré have suddenly lifted up the position of the French President from the insignificance to which it had fallen, especially under MM. Loubet and Fallières, and the contrast is so strong that it suggests the idea of a constitutional change, which of course it is not in the least.
IV
The question now arises: what will M. Poincare do? What is his role likely to be in European politics? what is right, and what is exaggerated, in what has been said in various quarters of his Russophil tendencies, of the influence which Russia is supposed to have had with him in originating t he Three-YearService law? and so forth.
These questions can be answered not by prophesying, but by explaining.
First of all, it is obvious that there will be a state of more or less open warfare between the President and the Radicals in the Chamber, and especially in the Senate — where, as I said above, they are in the majority — until new elections bring in a better class of politicians. This war began on the morrow of the election, and the first event was the defeat by the Senate of M. Briand’s government, on that very measure— Proportional Representation — which was an essential item in M. Poincaré’s programme. In beating Briand, the Radicals in the Senate did nothing else than wreak their vengeance on the President.
Since then, M. Barthou has been Prime Minister, and has given proofs of exceptional and one might say of unexpected decision in the defense of the Three-Year law which has occupied the Chamber’s attention since the month of March. In the long debates over this momentous question the Radicals and Socialists have vainly watched their opportunity to hit the President once more through a premier whose tone and intentions make him his evident representative. It is difficult at present for mere political passion to use as a snare a question which the nation follows, and we can easily foresee the future. The Radicals will stand in the way of any government trying to support Proportional Representation or political reforms akin to it, in hope of discouraging the President, but they will not dare go against them when military or international measures are in question.
Who will be ultimately defeated in this contest between the legislative and the executive powers? Is it possible for a President either to fight the Parliament or even to withstand its antagonism? President Casimir-Périer, who found himself in 1895 in a position somewhat similar to that of Poincaré, did not think so, and resigned after six months of what he later on described as everyday torture. But. many jurists have since expressed their opinion that M. Casimir-Périer had not even begun to use the rights which the Constitution gave him.
The year after that President’s resignation a very young but already distinguished deputy, addressing his constituents at Commercy, did not take sides as between Casimir-Périer and Parliament, but said in very forcible language that the rôle which the Chamber was constantly assuming was anticonstitutional. This young deputy was M. Poincaré.
Will the President make use of the restrictions which the Constitution places at his disposal? He may, for instance, prorogue the Chambers twice in the course of a session, and he need keep them in session only five months in twelve. The mere exercise of this right would give him and a congenial Cabinet perfect freedom from parliamentary control during the greater part of the year. It is not likely that he will adopt this policy, to which his enemies would easily give the appearance of a coup d’état. The probabilit ies are that he will pretend to ignore the schemes and intrigues of the Radicals, and will good-humoredly replace government after government as it falls, counting on the powerful influence of the new public spirit to force a patriotic attitude on Parliament, and counting on popular common sense to see through the manœuvres of politicians. The brisk buoyant manner in which he has until now accomplished the official part of his task, appearing everywhere, speaking everywhere, displaying more activity in his first six months than M. Fallières in his whole seven years, appears to me as revealing both a mood and a resolution. The mood is evident happiness in feeling himself in communion with France, and the resolution is to let France find out more and more for herself how remote she is from the petty Radical disposition. On the other hand, the transformation of At. Barthou from a clever politician into a real head of government shows the continuous presence of a stronger will, which is no other than that of the President embodying that of the country. So that this at least is certain, that AI. Poincare will fight the battles of France against inferior Frenchmen at home, and will, in all likelihood, fight them successfully.
Of his foreign and European policies one can speak only in the most general terms. An impression seems to have prevailed abroad, thanks to ill-informed comments on the Three-YearService law, that M. Poincaré might be a warlike and somewhat adventurous President, with a Lorrainer’s background and the memories of 1870 still fresh in him to encourage him in that attitude. Such an impression is one which only false presentments and insufficient knowledge of the European atmosphere at t he present moment can create. All Europe is in arms, and it would be treason for a French president to adopt Jaurès’s language in favor of disarmament. As to the ThreeYear-Service law, those persons who have even cursorily followed the debates of the Chamber on the question can have no doubt that it is a mere defensive measure, securing six hundred thousand men—instead of four — against the eight hundred thousand of Germany.
The so-called Russophil tendency of the President is of exactly the same order, How could a French President be otherwise than Russophil, whatever his personal sympathies may be, when the Russian alliance is the only French alliance, and during the sixteen years of its duration has never once appeared to be other than merely defensive? M. Barthou formally denied in the Chamber that Russia had anything to do with the extension of the military service, but the briefest examination of the pros and cons of the measure would be enough to demonstrate it. The international interests of France at the present moment are too apparent to admit of two policies, and the policy of M. Poincaré as President cannot be different from his policy as Foreign Minister, which was approved by everybody outside a blindly antagonistic party.
The conclusion of this article need not be long: no situation was ever clearer than that of the new French President, and the reader surely realizes that it is more the situation of the country than that of the man. With all his talent and popularity, with his capacity for work, his clear-sightedness and self-command, M. Poincaré would not be the President he is if his past had not enabled him to be in an emergency simply a patriot instead of a politician. As it is, his own personal interests are fused with those of the nation, and indiscernible from them. This may be called rare luck, but it ought also to be called rare civic virtue. Certain it is that M. Poincaré appears as an excellent representative of France when she is passing from the anarchy of dreams to the self-possession of definite ideals, and nobody can name the man who would hold his position as well.
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Download this stock image: Raymond Poincaré (1860 - 1934) - French Prime Minister 1912 - 1913, 1922 - 1924 + 1926 - 1929, and French President 1913 - 1920. - BR4627 from Alamy's library of millions of high resolution stock photos, illustrations and vectors.
|
en
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-raymond-poincar-1860-1934-french-prime-minister-1912-1913-1922-1924-31440031.html
|
This image could have imperfections as it’s either historical or reportage.
Portrait photo circa 1914 of French statesman Raymond Poincaré (1860 - 1934) - Prime Minister of France 1912 - 1913, 1922 - 1924 + 1926 - 1929, and President of France from 1913 to 1920. Photo by Harris & Ewing.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 2
|
https://offices.co/france/paris/14630/
|
en
|
Central Paris Serviced Offices
|
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Rent fully furnished serviced offices in an elegant building at 78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré in Central Paris near Les Champs-Élysées and the Eiffel Tower, with easy access to the train station and airport.
|
en
|
Offices.co - The Offices Company
|
https://offices.co/france/paris/14630/
|
This centre offers fully furnished office spaces and virtual offices in a prestigious area. Offices are modern, spacious and light. Offering high-speed Internet access in each office, a dedicated phone number with phone answering service, your business can establish a prestigious presence. In addition, you can take advantage of the administrative support provided on-site, as well as 24 hour access allowing you to work through late hours. This is especially ideal for companies with international relations that may be required to contact clients over different time zones. There are complementary beverages onsite to keep you recharged throughout the day.
About this Location
This business centre is strategically situated at one of the most sought-after areas of Paris, just minutes away from Les Champs-Élysées and the Eiffel Tower. Not far away from train station and airports, this business center is located in a charming, dynamic and prestigious avenue with banks, post office, newsstands, restaurants, coffee shops and more. Very easy to access via subway, RER, bus and car. This proactive community also enjoys an abundance of historical monuments, museums and art galleries, all within walking distance.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 88
|
https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/forum/threads/ministers.180237/
|
en
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 49
|
https://erasmusprogramme.com/review/lycee-raymond-poincare/
|
en
|
Lycée Raymond Poincaré
|
https://erasmusprogramme.com/images/favicon.ico
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Dreaming of an exciting, lifechanging, funded Study Abroad experience? Find 5,000+ Erasmus destination all in one place!
|
en
|
/images/favicon.ico
|
https://erasmusprogramme.com/review/lycee-raymond-poincare/
|
Lycée Raymond Poincaré is an educational institution that is located in a region known as Bar Le Duc, which is found in the country of France.
Lycée Raymond Poincaré Review
Lycée Raymond Poincaré is one of the best Erasmus locations in all of Europe, and is certainly regarded as a top choice in France.
Score ratings (100):
Overview
The official name of this Erasmus listing is Lycée Raymond Poincaré.
The address is 1 Place Paul Lemagny, postcode of 55012.
It is located in the region of Bar Le Duc in the country of France.
Apply
To apply to Lycée Raymond Poincaré, you need to consult your course coordinator, Erasmus manager or the International Office at your home school and follow these steps:
Is Lycée Raymond Poincaré a top ranked university in France?
So, when it comes to comparing Lycée Raymond Poincaré with the rest, is it in the Top 10 Erasmus destinations in Europe? Well, the best way to find out is to check our Current Erasmus Top 100 Rankings and see if Lycée Raymond Poincaré makes the top of the list!
Best Rated Erasmus Locations
There have been no negative reports recieved from Erasmus Students, Tourists, Staff, Visitors, Parents or Professors at Lycée Raymond Poincaré.
It was a great experience attending this destination.
Other notes:
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 50
|
https://www.sethkaller.com/item/2149-24843-French-President-Poincare-Counters-Conspiracy-Theory-by-Anti-Semitic-Editor-Urbain-Gohier-(Who-Later-Fabricated-the-%25E2%2580%259CProtocols-of-the-Elders-of-Zion%25E2%2580%259D)
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en
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Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
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French President Poincare Counters Conspiracy Theory by Anti-Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
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The President of the Third French Republic tells an unknown friend about a disturbing letter that he just received from right wing journalist and newspaper editor Urbain Gohier, in which Gohier had accused him, the sitting president, of colluding with Jewish and foreign elements.
ANTI-SEMITISM. RAYMOND POINCARE, Autograph Letter Signed, to Unknown, May 22, 1916. 3 pp., 5⅛ x 8 in.
Inventory #24843 Price: $1,250
Complete Translation
May 22, 1916
My dear Friend,
I will without delay attend to the settlement of the small matter you alerted me to. I will keep you informed.
Since I have the pleasure of my [?], please let me tell you that I have received a letter from Mr. Urbain Gohier that I just don’t understand. Here are some pages:
“In early 1913, barely elected, you were exposed to a double aggression by M. Gustave Lévy in the [Œuvre?]and by a [?]Jacob, called Landau, in a [special?] paper.
“I established soon after from M. Lévy that you had re-installed him at the university to keep him silent.
“And you asked me (rue du Comt Marchand)[1] not to execute the master-singer and master-spy Jacob Landau, brother and [?]of the so-called ‘Baroness’ Heftler, spy.
