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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
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0
| 1
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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[
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[] | null |
Raymond Poincaré, (1860-1934) was President of the French Republic from 1913 to 1920. He was the ninth President of the Third Republic.
|
en
|
elysee.fr
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
20 August 1860
Raymond, Nicolas, Landry Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc (Department of Meuse). After earning a degree in Law, he took the French attorney’s oath in 1880.
1 August 1886
He was elected Departmental Councillor of the Pierrefitte-sur-Aire district (Department of Meuse).
31 July 1887
He was elected Liberal Republican Deputy of Commercy (Department of Meuse) and re-elected in August 1893.
April-December 1893
He served as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
1894-1895
He served as Minister of Finance.
January-November 1895
He served again as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
22 February 1903
He was elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
17 August 1904
He married Henriette Benucci.
1906
He again served as Minister of Finance for several months.
18 March 1909
Raymond Poincaré was elected member of the Académie Française.
14 January 1912-20 January 1913
He was Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and established a Government of National Unity.
18 February 1913-18 February 1920
He was President of the Republic.
During the conflict, he suffered from the limits of his office, particularly after the Government of Clemenceau was formed.
23-29 June 1913
He made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
7-15 October 1913
He made an official visit to Spain.
13-23 July 1914
He made an official visit to Russia with the Prime Minister, René Viviani, to strengthen alliances two weeks after the Sarajevo assassination.
4 August 1914
Viviani read out to the Chambers Raymond Poincaré’s message which launched the expression “Sacred Union”: France “will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy.”
13 October 1916
Poincaré travelled to Verdun and awarded the Cross of the Legion of Honour to the martyr city.
20 January 1919
He received a visit from Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States.
21-24 July 1919
The President visited Belgium.
10-14 November 1919
The President made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
13 January 1920
He was re-elected Senator in violation of constitutional law since he was still President of the Republic.
January 1922-June 1924
Under the Presidency of Alexandre Millerand, he served as Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs again.
Poincaré gave French troops orders to occupy the Ruhr, to obtain from Germany the reparations of war that it refused to pay.
6 January 1924
He was re-elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
February-March 1924
He saved the French franc threatened by speculation.
June 1924
The victory of the Cartel des Gauches caused Poincaré and President Millerand to resign.
13 June 1924
Gaston Doumergue was elected President of the Republic.
July 1926-November 1928
He served as Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. After the downfall of the Cartel des Gauches, he formed a Government of National Unity and enacted a policy of financial recovery with which his name remains to be associated.
25 June 1928
The Parliament passed the Poincaré Act that established the legal value of the franc.
11 November 1928
He became Prime Minister.
27 July 1929
He resigned for health reasons.
7 October 1934
He was re-elected Meuse Departmental Councillor.
|
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 48
|
https://programme.aids2018.org/Abstract/Abstract/13092
|
en
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null | null |
Background: HIV controllers, who spontaneously contain HIV replication to very low levels, develop particularly efficient antiviral T cell responses. To gain insights into the contribution of the CD4 helper subset to HIV control, we characterized the differentiation status of HIV-specific CD4+ T cells at the single cell level.
Methods: CD4+ T cells reactive with MHC-II tetramers specific for the most immunodominant HIV epitope (Gag293) were analyzed by multiplexed real-time qPCR (Biomark, Fluidigm) combined with multiparametric flow cytometry. HIV controllers from the ANRS CODEX-CO21 cohort with a viral load < 50 copies/mL were compared to efficiently treated patients with an equivalently low viral load.
Results: Gag293-specific cells from HIV controllers proved to express lower levels of CCR5 and PD-1 than those of treated patients, while CCL5 and TRBV2 expression were increased. As low expression of the HIV coreceptor CCR5 may inhibit HIV entry, we tested the susceptibility of Gag293-specific CD4+ T cells to fusion with an HIV-1 JRFL-BlaM-Vpr reporter virus. HIV controller specific cells proved less susceptible to HIV fusion than those of treated patients (P=0.017). Moreover, CCR5 expression in specific cells correlated with HIV fusion (R=0.83, P< 0.005). CCR5 expression in total CD4+ T cells did not reveal significant differences between groups. However, a negative correlation was observed between CCR5 expression in total CD4+ T cells and the frequency of Gag293-specific cells, indicating that the subset of controllers with low CCR5 expression maintained strong CD4 responses. Genetic analysis of one controller with particularly low fusion susceptibility uncovered biallelic mutations that impaired CCR5 expression.
Conclusions: Taken together, these findings reveal a lower susceptibility of HIV controller specific CD4+ T cells to HIV entry, and point to a role for low CCR5 expression in promoting spontaneous HIV control.
|
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 8
|
https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/poincare-raymond-1860-1934
|
en
|
Poincaré, Raymond (1860–1934)
|
[
"https://www.encyclopedia.com/themes/custom/trustme/images/header-logo.jpg"
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[] |
[] |
[
"POINCARÉ",
"RAYMOND (1860–1934)EARLY CAREERWORLD WAR IPOSTWAR CAREERBIBLIOGRAPHYFrench politician."
] | null |
[] | null |
POINCARÉ, RAYMOND (1860–1934)EARLY CAREERWORLD WAR IPOSTWAR CAREERBIBLIOGRAPHYFrench politician. Source for information on Poincaré, Raymond (1860–1934): Encyclopedia of Modern Europe: Europe Since 1914: Encyclopedia of the Age of War and Reconstruction dictionary.
|
en
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/sites/default/files/favicon.ico
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/poincare-raymond-1860-1934
|
EARLY CAREER
WORLD WAR I
POSTWAR CAREER
BIBLIOGRAPHY
French politician.
Raymond Poincaré was one of the most visible political figures in the Third Republic in the first decades of the twentieth century. A deputy at age twenty-seven, minister at thirty-three, in 1912 he was appointed prime minister. He served as president of France from 1913 to 1920 and, before illness forced him to leave office, he was twice more appointed prime minister, from January 1922 to March 1924, and again from July 1926 to July 1929.
For all that, only at the end of his life did Poincaré enjoy real popularity. Unlike his adversary Georges Clemenceau (1841–1929), Poincaré was tagged with disparaging nicknames such as "Poincaré-la-guerre" when a campaign in the 1920s accused him of being responsible for the First World War, and "L'homme-qui-rit-dans-lescimetières" (the man who laughs in the cemeteries) after a snapshot showed him blinking from the sunlight as he entered a military cemetery. The cap he wore during visits to the front made him look like a cab driver, and that was another motive for mockery. Despite singular intelligence and eloquence—he was a rigorous jurist and a well-known lawyer—his cold exterior and punctilious personality prevented him from becoming genuinely popular.
EARLY CAREER
Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc and as a young boy witnessed the disastrous Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871 that ended with the French losing Alsace and North Lorraine to Germany. He grew up to become a faithful patriot and also a convinced republican, which placed him close to the left wing in French politics. During the Dreyfus affair, Poincaré was a moderate "Dreyfusard" who opposed the trial but kept out of the fray and away from the affair's turmoil and from the Radical Party founded in its wake. Moderation would be the key characteristic of Poincaré's domestic political agenda. Apart from a brief position as finance minister in 1906, from 1896 to 1912 he held no cabinet posts. It is no surprise that from 1903 on he preferred a seat in the senate, a more conservative body than the chamber of deputies.
Although a specialist in matters of the budget, Poincaré preferred foreign policy. Appointed prime minister in 1912, he chose himself as foreign affairs chief, intending to pursue a firm policy with Germany and to shore up France's relations with its allies, particularly with Russia. During a visit to St. Petersburg in August 1912, Poincaré learned about secret treaties signed, with Russian involvement, by Balkan countries that aimed to evict the Turks from Europe. He was unhappy about the matter but decided to downplay the issue so as to maintain strong ties with Russia. This crucial decision encouraged Russian foreign policy makers in their conviction that they need not be preoccupied by French diplomatic opinion, even while jeopardizing peace in Europe.
Poincaré was elected president of France in 1913, winning against the radical republican Jules Pams, thanks to support he received from the Right. He was prepared, while remaining within the constitutional framework, to return the presidency to its former level of influence, which had slipped in recent years. Poincaré pursued foreign affairs while firmly supporting the policy of three years' obligatory military service, which was voted to be renewed that year.
WORLD WAR I
Poincaré was surprised by the crisis of July 1914 in the wake of the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, which he learned about on the return trip from one of his regular visits to Russia. At sea for most of the time with his prime minister René Viviani, and at the mercy of poor telegraphic communication, he was unable to play an important role. He had been accused before his departure of conspiring with Russia to make war; there exists no proof of this, and it is more likely that Russia acted without even considering the French position. Circumstances conspired to make Poincaré a war president.
Poincaré wrote some ten volumes of memoirs of the period of the First World War, entitled Au service de la France (1926–1933; In the service of France). A final, eleventh volume was published posthumously a half century later. He also coined the famous slogan L'union sacrée (the sacred union) in a speech to parliament on 4 August 1914. His major role in French politics effectively ended in November 1917, when he decided he was obliged to appoint his rival Georges Clemenceau prime minister. Not only through war's end but throughout the debates around the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference (January–June 1919), Clemenceau kept Poincaré at a distance. The legislative chambers unanimously proclaimed on 11 November 1918 that Clemenceau and Marshal Ferdinand Foch had earned the "merit of the Nation"; but Poincaré had to wait until January 1920 to receive the same homage.
POSTWAR CAREER
After his presidency ended in 1920, Poincaré decided he still had an active role to play in politics and stood for reelection as senator from the Meuse region. He was reappointed prime minister in 1922 and again took charge of foreign affairs. He was then faced with applying the strictures of the Versailles Treaty, because Germany evinced reluctance to pay reparations. In addition, both Poincaré and Marshal Foch advocated a strong French presence in the Rhineland, in disagreement with Clemenceau, who initially wished to separate the Rhine's left bank from Germany. But the situation was favorable for Poincaré's policy and in 1923, after Germany failed to make scheduled reparations payments, he ordered the occupation of the Ruhr. While it caused great difficulties for Germany, the expensive troop deployment also marked the beginning of serious financial problems for France; moreover, the United States and England were strongly opposed to it. To pay for the occupation, Poincaré had to levy a considerable tax increase, which became one of the reasons he was defeated in the 1924 elections by a reunited coalition of left-wing parties. However, two years later the country's catastrophic financial situation brought him back to power. He turned over foreign affairs to Aristide Briand, who managed a conciliatory policy with Germany, while he took charge of finances.
Poincaré's rigorous economic policy bore fruit. The war had been financed principally by loans, and in 1928—after a serious devaluation of the franc had reduced it to about one-fifth of its 1914 value—the economic situation improved. The creation of the Franc-Poincaré remained a symbol of France's financial recovery, supported by a clear economic upturn. When Poincaré retired for health reasons, France seemed to have recovered a measure of stability. By the time he died in 1934 at age seventy-four, however, the country was suffering from the effects of the worldwide economic crisis.
See alsoBriand, Aristide; Clemenceau, Georges; Reparations; World War I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Poincaré, Raymond. The Memoirs of R. Poincaré, 1915. Translated and adapted by Sir George Arthur. London, 1930.
——. Au service de la France: Neuf années de souvenirs. 11 vols. Paris, 1926–1974.
Secondary Sources
Becker, Jean-Jacques. 1914: Comment les français sont entrés dans la guerre. Paris, 1977.
Becker, Jean-Jacques, and Serge Berstein. Victoire et frustrations: 1914–1929. Paris, 1990.
Keiger, John F. V. Raymond Poincaré. New York, l997.
Jean-Jacques Becker
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
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0
| 47
|
https://www.dreyfus.fr/en/legal-notice/
|
en
|
dreyfus & associés law firm, Paris
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2019-10-17T13:11:54+00:00
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Dreyfus & associés undertakes to make every effort to ensure that the site is accessible to users at all times.
|
dreyfus
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https://www.dreyfus.fr/en/legal-notice/
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Dreyfus is a firm of Trademark Attorneys, a regulated profession.
Dreyfus is committed to making its best efforts to ensure that the www.dreyfus.fr website is accessible at any time. However, Dreyfus does not assume any responsibility in the event of difficulty in accessing the Website or interruptions in the Internet connection, whatever the causes might be.
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Dreyfus reserves the right to proceed with any modifications of its Website that deemed useful without prior notice and in case of website access interruption.
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You also have the right to file a complaint with the French National Commission for Information Technology and Civil Liberties (www.cnil.fr), the supervisory authority in charge of compliance with obligations in terms of personal data protection.
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 12
|
https://www.firstworldwar.com/bio/poincare.htm
|
en
|
First World War.com
|
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en
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../favicon.ico
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Who's Who - Raymond Poincare
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance, entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913, defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to strengthen France's armed forces for the eventuality of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed, and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the 'bloc national'. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany, sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany's failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Click here to read the text of Poincare's opening of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919.
Click here to view film footage of Poincare with King George V during the latter's state visit to France in 1914. Click here to view footage of Poincare during the opening of his July 1914 state visit to Russia.
A 'Toasting Fork' was a bayonet, often used for the named purpose.
- Did you know?
|
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 10
|
https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Raymond-Poincar%25C3%25A9/276481
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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(1860–1934). Of all the statesmen who shaped the policies of France during the early years of the 20th century, none believed more strongly than Raymond Poincaré that war…
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Britannica Kids
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https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Raymond-Poincaré/276481
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(1860–1934). Of all the statesmen who shaped the policies of France during the early years of the 20th century, none believed more strongly than Raymond Poincaré that war with Germany was inevitable. He worked harder than anyone else to prepare France for the conflict of World War I.
Poincaré was born on Aug. 20, 1860, in Bar-le-Duc, France, and was educated at the École Polytechnique and the University of Paris. He was elected to parliament in 1887 and held several cabinet posts before becoming premier in 1912. Following an anti-German policy, he cemented France’s friendship with Great Britain and Russia. In 1913 he was elected president, and he continued in this office throughout World War I. In the Peace Conference he fought for the infliction of harsh terms on Germany.
At the end of his term of office, in 1920, Poincaré was reelected to the Senate, and twice more he was called on to serve as premier. He was holding the office of premier in 1923 when France marched troops into Germany’s Ruhr River region to force reparations payments by Germany. In 1926–28 he saved France from disaster by stabilizing the franc. Poincaré died in Paris on Oct. 15, 1934.
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https://www.coeurdelorraine-tourisme.co.uk/decouvrir/artistes-et-grands-hommes
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Office de Tourisme Coeur de Lorraine
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Born in Bar-le-Duc, Raymond Poincaré studied law and became a lawyer in Paris in 1880. Parallel to his professional career, he began a political career. In 1887, he was elected deputy in the department of Meuse, he was then the youngest of the hemicycle. In 1903, he was elected senator of the Meuse. From 1913 to 1920, he was Minister on several occasions, President of the Council of Ministers and then President of the French Republic. Raymond Poincaré was one of the great political figures of the Third Republic and one of the central figures of the First World War. Anchored in the Meusian territory where he was born, this illustrious figure willingly retired to his haven of peace: Le Clos, his residence in Sampigny. He and his wife Henriette will be at the origin of many works for the benefit of the Sampignolais people. In 1929, Raymond Poincaré retired from the political scene and died a few years later in 1934 in Paris. He is buried in Nubécourt in his native department and lies next to his wife.
To be discovered :
- The Raymond Poincaré Museum in Sampigny
- The tomb of President Raymond Poincaré
Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version)
Born in Bar-le-Duc, Raymond Poincaré studied law and became a lawyer in Paris in 1880. Parallel to his professional career, he began a political career. In 1887, he was elected deputy in the department of Meuse, he was then the youngest of the hemicycle. In 1903, he was elected senator of the Meuse. From 1913 to 1920, he was Minister on several occasions, President of the Council of Ministers and then President of the French Republic. Raymond Poincaré was one of the great political figures of the Third Republic and one of the central figures of the First World War. Anchored in the Meusian territory where he was born, this illustrious figure willingly retired to his haven of peace: Le Clos, his residence in Sampigny. He and his wife Henriette will be at the origin of many works for the benefit of the Sampignolais people. In 1929, Raymond Poincaré retired from the political scene and died a few years later in 1934 in Paris. He is buried in Nubécourt in his native department and lies next to his wife.
To be discovered :
- The Raymond Poincaré Museum in Sampigny
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https://www.history.com/topics/european-history/raymond-poincare
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en
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Raymond Poincaré - WWI, Quotes & Facts
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2009-11-09T15:46:54+00:00
|
Raymond Poincaré guided France through World War I as president and undertook dramatic measures to stablize the country's economy as prime minister.
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en
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HISTORY
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https://www.history.com/topics/european-history/raymond-poincare
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Early Years
Raymond Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc, France, on August 20, 1860. He studied law at the University of Pairs, was admitted to the bar in 1882 and went on to practice law in Paris.
In 1887, Poincaré was elected deputy for the French district of Meuse and began his career in politics. He rose to cabinet-level positions in succeeding years, including minister of education and minister of finance. By 1895, he was chosen vice president of the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative assembly of the French Parliament). However, in 1899 he refused the request of French President Émile Loubet (1838-1929) to form a coalition government. Strong-willed, politically conservative and nationalistic, Poincaré refused to accept a Socialist minister into his coalition–he resigned from the Chamber of Deputies in 1903 and instead practiced law and served in the politically less-significant Senate until 1912.
Poincaré Becomes Prime Minister, then President
Poincaré returned to national prominence when he became prime minister in January 1912. In this most powerful position in France, he proved to be a strong leader and foreign minister. To everyone’s surprise, however, the following year he decided to run for the presidency, a relatively less powerful office, and he was elected to the post in January 1913. Unlike earlier presidents, however, Poincaré took an active role in policy formation. His strong sense of nationalism moved him to work diligently to secure France’s defense, strengthening alliances with Britain and Russia and supporting legislation to raise national military service from two years to three. Although he worked for peace, as a native of the Lorraine region, Poincaré was suspicious of Germany, which had seized the area in 1871.
When World War I broke out in August 1914, Poincaré proved to be a strong wartime leader and mainstay of French morale. Indeed, he demonstrated how dedicated he was to a unified France when, in 1917, he asked his longtime political enemy Georges Clemenceau to form a government. Poincaré believed that Clemenceau was the best-qualified man to serve as prime minister and lead the nation, despite his leftist political leanings, to which Poincaré was opposed.
The Treaty of Versailles and German Reparations
Poincaré soon found himself in serious disagreement with Clemenceau over the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed in June 1919 and defined the terms of peace following World War I. Poincaré felt strongly that Germany should be subjected to heavy reparations and assume responsibility for starting the war. Although American and British leaders regarded the treaty as overly punitive, the document, which called for substantial financial and territorial reparations from Germany, was not harsh enough to satisfy Poincaré.
Poincaré further demonstrated his aggressive stance toward Germany when he assumed the position of prime minister again in 1922. He was also minister of foreign affairs during this term. When the Germans failed to meet their reparations payment in January 1923, Poincaré ordered French troops to occupy the Ruhr Valley area, an important industrial region in western Germany. Despite the occupation, the German government refused to make the payment. German workers’ passive resistance to French authority wreaked havoc on the German economy. The German mark failed and the French economy also suffered because of the cost of the occupation.
Finally, in 1924, the British and American governments negotiated a settlement that attempted to stabilize the German economy and soften the terms of the reparations. During the same year, Poincaré’s party suffered a defeat in the general election, and he resigned as prime minister.
The Financial Crisis of 1926
Poincaré was not out of office long. In 1926, amidst a serious economic crisis in France, Poincaré was once again asked to form a government and assume the role of prime minister. He moved quickly and forcefully to handle the financial situation by cutting government spending, increasing interest rates, introducing new taxes and stabilizing the value of the franc, basing it on the gold standard. Public confidence soared in the prosperity that followed Poincaré’s handling of the situation. The April 1928 general elections demonstrated popular support for Poincaré’s party and his role as prime minister.
Final Years
On November 7, 1928, under attack from the Radical-Socialist Party, Poincaré was forced to resign. He acted swiftly to form a new ministry within the week, marking his final term as prime minister. Citing ill health, Poincaré left office in July 1929, and subsequently refused the offer of yet another term as prime minister in 1930.
Poincaré died in Paris on October 15, 1934, at age 74. He had devoted nearly all of his life to public service, and his work as president during World War I, coupled with his financial acumen as prime minister in later years, established his legacy as a great leader and a man who valued his nation above all else.
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| 9
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http://www.vlib.us/wwi/resources/archives/texts/t040831c.html
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"France and the Origins of the First World War" by John F. V. Keiger.
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"France and the Origins of the First World War" by John F. V. Keiger. Macmillan Press 1983. ISBN 0 333 28551 4
(As usual, my comments in brackets and noted as EAR)
Introduction: In 1920s German revisionists blamed France and Poincaré in particular. Much mud thrown and some stuck. New material available, mainly from private papers especially Poincaré's private diary.