I deferred to your wishes, despite the three years of [?]provocations.
“But yesterday I was physically assaulted and threatened in the street by the scoundrel… I think it is my duty to set a good example. I am sorry that your <2>tranquility will be upset….”
I do not know on what Mr. Urbain Gohier bases his peculiar statement that I ever reintegrated Mr. Lévy at the university to keep him silent. I had nothing to do with the integration of Mr. Lévy, and you have known me long enough to know that I would never seek to silence a person, having nothing to fear from anybody whatsoever.
I am even more astonished, if that is possible, that Mr. Urbain Gohier attributes to me, regarding Mr. Jacob Landau, an attitude that I have never had. You were there for the conversation that he recalls and which took place, three years ago, on rue de Comt Marchand. Never have I thought to ask Mr. Gohier “not to execute” M. Jacob Landau, and you are witness to the fact that I expressed no such wish to him. Since he told me about M. Jacob Landau in very colorful terms, I responded that I did not know him, - and to this day, I do not. Therefore I <3>
cannot fathom how Mr. Urbain Gohier could write: “I am sorry that your tranquility will be upset.” My tranquility counts very little at this time; but I wonder what relationship I can have with someone I do not even know. If Mr. Urbain Gohier brings me to court, directly or indirectly, he will make a serious mistake. In any case, from now on, I would be very grateful if you set his memory straight and reminded him that I never said what he says I did. It seems unlikely that after having talked with you, he would persist in his error.
Thank you, and best wishes,
Poincaré
Historical Background
The President includes lengthy excerpts from Gohier’s letter so that his correspondent can try to understand the journalist’s accusations. According to Gohier, Poincare sanctioned the admission of a Jewish student named Gustave Levy into university in 1913 even though Levy had ties to a “master spy” named Jacob Landau and a double agent named “Baronne Heftler.”
Urbain Gohier (1862-1951) found a niche as an anti-Semitic, pro-royalist, and anti-military journalist starting in the 1880s. In 1916, he founded and served as editor of an anti-Semitic weekly pamphlet titled Le Vieille-France. Four years later, he fabricated The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which purportedly exposed a Jewish plot to take over the world. After World War II, he was condemned for his support of the Vichy government and collaborationist press.
Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) was born in Bar-le-Duc, France and educated at the University of Paris. Admitted to the bar at age 20, he became the youngest lawyer in France. He successfully defended Jules Verne in a libel suit and was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887. Poincaré held several positions in the cabinet, including Minister of Public Education, Fine Arts, and Culture (1893 and 1895) and Minister of Finances (1894-1895 and 1906), before serving as Prime Minister in 1912-1913. He was President of France from 1913 to 1920, hoping to make the office more than ceremonial. He attempted to avoid World War I but took a strong anti-German stance once the war began. Poincaré again served as Prime Minister from 1922 to 1924, and from 1926 to 1929, and continued his warnings of German aggression. In 1914, a leftist politician claimed that Poincare was secretly negotiating with the Vatican, but such scandals did not negatively affect Poincare’s political career.
Complete Transcription
22 mai 1916
Mon cher ami, je vais, sans retard, veiller au règlement de la petite affaire que vous m’avez signalée! Je vous tiendrai au courant.
Puisque j’ai le plaisir de mes [?], voulez-vous me permettre de vous dire que j’ai reçu de M. Urbain Gohier une lettre à laquelle je ne comprends rien. En voici quelques pages:
“Au commencement de 1913, à peine élu, vous avez été en butte à une double aggression, de M Gastain Lévy dans l’œuvre et d’un [?]Jacob, dit Landau, dans une feuille [speciale?]
“Je me suis réparé aussitôt de M. Lévy, que vous avez re-integré dans l’université pour le faire taire.
“Et vous m’avez demandé (rue de Comt Marchand) de ne pas exécuter le maître-chanteur et maître espion Jacob Landau, frère et [?]de la prétendue ‘Baronesse’ Heftler, espionne.
“J’ai déferé à votre désir, malgré des provocations [?]pendants trois ans.
Mais hier j’ai été assailli et menacé corporellement dans la rue par le misérable …
“Je pense qu’il m’appartient de donner le bon exemple. Je regretterai que votre tranquilité <2>en soit troublée….”
Je ne sais sur quoi M. Urbain Gohier prétend fondre cette singulière affirmation que j’avais jamais ‘ réintégrer M. Lévy dans l’université pour le faire taire. Je n’ai pas eu à m’occuper de l’intégration de M. Lévy et vous me connaissez depuis assez longtemps pour savoir que je n’ai jamais cherché à faire taire personne, n’ayant rien à craindre de qui que ce soit.
Je suis encore, s’il est possible, étonné que M. Urbain Gohier m’attribu et respectivement, à l’endroit de M. Jacob Landau, une attitude que je n’ai jamais eue. Vous étiez présent à la conversation qu’il rappelle et qui a eu lieu, il y a plus de trois ans, rue de Comt Marchand. Jamais je n’ai songé a demander à M. Gohier “de ne pas exécuter” M. Jacob Landau et vous êtes témoin que je ne lui ai exprimé, àc et égard, aucun désir. Comme il me parlait de M. Jacob Landau en termes très vifs, je lui ai répondu que je ne le connaissait pas, - et je ne le connais pas davantage aujourd’hui. Je <3>ne m’explique donc pas que M. Urbain Gohier puisse écrire: “Je regretterai que votre tranquillité soit troublée.” Ma tranquillité compte peu à l’heure présente; mais je me demande quel rapport [je peux?]avoir avec quelqu’un qui m’est totalement inconnu. Si M. Urbain Gohier me met en cause, directement ou indirectement, à propos de M. Jacob Landau, il se trompe gravement. En tout cas, dès mainteneant, je vous serais reconnaissant de vouloir bien redresser ses souvenirs et lui rappeler que jamais je ne lui ai tenu le langage qu’il me prête . Il ne me parait pas possible qu’après avoir causé avec vous, il persiste dans son erreur.
Merci et bien cordialement à vous,
Poincaré
Condition: In very fine condition, with expected light folds. A few discolored spots and unobtrusive staple imprints scattered throughout.
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||||||
correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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3
| 11
|
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35436565/
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Advances in forensic neuroimaging
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Skip to main page content
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||||
correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
|
0
| 13
|
https://kwnyc.com/avenue-raymond-poincare-75116/france/house/256310/
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en
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Avenue Raymond Poincare in France
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Avenue Raymond Poincare is a sales property in France priced at $6,448,000
|
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|
KWNYC
| null |
RLS IDX Data display by Keller Williams NYC
Real estate agents affiliated with Keller Williams NYC are independent contractor sales associates and are not employees of Keller Williams NYC. Keller Williams NYC is a licensed real estate broker located at 360 Madison Avenue, 9th Floor New York, NY 10017. Each office is independently owned and operated. All material herein is intended for information purposes only and has been compiled from sources deemed reliable. Though information is believed to be correct, it is presented subject to errors, omissions, changes or withdrawal without notice. This is not intended to solicit property already listened. All dimensions provided are approximate. To obtain exact dimensions, Keller Williams NYC advises you to hire a qualified architect or engineer. Equal Housing Opportunity.
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This information is not verified for authenticity or accuracy and is not guaranteed and may not reflect all real estate activity in the market. ©2024 REBNY Listing Service, Inc. All rights reserved. IDX information is provided exclusively for consumer's personal, non-commercial use and that it may not be used for any purpose other than to identify prospective properties consumers may be interested in purchasing. | This advertisement does not suggest that the broker has a listing in this property or properties or that any property is currently available.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 28
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https://www.sethkaller.com/item/2149-24843-French-President-Poincare-Counters-Conspiracy-Theory-by-Anti-Semitic-Editor-Urbain-Gohier-(Who-Later-Fabricated-the-%25E2%2580%259CProtocols-of-the-Elders-of-Zion%25E2%2580%259D)
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Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
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French President Poincare Counters Conspiracy Theory by Anti-Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
|
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| null |
The President of the Third French Republic tells an unknown friend about a disturbing letter that he just received from right wing journalist and newspaper editor Urbain Gohier, in which Gohier had accused him, the sitting president, of colluding with Jewish and foreign elements.
ANTI-SEMITISM. RAYMOND POINCARE, Autograph Letter Signed, to Unknown, May 22, 1916. 3 pp., 5⅛ x 8 in.
Inventory #24843 Price: $1,250
Complete Translation
May 22, 1916
My dear Friend,
I will without delay attend to the settlement of the small matter you alerted me to. I will keep you informed.
Since I have the pleasure of my [?], please let me tell you that I have received a letter from Mr. Urbain Gohier that I just don’t understand. Here are some pages:
“In early 1913, barely elected, you were exposed to a double aggression by M. Gustave Lévy in the [Œuvre?]and by a [?]Jacob, called Landau, in a [special?] paper.
“I established soon after from M. Lévy that you had re-installed him at the university to keep him silent.
“And you asked me (rue du Comt Marchand)[1] not to execute the master-singer and master-spy Jacob Landau, brother and [?]of the so-called ‘Baroness’ Heftler, spy.
I deferred to your wishes, despite the three years of [?]provocations.
“But yesterday I was physically assaulted and threatened in the street by the scoundrel… I think it is my duty to set a good example. I am sorry that your <2>tranquility will be upset….”
I do not know on what Mr. Urbain Gohier bases his peculiar statement that I ever reintegrated Mr. Lévy at the university to keep him silent. I had nothing to do with the integration of Mr. Lévy, and you have known me long enough to know that I would never seek to silence a person, having nothing to fear from anybody whatsoever.
I am even more astonished, if that is possible, that Mr. Urbain Gohier attributes to me, regarding Mr. Jacob Landau, an attitude that I have never had. You were there for the conversation that he recalls and which took place, three years ago, on rue de Comt Marchand. Never have I thought to ask Mr. Gohier “not to execute” M. Jacob Landau, and you are witness to the fact that I expressed no such wish to him. Since he told me about M. Jacob Landau in very colorful terms, I responded that I did not know him, - and to this day, I do not. Therefore I <3>
cannot fathom how Mr. Urbain Gohier could write: “I am sorry that your tranquility will be upset.” My tranquility counts very little at this time; but I wonder what relationship I can have with someone I do not even know. If Mr. Urbain Gohier brings me to court, directly or indirectly, he will make a serious mistake. In any case, from now on, I would be very grateful if you set his memory straight and reminded him that I never said what he says I did. It seems unlikely that after having talked with you, he would persist in his error.
Thank you, and best wishes,
Poincaré
Historical Background
The President includes lengthy excerpts from Gohier’s letter so that his correspondent can try to understand the journalist’s accusations. According to Gohier, Poincare sanctioned the admission of a Jewish student named Gustave Levy into university in 1913 even though Levy had ties to a “master spy” named Jacob Landau and a double agent named “Baronne Heftler.”
Urbain Gohier (1862-1951) found a niche as an anti-Semitic, pro-royalist, and anti-military journalist starting in the 1880s. In 1916, he founded and served as editor of an anti-Semitic weekly pamphlet titled Le Vieille-France. Four years later, he fabricated The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which purportedly exposed a Jewish plot to take over the world. After World War II, he was condemned for his support of the Vichy government and collaborationist press.
Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) was born in Bar-le-Duc, France and educated at the University of Paris. Admitted to the bar at age 20, he became the youngest lawyer in France. He successfully defended Jules Verne in a libel suit and was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887. Poincaré held several positions in the cabinet, including Minister of Public Education, Fine Arts, and Culture (1893 and 1895) and Minister of Finances (1894-1895 and 1906), before serving as Prime Minister in 1912-1913. He was President of France from 1913 to 1920, hoping to make the office more than ceremonial. He attempted to avoid World War I but took a strong anti-German stance once the war began. Poincaré again served as Prime Minister from 1922 to 1924, and from 1926 to 1929, and continued his warnings of German aggression. In 1914, a leftist politician claimed that Poincare was secretly negotiating with the Vatican, but such scandals did not negatively affect Poincare’s political career.
Complete Transcription
22 mai 1916
Mon cher ami, je vais, sans retard, veiller au règlement de la petite affaire que vous m’avez signalée! Je vous tiendrai au courant.
Puisque j’ai le plaisir de mes [?], voulez-vous me permettre de vous dire que j’ai reçu de M. Urbain Gohier une lettre à laquelle je ne comprends rien. En voici quelques pages:
“Au commencement de 1913, à peine élu, vous avez été en butte à une double aggression, de M Gastain Lévy dans l’œuvre et d’un [?]Jacob, dit Landau, dans une feuille [speciale?]
“Je me suis réparé aussitôt de M. Lévy, que vous avez re-integré dans l’université pour le faire taire.
“Et vous m’avez demandé (rue de Comt Marchand) de ne pas exécuter le maître-chanteur et maître espion Jacob Landau, frère et [?]de la prétendue ‘Baronesse’ Heftler, espionne.
“J’ai déferé à votre désir, malgré des provocations [?]pendants trois ans.
Mais hier j’ai été assailli et menacé corporellement dans la rue par le misérable …
“Je pense qu’il m’appartient de donner le bon exemple. Je regretterai que votre tranquilité <2>en soit troublée….”
Je ne sais sur quoi M. Urbain Gohier prétend fondre cette singulière affirmation que j’avais jamais ‘ réintégrer M. Lévy dans l’université pour le faire taire. Je n’ai pas eu à m’occuper de l’intégration de M. Lévy et vous me connaissez depuis assez longtemps pour savoir que je n’ai jamais cherché à faire taire personne, n’ayant rien à craindre de qui que ce soit.
Je suis encore, s’il est possible, étonné que M. Urbain Gohier m’attribu et respectivement, à l’endroit de M. Jacob Landau, une attitude que je n’ai jamais eue. Vous étiez présent à la conversation qu’il rappelle et qui a eu lieu, il y a plus de trois ans, rue de Comt Marchand. Jamais je n’ai songé a demander à M. Gohier “de ne pas exécuter” M. Jacob Landau et vous êtes témoin que je ne lui ai exprimé, àc et égard, aucun désir. Comme il me parlait de M. Jacob Landau en termes très vifs, je lui ai répondu que je ne le connaissait pas, - et je ne le connais pas davantage aujourd’hui. Je <3>ne m’explique donc pas que M. Urbain Gohier puisse écrire: “Je regretterai que votre tranquillité soit troublée.” Ma tranquillité compte peu à l’heure présente; mais je me demande quel rapport [je peux?]avoir avec quelqu’un qui m’est totalement inconnu. Si M. Urbain Gohier me met en cause, directement ou indirectement, à propos de M. Jacob Landau, il se trompe gravement. En tout cas, dès mainteneant, je vous serais reconnaissant de vouloir bien redresser ses souvenirs et lui rappeler que jamais je ne lui ai tenu le langage qu’il me prête . Il ne me parait pas possible qu’après avoir causé avec vous, il persiste dans son erreur.
Merci et bien cordialement à vous,
Poincaré
Condition: In very fine condition, with expected light folds. A few discolored spots and unobtrusive staple imprints scattered throughout.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
|
3
| 66
|
https://www.nature.com/articles/35796
|
en
|
In retrospect chosen by David Ruelle
|
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[] |
1998-02-19T00:00:00
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en
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/static/images/favicons/nature/apple-touch-icon-f39cb19454.png
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Nature
|
https://www.nature.com/articles/35796
|
Science et Méthode
Henri Poincaré
(1908)
Henri and Raymond Poincaré were a gifted pair of cousins. Raymond, born in 1860, would become president of the French Republic. Henri, born in 1854, was to be a famous mathematician, and he is the one whom scientists simply call Poincaré. Young Henri had varied interests, and spent his spare moments writing a novel the story of a heartbroken beautiful young woman, in an aristocratic setting. The unfinished manuscript of the novel now seems to be lost and, judging by a few extant fragments, this may be just as well.
Henri Poincaré's masterpiece would come later: the three volumes of Les méthodes nouvelles de la mécanique céleste (1892-99) were a different kind of literature. In this opus, and a deluge of articles and books, Poincaré opened up or revolutionized vast areas of mathematics: topology, the theory of algebraic curves, dynamical systems and so on. He was a powerful mathematician, with universal interests extending also to physics. His intellectual vigour remained unaltered right until his death in 1912 from complications of a prostate operation.
To be confronted with an intelligence of this magnitude is a bit disturbing. Should we exclaim that such genius is beyond comprehension? Or should we look for weak points, as French mathematicians of a later generation have done, finding Poincaré's methods too intuitive and his interests outmoded? Or perhaps we should approach the general problem of how a mathematician's brain works.
This problem, characteristically, was one that Poincaré himself pondered. He knew, as every mathematician does, that if you have to solve a difficult problem, you first spend time looking at it from different angles. A number of ideas present themselves, which you pursue conscientiously, but you fail to solve your problem. How then do you proceed? Here is what may happen: “One evening I took black coffee, contrary to my custom. I could not go to sleep. Ideas came up in swarms, I sensed them clashing until a pair would hook together, so to say, to form a stable combination. By morning⃛ I had just to write the results, which only took me a few hours.”
Poincaré's hooking together of ideas may take place unconsciously. He describes how he had at some point to abandon his mathematical preoccupations to go on a geological trip and “⃛ we took a bus for some excursion or other; the instant I set my foot on the step the idea came to me, with nothing apparently in my previous thoughts having prepared me for it, that the transformations I had used to define Fuchsian functions were identical with those of non-Euclidean geometry. I did not make the verification; I should not have had the time⃛ but I instantly felt a complete certainty.”
Reflecting on several such experiences, Poincaré expresses his belief that what appears to be a sudden illumination is in fact the result of previous long subconscious work. Some card-carrying rationalists might frown at the role attributed by Poincaré to unconscious thought in a higher intellectual process. Poincaré was actually a very rational man: here he presents some interesting facts of observation, and boldly discusses their implications. But, characteristically, he stops when he reaches the end of what he can seriously argue.
The above quotations come from chapter 3 of Science et méthode (1908). This is one of several books in which Poincaré presented his ideas on the philosophy of science to the general public. Young Henri had failed in his early attempt at a heart-stirring novel, but there is no doubt that he had a literary gift. The style of his philosophical writings is fluid and unhurried, and a delight to read. The clarity of exposition is such that you forget about the style and concentrate on the ideas. Poincaré's books on the philosophy of science consist of short chapters, each a little essay. Some chapters on physics are out of date, but others have aged well, and sometimes show uncanny premonition of future scientific developments.
Chapter 4 is about chance, or randomness. Where does it come from? Poincaré finds not one but several sources of randomness (the list would be longer now with the advent of quantum mechanics). He explains for instance that randomness in roulette arises from our lack of muscular control in spinning the wheel. Another source is what we now call chaos: “A very small cause, which escapes us, determines a considerable effect, which we cannot ignore, and we then say that this effect is due to chance.” As an example he discusses meteorology: “Why do rainstorms⃛ seem to happen at random, so that many people find it natural to pray for rain or fair weather, when they would judge ridiculous to ask for an eclipse?” The answer he gives, sensitivity to initial conditions, would be rediscovered (and justified) much later.
The elegant simplicity of Poincaré's presentation hides the vast amount of mathematical expertise and thinking underlying his philosophical discussions. And all this thinking did not always reach a satisfactory conclusion. It is probable for instance that he spent time thinking about hydrodynamic turbulence. He wrote a book related to the topic (Théorie des tourbillons, 1893), a study of vortices and their stability, but does not obtain any dramatic result.
One can guess that Poincaré's intelligence has a significant moral aspect. Because he was basically modest, and his work had received considerable recognition, he showed little of the bitterness and need to assert superiority that are common traits among great (and less great) scientists. He was not a militant person: he said of the rather more ideological Kronecker that the latter could do so much fine mathematics because he frequently forgot his own mathematical philosophy. Poincaré was thus not driven by strong ambition or ideological preconceptions, but had an extreme curiosity for the true nature of things. And so we see him pushing his investigations often far ahead of his time, unafraid to venture into physics and psychology, but stopping short of poetical guesswork, which seems to have held no attraction for him.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
|
1
| 90
|
https://totalenergies.com/company/identity/history/pioneers-hundred-years
|
en
|
TotalEnergies, pioneers for a Hundred Years
|
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From the creation of Compagnie française des pétroles to the transformation of Total into TotalEnergies, discover the history of TotalEnergies in a few key dates.
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en
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/themes/custom/totalenergies_com/dist/img/favicon.png
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TotalEnergies.com
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https://totalenergies.com/company/identity/history/pioneers-hundred-years
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Discovery of major hydrocarbon deposits in the Algerian Sahara. Oil was discovered in Algeria first at Edjeleh, then Hassi Messaoud (the largest deposit on the African continent at 1,600 km2), and then a natural gas deposit at Hassi R'Mel (the largest deposit in Africa and the second largest in the world at 2,400 km2). This marked a new phase in the development of the industry as a whole new infrastructure was required to enable the export of the natural gas to consumer areas. The world's first natural gas liquefaction plant was built at Arzew, where the gas from Hassi R'mel flowed. The creation of that plant was a technological and logistical feat, and marked TotalEnergies' first steps (with an 11% stake) into the liquefied natural gas (LNG) business; a presence that has continued to grow ever since.