Ch. 1. Post 1870, Bismarck sought to keep France isolated and urged her towards colonial expansion. Threatened war otherwise, in 1875 over the revival of the French army, and 1887 over the Boulanger affair. Long periods when détente, even talk of customs union Germany/France. German failure to renew the Reinsurance Treaty left Russia equally friendless and so alliance with France and Franco-Russian Military Convention (strictly defensive) came about in 1892 tho not ratified by Russia till 12/93 and by France till 1/94. Existence of alliance public in 1897 but not details. 1890s - Alsace Lorraine drifting away from French allegiance (disliked anti-clericalism) and France losing interest too. Fashoda made it clear France could not count on German or Russian support and feared Germany and Britain were talking so Entente Cordiale came about in 1904. At first colonial matters only. Germany believed Britain and Russia were irreconcilable and were surprised when Anglo-Russian settlement of colonial disputes was achieved in 1907 and the Triple Entente was born.
Ch 2. Weakness of French parliamentary system meant French foreign office, the Quai d'Orsay, very independent. Staff there mainly from Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques (then rue St Guillaume. In Rue du Bac when I went there in 1950), mostly post 1870, nationalist, expansionist and Germanophobe. Weak ministers failed to control either Quai or the ambassadors. Latter pursued own policies against opposition from the Quai. Jules Cambon in Berlin, taking as example his brother Paul in London and the Entente Cordiale, wrote direct to the minister to circumvent Quai officials. Same officials caused Agadir crisis in 1911. Settled only be secret diplomacy of Caillaux then Prime Minister.
Ch. 3. Background of Raymond Poincaré. Born Lorraine 1860. Brilliant legal and political career. Prime Minister 1/12 and succeeded in substantially reforming the Quai.
Ch. 4. Poincaré agreed with and quoted approvingly Grey when he said "We wanted the Entente and Germany's Triple Alliance to live side by side in amity. That was the best that was practicable. If we intrigued to break up the Triple Alliance, our contention that the Entente was defensive and was not directed against Germany would cease to be true. Disturbance and possible war, it was clear, would be the consequence." He therefore blocked attempts by ambassadors to wean either Italy or Austria away from the Triple Alliance or to wards rapprochement of France with Germany. French-German animosity fed on itself. Pan German articles translated and re-published in France. Thus Germans believed France thirsting for revanche and French feared German aggression. Much dispute re rise of nationalism in France. Best judgement is limited and defensive but still enough to make détente impossible. French conviction that Germany was trying to split the Entente. Financial and economic rivalry grew. Trade war too. Arms race resulted in return to 3 years service in France. Jules Cambon kept trying but official and public opposition too strong. Crozier (ambassador to Vienna) ditto though looked promising for a time. Poincaré thought isolating Germany highly dangerous and risked war.
Ch 5. 1906-11 France occupied by internal matters. French-Russian relation up and down, generally neglected. France did not support Russia over Bosnia in 1908 and Russia France over Agadir 1911. 1912 Poincaré began to revive alliance but ambassador in Russia useless and hard to shift. Interests conflicted over Balkans and Turkey. Had to warn Izvolsky 3/12 French agreement necessary if Russia wanted to attempt major initiatives. (Poincaré's diary makes it clear that Izvolsky misrepresented this warning). But Russia was prompting Italy to go further in its war with Turkey, resulted in Straits being closed for a while. General staffs had met in Paris in 7/12 to discuss new offensive strategy but technical only and dependent on casus foederis arising and governmental agreement. Poincaré to Russia 8/12 to make it clear to Russians that Russia did not have carte blanche to involve France. Alliance re-affirmed. But too late to stop Balkan treaty and 1st Balkan War. Poincaré wanted conference of ambassadors. Some threats from Germany but started in London in 12/12. Russia was effectively restrained and did not support Serbia over Scutari (on Adriatic). Poincaré had managed to maintain a balance between too much support for Russia and too little. New ambassador, Delcassé, 2/13. He and later Paléologue would go too far towards support.
Paul Cambon hoped to convert Entente with Britain into alliance but failed. Staff talks began 1905, lapsed 1906 to 1910 when Wilson DMO. French plans in flux so little done. Trouble with Britain post Agadir (France wanted Spanish Morocco to make good Congo loss to Germany. Britain wanted Spain to stay on south side of Straits of Gibraltar). Cambon persistently overestimated his understanding of Britain and degree of British commitment (no English, went home every week or so and not nearly as clever as he thought he was)..Failed to realize danger of Haldane Mission, mistake rectified by Bertie, British ambassador in Paris. Mission failed in the end but "more as a result of German greed than British reluctance". But would continue on colonial matters which Cambon again underestimated. He also exaggerated the importance of the agreement about the exchange of letters Mediterranean fleets which the British thought made no difference at all. Result was that French were startled by British hesitation in July 1914. Belgium not the Entente brought Britain into the war.
Ch. 6. Poincaré President in 1/13. Tried to respect constitution and convinced he had but still very active in foreigh policy. Contradictions in Franco-Russian Alliance over Balkans and Turkey led him to let Grey take the lead in the London Conference. Now conciliatory to Germany because of French interests in Turkey. Much taken up with question of return to 3 years service. French army very bad at intelligence collection, analysis and self assessment. Repeats story of how secret service funds spent on Bastille Day lunch for officers. French Army grossly over confident in spite of the Humbert revelations in 6/14 but not based on expectation of British help. Contact with Germany over Turkey survived Zabern and Liman von Sanders affairs. Refused to support Russia over latter. Russian prime minister reported to Tsar "All French statesmen want quiet and peace. They are willing to work with Germany and are much more peaceful than two years ago". France reached agreement with Germany on Baghdad Railway in 2/14 and in 4/14 Jules Cambon began talking to Jagow about a colonial deal but got no further before crisis. But new government of Doumergue meant Poincaré's influence faded somewhat and he feared Delcassé was encouraging Russia too much. Replacement by Paléologue in 2/14 did not make much difference. Severely distracted by Caillaux scandals and elections led to Viviani government on 16.6.14. Overall, Poincaré was more occupied with agreement with Germany over Turkey than with supporting Russia. He was firm over continental issues but conciliatory over extra-European.
Ch. 7. July crisis came out of blue. French much more taken up with Caillaux scandal up to 24.7. Absence on trip to Russia etc 15.7 to 29.7 meant President, Prime Minister and senior adviser (de Margerie) isolated. No concern at all about Sarajevo before departure. Diaries show Tsar hoped for a visit to France in 1915, that Poincaré thought, as usual, on 21.7 that direct talks Russia-Austria dangerous and that France and Britain should urge Austria to be moderate. Noted that he warned Austrian ambassador of risk of complications but did not threaten. (Were Germany and Austria too clever by half in so carefully timing the ultimatum as they did? EAR) He learnt by radio message on 24.7 of the nature of Austrian ultimatum and proposed only that an extension of 24 hours to the time limit should be requested and that the Entente should propose an international enquiry into Sarajevo. At sea between Norway and Denmark. On 27.7, Paris asked them to return. Back 29.7. Paléologue to be criticized for being too quick to support Russia and possibly too slow to inform re Russian decision in principle for partial mobilization ( cable of 25.7 sent 18.22, received 19.38. DDF Vol 11, No 50). (Following course of events well known EAR). "Exaggeration to say that mobilization meant war.........any army can be stopped before it crosses a frontier". (May be unjust of author to complain that Paléologue informed Paris only the next day of Russian full mobilization. The decision was published only at 6 pm 30.7. His cable was signed at 08.30 on 31.7. Telephone exchanges all blocked by military traffic and attempt to send by radio failed. Dispatched 10.43 via Stockholm, received Paris 20.30. DDF Vol 11 No 432). But Paleologue's conduct made no real difference to Russia.
Later attacks on Poincaré unjust. He described his policy as follows "...not to break up an alliance on which French policy has been based for a quarter of a century and the break up of which would leave us in isolation at the mercy of our rivals; and nevertheless to do what lay in our power to induce our ally to exercise moderation in matters in which we are much less concerned than herself (ie France)".
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http://www.vlib.us/wwi/resources/archives/texts/t040831c.html
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"France and the Origins of the First World War" by John F. V. Keiger.
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"France and the Origins of the First World War" by John F. V. Keiger. Macmillan Press 1983. ISBN 0 333 28551 4
(As usual, my comments in brackets and noted as EAR)
Introduction: In 1920s German revisionists blamed France and Poincaré in particular. Much mud thrown and some stuck. New material available, mainly from private papers especially Poincaré's private diary.
Ch. 1. Post 1870, Bismarck sought to keep France isolated and urged her towards colonial expansion. Threatened war otherwise, in 1875 over the revival of the French army, and 1887 over the Boulanger affair. Long periods when détente, even talk of customs union Germany/France. German failure to renew the Reinsurance Treaty left Russia equally friendless and so alliance with France and Franco-Russian Military Convention (strictly defensive) came about in 1892 tho not ratified by Russia till 12/93 and by France till 1/94. Existence of alliance public in 1897 but not details. 1890s - Alsace Lorraine drifting away from French allegiance (disliked anti-clericalism) and France losing interest too. Fashoda made it clear France could not count on German or Russian support and feared Germany and Britain were talking so Entente Cordiale came about in 1904. At first colonial matters only. Germany believed Britain and Russia were irreconcilable and were surprised when Anglo-Russian settlement of colonial disputes was achieved in 1907 and the Triple Entente was born.
Ch 2. Weakness of French parliamentary system meant French foreign office, the Quai d'Orsay, very independent. Staff there mainly from Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques (then rue St Guillaume. In Rue du Bac when I went there in 1950), mostly post 1870, nationalist, expansionist and Germanophobe. Weak ministers failed to control either Quai or the ambassadors. Latter pursued own policies against opposition from the Quai. Jules Cambon in Berlin, taking as example his brother Paul in London and the Entente Cordiale, wrote direct to the minister to circumvent Quai officials. Same officials caused Agadir crisis in 1911. Settled only be secret diplomacy of Caillaux then Prime Minister.
Ch. 3. Background of Raymond Poincaré. Born Lorraine 1860. Brilliant legal and political career. Prime Minister 1/12 and succeeded in substantially reforming the Quai.
Ch. 4. Poincaré agreed with and quoted approvingly Grey when he said "We wanted the Entente and Germany's Triple Alliance to live side by side in amity. That was the best that was practicable. If we intrigued to break up the Triple Alliance, our contention that the Entente was defensive and was not directed against Germany would cease to be true. Disturbance and possible war, it was clear, would be the consequence." He therefore blocked attempts by ambassadors to wean either Italy or Austria away from the Triple Alliance or to wards rapprochement of France with Germany. French-German animosity fed on itself. Pan German articles translated and re-published in France. Thus Germans believed France thirsting for revanche and French feared German aggression. Much dispute re rise of nationalism in France. Best judgement is limited and defensive but still enough to make détente impossible. French conviction that Germany was trying to split the Entente. Financial and economic rivalry grew. Trade war too. Arms race resulted in return to 3 years service in France. Jules Cambon kept trying but official and public opposition too strong. Crozier (ambassador to Vienna) ditto though looked promising for a time. Poincaré thought isolating Germany highly dangerous and risked war.
Ch 5. 1906-11 France occupied by internal matters. French-Russian relation up and down, generally neglected. France did not support Russia over Bosnia in 1908 and Russia France over Agadir 1911. 1912 Poincaré began to revive alliance but ambassador in Russia useless and hard to shift. Interests conflicted over Balkans and Turkey. Had to warn Izvolsky 3/12 French agreement necessary if Russia wanted to attempt major initiatives. (Poincaré's diary makes it clear that Izvolsky misrepresented this warning). But Russia was prompting Italy to go further in its war with Turkey, resulted in Straits being closed for a while. General staffs had met in Paris in 7/12 to discuss new offensive strategy but technical only and dependent on casus foederis arising and governmental agreement. Poincaré to Russia 8/12 to make it clear to Russians that Russia did not have carte blanche to involve France. Alliance re-affirmed. But too late to stop Balkan treaty and 1st Balkan War. Poincaré wanted conference of ambassadors. Some threats from Germany but started in London in 12/12. Russia was effectively restrained and did not support Serbia over Scutari (on Adriatic). Poincaré had managed to maintain a balance between too much support for Russia and too little. New ambassador, Delcassé, 2/13. He and later Paléologue would go too far towards support.
Paul Cambon hoped to convert Entente with Britain into alliance but failed. Staff talks began 1905, lapsed 1906 to 1910 when Wilson DMO. French plans in flux so little done. Trouble with Britain post Agadir (France wanted Spanish Morocco to make good Congo loss to Germany. Britain wanted Spain to stay on south side of Straits of Gibraltar). Cambon persistently overestimated his understanding of Britain and degree of British commitment (no English, went home every week or so and not nearly as clever as he thought he was)..Failed to realize danger of Haldane Mission, mistake rectified by Bertie, British ambassador in Paris. Mission failed in the end but "more as a result of German greed than British reluctance". But would continue on colonial matters which Cambon again underestimated. He also exaggerated the importance of the agreement about the exchange of letters Mediterranean fleets which the British thought made no difference at all. Result was that French were startled by British hesitation in July 1914. Belgium not the Entente brought Britain into the war.
Ch. 6. Poincaré President in 1/13. Tried to respect constitution and convinced he had but still very active in foreigh policy. Contradictions in Franco-Russian Alliance over Balkans and Turkey led him to let Grey take the lead in the London Conference. Now conciliatory to Germany because of French interests in Turkey. Much taken up with question of return to 3 years service. French army very bad at intelligence collection, analysis and self assessment. Repeats story of how secret service funds spent on Bastille Day lunch for officers. French Army grossly over confident in spite of the Humbert revelations in 6/14 but not based on expectation of British help. Contact with Germany over Turkey survived Zabern and Liman von Sanders affairs. Refused to support Russia over latter. Russian prime minister reported to Tsar "All French statesmen want quiet and peace. They are willing to work with Germany and are much more peaceful than two years ago". France reached agreement with Germany on Baghdad Railway in 2/14 and in 4/14 Jules Cambon began talking to Jagow about a colonial deal but got no further before crisis. But new government of Doumergue meant Poincaré's influence faded somewhat and he feared Delcassé was encouraging Russia too much. Replacement by Paléologue in 2/14 did not make much difference. Severely distracted by Caillaux scandals and elections led to Viviani government on 16.6.14. Overall, Poincaré was more occupied with agreement with Germany over Turkey than with supporting Russia. He was firm over continental issues but conciliatory over extra-European.
Ch. 7. July crisis came out of blue. French much more taken up with Caillaux scandal up to 24.7. Absence on trip to Russia etc 15.7 to 29.7 meant President, Prime Minister and senior adviser (de Margerie) isolated. No concern at all about Sarajevo before departure. Diaries show Tsar hoped for a visit to France in 1915, that Poincaré thought, as usual, on 21.7 that direct talks Russia-Austria dangerous and that France and Britain should urge Austria to be moderate. Noted that he warned Austrian ambassador of risk of complications but did not threaten. (Were Germany and Austria too clever by half in so carefully timing the ultimatum as they did? EAR) He learnt by radio message on 24.7 of the nature of Austrian ultimatum and proposed only that an extension of 24 hours to the time limit should be requested and that the Entente should propose an international enquiry into Sarajevo. At sea between Norway and Denmark. On 27.7, Paris asked them to return. Back 29.7. Paléologue to be criticized for being too quick to support Russia and possibly too slow to inform re Russian decision in principle for partial mobilization ( cable of 25.7 sent 18.22, received 19.38. DDF Vol 11, No 50). (Following course of events well known EAR). "Exaggeration to say that mobilization meant war.........any army can be stopped before it crosses a frontier". (May be unjust of author to complain that Paléologue informed Paris only the next day of Russian full mobilization. The decision was published only at 6 pm 30.7. His cable was signed at 08.30 on 31.7. Telephone exchanges all blocked by military traffic and attempt to send by radio failed. Dispatched 10.43 via Stockholm, received Paris 20.30. DDF Vol 11 No 432). But Paleologue's conduct made no real difference to Russia.
Later attacks on Poincaré unjust. He described his policy as follows "...not to break up an alliance on which French policy has been based for a quarter of a century and the break up of which would leave us in isolation at the mercy of our rivals; and nevertheless to do what lay in our power to induce our ally to exercise moderation in matters in which we are much less concerned than herself (ie France)".
Return to WWI Resource Centre Index
|
||||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 50
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/fr/fr_political.html
|
en
|
Commanding Heights : France Political
|
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France has a parliamentary government under the republican constitution of 1875. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, the French Communist Party grows, while the Socialists and Radicals unite. In 1922 the conservative Raymond Poincaré replaces Georges Clemenceau as prime minister, but his coalition disintegrates when France invades the Ruhr after Germany defaults on its WWI reparation payments.
Under the more conciliatory leadership of Radical Prime Minister Édouard Herriot, relations with Germany improve. Europe's leading powers sign a series of treaties and agreements in Locarno, Switzerland, which symbolize hopes for an era of international peace. Herriot resigns after a financial controversy, and Raymond Poincaré returns as prime minister, strengthening the power of the right.
The Depression takes hold, and 1932 elections unseat Poincaré's conservative successors. The next 16 months see a series of ineffective coalition governments. The Popular Front, a leftist alliance against rising fascism, takes its first tentative steps. The Radical Édouard Daladier forms a new government, but must resign after a financial and political scandal.
The reunited left wins the 1936 parliamentary elections, and Léon Blum heads a Popular Front government. Internal divisions and conservative opposition to his fiscal measures lead him to resign and the Front to lose strength, but not before preventing the rise of fascism in France. Daladier returns as prime minister, and in 1939 he reluctantly commits France to World War II beside the British.
German invasion ends the Third Republic. France is divided into two zones, one occupied and the other governed by Marshal Pétain, a French WWI hero who sets up a new regime based in Vichy. The authoritarian Vichy government collaborates with the Nazis in plundering resources and deporting Jews. From London, General Charles de Gaulle calls for a French Resistance movement which fast gains strength.
The Allies land in Normandy and liberate France with assistance from the Resistance movement. De Gaulle becomes head of a provisional government of centrists, Communists, and Socialists. France's colonies in North Africa, West Africa, and East Asia demand greater autonomy.
De Gaulle resigns because of internal divisions in his government and forms a new political party, the Rally of the French People (RPF). The Fourth Republic is proclaimed, with a new constitution that again provides for a weak executive and a powerful national assembly. A series of impermanent governments are unable to stem inflation or the political and social unrest in the colony of Indochina.
Socialists fail to bring stability and lose strength as a party. France joins NATO as a founding member and opts for a policy of entente with West Germany, setting the stage for the European Community. De Gaulle loses support and resigns as party leader. France invests in its colonies to prepare them for independence. The French are forced out of Indochina after their defeat at Dien Bien Phu.
Conflict between nationalists and the French army in Algeria contrasts with the peaceful decolonization of Morocco and Tunisia. A revolt in Paris overthrows the Fourth Republic. A new constitution establishes the Fifth Republic, subordinating the legislature to the presidency. De Gaulle becomes president. Socialists split over support for the Fifth Republic and make several unsuccessful alliances.
France moves toward military and nuclear independence. De Gaulle promotes Franco-German cooperation while remaining friendly with Britain and the U.S. He grants Algeria independence in 1962, incurring criticism from settlers and French officers. Still, his supporters win a majority in the 1962 elections. Several sub-Saharan African colonies transition more smoothly to independence.
De Gaulle narrowly defeats left-wing opponent François Mitterrand under a new system of presidential election by direct universal suffrage. De Gaulle continues an independent approach to foreign policy, withdrawing France from NATO commands and testing a hydrogen bomb. The government's paternalistic approach to domestic affairs sparks a student revolt and massive strikes in May 1968.
The Socialists reorganize as the Parti Socialiste (PS) at a congress. De Gaulle resigns from a shaken government and former Prime Minister Georges Pompidou is elected president. Pompidou maintains some Gaullist principles in foreign policy but is generally more conciliatory. Mitterrand and his allies begin to transform the left, building a strong PS. Pompidou dies in office in 1974.
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, leader of the center-right Independent Republicans and a former finance minister, is elected president. He implements conservative domestic policies and insists on the primacy of French interests and nuclear weapons. Economic crisis undermines his government. The PS and the Communist Party (PCF) forge an electoral alliance.
The united left elects PS leader Mitterrand president, and the Socialists sweep subsequent parliamentary elections. Although dominated by the PS, the government also includes four communist ministers. The administration introduces a far-reaching program of social reform, decentralization, and nationalization.
President Mitterrand appoints Laurent Fabius of the PS as prime minister. Communist members of the cabinet resign, opposed to a drastic PS economic policy shift and increased reliance on markets. In 1984 Mitterrand forms a new government excluding the Communists.
The right-wing RPF and Union for French Democracy (UDF) win a parliamentary majority. Mitterrand appoints opposition leader Jacques Chirac as prime minister, resulting in the first government "cohabitation," which ends 30 years of president and prime minister being drawn from the same coalition. Chirac's policies anger students and workers; Mitterrand defeats him in the 1988 presidential election.
The extreme right National Front does well in municipal elections, pressuring the government into adopting a hard line against illegal immigration. Mitterrand replaces Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard with Edith Cresson after they clash on economic policy. But economic recession and political scandal cause Cresson's popularity to plummet, pulling Mitterrand's down as well.