Picture caption: Storage tanks at the Hassi Messaoud CFP-A, Algeria, 1959
Discovery of the first marine oil field at Umm Shaïf, off the coast of Abu Dhabi. The first offshore oil extraction operation began in 1962, and owed its discovery to underwater reconnaissance campaigns carried out aboard the Calypso. The legendary ship of Commandant Jacques Cousteau was made available to oil companies as part of an agreement signed in 1951 to finance his expeditions. The Compagnie française des pétroles and its French engineers, who were heavily involved in the preparatory studies, acquired solid skills in offshore exploration and production, marking the start of the business for the future TotalEnergies.
Picture caption: Inauguration in Sheikh Shakhbut’s palace of the installation of the Adma platform in the Umm Shaif oil field, in the presence of the Sheikh and Victor de Metz, Chairman and CEO of CFP, Abu Dhabi, 1962
Discovery of major oil deposits off the coast of Gabon, first at Anguille, then at Torpille, Grondin, and Émeraude in the 1960s. This made Gabon one of Africa's leading oil producers. The future Elf group—which already had a presence in the Congo and Gabon since the 1950s through local subsidiaries under the banner of the Bureau de Recherche de Pétrole—consolidated its presence throughout the Gulf of Guinea. Drilling at the Anguille site required new equipment and specific techniques, which meant that the future Elf group further honed its skills in offshore operations.
Picture caption: Île-de-France jack-up rig, Anguille permit, Gabon, 1968
Total acquired Direct Energie, France's third-largest supplier of green gas and electricity, strengthening its credentials in renewable energy production and retail sales. Direct Energie generates electricity from power stations, wind farms, and solar farms operated by its subsidiary Quadran. In this way, the company competes with the incumbent operators by offering low-cost alternative solutions based primarily on green energy. A strategy initiated in 2016 with the acquisition of Belgium's Lampiris, the country's third-largest gas and electricity supplier, whose electricity is 100% renewable (hydro, wind, solar). In 2017, the group also launched a renewable gas and electricity offer under its own brand in France: Total Spring.
Picture caption: Direct Energie, 2018
Total took over ENGIE's upstream LNG (liquefied natural gas) assets, including long-term purchase contracts, regasification capacity in Europe, a fleet of LNG carriers, and a 16.6% stake in the Cameron LNG liquefaction plant in the United States. The company set about strengthening its position in liquefied natural gas; a transitional energy. Already very active in that market, that acquisition from Engie put it in the number two position worldwide. And by entering the Cameron LNG project, it became an integrated player in the American market, since it was already producing gas there. It also gave the group a leading position in the production and export of American LNG.
Picture caption: Operators at the Cameron LNG liquefaction termina, Louisiana, United States, 2018
With the acquisition of Danish exploration-production company Maersk Oil, Total became the second largest operator in the North Sea. The most important external growth operation since the acquisition of Elf Aquitaine in 2000, that acquisition enabled the company to become the second largest operator in the North Sea, reinforcing its leading position in the UK and Norway, and extending its activities to Denmark. It came against a backdrop of falling oil prices: priority going to projects with low technical costs and less profitable assets being sold off. For existing projects, the group stepped up its efforts to achieve greater operational excellence, particularly in deep offshore operations (simplified design, shorter drilling times, use of existing facilities, etc.).
Picture caption: Maersk Oil employee in the North Sea, Denmark, 2013
Total rebranded as TotalEnergies! A new identity that embodies the company's transformation into a multi-energy company (oil, gas, electricity, hydrogen, biomass, wind, solar) and its ambition to become a major player in the energy transition. A model and a strategy that took shape in the early 2020s with multiple multi-energy agreements and developments across the entire renewable energy chain: projects to recover flared gas from oil fields in order to supply power plants with gas; development of solar photovoltaic power plants and projects in Iraq and Libya; acquisition of Fonroche Biogaz in France, the French leader in renewable gas; green hydrogen project at the heart of the La Mède biorefinery near Marseille... These new projects are all part of the group's ambitions in terms of sustainable development, with particular attention to reducing the environmental footprint and emissions caused by its activities.
Picture caption: Service-station rebranding in Ferch, Germany, 2021
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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3
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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Rebuilding a Cathedral: The Media, American Money, and French Heritage
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The Reims Cathedral in France, destroyed by German shelling during World War I, was rebuilt after a carefully-planned donation from John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
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REsource
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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On May 3, 1924, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., wrote to French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré to make a formal offer of financial assistance for the restoration of several French national monuments. Preparations for Rockefeller’s gift, however, had been quietly in the works for months.
Rockefeller was concerned about the potential implications and pitfalls of this kind of international philanthropy. He knew that such a gift had to be managed carefully if he did not want to appear as a meddling outsider. With the help of his staff, Rockefeller consciously constructed a narrative about the donation that could reflect positively on all parties involved in the project.
The gift itself funded repairs at three separate sites: Reims Cathedral, the Palace of Versailles, and the Palace of Fontainebleau. But Rockefeller and his staff consistently emphasized that the most important of the three was the restoration of Reims Cathedral, a revered national symbol of the French people.
“The Ravages of War”
The Cathedral at Reims had sustained devastating damages during the First World War. On September 19, 1914, a German shell lit a ravaging fire that consumed the Cathedral, causing the roof to collapse and destroying the interior. While the palaces to be restored with Rockefeller’s gift were in disrepair due to “the devastating effects of time,” the Cathedral was a visible example of “the ravages of war” on humanity and culture.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Profound Admiration” Inspires a Gift
It is difficult to pinpoint a single reason why John D. Rockefeller, Jr. decided to help restore French cultural monuments. Certainly the gift was consistent with family tradition. Even before he made his millions in the late nineteenth century, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. gave a significant percentage of his earnings to charitable causes. Established in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation was the primary mechanism for carrying out Rockefeller’s organized philanthropy. It worked worldwide to support educational, medical, and public health initiatives.
The state of international politics following the First World War doubtless played a role in John D. Rockefeller, Jr.’s decision. Many reports about the gift cited Rockefeller’s discussions of “the question with friends of France” upon his return from a trip to that country in 1923.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Based upon his status and reputation, it is possible that Rockefeller was met with requests or perhaps even some pressure from French government officials or his American associates to make a donation.
With memories of the war and its conclusion fresh in American and European minds, many felt that the United States had the obligation, burden, or opportunity to continue to support its allies in the conflict. Newspaper articles with titles such as “America to the Rescue”“America to the Rescue,” New York Evening World, May 31, 1925, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.and “Help Others Help Themselves”“Help Others Help Themselves,” The Richmond Palladium, June 3, 1924, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.expressed a national public opinion that was generally favorable towards Rockefeller and, in most cases, sympathetic to the French.
Even considering these many outside influences, the simplest explanation behind Rockefeller’s gift might be his genuine affinity for a monument of such artistic and cultural significance. Rockefeller was a devoutly religious man with an aesthetic preference for medieval art and architecture. In a 1928 letter, Rockefeller described his “deep interest in the Cathedral and profound admiration for it.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Georges Charbonneaux, September 14, 1928, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Forming a Committee
Since Rockefeller knew that a contribution by a foreign philanthropist to a French national cause would be a delicate matter, he spent much time putting together a team of experts in related areas. The five men who were ultimately selected had experience in architecture, politics, and finance. Each one also had a vested interest in Franco-American relations.“M. Rockefeller donne un million de dollars pour Reims, Versailles, et Fontainebleau,” L’éclair (Paris), May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.These men communicated with French officials privately and extensively to ensure all details were accounted for before the news was announced to the public.
Self-Consciously an Outsider
In an April 1924 letter to Colonel Arthur Woods, who assisted with the negotiations, Rockefeller expressed his public relations concerns. He sought to find a way to offer the gift in an appropriate and respectful way.
Many questions surrounded the donation. First, which governmental body should allocate the resources? Second, how would the Rockefeller donation work in conjunction with the funds already provided by French sources? And third, for which precisely defined purposes could the money be used?John D. Rockefeller, Jr., “Memorandum,” February 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Rockefeller left many of the details up to his associates. However, on the point of limiting the amount of the original gift to one million dollars he was firm. He wrote, “any larger sum might, I fear, subject me to criticism.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Helping, but not Offending
Although the aims of the project seemed honorable enough – to restore and protect a significant religious site with cultural and national importance – committee members knew that its motivations could be interpreted in many different ways and inadvertently cause offense to the American or French governments.
Committee members labored to frame the gift in such a way that they could refute the potential criticism. Official documentation underwent several draft stages before being released, with words chosen carefully to strike a conciliatory and impartial tone.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924 (draft), French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, undated (draft), French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The committee kept the entire project timeline in mind from the start. This included a second donation Rockefeller made in 1927 for additional restoration work.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, March 19, 1927, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – 1927 Pledge, 1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.In early private communications about his first gift, Rockefeller had hinted that “two or three or five years later a further sum [may] be added.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center. While the committee worked with this possibility in mind, members also recognized that an additional Rockefeller donation was only one of many potential paths that the project could follow. The group planned as if further support would not be coming from the donor.
Confronting Questions About Optics
To be sure, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. committed to support all three historic sites. But to encourage a positive public opinion, the committee chose to focus its attention and communication on the restoration of Reims Cathedral, with only secondary mention of the Palaces of Versailles or Fontainebleau. This was done despite the fact that the greatest financial portion of the gift went to the repairs at Versailles. Rockefeller and his associates discussed the Cathedral first and foremost to reporters on both sides of the Atlantic.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.They did this to such an extent that, in some accounts, the palaces seem like an afterthought.
Restoring a National Symbol
Reims was so important to French history that it had long served as a national symbol even more so than a religious one. Traditional accounts trace the birth of the French nation itself to Clovis, the 5th century king and uniter of the Francs. Clovis was baptized at Reims, marking a definitive moment in defining France as its own nation.Euloge Boissonnade, Le Baptême de Clovis : Naissance de la Nation Française. (Paris: Godefroy de Bouillon, 1995).
Significantly, then, the damages to the Cathedral sustained during World War I were a national trauma. The German bombing struck a devastating chord. Postcards depicting the 1914 bombing are testament to the symbolic significance of the Reims Cathedral to the French national spirit.
On the other hand, the Versailles and Fontainebleau palaces were victims of long neglect, not wartime attacks. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. observed their disrepair during a visit in 1923, prompting his support of those restorations. Although important historical sites, the palaces recalled a gilded, monarchist past. In contrast, the Cathedral was a symbol of the nation as a whole.
Reims in the Headlines
Reports of the donation embraced this symbolic angle, putting emphasis on the Cathedral. A New York Evening World article of May 30, 1924 featured the headline, “Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral.” A smaller subtitle followed, announcing “$750,000 Will Be Used to Repair Palaces at Versailles and Fontainebleau.”“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The article makes only brief mention of the palaces, going into extensive details about the condition and needs of the Cathedral. Yet its final line concisely states, “[a]bout one-fourth of Mr. Rockefeller’s gift will be spent on the Cathedral.” In short, three quarters of the funding was spent on the projects least written about.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The Public Verdict
Ultimately, the public response was indeed positive. Nevertheless, some voices of dissent emerged. For example, some Americans suggested that the money ought to be spent domestically. Others thought the Cathedral should be left untouched as a monument to the tragedy of war.“Not by Bread Alone,” Fort Myers, Florida News, May 31, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; “Rheims – A War Memorial,” Post Dispatch (St. Louis, MO), May 31, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Most accounts celebrated the donation, reflecting the same unifying sentiments Rockefeller had expressed in his original letter to Poincaré: “such a structure as this great Cathedral belongs to the world, rather than to the country in which it happens to be situated.”“Reims, A World Monument,” Journal-Herald (Delaware, OH), June 4, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
French government officials and citizens wrote publicly and privately to Rockefeller, expressing their thanks. In 1936, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his wife Abby were honored at a ceremony during their visit to Reims.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to sons, July 11, 1936, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift, 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Further Support
Rockefeller’s early indications about a possible second gift were indeed realized in 1927. This new donation was made with just as much planning and discussion, albeit with less fanfare. This might be because of the modesty that Rockefeller and his associates had established in their philanthropic work. Timing may have also played a role: the announcement of the gift came just a few days after Charles Lindbergh’s historic transatlantic flight, which understandably dominated news headlines.“Rockefeller Touches the Heart of France,” State (Columbia, SC), May 30, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Rockefeller and his associates might have simply taken advantage of the third anniversary of the original donation to make the announcement of the second gift. But it is also possible that its concurrence with larger news events and its subsequently muted press coverage is another example of their planning strategy.
Indeed it was this level of careful consideration that enabled the building of a positive narrative around what the New York Times deemed a “nobly conceived and practically planned gift.”“The Rheims Restoration,” New York Times, May 31, [1924], French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Research This Topic in the Archives
“France – Reims – Civic Buildings before and after WWI,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“France – Reims – Reims Cathedral – Reconstruction,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Reims Cathedral,” circa 1926, Rockefeller family papers, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Family Home Movies, Series 2, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Jusserand,” 1924-1929, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift,” 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Welles Bosworth Correspondence,” 1936-1958, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – H. F. Sheets,” 1923-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work,” 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence,” 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Equitable Trust Company, Chase,” 1924-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
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[Enclosure—Translation]
Message of the President of the French Republic (Poincaré) to the Officers and Soldiers of France
As you, my noble friends, I have perused with emotion, in the Bulletin des Armées, the messages that have been addressed to you, on the eve of the New Year, by the mayors of our large cities. The same language, hardly varied by [Page 15] some slight difference in tone, has been spoken to you by all the French cities, and it is easy for me, to-day, to extract from these numerous attestations the unanimous thought of the country.
Everywhere, you have seen the sacred union that established itself spontaneously seventeen months ago kept up without effort, under the enemy’s threat.
How could the civilian population not follow the example of concord and harmony that is set by you?
In the trenches and on the battle fields you do not think, do you, of reviewing your mutual political opinions? The troublesome memory of civil discords does not come and mar the fellowship in arms that binds you to each other in a feeling of common danger and a consciousness of the same duty.
You have your eyes fixed on an ideal that constantly diverts your attention from any secondary objects, and you know that your patriotic mission suffers no division. While you are thus sacrificing yourselves so wholly to the safety of the nation, is it not natural that the Frenchmen whose age, health, or functions prevent from facing, by your sides, the fatigues and perils of the war, should at least endeavor to drive away the evil suggestions of hatred and preserve jealously the public peace?
The mayors of France have told you of some of the charitable works that have risen from that happy reconciliation of hearts. Most of those institutions are destined to help you and your aged parents, and your children, and your wives, and your brothers, either wounded or prisoners. In the towns the farthest removed from the front, you are thus continually present in the minds of all and concentrate, if needed, on the tragical realities of the moment the thoughts of those who would be inclined to forget them. The bereavements that have darkened so many homes impose, besides, to [upon] the families that have the privilege of being less cruelly stricken a pious obligation of meditation and gravity. All Frenchmen now reconciled commune in the same trials, and there is not one that does not listen with respect to the manly lesson of the dead. Lesson of courage, patience, and will; a lesson of calm, confidence, and serenity.
You have seen pass before you the long procession of the departments and of the towns. You have heard their acclamations; not one discordant voice was heard. It is everywhere the same resolution, cold and reflected, to hold firm, to endure and conquer.
Everyone understands that the war stake is formidable, and that not only our dignity is called in question, but also our life. Shall we be to-morrow the resigned vassals of a foreign empire? Shall our industry, our commerce, our agriculture, become the tributaries of a power that flatters herself openly to aspire to universal domination? Or shall we safeguard our economical independence and our national self-government? A terrible problem that cannot be solved by compromise.
Any peace that would come to us in a suspicious figure or in equivocal terms, any peace that would offer suspicious transactions and bastard combinations, would only bring us, under deceiving appearances, disgrace, ruin, and slavery. The free and pure genius of our race, our most venerable traditions, our most dear ideas, our most delicate tastes, the interests of our fellow citizens, the fortune of our country, the soul of our native land, all that our ancestors have left us, all that belongs to us, all that makes us ourselves, would be a prey to German brutality. Who would like, by impatience or by fatigue, to sell thus to Germany both the past and the future of France?
Yes, certainly, the war lasts long, and it is hard and bloody. But how many future sufferings will be spared to us by the present sufferings. This war-not one Frenchman desired it, not one would have committed the crime to desire. All the governments that have succeeded each other in France since 1871 have striven to avoid it Now that, in spite of us, it has been declared, we must carry it on, with out [our] faithful allies, until victory, until the utter destruction of Prussian militarism, and until the total reconstitution of France. If we yielded to a momentary weakness, we should be ungrateful to our dead and betray posterity.
Is not the obstinate perseverance in the will to conquer the surest way to chain down victory? In the war that you are keeping up so valiantly in France, in Belgium, and in the east, the part of the destructive engines has taken an essential importance, and the imperious duty of the public powers is to provide you, every day, with more powerful material and more abundant [Page 16] munitions. But moral strength is also an essential condition of the final success. The vanquished country will not be necessarily the one that will have endured the most losses; it will not be the one that will have endured the most miseries; it will be the one that will grow tired the first.
We will not grow tired. France has confidence because you are there. How many times have I heard your officers repeat: “Never, in any time, have we had a finer army; never have the men been better trained, braver, more heroical.” Whenever I see you, I feel a thrill of admiration and hope. You must conquer. The year that begins will bring you, my friends, the pride of ending with the defeat of the enemy, the joy of going back to your homes and welcoming victory with those you love.
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Science et Méthode
Henri Poincaré
(1908)
Henri and Raymond Poincaré were a gifted pair of cousins. Raymond, born in 1860, would become president of the French Republic. Henri, born in 1854, was to be a famous mathematician, and he is the one whom scientists simply call Poincaré. Young Henri had varied interests, and spent his spare moments writing a novel the story of a heartbroken beautiful young woman, in an aristocratic setting. The unfinished manuscript of the novel now seems to be lost and, judging by a few extant fragments, this may be just as well.
Henri Poincaré's masterpiece would come later: the three volumes of Les méthodes nouvelles de la mécanique céleste (1892-99) were a different kind of literature. In this opus, and a deluge of articles and books, Poincaré opened up or revolutionized vast areas of mathematics: topology, the theory of algebraic curves, dynamical systems and so on. He was a powerful mathematician, with universal interests extending also to physics. His intellectual vigour remained unaltered right until his death in 1912 from complications of a prostate operation.
To be confronted with an intelligence of this magnitude is a bit disturbing. Should we exclaim that such genius is beyond comprehension? Or should we look for weak points, as French mathematicians of a later generation have done, finding Poincaré's methods too intuitive and his interests outmoded? Or perhaps we should approach the general problem of how a mathematician's brain works.
This problem, characteristically, was one that Poincaré himself pondered. He knew, as every mathematician does, that if you have to solve a difficult problem, you first spend time looking at it from different angles. A number of ideas present themselves, which you pursue conscientiously, but you fail to solve your problem. How then do you proceed? Here is what may happen: “One evening I took black coffee, contrary to my custom. I could not go to sleep. Ideas came up in swarms, I sensed them clashing until a pair would hook together, so to say, to form a stable combination. By morning⃛ I had just to write the results, which only took me a few hours.”
Poincaré's hooking together of ideas may take place unconsciously. He describes how he had at some point to abandon his mathematical preoccupations to go on a geological trip and “⃛ we took a bus for some excursion or other; the instant I set my foot on the step the idea came to me, with nothing apparently in my previous thoughts having prepared me for it, that the transformations I had used to define Fuchsian functions were identical with those of non-Euclidean geometry. I did not make the verification; I should not have had the time⃛ but I instantly felt a complete certainty.”
Reflecting on several such experiences, Poincaré expresses his belief that what appears to be a sudden illumination is in fact the result of previous long subconscious work. Some card-carrying rationalists might frown at the role attributed by Poincaré to unconscious thought in a higher intellectual process. Poincaré was actually a very rational man: here he presents some interesting facts of observation, and boldly discusses their implications. But, characteristically, he stops when he reaches the end of what he can seriously argue.
The above quotations come from chapter 3 of Science et méthode (1908). This is one of several books in which Poincaré presented his ideas on the philosophy of science to the general public. Young Henri had failed in his early attempt at a heart-stirring novel, but there is no doubt that he had a literary gift. The style of his philosophical writings is fluid and unhurried, and a delight to read. The clarity of exposition is such that you forget about the style and concentrate on the ideas. Poincaré's books on the philosophy of science consist of short chapters, each a little essay. Some chapters on physics are out of date, but others have aged well, and sometimes show uncanny premonition of future scientific developments.