The Parti Socialiste loses the national assembly elections. Mitterrand appoints the RPF's Édouard Balladur as prime minister of his second "cohabitation" government. Balladur resigns in the wake of corruption scandals. With Mitterrand's health declining, Chirac runs for president as the "man of the people" and is elected in 1955. Former Foreign Minister Alain Juppé becomes prime minister.
Chirac loses support after a nuclear testing debacle in the Pacific. He calls for general elections a year early so the government can continue the austerity measures designed for membership in the European Monetary Union. His plan backfires when the Socialists, opposed to the measures, win and Lionel Jospin becomes prime minister. "Cohabitation" governments become the norm, not the exception.
Labor criticizes Jospin for retreating from campaign promises. In regional elections, the ruling Socialist, Green, and Communist coalition wins 37 percent of the vote, the mainstream right 36 percent. The National Front splits in two. Political scandals undermine government in general. A constitutional referendum reduces the presidential term from seven to five years, equal that the parliament's.
The left wins Paris city council, but the right strengthens elsewhere. Scattered leftist votes in the 2002 presidential election puts extreme rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen in second place; all mainstream parties rally around President Chirac in the runoff. A pro-Chirac conservative coalition wins parliamentary elections, ending five years of "cohabitation." Jean-Pierre Raffarin becomes prime minister.
Backed by majority support, President Chirac voices strong opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq. When the three-week military campaign proves not to be the long struggle he had predicted, Chirac faces a possible loss of credibility at home. Relations with Britain are tense after a split over the Iraq war. France calls for a central role for the United Nations in the new administration of Iraq.
|
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 0
|
https://www.instantoffices.com/en/fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincare-16eme-arrondissement-14630
|
en
|
78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116
|
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en
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https://content.instantoffices.com/Prod/images/legacyImages/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.instantoffices.com/en/fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincare-16eme-arrondissement-14630
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1) Interested in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré?
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Prices start from 1500€ and everything is negotiable with our partners. Our advisors will secure you a viewing and take you on a journey to secure the best rates following the viewing.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 93
|
https://stampphenom.com/products/france-1950-raymond-poincare
|
en
|
France 1950 Raymond Poincaré
|
http://stampphenom.com/cdn/shop/files/France-1950-Raymond-Poincare_1200x1200.jpg?v=1703175395
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Features: Stamps shown are sample photos only. France 1950 Raymond Poincaré Item Details: Stamp for sale is "Used". ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ To better describe the condition of the stamps we sell, we
|
en
|
//stampphenom.com/cdn/shop/files/image001_32x32.png?v=1613720831
|
StampPhenom
|
https://stampphenom.com/products/france-1950-raymond-poincare
|
Features:
Stamps shown are sample photos only.
France 1950 Raymond Poincaré
Item Details:
Stamp for sale is "Used".
______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
To better describe the condition of the stamps we sell, we included a glossary for your reference:
★ Mint - is a stamp that has not been used or postmarked, but could have a hinge, gum or no gum.
★ Used - is a stamp which has been used, postmarked, has hinges, and other markings.
______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
|
||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 91
|
https://en.visiterlyon.com/discover/heritage-unesco/contemporary/pont-raymond-poincare
|
en
|
Pont Raymond Poincaré
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2022-03-11T00:00:00
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en
|
/bundles/oltcmainfront/images/favicon/favicon.ico
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https://en.visiterlyon.com/discover/heritage-unesco/contemporary/pont-raymond-poincare
|
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||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 67
|
https://euromathsoc.org/magazine/articles/189
|
en
|
The Maison Poincaré – a maths museum in France
|
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"Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage"
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EMS Magazine Article from: Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage
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https://euromathsoc.org/magazine/articles/189
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Beginning of the story
The Institut Henri Poincaré (IHP) has a long history dating back to its inauguration in 1928 by the then President of the Council, Raymond Poincaré, a cousin of Henri Poincaré (1854–1912). Founded by the mathematician Émile Borel (1871–1956), the institute was built thanks to private funds from the International Education Board of the Rockefeller Foundation and the French patron Edmond de Rothschild. It sits opposite the physical chemistry laboratory built by the physicist Jean Perrin (1870–1942) just two years earlier. Perrin’s building itself (Figure ) is adjoining the Institut du Radium, Marie Curie’s laboratory, which was completed on the eve of WWI. All of these brick buildings are located at the heart of Paris on the fields of a former convent – later converted to a reformatory run by nuns – acquired by the University of Paris at the beginning of the 20 century.
In the interwar period, Borel and his assistant Jeanne Fournier, born Ferrier – who held a Ph.D. in mathematics and was appointed as assistant in calculus of probability but actually worked as a secretary – invited to IHP the greatest specialists of the time in analysis, probability, and mathematical physics: Léon Bloch, George Birkhoff, Max Born, Marcel Brillouin, Francesco P. Cantelli, Torsten Carleman, Charles G. Darwin, Paul Dirac, Théophile de Donder, Albert Einstein, Enrico Fermi (Figure ), Vladimir A. Kostitzine, Paul Lévy, George Pólya, Erwin Schrödinger, Vito Volterra, etc., from whom we can read lectures in the Annales de l’Institut Henri Poincaré.
Over the years, IHP developed as a renowned international research centre for mathematics and theoretical physics. Even though Borel’s building was raised by two additional floors in the 1950s, the institute’s activities became somehow cramped at the turn of the 21st century. All the more so that it hosted several learned societies (SMF, SMAI, SFdS, SFP), non-profit associations (Animath, Femmes & mathématiques, MATh.en.JEANS) and the Fondation Sciences Mathématiques de Paris. It had become difficult to accommodate all the people in the offices, along with regular seminars, national or international meetings beside the IHP scientific programmes coordinated by the Centre Émile Borel – a dedicated department created in 1994 when the institute was reborn after a post May 1968 period of uncertainty.
Inception of the expansion
Cédric Villani became director of IHP in 2009. He had great plans for it and looked for possibilities to expand the premises from the start. Perrin’s building, which was still hosting the physical chemistry laboratory, renamed Laboratoire de chimie physique – matière et rayonnement (LCPMR), was not up to modern standards. The Université Pierre et Marie Curie (UPMC), who owned the building, was planning to move LCPMR to more suitable premises at “Jussieu” (Figure ), its main campus.
Villani managed to convince UPMC to reallocate Perrin’s building to IHP as part of a major centre for mathematics which would be open to the public. This plan was reminiscent of Michel Demazure’s ideas, who had defended IHP’s future when meeting with Lionel Jospin, the Minister of Education, in the late 1980s. Villani laid the groundwork for his plans with first initiatives such as exhibitions, a film club, public lectures, documentaries, aimed at the general public, school children, companies and society in general.
Together with his deputy director Jean-Philippe Uzan and with the help of many others supporting these ideas, Villani secured an impressive 14-million-euro public funding for the refurbishment of Perrin’s building (Figure ). This included 8 million from the city of Paris, 3 million from the Île-de-France region, 2 million from the French Government, and 1 million from the CNRS, not to mention the estimated 9 million value of the building per se. As of its completion in 2023, the whole budget eventually approached 17 million, including an additional contribution from the French Government as part of the recovery plan following the Covid-19 crisis. During the construction, a small part of the budget was dedicated to renovate Borel’s original building.
The project of an expanded mathematical centre, known internally as IHP+, has also been supported by the IHP Endowment Fund, created in 2016 by Villani on that purpose with the CNRS, UPMC, learned societies and a Circle of Partner Companies as founding members. Outside the mathematical community, it was promoted under the name of “Maison des mathématiques” project, with a mathematics museum as flagship, which would occupy the ground floor (600m2) and part of the basement (300m2) of Perrin’s building.
In 2017, Villani was elected Member of Parliament and resigned from his director position. Before his departure, the expansion project had been launched by UPMC as the project owner. An architect had been chosen, Atelier Novembre, along with a museum designer, du&ma. Their joint project had indeed convinced the jury of the architectural competition that it was the best at enhancing heritage features while complying with modern standards.
On 1 January 2018, UPMC (Paris 6) merged with Université Paris-Sorbonne, also known as Paris 4, to become Sorbonne Université, and I took over as director of IHP. For years, I worked hard with numerous people to make IHP+ a reality. For an extended period, I lived with visualisations of the IHP+ project provided by Atelier Novembre and du&ma, and I was lucky enough to see this dream decor come to life. I got much more involved in the museum project than I had anticipated. I loved this amazing experience, of which the following gives an overview.
Museum project
At first, the museum concept relied on a few rough ideas launched by the former directors, Villani and Uzan. These ideas ranged from celebrating the founders (Borel, Perrin, Rockefeller, Rothschild) and telling the story of the building to showcasing a selection of mathematical objects from IHP’s collection of around 600 pieces (Figure ) and developing a most innovative outreach experience in mixed reality, Holo-Math (Figure ).
We did implement the original ideas while modifying some as I shall explain later, and many, many more which we developed along the process. A huge amount of work was to be done to design the very first museum in France that would be fully dedicated to mathematics and its applications.
One of the features which made it unique among maths museums in the world is that it was to be installed within an international research centre. Our targeted audience was thought of as middle schoolers, high school students, college students, teachers, and of course the general public. A challenge and goal at the same time would be to foster interactions between the public and the researchers coming to work at IHP, either visiting or dropping by.
It soon became clear that we needed to find a good name. Indeed, “Maison des mathématiques” was not specific enough, as the whole institute had been known as the “House of mathematics and theoretical physics” for a long time. However, we liked the warm connotation of the word Maison. This is how we came up with the name “Maison Poincaré,” after a public poll. This name inspired the graphic designers working with du&ma, who proposed a logo (Figure ) based on a pun in French that was already used by the Poincaré family themselves (“point” meaning dot and “carré” meaning square).
The name choice was settled early 2020. Marion Liewig, who had been appointed by the CNRS as project manager in 2016, became the very first head of the newly created department at IHP called Maison Poincaré, which led to a museum bearing the same name [].
How it started
Back in 2018, we still had to imagine and work out the contents of the permanent exhibition, which we wanted to represent contemporary mathematics in all its immensity and vitality. We reached out to the IHP Outreach Advisory Board, chaired by Olivier Druet at the time, and also invited a number of specialists who we hoped to bring on board. After gathering everyone in a large lecture hall at Jussieu in May 2018, we involved researchers, teachers and science communicators in half a dozen working groups that were set up accordingly with the architectural spaces of the future museum. Marion, Olivier and I were very happy with the outcome and this nourished our energy to go on.
However, there was still a gap in the whole picture. We needed an expert who would be able to interact with these working groups and with the scenographer (the museum designer): a museographer. Only a few days after the meeting at Jussieu, I was contacted by one of them, Céline Nadal, who happened to be originally trained as a physicist and had heard of the project. The connection was facilitated by IHP’s deputy director at the time, Rémi Monasson, who had known her as a physicist. Luckily, we were allowed by Sorbonne Université to appoint Céline Nadal as our official museographer. This led to a most fruitful collaboration for the next five years.
By March 2019, Céline Nadal had come up with a detailed programme in which every museum space was described by a word intended to summarize its aim. Choosing topics and words had been a challenging task for every working group. The result was to be showcased by means of giant suspended letters designed by the scenographer: CONNECTER (connecting), MODÉLISER (modelling), VISUALISER (visualizing), DEVENIR (becoming), INVENTER (discovering), PARTAGER (sharing).
Figures and are actual pictures of the completed museum. It is amazing how they resemble the 3D simulations that were provided by the scenographer. We felt like we were entering our screen when we saw the real layout of the spaces.
Challenges and achievements
The issue of language came up early in the discussions with du&ma and their graphic designers. It was clear to us that we needed everything to be translated into English at least, so that our international researchers and tourists could enjoy the museum. This meant that we had to optimize the content so that both languages – French and English – would fit on panels, exhibits, hands-on, games, films, etc. The six giant words are among the very few words that are translated separately on panels or sheets.
It was also very important for us to ensure accessibility to people with disabilities. We were guided by a specialist to design adapted exhibits for visually impaired people. They include texts in Braille and figures in relief. It was a challenge for the scenographer to find room for this additional material. While it was a challenge to make everything fit, we are very happy with the outcome which also attracts the attention of people without any disabilities. For people that are deaf or hard of hearing, we included French sign language and subtitles in both French and English in all videos.
One of the most active mathematicians in the working groups, Clotilde Fermanian Kammerer, had been involved in the project since its inception, representing the CNRS National Institute for Mathematical Sciences and their Interactions as its deputy director for several years. In the autumn of 2019, she took over as chair of the IHP Outreach Advisory Board and played a crucial role in deciding the content of the Maison Poincaré []. At this point, I also thank Antoine Chambert-Loir who played a great role as a leader of a working group and who co-authored the mathematical Metro with me.
Quite notable, by 2019, the project management team had become 100% female with Marion, Céline, Clotilde and me. This certainly played a role in the decisions regarding the gender gap in mathematics that we took regarding the Maison Poincaré: First, we quickly abandoned the original idea of welcoming the visitors with portraits of the solely male founders and searched for alternatives. We came to the conclusion that our aim was to showcase an inclusive STEM world, as balanced as it should be. Therefore, we decided to present as many women as men [], whether they are historical characters or contemporary personalities. This implied in particular to showcase the female physicist Yvette Cauchois (1908–1999), a successful and influential scientist who worked in this very office as director of the Laboratoire de chimie physique for 25 years.
A further big concern was the Holo-Math project, for which there was no pilot available when I took over as director of IHP. My first testing of the prototype was quite disappointing, and I was also put off by the tremendous cost of code development, not to mention the equipment. Nevertheless, we were convinced that this high-tech and innovative experience would be an asset to the museum. Fortunately, we managed to hire a science communicator, Adrien Rossille, early in 2019. He was fascinated by the concept and managed the Holo-Math project []: With Adrien, we were able to find enough financial support to fully develop an experience around the Brownian motion, particularly thanks to the IHP endowment fund and the Fondation Sciences Mathématiques de Paris, and also to acquire a fleet of mixed reality headsets.
Serendipity and emotion
During the construction work I had the opportunity to see an ancient shaft (Figure ) leading to 30-meter-deep experiment galleries which I would not have dared to explore even if I had been allowed to do so. We had very little information on these galleries, but I was originally told that they were used by Marie Curie (1867–1934) herself, which sounded quite exciting. An extensive search of the archives produced only two pictures and a sketch map. In particular, I found out that this shaft had been built to connect the building’s basement to underground old quarries… in 1935. Too late for Marie Curie! Despite my disappointment, I find it moving to have seen this shaft before it was sealed up by half a meter thick concrete disk for security reasons. Visitors of the museum can nevertheless see a glass disk indicating its location in the temporary exhibition space, together with a panel displaying the sketch map.
As an anecdote, another view that is lost forever is the painting (Figure ) I discovered on a basement door in December 2019, after the building was cleaned from radioactivity, asbestos, lead, etc. Even though it was not a Monet, I liked this greeting left by former occupants even though we were not able to keep it. We were able to preserve another piece of art though: a painting of Émile René Ménard (1862–1930) dated from 1927. It spans over several meters on the rear wall of Perrin’s lecture hall, illustrating and surrounded by the first words of his bestseller book “Les atomes.”
Speaking of art and science, I have to mention the Rulpidon. This is the name given by the French artist Ulysse Lacoste to a series of metal art pieces. He had handed me a small, bronze version of it as a gift to IHP in 2019 – this is now displayed in an optical theatre in the entrance hall of the building. I was instantly fascinated by the Rulpidon, and in turn found several mathematical stories to tell about it []. We ended up choosing it as the symbol of the Maison Poincaré: In addition to the mathematical stories, the Rulpidon fits very well with the logo. A monumental, steel version of it (Figure ) was later commissioned by the IHP Endowment fund and installed in the garden.
A last personal involvement I would like to talk about is the knots panel in the tearoom (PARTAGER) (Figure ). Even though it is far from my field of research, knot theory is fascinating to me, as being rather recent – more recent anyway than most of the mathematics that people learn at school – and still an active theory opening to wider topics, while being rooted in ancestral knowledge of humanity. When discussing the best use of a large panel in the tearoom, the showcases of which were already planned to host mathematical objects in connection with art, Céline, Clotilde and I quickly agreed that knots were a golden subject. The scenographer supported our idea after we suggested that the knots should be made like bead necklaces to echo of the œuvre of French artist Jean-Michel Othoniel.
Opening and first feedback
After all these years of preparation, the Maison Poincaré eventually opened its doors to the public on 30 September 2023, three days after its official inauguration in the presence of Sylvie Retailleau, the Minister of Higher Education and Research.
This opening was a huge success, which we owe to the hard work of numerous people, starting from the IHP staff and in particular the Maison Poincaré team, managed since 1 January 2022 by Élodie Christophe Cheyrou. She secured additional funding and built a team composed of a cultural projects manager and three science communicators. Over a period of several months, they prepared the contents of guided tours to be offered to schools and to the general public, developing these in collaboration with teachers. Élodie also implemented a thorough communication plan with the CNRS and Sorbonne Université (Figure ). This enabled us to have colossal media impact in newspapers, magazines, on the radio and TV.
The museum’s capacity is limited to 200 visitors, for security reasons. This limit has been reached every Saturday and during all holidays since the opening. We also have a lot of visitors during school days. By the end of November 2023, all slots for school groups were booked for the whole school year. Depending on the success of the museum, we will be able to increase the staff number to offer more slots for groups.
Since the start in 2018 we have reached an impressive set of milestones, and achieved this amazing project in ways that could not have been foreseen when I jumped on board. As the next step, we now have to ensure sustainability of the Maison Poincaré, as part of an expanded Institut Henri Poincaré in a magnificent building. More challenges to come!
Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage is professor at Université Claude Bernard Lyon 1, Institut Camille Jordan. In 2017, she was appointed director of the Institut Henri Poincaré in Paris by the CNRS and Sorbonne Université. benzoni@math.univ-lyon1.fr
References
S. Benzoni-Gavage, Le Rulpidon sous toutes ses coutures. Dunod, Malakoff, France (2024)
S. Benzoni-Gavage and C. Fermanian Kammerer, L’extension de l’IHP: un chantier au long cours. Gaz. Math. 177, 66–74 (2023)
S. Benzoni and M. Liewig, Bridging the gap between maths and society. In Handbook of Mathematical Science Communication, pp. 93–115, World Scientific (2022)
S. Benzoni-Gavage and C. Nadal, Concevoir un parcours permanent égalitaire. In Guide pour un musée féministe, pp. 104–109, Association musé·e·s, Rennes, France (2022)
A. Rossille, Holo-Math, visualiser les mathématiques autrement. Tangente Hors série 77 (Mathématiques et imagerie), 52–53 (2021)
Cite this article
Sylvie Benzoni-Gavage, The Maison Poincaré – a maths museum in France. Eur. Math. Soc. Mag. 132 (2024), pp. 23–29
DOI 10.4171/MAG/189
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1. Assistance to France in the event of unprovoked aggression by Germany.—Agreement between the United States and France, signed at Versailles, June 28, 19191
[The vertical rule indicates treaty text.]
Signed at Versailles, June 28, 1919; submitted to the Senate by the President July 29, 1919; project of law authorizing ratification by President of France adopted by Chamber of Deputies October 2, 1919 by vote of 510 to 0 and by the Senate October 11, 1919 by vote of 218 to 0; law of October 12, 1919 (Duvergier, Collection complète des lois et décrets d’intérêt général, 1919, p. 815);
United States: Not considered by the Senate; returned to the Secretary of State by resolution of the Senate February 12, 1935; Unperfected Treaties H–9.
Whereas the United States of America and the French Republic are equally animated by the desire to maintain the peace of the world so happily restored by the Treaty of Peace signed at Versailles the 28th day of June, 1919, putting an end to the war begun by the aggression of the German Empire and ended by the defeat of that Power, and,
Whereas the United States of America and the French Republic are fully persuaded that an unprovoked movement of aggression by Germany against France would not only violate both the letter and the spirit of the Treaty of Versailles to which the United States of America and the French Republic are parties, thus exposing France anew to the intolerable burdens of an unprovoked war, but that such aggression on the part of Germany would be and is so regarded by the Treaty of Versailles as a hostile act against all the Powers signatory to that Treaty and as calculated to disturb the Peace of the world by involving inevitably and directly the States of Europe and indirectly, as experience has amply and unfortunately demonstrated, the world at large; and,
Whereas the United States of America and the French Republic fear that the stipulations relating to the left bank of the Rhine contained [Page 758] in said Treaty of Versailles may not at first provide adequate security and protection to France on the one hand and the United States of America as one of the signatories of the Treaty of Versailles on the other;
Therefore, the United States of America and the French Republic having decided to conclude a Treaty to effect these necessary purposes, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States of America, and Robert Lansing, Secretary of State of the United States, specially authorized thereto by the President of the United States, and Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council, Minister of War, and Stephen Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, specially authorized thereto by Raymond Poincaré, President of the French Republic, have agreed upon the following articles:
Article 1.