Chapter 4 is about chance, or randomness. Where does it come from? Poincaré finds not one but several sources of randomness (the list would be longer now with the advent of quantum mechanics). He explains for instance that randomness in roulette arises from our lack of muscular control in spinning the wheel. Another source is what we now call chaos: “A very small cause, which escapes us, determines a considerable effect, which we cannot ignore, and we then say that this effect is due to chance.” As an example he discusses meteorology: “Why do rainstorms⃛ seem to happen at random, so that many people find it natural to pray for rain or fair weather, when they would judge ridiculous to ask for an eclipse?” The answer he gives, sensitivity to initial conditions, would be rediscovered (and justified) much later.
The elegant simplicity of Poincaré's presentation hides the vast amount of mathematical expertise and thinking underlying his philosophical discussions. And all this thinking did not always reach a satisfactory conclusion. It is probable for instance that he spent time thinking about hydrodynamic turbulence. He wrote a book related to the topic (Théorie des tourbillons, 1893), a study of vortices and their stability, but does not obtain any dramatic result.
One can guess that Poincaré's intelligence has a significant moral aspect. Because he was basically modest, and his work had received considerable recognition, he showed little of the bitterness and need to assert superiority that are common traits among great (and less great) scientists. He was not a militant person: he said of the rather more ideological Kronecker that the latter could do so much fine mathematics because he frequently forgot his own mathematical philosophy. Poincaré was thus not driven by strong ambition or ideological preconceptions, but had an extreme curiosity for the true nature of things. And so we see him pushing his investigations often far ahead of his time, unafraid to venture into physics and psychology, but stopping short of poetical guesswork, which seems to have held no attraction for him.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 5
|
https://offices.co/france/paris/14630/
|
en
|
Central Paris Serviced Offices
|
[
"https://offices.co/assets/img/logo/logo.jpg",
"https://offices.co/assets/img/star47.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
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Rent fully furnished serviced offices in an elegant building at 78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré in Central Paris near Les Champs-Élysées and the Eiffel Tower, with easy access to the train station and airport.
|
en
|
Offices.co - The Offices Company
|
https://offices.co/france/paris/14630/
|
This centre offers fully furnished office spaces and virtual offices in a prestigious area. Offices are modern, spacious and light. Offering high-speed Internet access in each office, a dedicated phone number with phone answering service, your business can establish a prestigious presence. In addition, you can take advantage of the administrative support provided on-site, as well as 24 hour access allowing you to work through late hours. This is especially ideal for companies with international relations that may be required to contact clients over different time zones. There are complementary beverages onsite to keep you recharged throughout the day.
About this Location
This business centre is strategically situated at one of the most sought-after areas of Paris, just minutes away from Les Champs-Élysées and the Eiffel Tower. Not far away from train station and airports, this business center is located in a charming, dynamic and prestigious avenue with banks, post office, newsstands, restaurants, coffee shops and more. Very easy to access via subway, RER, bus and car. This proactive community also enjoys an abundance of historical monuments, museums and art galleries, all within walking distance.
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 70
|
https://www.ebay.com/itm/186475539605
|
en
|
Button Comes, President of France Raymond Poincaré. to The 1890. 0 23/32in
|
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Find many great new & used options and get the best deals for Button Comes, President of France Raymond Poincaré. to The 1890. 0 23/32in at the best online prices at eBay! Free shipping for many products!
|
en
|
eBay
|
https://www.ebay.com/itm/186475539605
|
Will usually ship within 2 business days of receiving cleared payment.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 25
|
https://www.sethkaller.com/item/2149-24843-French-President-Poincare-Counters-Conspiracy-Theory-by-Anti-Semitic-Editor-Urbain-Gohier-(Who-Later-Fabricated-the-%25E2%2580%259CProtocols-of-the-Elders-of-Zion%25E2%2580%259D)
|
en
|
Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
|
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[
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French President Poincare Counters Conspiracy Theory by Anti-Semitic Editor Urbain Gohier (Who Later Fabricated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion)
|
images/favicon.ico
| null |
The President of the Third French Republic tells an unknown friend about a disturbing letter that he just received from right wing journalist and newspaper editor Urbain Gohier, in which Gohier had accused him, the sitting president, of colluding with Jewish and foreign elements.
ANTI-SEMITISM. RAYMOND POINCARE, Autograph Letter Signed, to Unknown, May 22, 1916. 3 pp., 5⅛ x 8 in.
Inventory #24843 Price: $1,250
Complete Translation
May 22, 1916
My dear Friend,
I will without delay attend to the settlement of the small matter you alerted me to. I will keep you informed.
Since I have the pleasure of my [?], please let me tell you that I have received a letter from Mr. Urbain Gohier that I just don’t understand. Here are some pages:
“In early 1913, barely elected, you were exposed to a double aggression by M. Gustave Lévy in the [Œuvre?]and by a [?]Jacob, called Landau, in a [special?] paper.
“I established soon after from M. Lévy that you had re-installed him at the university to keep him silent.
“And you asked me (rue du Comt Marchand)[1] not to execute the master-singer and master-spy Jacob Landau, brother and [?]of the so-called ‘Baroness’ Heftler, spy.
I deferred to your wishes, despite the three years of [?]provocations.
“But yesterday I was physically assaulted and threatened in the street by the scoundrel… I think it is my duty to set a good example. I am sorry that your <2>tranquility will be upset….”
I do not know on what Mr. Urbain Gohier bases his peculiar statement that I ever reintegrated Mr. Lévy at the university to keep him silent. I had nothing to do with the integration of Mr. Lévy, and you have known me long enough to know that I would never seek to silence a person, having nothing to fear from anybody whatsoever.
I am even more astonished, if that is possible, that Mr. Urbain Gohier attributes to me, regarding Mr. Jacob Landau, an attitude that I have never had. You were there for the conversation that he recalls and which took place, three years ago, on rue de Comt Marchand. Never have I thought to ask Mr. Gohier “not to execute” M. Jacob Landau, and you are witness to the fact that I expressed no such wish to him. Since he told me about M. Jacob Landau in very colorful terms, I responded that I did not know him, - and to this day, I do not. Therefore I <3>
cannot fathom how Mr. Urbain Gohier could write: “I am sorry that your tranquility will be upset.” My tranquility counts very little at this time; but I wonder what relationship I can have with someone I do not even know. If Mr. Urbain Gohier brings me to court, directly or indirectly, he will make a serious mistake. In any case, from now on, I would be very grateful if you set his memory straight and reminded him that I never said what he says I did. It seems unlikely that after having talked with you, he would persist in his error.
Thank you, and best wishes,
Poincaré
Historical Background
The President includes lengthy excerpts from Gohier’s letter so that his correspondent can try to understand the journalist’s accusations. According to Gohier, Poincare sanctioned the admission of a Jewish student named Gustave Levy into university in 1913 even though Levy had ties to a “master spy” named Jacob Landau and a double agent named “Baronne Heftler.”
Urbain Gohier (1862-1951) found a niche as an anti-Semitic, pro-royalist, and anti-military journalist starting in the 1880s. In 1916, he founded and served as editor of an anti-Semitic weekly pamphlet titled Le Vieille-France. Four years later, he fabricated The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which purportedly exposed a Jewish plot to take over the world. After World War II, he was condemned for his support of the Vichy government and collaborationist press.
Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934) was born in Bar-le-Duc, France and educated at the University of Paris. Admitted to the bar at age 20, he became the youngest lawyer in France. He successfully defended Jules Verne in a libel suit and was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887. Poincaré held several positions in the cabinet, including Minister of Public Education, Fine Arts, and Culture (1893 and 1895) and Minister of Finances (1894-1895 and 1906), before serving as Prime Minister in 1912-1913. He was President of France from 1913 to 1920, hoping to make the office more than ceremonial. He attempted to avoid World War I but took a strong anti-German stance once the war began. Poincaré again served as Prime Minister from 1922 to 1924, and from 1926 to 1929, and continued his warnings of German aggression. In 1914, a leftist politician claimed that Poincare was secretly negotiating with the Vatican, but such scandals did not negatively affect Poincare’s political career.
Complete Transcription
22 mai 1916
Mon cher ami, je vais, sans retard, veiller au règlement de la petite affaire que vous m’avez signalée! Je vous tiendrai au courant.
Puisque j’ai le plaisir de mes [?], voulez-vous me permettre de vous dire que j’ai reçu de M. Urbain Gohier une lettre à laquelle je ne comprends rien. En voici quelques pages:
“Au commencement de 1913, à peine élu, vous avez été en butte à une double aggression, de M Gastain Lévy dans l’œuvre et d’un [?]Jacob, dit Landau, dans une feuille [speciale?]
“Je me suis réparé aussitôt de M. Lévy, que vous avez re-integré dans l’université pour le faire taire.
“Et vous m’avez demandé (rue de Comt Marchand) de ne pas exécuter le maître-chanteur et maître espion Jacob Landau, frère et [?]de la prétendue ‘Baronesse’ Heftler, espionne.
“J’ai déferé à votre désir, malgré des provocations [?]pendants trois ans.
Mais hier j’ai été assailli et menacé corporellement dans la rue par le misérable …
“Je pense qu’il m’appartient de donner le bon exemple. Je regretterai que votre tranquilité <2>en soit troublée….”
Je ne sais sur quoi M. Urbain Gohier prétend fondre cette singulière affirmation que j’avais jamais ‘ réintégrer M. Lévy dans l’université pour le faire taire. Je n’ai pas eu à m’occuper de l’intégration de M. Lévy et vous me connaissez depuis assez longtemps pour savoir que je n’ai jamais cherché à faire taire personne, n’ayant rien à craindre de qui que ce soit.
Je suis encore, s’il est possible, étonné que M. Urbain Gohier m’attribu et respectivement, à l’endroit de M. Jacob Landau, une attitude que je n’ai jamais eue. Vous étiez présent à la conversation qu’il rappelle et qui a eu lieu, il y a plus de trois ans, rue de Comt Marchand. Jamais je n’ai songé a demander à M. Gohier “de ne pas exécuter” M. Jacob Landau et vous êtes témoin que je ne lui ai exprimé, àc et égard, aucun désir. Comme il me parlait de M. Jacob Landau en termes très vifs, je lui ai répondu que je ne le connaissait pas, - et je ne le connais pas davantage aujourd’hui. Je <3>ne m’explique donc pas que M. Urbain Gohier puisse écrire: “Je regretterai que votre tranquillité soit troublée.” Ma tranquillité compte peu à l’heure présente; mais je me demande quel rapport [je peux?]avoir avec quelqu’un qui m’est totalement inconnu. Si M. Urbain Gohier me met en cause, directement ou indirectement, à propos de M. Jacob Landau, il se trompe gravement. En tout cas, dès mainteneant, je vous serais reconnaissant de vouloir bien redresser ses souvenirs et lui rappeler que jamais je ne lui ai tenu le langage qu’il me prête . Il ne me parait pas possible qu’après avoir causé avec vous, il persiste dans son erreur.