In case the following stipulations relating to the left Bank of the Rhine contained in the Treaty of Peace with Germany signed at Versailles the 28th day of June, 1919, by the United States of America, the French Republic and the British Empire among other Powers:
“Article 42. Germany is forbidden to maintain or construct any fortifications either on the left bank of the Rhine or on the right bank to the West of a line drawn 50 kilometres to the East of the Rhine.”
“Article 43. In the area defined above the maintenance and assembly of armed forces, either permanently or temporarily, and military manoeuvres of any kind, as well as the upkeep of all permanent works for mobilisation are in the same way forbidden.”
“Article 44. In case Germany violates in any manner whatever the provisions of Articles 42 et 43, she shall be regarded as committing a hostile act against the Powers signatory of the present Treaty and as calculated to disturb the peace of the world.” may not at first provide adequate security and protection to France, the United States of America shall be bound to come immediately to her assistance in the event of any unprovoked movement of aggression against her being made by Germany.
Article 2.
The present Treaty, in similar terms with the Treaty of even date for the same purpose concluded between Great Britain and the French Republic, a copy of which Treaty is annexed hereto, will only come into force when the latter is ratified.
[Page 759]
Article 3.
The present Treaty must be submitted to the Council of the League of Nations, and must be recognized by the Council, acting if need be by a majority, as an engagement which is consistent with the Covenant of the League. It will continue in force until on the application of one of the Parties to it the Council, acting if need be by a majority, agrees that the League itself affords sufficient protection.
Article 4.
The present Treaty will be submitted to the Senate of the United States at the same time as the Treaty of Versailles is submitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification. It will be submitted before ratification to the French Chamber of Deputies for approval. The ratifications thereof will be exchanged on the deposit of ratifications of the Treaty of Versailles at Paris or as soon thereafter as shall be possible.
In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries, to wit: On the part of the United States of America, Woodrow Wilson, President, and Robert Lansing, Secretary of State, of the United States; and on the part of the French Republic, Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of War, and Stephen Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, have signed the above articles both in the English and French languages, and they have hereunto affixed their seals.
Done in duplicate at the City of Versailles, on the twenty-eighth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and the one hundred and forty-third of the Independence of the United States of America.
(seal) Woodrow Wilson.
(seal) Robert Lansing.
(seal) Clemenceau.
(seal) S. Pichon.
[Page 760]
(ANNEX.)
Assistance to France in the Event of Unprovoked Aggression by Germany
Signed at Versailles, June 28, 1919; ratified by the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland under authorization of 9 & 10 Geo. V, c. 34, July 31, 1919; ratified by President of France under authorization of law of October 12, 1919 (Duvergier, Collection complète des lois et décrets d’intérêt général, 1919, p. 815); ratifications exchanged, November 20, 1919; effect suspended in virtue of article 2.
Whereas there is a danger that the stipulations relating to the left bank of the Rhine contained in the Treaty of Peace signed this day at Versailles may not at first provide adequate security and protection to the French Republic; and
Whereas His Britannic Majesty is willing, subject to the consent of His Parliament and provided that a similar obligation is entered into by the United States of America, to undertake to support the French Government in the case of an unprovoked movement of aggression being made against France by Germany; and
Whereas His Britannic Majesty and the President of the French Republic have determined to conclude a Treaty to that effect and have named as their Plenipotentiaries for the purpose, that is to say:
THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC:
Mr. Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council, Minister of War;
Mr. Stephen Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND AND OF THE BRITISH DOMINIONS BEYOND THE SEAS, EMPEROR OF INDIA:
The Right Honourable David Lloyd George, M.P., First Lord of His Treasury and Prime Minister;
The Right Honourable Arthur James Balfour, O.M., M.P., His Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
Who having communicated their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed as follows:
[Page 761]
Article 1.
In case the following stipulations relating to the left bank of the Rhine contained in the Treaty of Peace with Germany signed at Versailles the 28th day of June, 1919, by the British Empire, the French Republic and the United States of America among other Powers:
“Article 42.—Germany is forbidden to maintain or construct any fortifications either on the left bank of the Rhine or on the right bank to the West of a line drawn 50 kilometres to the East of the Rhine.”
“Article 43.—In the area defined above the maintenance and assembly of armed forces, either permanently or temporarily, and military manœuvres of any kind, as well as the upkeep of all permanent works for mobilisation are in the same way forbidden”.
“Article 44.—In case Germany violates in any manner whatever the provisions of Articles 42 and 43, she shall be regarded as committing a hostile act against the Powers signatory of the present Treaty and as calculated to disturb the peace of the world.” may not at first provide adequate security and protection to France, Great Britain agrees to come immediately to her assistance in the event of any unprovoked movement of aggression against her being made by Germany.
Article 2.
The present Treaty, in similar terms with the Treaty of even date for the same purpose concluded between the French Republic and the United States of America, a copy of which Treaty is annexed hereto, will only come into force when the latter is ratified.
Article 3.
The present Treaty must be submitted to the Council of the League of Nations and must be recognised by the Council, acting if need be, by a majority, as an engagement which is consistent with the Covenant of the League; it will continue in force until on the application of one of the Parties to it, the Council, acting if need be by a majority, agrees that the League itself affords sufficient protection.
Article 4.
The present Treaty shall before ratification by His Majesty be submitted to Parliament for approval.
[Page 762]
It shall, before ratification by the President of the French Republic, be submitted to the French Chambers for approval.
Article 5.
The present Treaty shall impose no obligation upon any of the Dominions of the British Empire unless and until it is approved by the Parliament of the Dominion concerned.
The present Treaty shall be ratified, and shall, subject to Articles II and IV, come into force at the same time as the Treaty of Peace with Germany of even date comes into force for the British Empire and the French Republic.
In faith whereof the above named Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty, drawn up in the English and French languages.
Done in duplicate at Versailles, on the twenty-eighth day of June, 1919.
(seal) G. Clemenceau.
(seal) S. Pichon.
(seal) D. Lloyd George.
(seal) Arthur James Balfour.
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FRANCE: Presidents, Premiers
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the kaleidoscope of French politics a myriad names are projected daily,
hourly, upon the news. Amid this evanescence and confusion only a few
personalities are really permanent. Since the War...
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(3 of 4)
Raymond Poincaré (January, 1922, to March, 1924, and March, 1924, to June, 1924. See above). As victorious leader of the Right, he reversed the conciliatory foreign policy of Briand and attempted coercion and strangulation of Germany by occupying the Ruhr. The growing potency of the Left forced an abandonment of this policy, the fall of Poincarè and the resignation of President Millerand, who was accused of sullying the traditional impartiality of his high office to aid the Right against the Left.
Frédéric Francois-Marshal (June, 9 to 13, 1924), 52, Senator, potent banker, appointed to tide over the crisis just described. He served for only four days, until President Doumergue and Premier Herriot took office.
Edouard Herriot (June, 1924, to April, 1925), 54, demagog, Mayor and "boss" of Lyons, creator of Le Cartel des Gauches or Coalition of Left Parties which he formed after the Left victory at the last general election (May 11, 1924). Wielding the Cartel as a mightful sword, he cut his way through the Right to the Premiership, secured the election of M. Doumergue as President, and reigned for a year as "boss" of France.
His downfall came when it was discovered that he had evaded the problem of the depreciating franc by concealing inflation through countenancing the "fixing" of the books of the Bank of France.
Since then, until last week (see below), he has stood by and cut down Cabinet after Cabinet with his Cartel, though unable to command its loyalty sufficiently to retain the Premiership himself.
Paul Painlevé (April to October and October to November, 1925), 63, "the foremost French mathematician," a World War French War Minister. During the first term in question his Finance Minister, M. Caillaux, failed either to negotiate a debt settlement with the U. S. or to bolster up the franc. During: his succeeding term Premier Painlevé took the Finance Ministry himself but with no better success, and "fell with the franc."
Aristide Briand (four times Premier between November, 1925, and July 1926. See above). The four Cabinets in question have been bolstered up by M. Briand's prestige as "the man of Locarno"* and successively wrecked by the impossibility of finding a majority in the Chamber to support any save-the-franc program whatever.
Edouard Herriot (see above) succeeded in overthrowing the last Briand Cabinet by attacking Finance Minister Caillaux's save-the-franc-by-dictatorship program, and formed a weak Cartel Cabinet at an hour when France trembled on the brink of fiscal collapse, with the franc at 50 to the dollar.
Last week the situation had become so desperate that the Chamber overthrew Herriot, 290 to 237, while a mob estimated at 10,000 persons shouted, "A bas Herriot! A bas le Cartel!" outside the Palais Bourbon. So disastrous was "Boss" Herriot's toboggan from power that he was obliged to enter the Elyseeèeby a back entrance to escape the mob when he sought President Doumergue to tender his resignation. Tidings, possibly premature, spread far and wide that the Cartel had been smashed at last.
Raymond Poincaré. (See NEW CABINET, below.)
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Raymond Poincaré
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Raymond Poincaré - January 1997
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Cambridge Core
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/raymond-poincare/introduction/14255F963E63BE855E983690B6DE5233
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Raymond Poincaré is the only political figure to have exercised as decisive an influence on the first half of the Third Republic as the second. In a political career which ran from 1887 to 1929 he held most of the major offices of state both before and after the First World War. He played crucial roles in France's entry into the war, the organisation of the war effort, the peace settlement, the reparations question, the occupation of the Ruhr and the reorganisation of French finances in the 1920s. Yet as the novelist and essayist Emmanuel Berl wrote in his obituary in October 1934, ‘France never experienced for Poincaré either the flights of love it felt for Gambetta, for Jaurès, or the flights of admiration it felt for Clemenceau’. To this day he remains a controversial figure. As ‘Poincaré-la-guerre’ and ‘Poincaré-le-franc’ he has provoked opprobrium and praise. His role in the outbreak of the First World War and the sealing of ‘union sacrée’ has cast him alternately as warmonger and saviour; his management of the occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 has been depicted as either a courageous effort to ensure German execution of the Versailles Treaty or as evidence of visceral Germanophobia; his role in bringing order to French finances in the 1920s has led him to be portrayed as an austere deflationist or as one of France's twentieth-century financial wizards.
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https://www.marsandco.com/contact-us/
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Mars & Co offices
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Mars & Co
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en
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/themes/Mirage2/images/favicon.ico
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Privacy and copyright
Library Privacy Statement
Works found in Deep Blue Documents are protected by copyright unless otherwise indicated.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 45
|
https://www.mediastorehouse.com.au/mouse-mats/mary-evans-prints-online/new-images-august-2021/raymond-poincare-french-president-23214350.html
|
en
|
Mouse Mat of Raymond Poincare, French President
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[
"raymond poincare french president"
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Mouse Mat of Raymond Poincare (1860-1934), French President. Date: circa 1913-1914
|
en
|
Media Storehouse Photo Mouse Mat
|
https://www.mediastorehouse.com.au/mouse-mats/mary-evans-prints-online/new-images-august-2021/raymond-poincare-french-president-23214350.html
|
Home Decor From Mary Evans Picture Library
Raymond Poincare, French President
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934), French President. Date: circa 1913-1914
Mary Evans Picture Library makes available wonderful images created for people to enjoy over the centuries
Media ID 23214350
© Mary Evans / Pharcide
Bowtie Poincare Raymond Statesmen
Mouse Pad
Bring some life into your office, or create a heartfelt gift, with a personalised deluxe Mouse Mat. Made of high-density black foam with a tough, stain-resistant inter-woven cloth cover they will brighten up any home or corporate office.
Archive quality photographic print in a durable wipe clean mouse mat with non slip backing. Works with all computer mice
Estimated Product Size is 19.7cm x 24.2cm (7.8" x 9.5")
These are individually made so all sizes are approximate
Artwork printed orientated as per the preview above, with landscape (horizontal) or portrait (vertical) orientation to match the source image.
FEATURES IN THESE COLLECTIONS
> Mary Evans Prints Online > New Images August 2021
> People > Politicians
> Popular Themes > Politics
MADE IN AUSTRALIA
Safe Shipping with 30 Day Money Back Guarantee
FREE PERSONALISATION*
We are proud to offer a range of customisation features including Personalised Captions, Color Filters and Picture Zoom Tools
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We happily accept a wide range of payment options so you can pay for the things you need in the way that is most convenient for you
* Options may vary by product and licensing agreement. Zoomed Pictures can be adjusted in the Basket.
Related Images
Collections
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 12
|
https://www.loc.gov/item/2009617234/
|
en
|
[Raymond Poincaré]
|
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1 drawing : India ink, black and colored crayons, and blue wash on off-white wove paper ; 45 x 33 cm. (sheet) | Bust-length caricature of Raymond Poincaré, Premier of France.
|
en
|
The Library of Congress
|
https://www.loc.gov/item/2009617234/
|
The Library of Congress does not own rights to material in its collections. Therefore, it does not license or charge permission fees for use of such material and cannot grant or deny permission to publish or otherwise distribute the material.
Ultimately, it is the researcher's obligation to assess copyright or other use restrictions and obtain permission from third parties when necessary before publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in the Library's collections.
For information about reproducing, publishing, and citing material from this collection, as well as access to the original items, see: Caroline and Erwin Swann Collection of Caricature and Cartoon - Rights and Restrictions Information
Rights Advisory: No known restrictions on publication. No renewal in Copyright Office.
Reproduction Number: LC-USZ62-85456 (b&w film copy neg.)
Call Number: SWANN - no. 1319 (B size) [P&P]
Access Advisory: ---
Obtaining Copies
If an image is displaying, you can download it yourself. (Some images display only as thumbnails outside the Library of Congress because of rights considerations, but you have access to larger size images on site.)
Alternatively, you can purchase copies of various types through Library of Congress Duplication Services.
If a digital image is displaying: The qualities of the digital image partially depend on whether it was made from the original or an intermediate such as a copy negative or transparency. If the Reproduction Number field above includes a reproduction number that starts with LC-DIG..., then there is a digital image that was made directly from the original and is of sufficient resolution for most publication purposes.
If there is information listed in the Reproduction Number field above: You can use the reproduction number to purchase a copy from Duplication Services. It will be made from the source listed in the parentheses after the number.
If only black-and-white ("b&w") sources are listed and you desire a copy showing color or tint (assuming the original has any), you can generally purchase a quality copy of the original in color by citing the Call Number listed above and including the catalog record ("About This Item") with your request.
If there is no information listed in the Reproduction Number field above: You can generally purchase a quality copy through Duplication Services. Cite the Call Number listed above and include the catalog record ("About This Item") with your request.
Price lists, contact information, and order forms are available on the Duplication Services Web site.
Access to Originals
Please use the following steps to determine whether you need to fill out a call slip in the Prints and Photographs Reading Room to view the original item(s). In some cases, a surrogate (substitute image) is available, often in the form of a digital image, a copy print, or microfilm.
Is the item digitized? (A thumbnail (small) image will be visible on the left.)
Yes, the item is digitized. Please use the digital image in preference to requesting the original. All images can be viewed at a large size when you are in any reading room at the Library of Congress. In some cases, only thumbnail (small) images are available when you are outside the Library of Congress because the item is rights restricted or has not been evaluated for rights restrictions.
As a preservation measure, we generally do not serve an original item when a digital image is available. If you have a compelling reason to see the original, consult with a reference librarian. (Sometimes, the original is simply too fragile to serve. For example, glass and film photographic negatives are particularly subject to damage. They are also easier to see online where they are presented as positive images.)
No, the item is not digitized. Please go to #2.
Do the Access Advisory or Call Number fields above indicate that a non-digital surrogate exists, such as microfilm or copy prints?
Yes, another surrogate exists. Reference staff can direct you to this surrogate.
No, another surrogate does not exist. Please go to #3.
If you do not see a thumbnail image or a reference to another surrogate, please fill out a call slip in the Prints and Photographs Reading Room. In many cases, the originals can be served in a few minutes. Other materials require appointments for later the same day or in the future. Reference staff can advise you in both how to fill out a call slip and when the item can be served.
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 47
|
https://en.hotelpalaisdechaillot.com/mentions-legales
|
en
|
Palais de Chaillot Hotel
|
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[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Legal information about the Palais de Chaillot hotel, located near the Trocadero and the Eiffel Tower.
|
en
| null |
Litigation
If the customer has not received a satisfactory response within 1 month, he or she may refer the matter to the Tourism and Travel Ombudsman, whose contact details are given below: Postal address: Médiation Tourisme et Voyage BP 80 303 75 823 Paris Cedex 17 Website: www.mtv.travel
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 70
|
https://www.ebay.com/itm/186475539605
|
en
|
Button Comes, President of France Raymond Poincaré. to The 1890. 0 23/32in
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Find many great new & used options and get the best deals for Button Comes, President of France Raymond Poincaré. to The 1890. 0 23/32in at the best online prices at eBay! Free shipping for many products!
|
en
|
eBay
|
https://www.ebay.com/itm/186475539605
|
Will usually ship within 2 business days of receiving cleared payment.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 69
|
https://europepmc.org/article/med/24144933
|
en
|
Europe PMC
|
https://europepmc.org/images/favicon.ico
|
https://europepmc.org/images/favicon.ico
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
"Europe PMC",
"Europe PubMed Central",
"open access",
"research articles",
"journal articles",
"abstracts",
"full text",
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"clinical guidelines",
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"life sciences",
"bioinformatics",
"biomedical research",
"citation search",
"biomedical journals",
"ORCIDs",
"text mining",
"citation networks",
"REST APIs"
] | null |
[
"Europe PMC"
] | null |
Europe PMC is an archive of life sciences journal literature.
|
en
|
/images/favicon.ico
| null |
Europe PMC requires Javascript to function effectively.
Either your web browser doesn't support Javascript or it is currently turned off. In the latter case, please turn on Javascript support in your web browser and reload this page.
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 84
|
https://uneasymoney.com/tag/raymond-poincare/
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/63388e38e12810662482423d087540a55e29613b33f026e9c456d1444dee9556?s=200&ts=1721721534
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/63388e38e12810662482423d087540a55e29613b33f026e9c456d1444dee9556?s=200&ts=1721721534
|
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[] |
[
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[] | null |
Posts about Raymond Poincaré written by David Glasner
|
en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/63388e38e12810662482423d087540a55e29613b33f026e9c456d1444dee9556?s=32
|
Uneasy Money
|
https://uneasymoney.com/tag/raymond-poincare/
|
Today, Sunday, August 15, 2021, marks the 50th anniversary of the closing of the gold window at the US Treasury, at which a small set of privileged entities were at least legally entitled to demand redemption of dollar claims issued by the US government at the official gold price of $35 an ounce. (In 1971, as in 2021, August 15 fell on a Sunday.) When I started blogging in July 2011, I wrote one of my early posts about the 40th anniversary of that inauspicious event. My attention in that post was directed more at the horrific consequences of Nixon’s decision to combine a freeze on wages and price with the closing of the gold window, which was clearly far more damaging than the largely symbolic effect of closing the gold window. I am also re-upping my original post with some further comments, but in this post, my attention is directed solely on the closing of the gold window.
The advent of cryptocurrencies and the continuing agitprop aiming to restore the gold standard apparently suggest to some people that the intrinsically trivial decision to do away with the final vestige of the last remnant of the short-lived international gold standard is somehow laden with cosmic significance. See for example the new book by Jeffrey Garten (Three Days at Camp David) marking the 50th anniversary.
About 10 years before the gold window was closed, Milton Friedman gave a lecture at the Mont Pelerin Society which he called “Real and Pseudo-Gold Standards“, which I previously wrote about here. Many if not most of the older members of the Mont Pelerin Society, notably (L. v. Mises and Jacques Rueff) were die-hard supporters of the gold standard who regarded the Bretton Woods system as a deplorable counterfeit imitation of the real gold standard and longed for restoration of that old-time standard. In his lecture, Friedman bowed in their direction by faintly praising what he called a real gold standard, which he described as a state of affairs in which the quantity of money could be increased only by minting gold or by exchanging gold for banknotes representing an equivalent value of gold. Friedman argued that although a real gold standard was an admirable monetary system, the Bretton Woods system was nothing of the sort, calling it a pseudo-gold standard. Given that the then existing Bretton Woods system was not a real gold standard, but merely a system of artificially controlling the price of a particular commodity, Friedman argued that the next-best alternative would be to impose a quantitative limit on the increase in the quantity of fiat money, by enacting a law that would prohibit the quantity of money from growing by more than some prescribed amount or by some percentage (k-percent per year) of the existing stock percent in any given time period.
While failing to win over the die-hard supporters of the gold standard, Friedman’s gambit was remarkably successful, and for many years, it actually was the rule of choice among most like-minded libertarians and self-styled classical liberals and small-government conservatives. Eventually, the underlying theoretical and practical defects in Friedman’s k-percent rule became sufficiently obvious to cause even Friedman, however reluctantly, to abandon his single-minded quest for a supposedly automatic non-discretionary quantitative monetary rule.
Nevertheless, Friedman ultimately did succeed in undermining support among most right-wing conservative, libertarian and many centrist or left-leaning economists and decision makers for the Bretton Woods system of fixed, but adjustable, exchange rates anchored by a fixed dollar price of gold. And a major reason for his success was his argument that it was only by shifting to flexible exchange rates and abandoning a fixed gold price that the exchange controls and restrictions on capital movements that were in place for a quarter of a century after World Was II could be lifted, a rationale congenial and persuasive to many who might have otherwise been unwilling to experiment with a system of flexible exchange rates among fiat currencies that had never previously been implemented.
Indeed, the neoliberal economic and financial globalization that followed the closing of the gold window and freeing of exchange rates after the demise of the Bretton Woods system, whether one applauds or reviles it, can largely be attributed to Friedman’s influence both as an economic theorist and as a propagandist. As much as Friedman deplored the imposition of wage and price controls on August 15, 1971, he had reason to feel vindicated by the closing of the gold window, the freeing of exchange rates, and, eventually, the lifting of all capital controls and the legalization of gold ownership by private individuals, all of which followed from the Camp David meeting.
But, the objective economic situation confronted by those at Camp David was such that the Bretton Woods System could not be salvaged. As I wrote in my 2011 post, the Bretton Woods system built on the foundation of a fixed gold price of $35 an ounce was not a true gold standard because a free market in gold did not exist and could not be maintained at the official price. Trade in gold was sharply restricted, and only privileged central banks and governments were legally entitled to buy or sell gold at the official price. Even the formal right of the privileged foreign governments and central banks was subject to the informal, but unwelcome and potentially dangerous, disapproval of the United States.
The gold standard is predicated on the idea that gold has an ascertainable value, so that if money is made exchangeable for gold at a fixed rate, money and gold will have an identical value owing to arbitrage transactions. Such arbitrage transactions can occur only if, and so long as, no barriers prevent effective arbitrage. The unquestioned convertibility of a unit of currency into gold ensured that arbitrage would constrain the value of money to equal the value of gold. But under Bretton Woods the opportunities for arbitrage were so drastically limited that the value of the dollar was never clearly equal to the value of gold, which was governed by, pardon the expression, fiat rather than by free-market transactions.
The lack of a tight link between the value of gold and the value of the dollar was not a serious problem as long as the value of the dollar was kept essentially stable and there was a functioning (albeit not freely) gold market. After its closure during World War II, the gold market did not function at all until 1954, so the wartime and postwar inflation and the brief Korean War inflation did not undermine the official gold price of $35 an ounce that had been set in 1934 and was maintained under Bretton Woods. Even after a functioning, but not entirely free, gold market was reopened in 1954, the official price was easily sustained until the late 1960s thanks to central-bank cooperation, whose formalization through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was one of the positive achievements of Bretton Woods. The London gold price was hardly a free-market price, because of central bank intervention and restrictions imposed on access to the market, but the gold holdings of the central banks were so large that it had always been in their power to control the market price if they were sufficiently determined to do so. But over the course of the 1960s, their cohesion gradually came undone. Why was that?
The first point to note is that the gold standard evolved over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries first as a British institution, and much later as an international institution, largely by accident from a system of simultaneous gold and silver coinages that were closely but imperfectly linked by a relative price of between 15 to 16 ounces of silver per ounce of gold. Depending on the precise legal price ratio of silver coins to gold coins in any particular country, the legally overvalued undervalued metal would flow out of that country and the undervalued overvalued metal would flow into that country.
When Britain undervalued gold at the turn of the 18th century, gold flowed into Britain, leading to the birth of the British of gold standard. In most other countries, silver and gold coins were circulating simultaneously at a ratio of 15.5 ounces of silver per ounce of gold. It was only when the US, after the Civil War, formally adopted a gold standard and the newly formed German Reich also shifted from a bimetallic to a gold standard that the increased demand for gold caused gold to appreciate relative to silver. To avoid the resulting inflation, countries with bimetallic systems based on a 15.5 to 1 silver/gold suspended the free coinage of silver and shifted to the gold standard further raising the silver/gold price ratio. Thus, the gold standard became an international not just a British system only in the 1870s, and it happened not by design or international consensus but by a series of piecemeal decisions by individual countries.
The important takeaway from this short digression into monetary history is that the relative currency values of the gold standard currencies were largely inherited from the historical definitions of the currency units of each country, not by deliberate policy decisions about what currency value to adopt in establishing the gold standard in any particular country. But when the gold standard collapsed in August 1914 at the start of World War I, the gold standard had to be recreated more or less from scratch after the War. The US, holding 40% of the world’s monetary gold reserves was in a position to determine the value of gold, so it could easily restore convertibility at the prewar gold price of $20.67 an ounce. For other countries, the choice of the value at which to restore gold convertibility was really a decision about the dollar exchange rate at which to peg their currencies.
Before the war, the dollar-pound exchange rate was $4.86 per pound. The postwar dollar-pound exchange rate was just barely close enough to the prewar rate to make restoring the convertibility of the pound at the prewar rate with the dollar seem doable. Many including Keynes argued that Britain would be better with an exchange rate in the neighborhood of $4.40 or less, but Winston Churchill, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was persuaded to restore convertibility at the prewar parity. That decision may or may not have been a good one, but I believe that its significance for the world economy at the time and subsequently has been overstated. After convertibility was restored at the prewar parity, chronically high postwar British unemployment increased only slightly in 1925-26 before declining modestly until with the onset of the Great Deflation and Great Depression in late 1929. The British economy would have gotten a boost if the prewar dollar-pound parity had not been restored (or if the Fed had accommodated the prewar parity by domestic monetary expansion), but the drag on the British economy after 1925 was a negligible factor compared to the other factors, primarily gold accumulation by the US and France, that triggered the Great Deflation in late 1929.
The cause of that deflation was largely centered in France (with a major assist from the Federal Reserve). Before the war the French franc was worth about 20 cents, but disastrous French postwar economic policies caused the franc to fall to just 2 cents in 1926 when Raymond Poincaré was called upon to lead a national-unity government to stabilize the situation. His success was remarkable, the franc rising to over 4 cents within a few months. However, despite earlier solemn pledges to restore the franc to its prewar value of 20 cents, he was persuaded to stabilize the franc at just 3.92 cents when convertibility into gold was reestablished in June 1928, undervaluing the franc against both the dollar and the pound.
Not only was the franc undervalued, but the Bank of France, which, under previous governments had been persuaded or compelled to supply francs to finance deficit spending, was prohibited by the new Monetary Law that restored convertibility at the fixed rate of 3.92 cents from increasing the quantity of francs except in exchange for gold or foreign-exchange convertible into gold. While protecting the independence of the Bank of France from government fiscal demands, the law also prevented the French money stock from increasing to accommodate increases in the French demand for money except by way of a current account surplus, or a capital inflow.
Meanwhile, the Bank of France began converting foreign-exchange reserves into gold. The resulting increase in French gold holdings led to gold appreciation. Under the gold standard, gold appreciation is manifested in price deflation affecting all gold-standard countries. That deflation was the direct and primary cause of the Great Depression, which led, over a period of five brutal years, to the failure and demise of the newly restored international gold standard.
These painful lessons were not widely or properly understood at the time, or for a long time afterward, but the clear takeaway from that experience was that trying to restore the gold standard again would be a dangerous undertaking. Another lesson that was intuited, if not fully understood, is that if a country pegs its exchange rate to gold or to another currency, it is safer to err on the side of undervaluation than overvaluation. So, when the task of recreating an international monetary system was undertaken at Bretton Woods in July 1944, the architects of the system tried to adapt it to the formal trappings of the gold standard while eliminating the deflationary biases and incentives that had doomed the interwar gold standard. To prevent increasing demand for gold from causing deflation, the obligation to convert cash into gold was limited to the United States and access to the US gold window was restricted to other central banks via the newly formed international monetary fund. Each country could, in consultation with the IMF, determine its exchange rate with the dollar.
Given the earlier experience, countries had an incentive to set exchange rates that undervalued their currencies relative to the dollar. Thus, for most of the 1950s and early 1960s, the US had to contend with a currency that was overvalued relative to the currencies of its principal trading partners, Germany and Italy (the two fastest growing economies in Europe) and Japan (later joined by South Korea and Taiwan) in Asia. In one sense, the overvaluation was beneficial to the US, because access to low-cost and increasingly high-quality imports was a form of repayment to the US of its foreign-aid assistance, and its ongoing defense protection against the threat of Communist expansionism , but the benefit came with the competitive disadvantage to US tradable-goods industries.
When West Germany took control of its economic policy from the US military in 1948, most price-and-wage controls were lifted and the new deutschmark was devalued by a third relative to the official value of the old reichsmark. A further devaluation of almost 25% followed a year later. Great Britain in 1949, perhaps influenced by the success of the German devaluation, devalued the pound by 30% from old parity of $4.03 to $2.80 in 1949. But unlike Germany, Britain, under the postwar Labour government, attempting to avoid postwar inflation, maintained wartime exchange controls and price controls. The underlying assumption at the time was that the Britain’s balance-of-payments deficit reflected an overvalued currency, so that devaluation would avoid repeating the mistake made two decades earlier when the dollar-pound parity had overvalued the pound.
That assumption, as Ralph Hawtrey had argued in lonely opposition to the devaluation, was misguided; the idea that the current account depends only, or even primarily, on the exchange rate abstracts from the monetary forces that affect the balance of payments and the current account. Worse, because British monetary policy was committed to the goal of maximizing short-term employment, the resulting excess supply of cash inevitably increased domestic spending, thereby attracting imports and diverting domestically produced products from export markets and preventing the devaluation from achieving the goal of improving the trade balance and promoting expansion of the tradable-goods sector.
Other countries, like Germany and Italy, combined currency undervaluation with monetary restraint, allowing only monetary expansion that was occasioned by current-account surpluses. This became the classic strategy, later called exchange-rate protection by Max Corden, of combining currency undervaluation with tight monetary policy. British attempts to use monetary policy to promote both (over)full employment subject to the balance-of-payments constraint imposed by an exchange rate pegged to the dollar proved unsustainable, while Germany, Italy, France (after De Gaulle came to power in 1958 and devalued the franc) found the combination of monetary restraint and currency undervaluation a successful economic strategy until the United States increased monetary expansion to counter chronic overvaluation of the dollar.
Because the dollar was the key currency of the world monetary system, and had committed itself to maintain the $35 an ounce price of gold, the US, unlike other countries whose currencies were pegged to the dollar, could not adjust the dollar exchange rate to reduce or alleviate the overvaluation of the dollar relative to the currencies of its trading partners. Mindful of its duties as supplier of the world’s reserve currency, US monetary authorities kept US inflation close to zero after the 1953 Korean War armistice.
However, that restrained monetary policy led to three recessions under the Eisenhower administration (1953-54, 1957-58, and 1960-61). The latter recessions led to disastrous Republican losses in the 1958 midterm elections and to Richard Nixon’s razor-thin loss in 1960 to John Kennedy, who had campaigned on a pledge to get the US economy moving again. The loss to Kennedy was a lesson that Nixon never forgot, and he was determined never to allow himself to lose another election merely because of scruples about US obligations as supplier of the world’s reserve currency.
Upon taking office, the Kennedy administration pressed for an easing of Fed policy to end the recession and to promote accelerated economic expansion. The result was a rapid recovery from the 1960-61 recession and the start of a nearly nine-year period of unbroken economic growth at perhaps the highest average growth rate in US history. While credit for the economic expansion is often given to the across-the-board tax cuts proposed by Kennedy in 1963 and enacted in 1964 under Lyndon Johnson, the expansion was already well under way by mid-1961, three years before the tax cuts became effective.
The international aim of monetary policy was to increase nominal domestic spending and to force US trading partners with undervalued currencies either to accept increased holdings of US liabilities or to revalue their exchange rates relative to the dollar to diminish their undervaluation relative to the dollar. Easier US monetary policy led to increasing complaints from Europeans, especially the Germans, that the US was exporting inflation and to charges that the US was taking advantage of the exorbitant privilege of its position as supplier of the world’s reserve currency.
The aggressive response of the Kennedy administration to undervaluation of most other currencies led to predictable pushback from France under de Gaulle who, like many other conservative and right-wing French politicians, was fixated on the gold standard and deeply resented Anglo-American monetary pre-eminence after World War I and American dominance after World War II. Like France under Poincaré, France under de Gaulle sought to increase its gold holdings as it accumulated dollar-denominated foreign exchange. But under Bretton Woods, French gold accumulation had little immediate economic effect other than to enhance the French and Gaullist pretensions to grandiosity.
Already in 1961 Robert Triffin predicted that the Bretton Woods system could not endure permanently because the growing world demand for liquidity could not be satisfied by the United States in a world with a relatively fixed gold stock and a stable or rising price level. The problem identified by Triffin was not unlike that raised by Gustav Cassel in the 1920s when he predicted that the world gold stock would likely not increase enough to prevent a worldwide deflation. This was a different problem from the one that actually caused the Great Depression, which was a substantial increase in gold demand associated with the restoration of the gold standard that triggered the deflationary collapse of late 1929. The long-term gold shortage feared by Cassel was a long-term problem distinct from the increase in gold demand caused by the restoration of the gold standard in the 1920s.
The problem Triffin identified was also a long-term consequence of the failure of the international gold stock to increase to provide the increased gold reserves that would be needed for the US to be able to credibly commit to maintaining the convertibility of the dollar into gold without relying on deflation to cause the needed increase in the real value of gold reserves.
Had it not been for the Vietnam War, Bretton Woods might have survived for several more years, but the rise of US inflation to over 4% in 1968-69, coupled with the 1969-70 recession in an unsuccessful attempt to reduce inflation, followed by a weak recovery in 1971, made it clear that the US would not undertake a deflationary policy to make the official $35 gold price credible. Although de Gaulle’s unexpected retirement in 1969 removed the fiercest opponent of US monetary domination, confidence that the US could maintain the official gold peg, when the London gold price was already 10% higher than the official price, caused other central banks to fear that they would be stuck with devalued dollar claims once the US raised the official gold price. Not only the French, but other central banks were already demanding redemption in gold of the dollar claims that they were holding.
An eleventh-hour policy reversal by the administration to save the official gold price was not in the cards, and everyone knew it. So all the handwringing about the abandonment of Bretton Woods on August 15, 1971 is either simple foolishness or gaslighting. The system was already broken, and it couldn’t be fixed at any price worth pondering for even half an instant. Nixon and his accomplices tried to sugarcoat their scrapping of the Bretton Woods System by pretending that they were announcing a plan that was the first step toward its reform and rejuvenation. But that pretense led to a so-called agreement with a new gold-price peg of $38 an ounce, which lasted hardly a year before it died not with a bang but a whimper.
What can we learn from this story? For me the real lesson is that the original international gold standard was, to borrow (via Hayek) a phrase from Adam Ferguson: “the [accidental] result of human action, not human design.” The gold standard, as it existed for those 40 years, was not an intuitively obvious or well understood mechanism working according to a clear blueprint; it was an improvised set of practices, partly legislated and partly customary, and partially nothing more than conventional, but not very profound, wisdom.
The original gold standard collapsed with the outbreak of World War I and the attempt to recreate it after World War I, based on imperfect understanding of how it had actually functioned, ended catastrophically with the Great Depression, a second collapse, and another, even more catastrophic, World War. The attempt to recreate a new monetary system –the Bretton Woods system — using a modified feature of the earlier gold standard as a kind of window dressing, was certainly not a real gold standard, and, perhaps, not even a pseudo-gold standard; those who profess to mourn its demise are either fooling themselves or trying to fool the rest of us.
We are now stuck with a fiat system that has evolved and been tinkered with over centuries. We have learned how to manage it, at least so far, to avoid catastrophe. With hard work and good luck, perhaps we will continue to learn how to manage it better than we have so far. But to seek to recreate a system that functioned fairly successfully for at most 40 years under conditions not even remotely likely ever again to be approximated, is hardly likely to lead to an outcome that will enhance human well-being. Even worse, if that system were recreated, the resulting outcome might be far worse than anything we have experienced in the last half century.
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correct_leader_00105
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3
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https://www.romanovempire.org/media/french-president-raymond-poincare-with-members-of-the-french-mission-and-a-ae060b
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French President Raymond Poincaré with members of the French mission and a group of people meeting him at the entrance to the People's House of Emperor Nicholas II. July 28, 1912.
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1912-01-01T00:00:00
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Download Image of French President Raymond Poincaré with members of the French mission and a group of people meeting him at the entrance to the People's House of Emperor Nicholas II. July 28, 1912.. Free for commercial use, no attribution required. "M. Poincare, the French Prime Minister, arrived at Kronstadt on Friday week in the cruiser Conde' for a week's visit to Russia. M. Poincare is not only Prime Minister but Minister for Foreign Affairs. He is clear-headed, well versed in public affairs, and widely informed, and France is fortunate in her representative. On Sunday he was received by the Emperor, and political conversations took place between him and M. Kokovtsoff, the Russian Prime Minister, and M. Sazonoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs. In a statement to the Malin M. Sazonoff said that the visit was a " normal" event, as it was " logical " for the statesmen of the allied nations to have periodically the opportunity of exchanging opinions. He denied that the new Naval Convention between France and Russia had anything to do with a scheme for getting the Dardanelles opened to Russian ships." THE SPECTATOR - 17 AUGUST 1912 Визит президента Франции Раймона Пуанкаре в июле 1912. Пребывание в Петербурге.. Dated: 1912. Topics: российская империя, russian empire, russia, россия, президент франции, раймонд пуанкаре, french president, visit, raymond poincare, president of france, визит в россию, saint petersburg, санкт петербург, history of russia, poincare, poincare raymond, premier minister, church, france
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en
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Romanov Empire - Империя Романовых
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https://www.romanovempire.org/media/french-president-raymond-poincare-with-members-of-the-french-mission-and-a-ae060b
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"M. Poincare, the French Prime Minister, arrived at Kronstadt on Friday week in the cruiser Conde' for a week's visit to Russia. M. Poincare is not only Prime Minister but Minister for Foreign Affairs. He is clear-headed, well versed in public affairs, and widely informed, and France is fortunate in her representative. On Sunday he was received by the Emperor, and political conversations took place between him and M. Kokovtsoff, the Russian Prime Minister, and M. Sazonoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs. In a statement to the Malin M. Sazonoff said that the visit was a " normal" event, as it was " logical " for the statesmen of the allied nations to have periodically the opportunity of exchanging opinions. He denied that the new Naval Convention between France and Russia had anything to do with a scheme for getting the Dardanelles opened to Russian ships." THE SPECTATOR - 17 AUGUST 1912 Визит президента Франции Раймона Пуанкаре в июле 1912. Пребывание в Петербурге.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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3
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https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
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en
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Serviced offices to rent and lease at 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris
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Serviced offices to rent at 78 Avenue Raymond Poincaré, Paris Ile de France - arrange a viewing today! This upmarket business centre has a choice of fully furnished, light and spacious offices or virtual office solutions available. Offices are equipped with dedicated telephone number, answering service and the latest internet connections. In a prestigious Paris location close to the Eiffel Tower.
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en
|
https://www.newofficeeurope.com/details/serviced-offices-78-avenue-raymond-poincar-paris-ile-de-france
|
Serviced offices
Commonly referred to as business centres, executive suites or managed offices, serviced offices are operated by management companies and usually come with rental terms that are more flexible than traditional office space. Most serviced office packages include numerous services, amenities and rates in the monthly fee.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 31
|
https://www.banque-france.fr/en/publications-and-statistics/publications/public-debt-private-liquidity-poincare-experience-1926-1929
|
en
|
Public Debt as Private Liquidity: The Poincaré Experience (1926–1929)
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Working Paper Series no. 945. In the follow-up to the 1926 political and monetary crisis in France, a new government led by Raymond Poincaré attempted to restore monetary stability by restructuring public debt. A sinking fund was missioned to withdraw short-term public bills from money markets. This policy disorganized the largest Parisian banks of the time, as they relied on these bills to manage their liquidity. Without developed domestic money markets, no other asset could absorb the excess liquidity freed by the withdrawal of these bills, and these leading banks faced a low-rate environment. In search of yield, they expanded their activities abroad a few months before the 1929 crash. These findings renew our understanding of the expansion of France's banking sector in the 1920s. In addition, they shed new light on the role of public debt in financial stability in an open economy.
|
en
|
/sites/bdf_espaces2/themes/custom/bdf_espaces2/favicon.svg
|
Banque de France
|
https://www.banque-france.fr/en/publications-and-statistics/publications/public-debt-private-liquidity-poincare-experience-1926-1929
|
Following World War I (1914-1918), France's public debt grew to unprecedented levels in the context of deep political instability. This culminated in a financial and government crisis in the spring of 1926. A new government, led by veteran centre-right politician Raymond Poincaré, took office in July 1926 with a clear intention to stabilize public debt. This resulted in a drastic change in the maturity of government bonds, with short-term bills nearly vanishing. I show that this policy severely destabilized French money markets and the leading banks of the time, which relied heavily on such bonds. Indeed, short-term public debt repayment triggered a cash inflow for banks, pushing interest rates down. During the first half of 1927, without alternative short-term instruments to manage their liquidity, banks deposited incoming funds at the French Treasury, a practice allowed since WWI. Looking for higher yields, the largest Parisian banks successfully pushed the government to end the ban on capital exports that had been in place since 1918. This legal change contributed to the sizeable expansion of leading banks' balance sheets. This episode also had a compositional effect by reallocating capital from public domestic assets to private foreign assets. Overall, this sequence brought French capital to the forefront of international finance in the run-up to the Great Crash of 1929 and the banking panics of the early 1930s.