Merci et bien cordialement à vous,
Poincaré
Condition: In very fine condition, with expected light folds. A few discolored spots and unobtrusive staple imprints scattered throughout.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 84
|
https://photos.com/featured/poincare-geb-1860-und-zar-nikolaus-ii-print-collector.html
|
en
|
Poincare Geb 1860 Und Zar Nikolaus II by Print Collector
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'Poincaré (geb. 1860) und Zar Nikolaus II. 1868-1918.', 1934. Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934), French statesman who served three times as 58th Prime Mi...
|
en
|
Photos.com
|
https://photos.com/featured/poincare-geb-1860-und-zar-nikolaus-ii-print-collector.html
|
Description
'Poincaré (geb. 1860) und Zar Nikolaus II. 1868-1918.', 1934. Raymond Poincaré (1860-1934), French statesman who served three times as 58th Prime Minister of France, and as tenth President of France from 1913 to 1920 with Nicholas II (1868-1918), the last Emperor of Russia, ruling from 1 November 1894 until his forced abdication on 15 March 1917. From Die Großen der Weltgelchichte. [Ecktein-Halpaus, Dresden, 1934]. Artist Unknown. (Photo by The Print Collector/Getty Images)
Image provided by Getty Images.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 12
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/fr/fr_political.html
|
en
|
Commanding Heights : France Political
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null | null |
France has a parliamentary government under the republican constitution of 1875. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, the French Communist Party grows, while the Socialists and Radicals unite. In 1922 the conservative Raymond Poincaré replaces Georges Clemenceau as prime minister, but his coalition disintegrates when France invades the Ruhr after Germany defaults on its WWI reparation payments.
Under the more conciliatory leadership of Radical Prime Minister Édouard Herriot, relations with Germany improve. Europe's leading powers sign a series of treaties and agreements in Locarno, Switzerland, which symbolize hopes for an era of international peace. Herriot resigns after a financial controversy, and Raymond Poincaré returns as prime minister, strengthening the power of the right.
The Depression takes hold, and 1932 elections unseat Poincaré's conservative successors. The next 16 months see a series of ineffective coalition governments. The Popular Front, a leftist alliance against rising fascism, takes its first tentative steps. The Radical Édouard Daladier forms a new government, but must resign after a financial and political scandal.
The reunited left wins the 1936 parliamentary elections, and Léon Blum heads a Popular Front government. Internal divisions and conservative opposition to his fiscal measures lead him to resign and the Front to lose strength, but not before preventing the rise of fascism in France. Daladier returns as prime minister, and in 1939 he reluctantly commits France to World War II beside the British.
German invasion ends the Third Republic. France is divided into two zones, one occupied and the other governed by Marshal Pétain, a French WWI hero who sets up a new regime based in Vichy. The authoritarian Vichy government collaborates with the Nazis in plundering resources and deporting Jews. From London, General Charles de Gaulle calls for a French Resistance movement which fast gains strength.
The Allies land in Normandy and liberate France with assistance from the Resistance movement. De Gaulle becomes head of a provisional government of centrists, Communists, and Socialists. France's colonies in North Africa, West Africa, and East Asia demand greater autonomy.
De Gaulle resigns because of internal divisions in his government and forms a new political party, the Rally of the French People (RPF). The Fourth Republic is proclaimed, with a new constitution that again provides for a weak executive and a powerful national assembly. A series of impermanent governments are unable to stem inflation or the political and social unrest in the colony of Indochina.
Socialists fail to bring stability and lose strength as a party. France joins NATO as a founding member and opts for a policy of entente with West Germany, setting the stage for the European Community. De Gaulle loses support and resigns as party leader. France invests in its colonies to prepare them for independence. The French are forced out of Indochina after their defeat at Dien Bien Phu.
Conflict between nationalists and the French army in Algeria contrasts with the peaceful decolonization of Morocco and Tunisia. A revolt in Paris overthrows the Fourth Republic. A new constitution establishes the Fifth Republic, subordinating the legislature to the presidency. De Gaulle becomes president. Socialists split over support for the Fifth Republic and make several unsuccessful alliances.
France moves toward military and nuclear independence. De Gaulle promotes Franco-German cooperation while remaining friendly with Britain and the U.S. He grants Algeria independence in 1962, incurring criticism from settlers and French officers. Still, his supporters win a majority in the 1962 elections. Several sub-Saharan African colonies transition more smoothly to independence.
De Gaulle narrowly defeats left-wing opponent François Mitterrand under a new system of presidential election by direct universal suffrage. De Gaulle continues an independent approach to foreign policy, withdrawing France from NATO commands and testing a hydrogen bomb. The government's paternalistic approach to domestic affairs sparks a student revolt and massive strikes in May 1968.
The Socialists reorganize as the Parti Socialiste (PS) at a congress. De Gaulle resigns from a shaken government and former Prime Minister Georges Pompidou is elected president. Pompidou maintains some Gaullist principles in foreign policy but is generally more conciliatory. Mitterrand and his allies begin to transform the left, building a strong PS. Pompidou dies in office in 1974.
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, leader of the center-right Independent Republicans and a former finance minister, is elected president. He implements conservative domestic policies and insists on the primacy of French interests and nuclear weapons. Economic crisis undermines his government. The PS and the Communist Party (PCF) forge an electoral alliance.
The united left elects PS leader Mitterrand president, and the Socialists sweep subsequent parliamentary elections. Although dominated by the PS, the government also includes four communist ministers. The administration introduces a far-reaching program of social reform, decentralization, and nationalization.
President Mitterrand appoints Laurent Fabius of the PS as prime minister. Communist members of the cabinet resign, opposed to a drastic PS economic policy shift and increased reliance on markets. In 1984 Mitterrand forms a new government excluding the Communists.
The right-wing RPF and Union for French Democracy (UDF) win a parliamentary majority. Mitterrand appoints opposition leader Jacques Chirac as prime minister, resulting in the first government "cohabitation," which ends 30 years of president and prime minister being drawn from the same coalition. Chirac's policies anger students and workers; Mitterrand defeats him in the 1988 presidential election.
The extreme right National Front does well in municipal elections, pressuring the government into adopting a hard line against illegal immigration. Mitterrand replaces Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard with Edith Cresson after they clash on economic policy. But economic recession and political scandal cause Cresson's popularity to plummet, pulling Mitterrand's down as well.
The Parti Socialiste loses the national assembly elections. Mitterrand appoints the RPF's Édouard Balladur as prime minister of his second "cohabitation" government. Balladur resigns in the wake of corruption scandals. With Mitterrand's health declining, Chirac runs for president as the "man of the people" and is elected in 1955. Former Foreign Minister Alain Juppé becomes prime minister.
Chirac loses support after a nuclear testing debacle in the Pacific. He calls for general elections a year early so the government can continue the austerity measures designed for membership in the European Monetary Union. His plan backfires when the Socialists, opposed to the measures, win and Lionel Jospin becomes prime minister. "Cohabitation" governments become the norm, not the exception.
Labor criticizes Jospin for retreating from campaign promises. In regional elections, the ruling Socialist, Green, and Communist coalition wins 37 percent of the vote, the mainstream right 36 percent. The National Front splits in two. Political scandals undermine government in general. A constitutional referendum reduces the presidential term from seven to five years, equal that the parliament's.
The left wins Paris city council, but the right strengthens elsewhere. Scattered leftist votes in the 2002 presidential election puts extreme rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen in second place; all mainstream parties rally around President Chirac in the runoff. A pro-Chirac conservative coalition wins parliamentary elections, ending five years of "cohabitation." Jean-Pierre Raffarin becomes prime minister.
Backed by majority support, President Chirac voices strong opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq. When the three-week military campaign proves not to be the long struggle he had predicted, Chirac faces a possible loss of credibility at home. Relations with Britain are tense after a split over the Iraq war. France calls for a central role for the United Nations in the new administration of Iraq.
|
||||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 47
|
https://ba-sh.com/ie/en/pages/terms.html
|
en
|
terms & conditions
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/on/demandware.static/Sites-bash-ie-Site/-/default/dwfd79c544/images/favicon.ico
|
https://ba-sh.com/ie/en/pages/terms.html
|
The trade website ba-sh.com (“Site") is an electronic commerce website accessible via the internet and open to all users of the network. The Site is operated by ba&sh SAS (« ba&sh »), a subsidiary of ba&sh Group.
If you have any questions or comments about our privacy policy, terms and conditions, or our website, please contact us :
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 93
|
https://www.shutterstock.com/search/raymond-poincar%25C3%25A9
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré Royalty-Free Images, Stock Photos & Pictures
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Find Raymond Poincaré stock images in HD and millions of other royalty-free stock photos, illustrations and vectors in the Shutterstock collection. Thousands of new, high-quality pictures added every day.
|
en
|
Shutterstock
|
https://www.shutterstock.com/search/raymond-poincar%c3%a9
|
Raymond Poincaré royalty-free images
3.570 raymond poincaré stock photos, vectors, and illustrations are available royalty-free for download.
See raymond poincaré stock video clips
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 71
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/alexandre-millerand
|
en
|
Alexandre Millerand
|
[
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[] |
[
"presidency"
] | null |
[] | null |
Alexandre Millerand (1859-1943) was President of the French Republic from 1920 to 1924. He was the eleventh President of the Third Republic.
|
en
|
elysee.fr
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/alexandre-millerand
|
10 February 1859
Étienne Alexandre Millerand was born in Paris.
1881
After earning a degree in Law, he joined the Paris Bar and became an important business attorney. He also worked as a journalist, collaborating on Clemenceau’s newspaper, Justice, and as a politician.
27 December 1885-1919
He was elected the Radical Deputy for the Seine Department.
22 June 1899-6 June 1902
He became Minister of Trade, Industry and the Post and Telegraphs in Waldeck-Rousseau’s Government. He had social-oriented laws passed (work duration, weekly breaks, retirement).
1904
He was excluded from the Socialist Party for being in a “bourgeois” Government and started his move towards the Right.