This paper bridges a gap between classical studies on France in the 1920s, focusing on debt and monetary management, and a more recent strand of literature focusing on the sudden decrease in banking activity in 1930-1931. The Poincaré government has been studied mainly as the outcome of the political instability that followed the war or for its role in international monetary relations. By focusing on debt restructuring, I explore how much this policy destabilized the main banks of the time. Indeed, withdrawing short-term bills reduced the supply of liquid and safe assets in money markets when demand for such assets increased because of the monetary stabilization.
Moreover, the episode provides a case study of the link between financial stability and publicly produced liquid and safe assets and their degree of substitutability with private assets. Taking a historical standpoint enables one to assess the external validity of existing theories. By studying a dramatic attempt by the State to retreat from financial markets, this paper departs from the marginal changes in the supply of short-term public debt that underpin most theoretical contributions. Following the Poincaré Stabilization, as the State was the leading producer of safe and liquid assets for French banks, the repayment of short-term public debt greatly disorganized their activity in money markets. As a reaction, some projects were discussed to foster the supply of domestic private liquid and safe assets. The French central bank considered developing a deeper interbank market, notably by introducing open market policies. Nevertheless, its hesitation was detrimental, and foreign money markets remained a more attractive option.
These findings have broader implications for debt management and financial stability. They underline the importance of public financial instruments for private actors, especially in economies experiencing a "saving glut" and structural instability. The underdevelopment of the money market in France during the Interwar period was instrumental in the expansion of foreign credit, highlighting how the effect of debt management on financial stability depends on the structure of financial markets and, thus, the need to account for such a structure in policymaking.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 28
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
|
en
|
Sites
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/on/demandware.static/Sites-bash-us-Site/-/default/dwfd79c544/images/favicon.ico
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
|
general terms & conditions of sales
The trade website ba-sh.com (“Site") is an electronic commerce website accessible via the internet and open to all users of the network. The Site is operated by ba&sh SAS (« ba&sh »), a subsidiary of ba&sh Group.
If you have any questions or comments about our privacy policy, terms and conditions, or our website, please contact us :
for Swedish version click here.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 92
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/fr/fr_full.html
|
en
|
Commanding Heights : France
|
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[
""
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[] | null | null |
Tensions within Europe mount in the years leading to World War I. Against a backdrop of growing nationalism, France and other European powers engage in commercial, political, and colonial rivalries.
France joins England and Russia in the war against Germany and the Austro-Hungarian empire. The allies emerge victorious, but France suffers a heavy physical and financial blow. The war brings together political parties in defense of France. President Raymond Poincaré appoints the Radical Republican Georges Clemenceau, the "father of victory," as prime minister.
After obtaining heavy German reparations, France builds a more peaceful relationship with its neighbor. The government plays a major role in the struggle to rebuild the war-ravaged economy, nationalizing many state industries. Labor unrest and massive strikes are common. Conservative coalitions dominate political life until an alliance of Socialists and Radicals takes power in 1925 for three years.
Conservative coalitions return to power against a backdrop of rising fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany. Socialists, Radicals, and Communists ally as the Popular Front in response to the rise of nationalist and extreme right-wing movements. With a stable franc and a large agricultural sector, France weathers the Depression better than its neighbors, from whom it receives a wave of immigrants.
The pendulum swings to the left, and France is briefly headed by a Popular Front government under Léon Blum. He must, however, contend with internal divisions and financial failure. Blum's main legacy is a series of labor reforms. In 1939, France, unable to avoid hostilities with Germany, enters World War II.
German invasion partitions France into an occupied zone and a zone governed by Marshal Pétain's Vichy regime. The latter collaborates with Nazi Germany in plundering France's resources and deporting Jews. Trade and the economy come to a standstill. The Allies finally land in Normandy in June 1944 and liberate France with help from General Charles de Gaulle's Resistance movement.
De Gaulle heads a provisional government at the beginning of the Fourth Republic, then resigns because of internal divisions. He forms a new party, the Rally of the French People (RPF). France must once again rebuild its economy. The state nationalizes the banking, electricity, gas, and coal sectors as well as companies that consorted with Vichy. France's colonies clamor for independence.
U.S. aid and a national plan bolster economic growth. France, though, remains politically unstable, with a rapid succession of ineffective governments. After French defeat in Indochina and bitter armed conflict in Algeria, a revolt in Paris overthrows the Fourth Republic. De Gaulle returns to become president with wide executive powers under a new constitution in 1958.
France dominates the newly formed European Economic Community. Growing inequalities and rising discontent accompany its strong economic performance. France seeks to protect its interests by becoming an independent military and nuclear power. De Gaulle promotes Franco-German cooperation and large-scale, high-tech economic projects. France's colonies in North and West Africa gain independence.
De Gaulle narrowly defeats his left-wing opponent in presidential elections. He continues an independent approach to foreign policy. Rising inequalities and the government's paternalistic attitude spark a violent, nationwide student and labor uprising in May 1968. De Gaulle resigns, and Prime Minister Georges Pompidou takes over the presidency while the Socialist Party builds strength.
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, leader of the center-right Independent Republicans, is elected president. "Thirty Glorious Years" of postwar economic growth come to an end with successive oil shocks, a growing trade deficit, and unemployment. Unpopular austerity measures fail to redress the economy.
A strong left elects Socialist Party leader François Mitterrand president. His predominantly Socialist government implements a sweeping program of reform, decentralizing government, nationalizing large industries, banks and insurance companies, and raising wages and social security benefits. But the resulting increase in public spending further hurts the economy.
Economic policy takes a U-turn as Mitterrand abandons protectionist measures for state-led growth. Communists in the government resign. The right wins 1986 parliamentary elections, and Mitterrand names opposition leader Jacques Chirac as prime minister, ushering in a phase of "cohabitation" governments. Chirac completes the economic policy shift with a denationalization and deregulation program.
High unemployment, the rise of the extreme-right National Front, and tight immigration policies fuel racial tensions. France enters the Gulf War and suffers from the worldwide recession. Mitterrand's popularity plummets, and in 1993 he appoints Édouard Balladur of the opposition Rally of the French People (RPF) as prime minister.
The new European Single Market and a privatization program help the economy register moderate growth. Prime Minister Balladur resigns when he is implicated in one of a series of political scandals. Paris is rocked by a rash of terrorist bombings believed to be the work of Algerian Islamic fundamentalists. Chirac, running as the "man of the people," is elected president.
The government loses support when President Chirac launches nuclear tests in the Pacific and Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin fails to live up to campaign promises made to labor. Political scandals further undermine the government, setting the stage for a turbulent run up to the 2002 presidential elections. Economic growth remains moderate, but stronger than that of most European nations.
After extreme rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen earns a runoff spot in the 2002 election, President Chirac wins reelection when all mainstream parties unite around him. The left is routed in parliamentary elections. The conservative government stays the course, as France is the best performing of the larger European economies. The government proposes greater decentralization of power to the regions.
President Chirac strongly opposes the war in Iraq and demands a central role for the United Nations in Iraq after the military conflict. Relations with the U.S. and UK are tense. A sluggish economy, ballooning budget deficit, and rising unemployment weigh heavily on the domestic agenda. A controversial initiative to reform the country's pension system causes mass strikes.
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France has a parliamentary government under the republican constitution of 1875. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, the French Communist Party grows, while the Socialists and Radicals unite. In 1922 the conservative Raymond Poincaré replaces Georges Clemenceau as prime minister, but his coalition disintegrates when France invades the Ruhr after Germany defaults on its WWI reparation payments.
Under the more conciliatory leadership of Radical Prime Minister Édouard Herriot, relations with Germany improve. Europe's leading powers sign a series of treaties and agreements in Locarno, Switzerland, which symbolize hopes for an era of international peace. Herriot resigns after a financial controversy, and Raymond Poincaré returns as prime minister, strengthening the power of the right.
The Depression takes hold, and 1932 elections unseat Poincaré's conservative successors. The next 16 months see a series of ineffective coalition governments. The Popular Front, a leftist alliance against rising fascism, takes its first tentative steps. The Radical Édouard Daladier forms a new government, but must resign after a financial and political scandal.
The reunited left wins the 1936 parliamentary elections, and Léon Blum heads a Popular Front government. Internal divisions and conservative opposition to his fiscal measures lead him to resign and the Front to lose strength, but not before preventing the rise of fascism in France. Daladier returns as prime minister, and in 1939 he reluctantly commits France to World War II beside the British.
German invasion ends the Third Republic. France is divided into two zones, one occupied and the other governed by Marshal Pétain, a French WWI hero who sets up a new regime based in Vichy. The authoritarian Vichy government collaborates with the Nazis in plundering resources and deporting Jews. From London, General Charles de Gaulle calls for a French Resistance movement which fast gains strength.
The Allies land in Normandy and liberate France with assistance from the Resistance movement. De Gaulle becomes head of a provisional government of centrists, Communists, and Socialists. France's colonies in North Africa, West Africa, and East Asia demand greater autonomy.
De Gaulle resigns because of internal divisions in his government and forms a new political party, the Rally of the French People (RPF). The Fourth Republic is proclaimed, with a new constitution that again provides for a weak executive and a powerful national assembly. A series of impermanent governments are unable to stem inflation or the political and social unrest in the colony of Indochina.
Socialists fail to bring stability and lose strength as a party. France joins NATO as a founding member and opts for a policy of entente with West Germany, setting the stage for the European Community. De Gaulle loses support and resigns as party leader. France invests in its colonies to prepare them for independence. The French are forced out of Indochina after their defeat at Dien Bien Phu.
Conflict between nationalists and the French army in Algeria contrasts with the peaceful decolonization of Morocco and Tunisia. A revolt in Paris overthrows the Fourth Republic. A new constitution establishes the Fifth Republic, subordinating the legislature to the presidency. De Gaulle becomes president. Socialists split over support for the Fifth Republic and make several unsuccessful alliances.
France moves toward military and nuclear independence. De Gaulle promotes Franco-German cooperation while remaining friendly with Britain and the U.S. He grants Algeria independence in 1962, incurring criticism from settlers and French officers. Still, his supporters win a majority in the 1962 elections. Several sub-Saharan African colonies transition more smoothly to independence.
De Gaulle narrowly defeats left-wing opponent François Mitterrand under a new system of presidential election by direct universal suffrage. De Gaulle continues an independent approach to foreign policy, withdrawing France from NATO commands and testing a hydrogen bomb. The government's paternalistic approach to domestic affairs sparks a student revolt and massive strikes in May 1968.
The Socialists reorganize as the Parti Socialiste (PS) at a congress. De Gaulle resigns from a shaken government and former Prime Minister Georges Pompidou is elected president. Pompidou maintains some Gaullist principles in foreign policy but is generally more conciliatory. Mitterrand and his allies begin to transform the left, building a strong PS. Pompidou dies in office in 1974.
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, leader of the center-right Independent Republicans and a former finance minister, is elected president. He implements conservative domestic policies and insists on the primacy of French interests and nuclear weapons. Economic crisis undermines his government. The PS and the Communist Party (PCF) forge an electoral alliance.
The united left elects PS leader Mitterrand president, and the Socialists sweep subsequent parliamentary elections. Although dominated by the PS, the government also includes four communist ministers. The administration introduces a far-reaching program of social reform, decentralization, and nationalization.
President Mitterrand appoints Laurent Fabius of the PS as prime minister. Communist members of the cabinet resign, opposed to a drastic PS economic policy shift and increased reliance on markets. In 1984 Mitterrand forms a new government excluding the Communists.
The right-wing RPF and Union for French Democracy (UDF) win a parliamentary majority. Mitterrand appoints opposition leader Jacques Chirac as prime minister, resulting in the first government "cohabitation," which ends 30 years of president and prime minister being drawn from the same coalition. Chirac's policies anger students and workers; Mitterrand defeats him in the 1988 presidential election.
The extreme right National Front does well in municipal elections, pressuring the government into adopting a hard line against illegal immigration. Mitterrand replaces Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard with Edith Cresson after they clash on economic policy. But economic recession and political scandal cause Cresson's popularity to plummet, pulling Mitterrand's down as well.
The Parti Socialiste loses the national assembly elections. Mitterrand appoints the RPF's Édouard Balladur as prime minister of his second "cohabitation" government. Balladur resigns in the wake of corruption scandals. With Mitterrand's health declining, Chirac runs for president as the "man of the people" and is elected in 1955. Former Foreign Minister Alain Juppé becomes prime minister.
Chirac loses support after a nuclear testing debacle in the Pacific. He calls for general elections a year early so the government can continue the austerity measures designed for membership in the European Monetary Union. His plan backfires when the Socialists, opposed to the measures, win and Lionel Jospin becomes prime minister. "Cohabitation" governments become the norm, not the exception.
Labor criticizes Jospin for retreating from campaign promises. In regional elections, the ruling Socialist, Green, and Communist coalition wins 37 percent of the vote, the mainstream right 36 percent. The National Front splits in two. Political scandals undermine government in general. A constitutional referendum reduces the presidential term from seven to five years, equal that the parliament's.
The left wins Paris city council, but the right strengthens elsewhere. Scattered leftist votes in the 2002 presidential election puts extreme rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen in second place; all mainstream parties rally around President Chirac in the runoff. A pro-Chirac conservative coalition wins parliamentary elections, ending five years of "cohabitation." Jean-Pierre Raffarin becomes prime minister.
Backed by majority support, President Chirac voices strong opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq. When the three-week military campaign proves not to be the long struggle he had predicted, Chirac faces a possible loss of credibility at home. Relations with Britain are tense after a split over the Iraq war. France calls for a central role for the United Nations in the new administration of Iraq.
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Ravaged by the war, France struggles to rebuild its economy. The loss of foreign investment and indebtedness to the United States for war loans have weakened the franc. In an effort to protect and expand French interests, the government nationalizes some industries, including the state oil company. By the late '20s, a stabilized franc helps put the economy back on its feet.
While industrial production slumps, France's economy withstands the 1929 crash better than other European countries, largely because it is more domestically than internationally oriented. A high percentage of the population still engages in small-scale agriculture, and France does not depend heavily on the trade of mass-produced goods. France is able to extend a large loan to the Bank of England.
The government nationalizes the railroads. World War II destroys the infrastructure and 50,000 factories. Germany appropriates half of France's public-sector revenue. The Vichy government forms "Organizing Committees" for each economic sector in a move toward a coordinated economy and away from the free market. France emerges from the war economically weak.
France nationalizes the banking, electricity, gas, and coal sectors, as well as companies that consorted with Vichy. Banker Jean Monnet develops output and modernization goals for key economic sectors. Under "indicative planning," details of the Monnet plan in each sector are left to committees represented by the Planning Commission, major firms, public enterprises, unions, and technical experts.
U.S. aid flows through the Marshall Plan and, combined with the national plan and worldwide prosperity, brings an economic boom and annual growth of 5 percent. France invests heavily in infrastructure and in 1957 plays an active role in setting up the European Economic Community (EEC), or Common Market, an expansion of the 1950 European Coal and Steel Community.
France's aggressive investment program contributes to inflation. War in Algeria leads to heavy expenses and labor shortages. Industrial output slows. After the Franco-British operation to retake the Suez Canal, Middle Eastern countries refuse to supply oil to France, which must turn to more expensive sources. The franc is devalued.
The economy regains strength, and France, closely followed by Germany, begins to dominate the EEC, vetoing Britain's application to join in 1963. The government implements an industrial policy that promotes large-scale economic projects in the fields of high-tech aeronautics, information technology, and telecommunications. The French economy outperforms those of Britain and Germany.
Investment in equipment modernization pays off: France undergoes an agricultural boom and becomes the world's second agricultural exporter after the United States. The sixth economic plan pushes massive investment in nuclear power, telecommunications, and information technology. France achieves economic growth of 5.8 percent per year until the oil shock of 1973.
The 30-year postwar boom known as the "Trente glorieuses" ("Thirty Glorious Years") comes to an end as France enters a prolonged economic crisis. Growth slows, becoming negative in 1975. President Giscard d'Estaing imposes unpopular austerity measures to stem rising inflation and unemployment. A major nuclear power program is designed to save on energy imports.
The government introduces radical reform, nationalizing banks, insurance companies, and many large industries, including steel, nuclear energy, and armaments. President Mitterrand's administration also increases minimum wage and social security benefits. Increases in social spending and growing losses at nationalized companies strain the government's finances, and the economic situation worsens.
Finance Minister Delors and Prime Minister Mauroy engineer a U-turn in economic policy to address the economic crisis. They reject protectionism and uncontrolled public spending in favor of austerity and increased productivity, and take a hard line against the traditional policy of bailing out troubled companies. The socialist program ends as Keynesian principles give way to more monetarist ones.
Prime Minister Chirac introduces a radical program of denationalization and deregulation. His reforms bring an upturn in macroeconomic performance, but they encounter serious opposition from striking workers. In 1991 France is caught up in the world recession in the wake of the Gulf War.
European economic integration in the form of the Single Market forces French businesses to become more competitive. The government launches a new program to privatize major concerns in the industrial sector (such as Péchiney and Elf Aquitaine) as well as the insurance and banking sectors (such as Banque Nationale de Paris). The economy registers moderate growth.
The state reduces its role in the economy but remains the leading employer, producer, and customer. Privatized firms emerge as major domestic and international players. Economic growth picks up and reaches 3.6 percent in 2000, driven chiefly by strong domestic demand. Growth is greatest in the financial services sector. France's more flexible economy now outpaces that of Germany as "motor of Europe."
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Labor unrest mounts in the postwar years. Depletion of capital inhibits adequate job creation for returning servicemen. The government passes laws permitting collective bargaining and instituting the eight-hour day and six-day week. Nevertheless, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) calls for hundreds of strikes to protest low wages and high prices.
With the birth rate declining, population growth is sustained primarily by immigration from Spain and Portugal. Most immigrants to France are young men, which compensates for military losses of the war. France replaces the United States as the greatest destination for European immigrants.
Labor stages a number of major strikes, occupying factories across the country. Blum's government implements several reforms, including the 40-hour work week and paid holidays, as the result of the Matignon agreement between employers and labor. In 1938, however, Daladier's government reinstates the 48-hour work week and sides with employers in a move the Popular Front calls a "bosses' revenge."
The Nazi invasion forces millions to flee their homes and travel long distances across France. They live in miserable conditions, and many suffer from malnutrition as the Vichy government sets weekly rations. Tens of thousands are executed, deported to concentration camps, or put into forced labor in Germany. By the end of the war, Paris is physically undamaged, but many other cities are in ruins.
Peace restores confidence in the future despite initial economic hardship, as the postwar "baby boom" bears witness. The government sets up a social security system that forms the basis for France's extensive welfare system. But poor harvests force the government to lower rations again. The return of more than one million prisoners of war aggravates an existing homelessness crisis.
The government agrees to union demands for a minimum wage. Quality of life improves with economic growth. Housing construction takes off. The traditional rural base declines as growth focuses on industry. A rise in car ownership brings with it suburban development. The late '50s see a renewed influx of immigrants, especially from Italy, Spain, Portugal, and North Africa.
France's rapid economic growth brings with it rising inequalities. More than 45 percent of the country's wealth lies in the hands of 5 percent of the population. The gradually younger population uses the media to help broadcast and garner support for their social aspirations and demands for equality across the nation.
A student revolt against poor university conditions becomes a forum for society to air its grievances. Workers join the movement, which spreads throughout France as an open and violent rebellion against the established order. Divisions within the protest movement and fear among trade union leaders of events escalating beyond their control enable authorities to curb the movement within a month.
Prime Minister Chaban-Delmas's "new society" brings significant social progress. It includes legislation on vocational training and welfare coverage for the poor and elderly. France consolidates its profile as a welfare state. Regulated increases in the minimum wage prevent greater wage disparities. Women's rights are expanded, and the 1975 Abortion Law legalizes abortion in certain circumstances.
President Giscard d'Estaing seeks to improve conditions for women through laws that make it easier to obtain divorce and abortion. He lowers the minimum voting age from 21 to 18, relaxes censorship, and reforms the education system. The economic crisis combined with baby boomers entering the labor market generates a swift rise in unemployment, helping the Socialists return to power.
The new government starts a radical program of social reform. The work week is cut by an hour and paid vacations are extended from four to five weeks. But a program of public spending, nationalization, and increased taxes on high incomes soon gives way to more austere policies. Unemployment rises, intensifying racial tensions in urban areas.
Prime Minister Rocard implements a progressive program aimed at protecting immigrants and the unemployed, but some of his measures are cut short when he is replaced by Edith Cresson. By 1993, unemployment reaches 10 percent. Tight immigration policies influenced by the extreme-right National Front fuel religious and cultural tensions.
President Chirac fails to deliver on his promise to reduce unemployment and end social divisions. Public-sector strikes remain frequent, and in 1995 postal and utilities employees join public transport workers in a nationwide strike which brings the country to a virtual standstill. University students strike to demand more teachers and resources. Unemployment reaches 12.8 percent.
Legislation in 1998 expands the legal status of same- or opposite-sex unmarried couples. A 2000 law reduces the work week from 39 hours to 35 hours without a reduction in pay to promote job creation. Economic growth and a drop in unemployment help mute the initial opposition from employers. Immigration and an aging population maintain pressure on the social welfare system.
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During the postwar period, laborers stage hundreds of strikes, particularly in 1919 and 1920, protesting low wages and high prices. Many of these demonstrations turn violent, with clashes between protesters and police forces.
Hard times and inefficient government increase resentment among ordinary citizens, some of whom turn toward fascism. France puts down a revolt in Morocco and jails communist militants who oppose France's policies in its colonies. In 1934 a financial and political scandal involving the sale of worthless bonds discredits the Radical Socialist Party and parliamentary democracy in general.
The right's rise brings religious violence. The right attacks Léon Blum as a Jew and attempts to assassinate him. Blum's announcement of a pause in social reform causes violent demonstrations in which several Socialists are killed and more than 200 are wounded. A year later, a general strike in protest of the expanded work week leads to severe repression as activists are systematically put down.
German occupation and cooperation by the authoritarian Vichy government bring a period of repression and discrimination. The Vichy regime works with Nazi Germany to hunt down and deport Jews. Political parties are abolished; the leaders of the Popular Front are arrested; political meetings and strikes are prohibited. Food rationing triggers the rise of a black market.
Angry and spontaneous acts of revenge over those who cooperated with the Germans give way to an official government purge of collaborators. De Gaulle is determined to carry out the purge legally, and hundreds of court proceedings follow. Vichy's Marshal Pétain is sentenced to life imprisonment.
The Algerian National Liberation Front launches a terrorism campaign in Algeria; the French army responds with torture. Enraged French intellectuals publish books and articles detailing the use of torture. The government's attempted cover-up causes a public uproar. De Gaulle narrowly survives several assassination attempts. Colonial-rule extremists carry out terrorist acts in Algeria and France.
The public learns the government has tried to hide to scope of a violent crackdown on Algerians in Paris during a protest in 1961. Disenchantment with the government comes to a head in a May 1968 upheaval begun by students and joined by workers across the country. The police erect barricades and respond to student attacks with violence.
Separatists on the Mediterranean island of Corsica begin a string of bombings. In Paris, a series of explosions is linked to a Lebanese terrorist group. A violent anarchist group, Action Directe, contributes to the climate of terror. France creates an anti-terrorism office, expanding the powers of magistrates to hold terrorism suspects without charge.
Several corruption scandals come to light as France's magistrates unearth evidence of illegal fundraising during the Cold War era, often organized nationally via fictitious holding companies. Dozens of businessmen and politicians are placed under formal investigation as investigating magistrates delve deeper into political schemes over time.
Algerian-based Islamic fundamentalists are believed to be responsible for a bombing campaign carried out primarily on Paris commuter trains. France implements a joint military operation known as Vigipirate designed to meet the security threat. While having little effect on terrorism, the plan does reduce the crime rate.
French authorities bring more than 100 terrorists to justice for past acts of violence, but controversy over allegations of racism in the mass trial leads to minimal sentencing. Chirac is linked to public contract manipulation and illegal use of publicly owned buildings during his term as mayor of Paris. An intense investigation of corruption charges among prominent political figures begins.
Finance Minister Dominique Strauss Kahn steps down in the wake of corruption allegations of which he is later cleared. Constitutional Council head Roland Dumas is jailed on corruption charges along with two top executives of the oil company Elf Aquitaine; he is eventually cleared. Despite growing judicial independence, top politicians are still often seen as immune to prosecution.
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The franc falls dangerously low in the early '20s. France must pass an austerity package to receive a loan from Morgan Brothers of the United States. Capital problems begin to dictate policies to the government, a phenomenon the left terms "the wall of money." The government aggravates the situation in 1925 when it puts more unbacked money into circulation than is legally permitted.
Capital floods back into France when Prime Minister Poincaré comes to office and moves away from socialism. After his reelection in 1928, Poincaré returns the franc to the gold standard at one-fifth its prewar value, attracting another wave of capital which provides an initial cushion against the Depression. The reevaluation eliminates the state debt to the Bank of France.
France feels the effects of the Depression in 1931 after the U.S. raises a tariff wall against European goods and Hoover announces a yearlong moratorium on German reparations. To preserve a sense of stability, France maintains the gold standard even as others abandon it. Stubborn defense of the franc leads to controversial tax increases, cuts in civil servant wages, and fuel price raises.
A devaluation of 25 percent fails to help the economy as it comes after a wage increase and a concurrent rise in prices. By 1937, gold reserves are low, and the market loses confidence in France. During the war, the Vichy government prints money to meet German demands, thus fueling inflation to 27 percent. Much of this money goes into a growing black market.
An excess of money continues to push prices up until inflation reaches 63 percent. Prime Minister Blum's efforts to control prices put meat and many other goods onto the black market, where prices soar. The purchasing power of the average hourly wage plummets.
Devaluations and $3 billion in aid from the United States help stabilize the economy. France ends its controversial system of fluctuating exchange rates and establishes a single, uniform system of rates. The introduction of the Value-Added Tax (VAT) in 1954 increases government revenue.
A drastic reduction in social expenditure and a tax increase help balance the budget in 1958. Another devaluation and the introduction of a new franc, at a face value of 100 times the old, finally brings stability. At the end of the Algerian War, the new franc settles down to a value around five per U.S. dollar.
The rehabilitated currency and monetary stability mean relatively low inflation until the oil shock of 1973-74. The government's immediate implementation of deflationist measures puts the economy in recession. Inflation rises above 10 percent.
President Giscard d'Estaing and German Chancellor Schmidt negotiate the European Monetary System (EMS), tying several currencies to the deutsche mark and allowing them to fluctuate within agreed limits. France barely maintains the franc within the lower limits. The price of oil soars, the franc is devalued repeatedly, and prices rise by 14 percent per year. The balance of payments deficit triples.
In an economic policy U-turn, the government focuses on the issue of money. Delors orchestrates a devaluation of the franc and convinces Germany to reevaluate the mark at the same time to allow France to stay in the EMS. A combination of these measures, a hike in the petrol tax and transportation fares, budget reductions for state enterprises, and a fall in oil prices strengthens the economy.
French policy is increasingly subordinated to European Economic Community (EEC) requirements. France removes its remaining foreign exchange restrictions. The government attempts to meet reductions in corporate and personal income taxes with reductions spending. The Treaty of European Union commits France and fellow member countries to a process leading to economic and monetary union (EMU).
All efforts are focused on cutting government spending by 2 percent in 1997 in order to qualify for European Monetary Union. The government reduces its fiscal deficit and in 1999 joins 10 other EU countries in adopting the euro as its currency. Monetary policy control switches hands to the European Central Bank. January 2002 sees the euro in public circulation and the retirement of the franc.
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correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 82
|
https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/9780230227606_1.pdf
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"John Keiger"
] |
2008-07-23T00:00:00
|
An individual’s mental map of the modern world is as conditioned by their state as by their own particular upbringing, social and educational background and personal circumstances. Raymond Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine in north-eastern France...
|
en
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/oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png
|
SpringerLink
|
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230227606_1
|
An individual’s mental map of the modern world is as conditioned by their state as by their own particular upbringing, social and educational background and personal circumstances. Raymond Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine in north-eastern France on 20 August 1860 and died in Paris on 16 October 1934. His political career ran from the 1880s to the 1930s in one of the most formative periods of modern French history coinciding with the bedding in and maturing of the Third Republic. For most of that period, he held the principal offices of state repeatedly from foreign and finance minister (four times a minister) to prime minister (four times) and president of the republic and was out of government for only a few years. He played crucial roles in organising France’s foreign and defence posture in the two years prior to the First World War, as well as the final decision to engage France in that conflict, the organisation of the war effort, the subsequent peace settlement, the reparations question, French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 and the reorganisation of French finances and the stabilisation of the currency from 1926 to 1928. These were all critical exercises for France, Europe and, increasingly, the world. In all these actions, Poincaré’s decision-making was informed by a mixture of overt and ‘unspoken assumptions’ about France’s geopolitical position and interests that conditioned his freedom to choose.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 74
|
https://www.broadwaysuites.com/news/whats-in-your-office-mistral-artist-management
|
en
|
Mistral Artist Management — Broadway Suites
|
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https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5cc75f9bd86cc964240ff3b0/1601757748058-U5I65PKLLGQUOO9BFYSS/favicon.ico?format=100w
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[] |
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[
""
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[
"Broadway Suites"
] |
2018-02-14T12:48:00-07:00
|
A dual citizen of both the United States and France, Jerome Henry Rudes is the 2014 winner of "La Médaille d'Or du Rayonnement Culturel" for the United States, a prize created by La Renaissance Française" in Paris in 1916 by Raymond Poincaré, then President of France. The
|
en
|
https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5cc75f9bd86cc964240ff3b0/1601757748058-U5I65PKLLGQUOO9BFYSS/favicon.ico?format=100w
|
Broadway Suites
|
https://www.broadwaysuites.com/news/whats-in-your-office-mistral-artist-management
|
A dual citizen of both the United States and France, Jerome Henry Rudes is the 2014 winner of "La Médaille d'Or du Rayonnement Culturel" for the United States, a prize created by La Renaissance Française" in Paris in 1916 by Raymond Poincaré, then President of France. The medal distinguishes persons who have rendered distinguished service in French language, literature, arts, science and technology. It is awarded under the patronage of the President of the French Republic and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Interior, Defense and National Education.
After teaching during the 1970s in international schools in Europe, Mr. Rudes was appointed Director of English Studies at the Institute of American Universities in Aix-en-Provence in 1980. In 1984, he left that position to create the French-American Centers, not-for-profit cultural exchange and teaching organizations with structures in Aix as well as in Avignon, Marseille, Montpellier and Lyon.
Parallel to his educational ventures, Mr. Rudes launched the “French-American Film Workshop” in 1984 in Avignon, an annual crossroads of transatlantic independent cinema that evolved into the Avignon Film Festival. Mr. Rudes curated and directed the Avignon Film Festival until its closing in 2008, a 25-year labor of love.
In tandem, Mr. Rudes inaugurated the annual Avignon/New York Film Festival in Manhattan in 1994 and directed it for 13 years, based first at Angelika Film Center, then at the French Institute/Alliance Française and finally at Hunter College (CCNY), bringing together in the US, as did the Avignon Film Festival in France, established filmmakers such as Louis Malle, Samuel Fuller, Agnès Varda, Jerry Schatzberg, Claude Lelouche, Roger Corman, David Brown, Curtis Hanson, Mika Kaurismaki, Claude Miller, Paul Schrader, Jean-Charles Tacchella, Bob Rafelson and Paul Mazursky, as well as scores of emerging filmmakers like Cedric Klapisch, Richard Linklater, Arnaud Desplechin, Alexander Rockwell, Christophe Ruggia, Bruno Dumont, Gaspar Noé and Quentin Tarantino.
Mr. Rudes co-authored Samuel Fuller’s “A Third Face: My Tale of Writing, Fighting, and Filmmaking,” published in the US by Alfred Knopf in 2004, and in France in 2010 by Editions Allia. In 2005, Mr. Rudes played the third lead in a Luc Besson-produced comedy, “Au Suivant!” (“Next!”) directed by Jeanne Biras, alongside Alexandra Lamy and Clovis Cornillac.
After a decade with the venerable Fifi Oscard Agency and upon Ms. Oscard’s passing, Jerome Henry Rudes created Mistral Artist Management, LLC. Under the Mistral Artist banner, Mr. Rudes represents a diverse group of talented authors, playwrights, directors, screenwriters and actors in America and Europe. Among them is filmmaker Lloyd Kaufman (“The Toxic Avenger”), playwright Nathan Sanders (“The Sugar Bean Sisters”), author/director Jack Baxter (“Blues By The Beach”) and actress Maria de Medeiros (“Pulp Fiction”).
Mistral Artist was also the platform for the launching of “Cinémonde” in New York City in 2008, a year-round series of invitation-only evenings for film lovers and filmmakers with sneak previews of thought-provoking films from around the world. Cinémonde soirées include cocktail receptions, Q&As with the filmmakers and networking opportunities for film, media and entertainment professionals, and those who want to be. Among the many filmmakers who have presented their work at Cinémonde are Mary Stuart Masterson, Jerry Zaks, John Turturro, Susan Seidelman, Matthew Broderick, Patrice Leconte, Dayna Goldfine & Dan Geller, Jannicke Systad Jacobsen, Frederic Lilien, Jörgen Bergmark, Gianni Di Gregorio, Laurent Tirard, Tammy Simon Hoffs, Jennifer Devoldère and Thierry Binisti.
As of 2002, Mr. Rudes served as US Coordinator for LVT, one of the world leaders in film and digital subtitling. In that capacity, he supervised the subtitling of hundreds of films, including many official selections for the Cannes, Berlin, Venice, Sundance, Locarno, Tribeca and Toronto Film Festivals. His work encompassed new titles as well as restorations, including CAESER MUST DIE by the Taviani brothers, HOLY MOTORS by Leos Carax, THE FAMILY by Luc Besson, THE WAR by Ken Burns, TERRAFERMA by Emanuele Crialese, GO FOR SISTERS by John Sayles, CHASING ICE by Jeff Orlowski, BATTLE OF ALGIERS by Gillo Pontecorvo, DAMSELS IN DISTRESS by Whit Stillman, CITY OF MEN by Paulo Morelli, TAKING WOODSTOCK by Ang Lee, WOMEN ON THE SIXTH FLOOR by Philippe Le Guay, STARBUCK by Ken Scott, PASSIONE by John Turturro, SNOWFLOWER by Wayne Wang, 13 ASSASSINS by Takashi Miike and FAREWELL MY QUEEN by Benoit Jacquot.
Mr. Rudes also supervised several dubbing projects, most notably the Japanese VO for THE COVE by Louis Psihoyos, which premiered at the Tokyo Film Festival and went on to win the Oscar for “Best Documentary” of 2009.
As of March 1, 2014, Mr. Rudes’ own company, Mistral Artist Management, took over all subtitling and captioning activity from LVT-USA, which was closed down by its French owners.
Under the Mistral Artist shingle, Mr. Rudes has subtitled, SYMPHONY OF SOIL by Deborah Koons Garcia, JEWS OF EGYPT by Amir Ramsis, LAND HO! by Aaron Katz & Martha Stephens, KUMIKO, THE TREASURE HUNTER by David Zellner, FOXCATCHER by Bennett Miller, SONG ONE by Kate Barker-Froyland, MANGLEHORN by David Gordon Green and DA SWEET BLOOD OF JESUS by Spike Lee. Mr. Rudes also delivered subtitles for BEASTS OF NO NATION by Cary Joji Fukunaga, PEGGY GUGGENHEIM: ART ADDICT by Lisa Immordino Vreeland and THE FIRST MONDAY IN MAY by Andrew Rossi, the opening night selection at the 2016 Tribeca Film Festival. He also did the subtitles for CHILDREN OF THE MOUNTAIN by Priscilla Anany, winner of 2016 TFF “Best Director Award”.
Mr. Rudes’ recent projects include the Italian subtitling of THE BRAT by John Ford, MONTE by Amir Naderi, and MY ART by Laurie Simmons, all for screenings at the 2016 Venice Film Festival as well as the French subtitling of AS FAR AS THE EYE CAN SEE by David Franklin for the 2016 Montreal Film Festival.
|
||
correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
|
1
| 21
|
http://www.cheminsdememoire.gouv.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
en
|
4 Bad Request !!!
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
|
2
| 35
|
https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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en
|
Rebuilding a Cathedral: The Media, American Money, and French Heritage
|
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"Jenna Fleming"
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2020-04-14T15:14:47+00:00
|
The Reims Cathedral in France, destroyed by German shelling during World War I, was rebuilt after a carefully-planned donation from John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
|
en
|
REsource
|
https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
|
On May 3, 1924, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., wrote to French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré to make a formal offer of financial assistance for the restoration of several French national monuments. Preparations for Rockefeller’s gift, however, had been quietly in the works for months.
Rockefeller was concerned about the potential implications and pitfalls of this kind of international philanthropy. He knew that such a gift had to be managed carefully if he did not want to appear as a meddling outsider. With the help of his staff, Rockefeller consciously constructed a narrative about the donation that could reflect positively on all parties involved in the project.
The gift itself funded repairs at three separate sites: Reims Cathedral, the Palace of Versailles, and the Palace of Fontainebleau. But Rockefeller and his staff consistently emphasized that the most important of the three was the restoration of Reims Cathedral, a revered national symbol of the French people.
“The Ravages of War”
The Cathedral at Reims had sustained devastating damages during the First World War. On September 19, 1914, a German shell lit a ravaging fire that consumed the Cathedral, causing the roof to collapse and destroying the interior. While the palaces to be restored with Rockefeller’s gift were in disrepair due to “the devastating effects of time,” the Cathedral was a visible example of “the ravages of war” on humanity and culture.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Profound Admiration” Inspires a Gift
It is difficult to pinpoint a single reason why John D. Rockefeller, Jr. decided to help restore French cultural monuments. Certainly the gift was consistent with family tradition. Even before he made his millions in the late nineteenth century, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. gave a significant percentage of his earnings to charitable causes. Established in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation was the primary mechanism for carrying out Rockefeller’s organized philanthropy. It worked worldwide to support educational, medical, and public health initiatives.
The state of international politics following the First World War doubtless played a role in John D. Rockefeller, Jr.’s decision. Many reports about the gift cited Rockefeller’s discussions of “the question with friends of France” upon his return from a trip to that country in 1923.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Based upon his status and reputation, it is possible that Rockefeller was met with requests or perhaps even some pressure from French government officials or his American associates to make a donation.
With memories of the war and its conclusion fresh in American and European minds, many felt that the United States had the obligation, burden, or opportunity to continue to support its allies in the conflict. Newspaper articles with titles such as “America to the Rescue”“America to the Rescue,” New York Evening World, May 31, 1925, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.and “Help Others Help Themselves”“Help Others Help Themselves,” The Richmond Palladium, June 3, 1924, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.expressed a national public opinion that was generally favorable towards Rockefeller and, in most cases, sympathetic to the French.
Even considering these many outside influences, the simplest explanation behind Rockefeller’s gift might be his genuine affinity for a monument of such artistic and cultural significance. Rockefeller was a devoutly religious man with an aesthetic preference for medieval art and architecture. In a 1928 letter, Rockefeller described his “deep interest in the Cathedral and profound admiration for it.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Georges Charbonneaux, September 14, 1928, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Forming a Committee
Since Rockefeller knew that a contribution by a foreign philanthropist to a French national cause would be a delicate matter, he spent much time putting together a team of experts in related areas. The five men who were ultimately selected had experience in architecture, politics, and finance. Each one also had a vested interest in Franco-American relations.“M. Rockefeller donne un million de dollars pour Reims, Versailles, et Fontainebleau,” L’éclair (Paris), May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.These men communicated with French officials privately and extensively to ensure all details were accounted for before the news was announced to the public.
Self-Consciously an Outsider
In an April 1924 letter to Colonel Arthur Woods, who assisted with the negotiations, Rockefeller expressed his public relations concerns. He sought to find a way to offer the gift in an appropriate and respectful way.
Many questions surrounded the donation. First, which governmental body should allocate the resources? Second, how would the Rockefeller donation work in conjunction with the funds already provided by French sources? And third, for which precisely defined purposes could the money be used?John D. Rockefeller, Jr., “Memorandum,” February 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Rockefeller left many of the details up to his associates. However, on the point of limiting the amount of the original gift to one million dollars he was firm. He wrote, “any larger sum might, I fear, subject me to criticism.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Helping, but not Offending
Although the aims of the project seemed honorable enough – to restore and protect a significant religious site with cultural and national importance – committee members knew that its motivations could be interpreted in many different ways and inadvertently cause offense to the American or French governments.
Committee members labored to frame the gift in such a way that they could refute the potential criticism. Official documentation underwent several draft stages before being released, with words chosen carefully to strike a conciliatory and impartial tone.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924 (draft), French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, undated (draft), French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The committee kept the entire project timeline in mind from the start. This included a second donation Rockefeller made in 1927 for additional restoration work.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, March 19, 1927, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – 1927 Pledge, 1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.In early private communications about his first gift, Rockefeller had hinted that “two or three or five years later a further sum [may] be added.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center. While the committee worked with this possibility in mind, members also recognized that an additional Rockefeller donation was only one of many potential paths that the project could follow. The group planned as if further support would not be coming from the donor.