24 July 1909-2 November 1910
He served as Minister of Public Works, the Post and Telegraphs.
14 January 1912-12 January 1913
He served as Minister of War.
17 February 1913
Raymond Poincaré was elected President of the Republic.
26 August 1914-29 October 1915
As Minister of War, he had to deal with the beginnings of the First World War.
December 1918
He was elected member of the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences because of his many political publications, which were focused on labour conditions.
1919
He served as Commissioner-General of the Republic in Strasbourg in charge of re-organizing the three former Departments of Alsace-Lorraine.
20 January-23 September 1920
He served as Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
23 September 1920
He was elected President of the Republic when Paul Deschanel was incapacitated.
He did not settle for being President in name only and wanted to be given real powers, including the power to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies. He was against the détente with Germany advocated by Aristide Briand, the Prime Minister at that time, which was why Briand resigned on 12 January 1922.
May 1922
He visited Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia.
14 October 1923
He gave his famous speech in Evreux where he declared his intention to reduce the role of Parliament. With a view to 1924 elections, he took a position in favour of the Bloc National (political grouping of moderates and conservatives established after the First World War).
11 June 1924
He was forced to resign after the victory of the Cartel des Gauches in the general election. Gaston Doumergue was elected President of the Republic.
5 April 1925
He was elected Senator for the Department of Seine.
30 October 1927
He was elected Senator for the Department of Orne, then re-elected on 14 January 1936.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 68
|
https://ocm.auburn.edu/experts/2019/04/181442-notre-dame.php
|
en
|
Paris history expert comments on Notre Dame Cathedral
|
http://ocm.auburn.edu/experts/2019/04/images/20191453_kingston.jpg
|
http://ocm.auburn.edu/experts/2019/04/images/20191453_kingston.jpg
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
"Auburn University",
"Auburn",
"Alabama",
"War Eagle"
] | null |
[] | null |
description
|
//auburn.edu/template/2022/_assets/images/favicons/favicon.ico
|
Office of Communications and Marketing
|
https://ocm.auburn.edu/experts/2019/04/181442-notre-dame.php
|
Investigations are being conducted into the fire that ravaged the Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris, France earlier this week. While the fate of its contents are uncertain, there is hope that many of the significant artifacts are unharmed and that the spire will be rebuilt.
Ralph Kingston, an associate professor of European history (Revolutionary Era), researches the history of Paris and the cultural, intellectual, and social histories of eighteenth-and nineteenth-century France. In our interview below, Kingston shares the history of the cathedral, and the possible fate of its relics.
What artifacts in the cathedral are historians most concerned about being damaged or destroyed?
As well as the crown of thorns, Notre Dame holds a number of relics brought back by Saint Louis (Louis IX) from his two Crusades, including the saint’s own tunic. These most precious relics have been saved. Among the relics that are still missing are another fragment from the crown of thorns and relics of Saint Geneviève and Saint Denis, which were placed in the cathedral’s spire in order to protect the building. The copper rooster in which they were placed has been found in the rubble but it was smashed open.
What has been lost is not yet clear. The Cathedral contained a number of seventeenth-century paintings in the side chapels, which will inevitably have suffered significant damage from the smoke, if not from the fire. The Great Organ and the enormous thirteenth-century stain glass “Rose” windows seem to have, despite all odds, survived. If they are severely damaged, it will not be for the first time. A number of panes in the south Rose window were damaged in 1831, and so it contains both medieval and nineteenth century glass.
Has something like this ever happened to this structure? If not, what kinds of natural forces/disasters, or wars, has it withstood?
Nothing quite like this has ever happened to the main cathedral. The archbishop’s palace, which used to adjoin the cathedral, was blown up in 1831. Rubble was piled up to start a fire in 1871 during the Paris Commune, but it was never lit. Occupied Paris was spared the sort of bombing that devastated other European cities, like London and Berlin, during World War II.
That said, the building has been built and rebuilt a number of times during its lifetime, however. This was particularly true during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the eighteenth century, all the stainglass, except that in the Rose windows, were removed and replaced with clear glazing in order to allow more light into the interior. In 1771, the architect Jacques-Germain Soufflot (who designed the Pantheon in Paris) removed the lintels in the west portal, to allow the passage of the processions. During the French Revolution, symbols of monarchy were removed from the façade. As a result, much of the gothic impact of the Cathedral as we know it was constructed in the nineteenth century.
When was the last time you visited the Notre Dame Cathedral?
I visited Notre Dame while I was in Paris last November and I was reminded first and foremost of its importance as a site of religious worship. Mass is said at least five times a day. All around the perimeter of the cathedral are the 27 side chapels, where devotees light candles and say prayers. They are relatively simple architecturally, but decorated in vibrant colors, with statues, paintings, and frescos depicting biblical stories and the lives of the saints. The chapels are devoted to particular saints – including St. Vincent de Paul (for whom the international voluntary organization, Society of Saint Vincent de Paul is named) Saint Geneviève (the patron saint of Paris), Francis-Xavier (the Jesuit missionary), and Our Lady of Guadalupe. The chapel of Our Lady of Guadalupe dates back only to 1963 and was dedicated on the request of Mexicans living in Paris. Notre Dame de Paris is also home to one of the most important relics in Catholicism – the crown of thorns brought back from Jerusalem by Saint Louis in the thirteenth century. It is brought out once a month but otherwise kept safe in the sacristy (which is one of the reasons it has survived the fire).
What is a fact or something notable you think is important for people to know about the spire or the cathedral?
Notre Dame can and will rise again. The spire that collapsed a few days ago was the one that was constructed in the 1860s, as part of Viollet-le-Duc’s renovation of the cathedral. The original spire was taken down in 1786.
It will be more difficult to replace will be the oak rafters in the cathedral’s roofs. The “forest” as it is sometimes called, contains the wood of about 13,000 mature oak trees – that is to say trees that were themselves already at least a century and a half old. Some beams were cut in the twelfth century, and many more from the thirteenth, and the roof is one of the oldest parts of the structure. Mature oak forests are few and far between in modern Europe, and those that exist are highly protected. Whatever the architects who win the contract to rebuild Notre Dame propose, it is unlikely they will be rebuilding with the same materials.
Do you think it’s possible to re-build or restore the spire?
French President Emmanuel Macron has promised that the French state (which owns the building) will lead the effort to reconstruct the cathedral, though experts doubt his claim that it can be rebuilt in five years.
Almost inevitably, the reconstruction will turn into the kind of grand project that Paris became famous for at the end of the twentieth century, the most immediately familiar of which is the erection of the glass pyramid in the courtyard of the Louvre. It is unlikely that Notre Dame will be encased in glass (along the lines of the Reichstag dome in Berlin) but it is hard to see the spire being remade as an exact replica of its former self. What will limit the imagination of architects most is that several of the statues which have surrounded the spire since the nineteenth century were saved from the fire by virtue of the fact that they were in the South of France for restoration. I suspect that these “original” statues will figure somewhere in the plans to replace the spire.
Whatever restoration plan is chosen, the cathedral will never quite be the same. Buildings are more than stone and wood, but the stone and the wood does matter. The particular acoustics of the cathedral, for example, are probably gone forever.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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1
| 4
|
https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/48987/world-war-i-centennial-poincar%25C3%25A9-takes-office-coup-mexico
|
en
|
Poincaré Takes Office, Coup in Mexico
|
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[] |
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Erik Sass"
] |
2013-02-18T23:00:00+00:00
|
Installment #56: On February 18, center-right politician Raymond Poincaré took office in an inauguration ceremony at the Hôtel de Ville. Poincaréâs presidency was an important factor in the lead-up to the First World War for a number of reasons. Although
|
en
|
Mental Floss
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https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/48987/world-war-i-centennial-poincaré-takes-office-coup-mexico
| ||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 70
|
https://loc.getarchive.net/topics/poincare
|
en
|
36 Poincare Images: LOC's Public Domain Archive Public Domain Search
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Download Images of - Free for commercial use, no attribution required. From: Children, Colmar [Welcome Poincare], to Wilson & Poincare, George Grantham Bain Collection. Find images dated from 1900 to 1924.
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en
|
LOC's Public Domain Archive
|
https://loc.getarchive.net/topics/poincare
|
The objects in this archive are from Library of Congress - the nation’s first established cultural institution and the largest library in the world, with millions of items including books, recordings, photographs, maps and manuscripts in its collections. The Library provides Congress, the federal government and the American people with a rich, diverse and enduring source of knowledge to inform, inspire and engage them and support their intellectual and creative endeavors.
Disclaimer: A work of the Library of Congress is "a work prepared by an officer or employee" of the federal government "as part of that person's official duties." In general, under section 105 of the Copyright Act, such works are not entitled to domestic copyright protection under U.S. law and are therefore in the public domain. This website is developed as a part of the world's largest public domain archive, PICRYL.com, and not developed or endorsed by the Library of Congress, https://www.picryl.com
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 69
|
https://books.google.com/books/about/Raymond_Poincar%25C3%25A9_and_the_French_Preside.html%3Fid%3DpKpBAAAAIAAJ
|
en
|
Google Books
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
https://books.google.com/
|
Search the world's most comprehensive index of full-text books.
My library
|
||||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 66
|
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230227606_1
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"John Keiger"
] |
2008-07-22T00:00:00
|
An individual’s mental map of the modern world is as conditioned by their state as by their own particular upbringing, social and educational background and personal circumstances. Raymond Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine in north-eastern France...
|
en
|
/oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png
|
SpringerLink
|
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230227606_1
|
An individual’s mental map of the modern world is as conditioned by their state as by their own particular upbringing, social and educational background and personal circumstances. Raymond Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine in north-eastern France on 20 August 1860 and died in Paris on 16 October 1934. His political career ran from the 1880s to the 1930s in one of the most formative periods of modern French history coinciding with the bedding in and maturing of the Third Republic. For most of that period, he held the principal offices of state repeatedly from foreign and finance minister (four times a minister) to prime minister (four times) and president of the republic and was out of government for only a few years. He played crucial roles in organising France’s foreign and defence posture in the two years prior to the First World War, as well as the final decision to engage France in that conflict, the organisation of the war effort, the subsequent peace settlement, the reparations question, French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 and the reorganisation of French finances and the stabilisation of the currency from 1926 to 1928. These were all critical exercises for France, Europe and, increasingly, the world. In all these actions, Poincaré’s decision-making was informed by a mixture of overt and ‘unspoken assumptions’ about France’s geopolitical position and interests that conditioned his freedom to choose.
|