Confronting Questions About Optics
To be sure, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. committed to support all three historic sites. But to encourage a positive public opinion, the committee chose to focus its attention and communication on the restoration of Reims Cathedral, with only secondary mention of the Palaces of Versailles or Fontainebleau. This was done despite the fact that the greatest financial portion of the gift went to the repairs at Versailles. Rockefeller and his associates discussed the Cathedral first and foremost to reporters on both sides of the Atlantic.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.They did this to such an extent that, in some accounts, the palaces seem like an afterthought.
Restoring a National Symbol
Reims was so important to French history that it had long served as a national symbol even more so than a religious one. Traditional accounts trace the birth of the French nation itself to Clovis, the 5th century king and uniter of the Francs. Clovis was baptized at Reims, marking a definitive moment in defining France as its own nation.Euloge Boissonnade, Le Baptême de Clovis : Naissance de la Nation Française. (Paris: Godefroy de Bouillon, 1995).
Significantly, then, the damages to the Cathedral sustained during World War I were a national trauma. The German bombing struck a devastating chord. Postcards depicting the 1914 bombing are testament to the symbolic significance of the Reims Cathedral to the French national spirit.
On the other hand, the Versailles and Fontainebleau palaces were victims of long neglect, not wartime attacks. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. observed their disrepair during a visit in 1923, prompting his support of those restorations. Although important historical sites, the palaces recalled a gilded, monarchist past. In contrast, the Cathedral was a symbol of the nation as a whole.
Reims in the Headlines
Reports of the donation embraced this symbolic angle, putting emphasis on the Cathedral. A New York Evening World article of May 30, 1924 featured the headline, “Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral.” A smaller subtitle followed, announcing “$750,000 Will Be Used to Repair Palaces at Versailles and Fontainebleau.”“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The article makes only brief mention of the palaces, going into extensive details about the condition and needs of the Cathedral. Yet its final line concisely states, “[a]bout one-fourth of Mr. Rockefeller’s gift will be spent on the Cathedral.” In short, three quarters of the funding was spent on the projects least written about.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The Public Verdict
Ultimately, the public response was indeed positive. Nevertheless, some voices of dissent emerged. For example, some Americans suggested that the money ought to be spent domestically. Others thought the Cathedral should be left untouched as a monument to the tragedy of war.“Not by Bread Alone,” Fort Myers, Florida News, May 31, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; “Rheims – A War Memorial,” Post Dispatch (St. Louis, MO), May 31, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Most accounts celebrated the donation, reflecting the same unifying sentiments Rockefeller had expressed in his original letter to Poincaré: “such a structure as this great Cathedral belongs to the world, rather than to the country in which it happens to be situated.”“Reims, A World Monument,” Journal-Herald (Delaware, OH), June 4, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
French government officials and citizens wrote publicly and privately to Rockefeller, expressing their thanks. In 1936, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his wife Abby were honored at a ceremony during their visit to Reims.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to sons, July 11, 1936, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift, 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Further Support
Rockefeller’s early indications about a possible second gift were indeed realized in 1927. This new donation was made with just as much planning and discussion, albeit with less fanfare. This might be because of the modesty that Rockefeller and his associates had established in their philanthropic work. Timing may have also played a role: the announcement of the gift came just a few days after Charles Lindbergh’s historic transatlantic flight, which understandably dominated news headlines.“Rockefeller Touches the Heart of France,” State (Columbia, SC), May 30, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Rockefeller and his associates might have simply taken advantage of the third anniversary of the original donation to make the announcement of the second gift. But it is also possible that its concurrence with larger news events and its subsequently muted press coverage is another example of their planning strategy.
Indeed it was this level of careful consideration that enabled the building of a positive narrative around what the New York Times deemed a “nobly conceived and practically planned gift.”“The Rheims Restoration,” New York Times, May 31, [1924], French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Research This Topic in the Archives
“France – Reims – Civic Buildings before and after WWI,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“France – Reims – Reims Cathedral – Reconstruction,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Reims Cathedral,” circa 1926, Rockefeller family papers, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Family Home Movies, Series 2, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Jusserand,” 1924-1929, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift,” 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Welles Bosworth Correspondence,” 1936-1958, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – H. F. Sheets,” 1923-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work,” 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence,” 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Equitable Trust Company, Chase,” 1924-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Related
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 60
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
|
en
|
Sites
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/on/demandware.static/Sites-bash-us-Site/-/default/dwfd79c544/images/favicon.ico
|
https://ba-sh.com/us/CGV_SUEDE_EN.html
|
general terms & conditions of sales
The trade website ba-sh.com (“Site") is an electronic commerce website accessible via the internet and open to all users of the network. The Site is operated by ba&sh SAS (« ba&sh »), a subsidiary of ba&sh Group.
If you have any questions or comments about our privacy policy, terms and conditions, or our website, please contact us :
for Swedish version click here.
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 7
|
https://www.office-hub.com/fr/properties/78-av-raymond-poincar-paris-paris-a0v3m00000QcPW1AAN
|
en
|
78 Av Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116 - Office For Rent
|
[
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Discover office space at Av Raymond Poincaré, Paris. We provide flexible workspace, hot desking and serviced offices with flexible terms. Call/book an online consultation with our expert team today.
|
en
|
/assets/favicon.ico
|
Office Hub
|
https://www.office-hub.com/fr/properties/78-av-raymond-poincar-paris-paris-a0v3m00000QcPW1AAN
|
Best deal guarantee
From a desk, office or an entire floor we guarantee to get you the best deal.
Dedicated account managers
Our team are real, not bots and are here to help find your perfect workspace.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 37
|
https://www.office-hub.com/fr/properties/78-av-raymond-poincar-paris-paris-a0v3m00000QcPW1AAN
|
en
|
78 Av Raymond Poincaré, Paris, 75116 - Office For Rent
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Discover office space at Av Raymond Poincaré, Paris. We provide flexible workspace, hot desking and serviced offices with flexible terms. Call/book an online consultation with our expert team today.
|
en
|
/assets/favicon.ico
|
Office Hub
|
https://www.office-hub.com/fr/properties/78-av-raymond-poincar-paris-paris-a0v3m00000QcPW1AAN
|
Best deal guarantee
From a desk, office or an entire floor we guarantee to get you the best deal.
Dedicated account managers
Our team are real, not bots and are here to help find your perfect workspace.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 19
|
https://www.easyoffices.com/gb-fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincar-16-me-arrondissement-15210
|
en
|
Office Space for Rent in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, 75116
|
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[
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Find out the best serviced offices for rent in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, 75116 with Easy Offices. Contact us today with flexible terms and choice of facilities for Paris La Defense.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
https://www.easyoffices.com/gb-fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincar-16-me-arrondissement-15210
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Office description
A glorious and elegant period building houses these roomy, well presented offices with optional servicing and 24 hour access. Enviably close to the Tour Eiffel and the Champs Elysees, the centre is surrounded by the best Paris shops, restaurants and leisure facilities and is well covered by public transport. This proactive community also enjoys an abundance of historical monuments, museums and art galleries, all within walking distance.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 41
|
https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/33543/world-war-i-centennial-poincar%25C3%25A9-elected-president-france
|
en
|
Poincaré Elected President of France
|
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[
"Erik Sass"
] |
2013-01-17T22:38:00+00:00
|
Installment #52: On January 17, 1913, Raymond Poincaré, a leading conservative politician and the premier and foreign minister of France since January 1912, was elected President of France after a complicated, contentious five-way race, which at times pit
|
en
|
Mental Floss
|
https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/33543/world-war-i-centennial-poincaré-elected-president-france
| ||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 14
|
https://www.easyoffices.com/gb-fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincar-16-me-arrondissement-15210
|
en
|
Office Space for Rent in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, 75116
|
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Find out the best serviced offices for rent in 78 avenue Raymond Poincaré, 75116 with Easy Offices. Contact us today with flexible terms and choice of facilities for Paris La Defense.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
https://www.easyoffices.com/gb-fr/available-office-space/paris/avenue-raymond-poincar-16-me-arrondissement-15210
|
Office description
A glorious and elegant period building houses these roomy, well presented offices with optional servicing and 24 hour access. Enviably close to the Tour Eiffel and the Champs Elysees, the centre is surrounded by the best Paris shops, restaurants and leisure facilities and is well covered by public transport. This proactive community also enjoys an abundance of historical monuments, museums and art galleries, all within walking distance.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 16
|
https://en.hotelpalaisdechaillot.com/mentions-legales
|
en
|
Palais de Chaillot Hotel
|
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Legal information about the Palais de Chaillot hotel, located near the Trocadero and the Eiffel Tower.
|
en
| null |
Litigation
If the customer has not received a satisfactory response within 1 month, he or she may refer the matter to the Tourism and Travel Ombudsman, whose contact details are given below: Postal address: Médiation Tourisme et Voyage BP 80 303 75 823 Paris Cedex 17 Website: www.mtv.travel
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 5
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Raymond_Poincar%25C3%25A9
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré was a French statesman who served as President of France from 1913 to 1920, and three times as Prime Minister of France. He was a conservative leader, primarily committed to political and social stability.
|
en
|
Wikiwand
|
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Raymond_Poincar%C3%A9
|
Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré (French pronunciation: [ʁɛmɔ̃ pwɛ̃kaʁe]; 20 August 1860 – 15 October 1934) was a French statesman who served as President of France from 1913 to 1920, and three times as Prime Minister of France. He was a conservative leader, primarily committed to political and social stability.[1]
Quick Facts 10th President of France, Prime Minister ...
Close
Trained in law, Poincaré was elected as a Deputy in 1887 and served in the cabinets of Dupuy and Ribot. In 1902, he co-founded the Democratic Republican Alliance, the most important centre-right party under the Third Republic, becoming Prime Minister in 1912 and serving as President of the Republic for 1913-20. He attempted to wield influence from what was normally a figurehead role, being noted for his strongly anti-German attitudes, visiting Russia in 1912 and 1914 to repair Franco-Russian relations, which had become strained over the Bosnian Crisis of 1908 and the Agadir Crisis of 1911, and playing an important role in the July Crisis of 1914. From 1917, he exercised less influence as his political rival Georges Clemenceau had become Prime Minister. At the Paris Peace Conference, he favoured Allied occupation of the Rhineland.
In 1922 Poincaré returned to power as prime minister. In 1923 he ordered the Occupation of the Ruhr to enforce payment of German reparations. By this time Poincaré was seen, especially in the English-speaking world, as an aggressive figure (Poincaré-la-Guerre) who had helped to cause the war in 1914 and who now favoured punitive anti-German policies. His government was defeated by the Cartel des Gauches at the elections of 1924. He served a third term as prime minister in 1926–1929.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 97
|
https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2019/3/5/1839686/-WWI-The-Death-of-Peace-VII-The-Republicans-Meet-the-Tsar
|
en
|
WWI: The Death of Peace- VIII. The Republicans Meet the Tsar
|
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2019-03-05T00:00:00
|
This article is part of a series on World War I. To read other posts in the series, please go here.
July 20th-July 23rd 1914, St. Petersburg, Russian Empire
“Serbia has some very warm friends in the Russian people. And Russia has an ally,...
|
en
|
Daily Kos
|
https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2019/3/5/1839686/-WWI-The-Death-of-Peace-VII-The-Republicans-Meet-the-Tsar
|
This article is part of a series on World War I. To read other posts in the series, please go here.
July 20th-July 23rd 1914, St. Petersburg, Russian Empire
“Serbia has some very warm friends in the Russian people. And Russia has an ally, France.”
-Raymond Poincaré, President of France 1913-1920
French Ambassador Maurice Paléologue had only just arrived when he was set upon by the two Grand Duchesses. Although originally from Montenegro, the sisters were eager to warmly welcome their French allies. Anastasia gestured to the flowers, “look at the table of honor, they’re Lorraine thistles, planted in real Lorraine soil!” Alsace-Lorraine had been lost to Germany in the 1870 Franco-Prussian War, and its redemption fueled the dreams of French nationalists.
At dinner, Grand Duchess Anastasia spoke further with Ambassador Paléologue, moving from passion into prophecy. “There’s going to be war! They’ll be nothing left of Austria, you’ll get back Alsace and Lorraine, and our armies will meet in Berlin!” She continued until her eyes met the Tsar’s disapproving gaze. “I must restrain myself,” she said bashfully.
The Summit
The battleship, France, steamed into Kronstadt Naval Base to wild cheers. The imperial Russian band struck up the republican “Le Marseillaise” to greet President Raymond Poincaré and Prime Minister Rene Viviani. Poincaré and Viviani were graciously ferried onto the Imperial Yacht, where the Tsar and Tsarina eagerly awaited them. The coming days would reaffirm their alliance and formalize a coordinated response to German and Austro-Hungarian aggression.
Poincaré and Viviani were a study in contrasts. Poincaré was a son of Lorraine and a conservative nationalist, who saw Germany as France’s great foe. If his French republican sensibilities were hurt by Tsarist autocracy, he didn’t show it. While he touted the military value of Russian support, his critics alleged that he was taking bribes from St. Petersburg. At home, Poincaré grew the French army by extending conscription. Although the Presidency was a largely ceremonial role, Poincaré exerted massive political influence, especially in foreign policy.
Ironically, the reserved Viviani was actually Foreign Minister, yet the boisterous Poincaré had spent the voyage to St. Petersburg lecturing his new Prime Minister on foreign affairs. Unlike Poincaré, Viviani was a moderate socialist, who had become premier somewhat by accident. The Left had won big in recent elections, which should have made the pro-German Joseph Caillaux Prime Minister. However, during a nasty campaign, Caillaux’s enemies began publishing his love letters to his mistress in Le Figaro. His wife, incensed, marched down to Le Figaro’s offices and promptly shot the editor. Now all France was gripped by her trial, the biggest scandal in Paris since the Dreyfus Affair. Since Poincaré refused to appoint other Radicals as Prime Minister, Viviani was put forward as a compromise candidate.
A pacifist, Viviani was increasingly alarmed at the bellicosity of Poincaré and the Russians. When Poincaré met the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to St. Petersburg he sharply warned Austria-Hungary against attacking Serbia. “Serbia has some very warm friends in the Russian people. And Russia has an ally, France. There are plenty of complications to be feared!" This was a remarkably provocative threat from a visiting foreign leader to the representative of another nation. Poincaré’s contempt showed how little regard France and Russia had for Austria-Hungary.
From Viviani’s perspective, the visit only got worse. Amid the seemingly endless military parades and patriotic marches, French and Russian leaders pledged unified support for Serbia. It was all too much for Viviani, who grew increasingly withdrawn. The stifling summer heat probably did not help either. As Poincaré noted in his diary: “Viviani is more and more sad, and everyone is noticing it.”
A Strange Partnership
Russia and France were far from natural partners. The 1894 defense alliance between Autocratic Russia and Republican France shocked Europe. Just over 100 years earlier, the French revolution had beheaded Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. Twenty years later, Napoleon had marched deep into Russia, burning Moscow, before the Russian army and the Russian winter took their deadly toll. In the 1850s, France and Britain had fought Russia in the Crimean War. After German unification, part of Bismarck’s plan to keep France isolated involved creating the Three Emperors’ League, binding the conservative monarchies of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. As recently as 1890, Germany and Russia had a secret reinsurance treaty.
However, with the fall of Bismarck in 1890, German policy had shifted away from a Russian alliance. Instead, Germany doubled-down on its commitment to Austria-Hungary, who was increasingly at odds with Russia in the Balkans. The end of the Three Emperors’ League and the lapsing of the reinsurance treaty opened the door for French overtures to Russia. Following the Franco-Prussian War, a defeated France looked at growing Germany with hatred and fear. Economics and demographics clearly favored the younger and more industrialized German Empire. The massive population of Russia could provide the French Republic with an invaluable counter-weight to German power.
In the 1890s, Russia was the most backwards nation in Europe. For too long, the conservative tsarist regime had refused to reckon with the powerful forces of change reshaping the world. The military was in shambles, terribly equipped and poorly led, facts that would become glaringly apparent in the Russo-Japanese War. By the 1890s, despite her size, Russia had built fewer miles of railroads than Germany, France, or Britain. However, even a supreme autocrat like Tsar Alexander III recognized that Russia could not hold off modernity forever.
Alexander III embarked on an aggressive plan to industrialize, urbanize, and modernize his vast realm. To fund these grand ambitions, Russia borrowed heavily from other European powers, especially France, who soon became Russia’s largest creditor. With foreign funds, Russia underwent a breathtaking transformation, becoming Europe’s fastest growing economy. Russia needed French loans to keep growing, and France needed Russian soldiers as insurance against Germany. To Germany’s chagrin, mutual necessity had allowed her neighbors to set aside their ideological differences.
The Changing Tides
By 1914, relative strength of the allies had shifted somewhat. While French liberals continued to detest the alliance with reactionary Russia, moderates and conservatives feared Russian disillusionment with France. After the ruin of the Russo-Japanese War, Tsar Nicholas II had embarked on a series of military, educational, and economic reforms to further modernize Russia. Once completed, would Russia still have use for her French ally? Poincaré and Viviani wanted to reaffirm the continued relevance of the Franco-Russian alliance. As Poincaré knew well, few topics were more motivating to his Russian partners than German aggression.
Poincaré’s anti-German views found a particularly receptive audience in St. Petersburg. After Austria-Hungary had humiliated Russia in the Bosnian Crisis of 1908, Russian conservatives resolved to take a harder line in Balkan affairs. Minister of War Vladimir Sukhomlinov had advocated mobilization against Austria-Hungary during the Balkan Wars but was overruled by the Tsar and his moderate Prime Minister Vladimir Kokovtsov. To the militarists, these episodes represented the capitulation of Russia to Germany and Austria-Hungary. These militarists increased their influence in early 1914, when Kokovtsov was replaced by the weak and pliable Ivan Goremykin.
The Tsar’s Council of Ministers demanded that Russia stand firmly behind her Slavic ally Serbia. Clear Russian support for Serbia would hopefully dissuade Austria-Hungary from aggressive action. Further, the threat of Russian intervention might inspire Berlin to restrain Vienna. In no scenario did the Tsar’s ministers believe that Austria-Hungary had the right to punish Serbia for the Archduke’s murder.
The Russian decision to back Serbia might have left France in an awkward position. By the terms of her treaty obligations, France would aid Russia if she were attacked by Austria-Hungary or Germany. However, if Russia attacked Austria-Hungary in retaliation for an invasion of Serbia, French responsibilities were less clear. Poincaré and the French delegation eliminated any uncertainty in their meetings with the Russians. France and Russia would both fully support Serbia.
Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov cabled his ambassador in Vienna with a warning for Austria-Hungary. It would be “very dangerous” for Austria-Hungary to “ask for anything which would be incompatible with Serbia’s dignity.” Furthermore, “France is also very concerned and has no intention of allowing Serbia to be unjustifiably humiliated.” In a couple days, these commitments would be put to the test when Austria-Hungary delivered her ultimatum.
Read More
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|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 63
|
https://uneasymoney.com/tag/raymond-poincare/
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/63388e38e12810662482423d087540a55e29613b33f026e9c456d1444dee9556?s=200&ts=1721721534
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Posts about Raymond Poincaré written by David Glasner
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en
|
https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/63388e38e12810662482423d087540a55e29613b33f026e9c456d1444dee9556?s=32
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Uneasy Money
|
https://uneasymoney.com/tag/raymond-poincare/
|
Today, Sunday, August 15, 2021, marks the 50th anniversary of the closing of the gold window at the US Treasury, at which a small set of privileged entities were at least legally entitled to demand redemption of dollar claims issued by the US government at the official gold price of $35 an ounce. (In 1971, as in 2021, August 15 fell on a Sunday.) When I started blogging in July 2011, I wrote one of my early posts about the 40th anniversary of that inauspicious event. My attention in that post was directed more at the horrific consequences of Nixon’s decision to combine a freeze on wages and price with the closing of the gold window, which was clearly far more damaging than the largely symbolic effect of closing the gold window. I am also re-upping my original post with some further comments, but in this post, my attention is directed solely on the closing of the gold window.
The advent of cryptocurrencies and the continuing agitprop aiming to restore the gold standard apparently suggest to some people that the intrinsically trivial decision to do away with the final vestige of the last remnant of the short-lived international gold standard is somehow laden with cosmic significance. See for example the new book by Jeffrey Garten (Three Days at Camp David) marking the 50th anniversary.
About 10 years before the gold window was closed, Milton Friedman gave a lecture at the Mont Pelerin Society which he called “Real and Pseudo-Gold Standards“, which I previously wrote about here. Many if not most of the older members of the Mont Pelerin Society, notably (L. v. Mises and Jacques Rueff) were die-hard supporters of the gold standard who regarded the Bretton Woods system as a deplorable counterfeit imitation of the real gold standard and longed for restoration of that old-time standard. In his lecture, Friedman bowed in their direction by faintly praising what he called a real gold standard, which he described as a state of affairs in which the quantity of money could be increased only by minting gold or by exchanging gold for banknotes representing an equivalent value of gold. Friedman argued that although a real gold standard was an admirable monetary system, the Bretton Woods system was nothing of the sort, calling it a pseudo-gold standard. Given that the then existing Bretton Woods system was not a real gold standard, but merely a system of artificially controlling the price of a particular commodity, Friedman argued that the next-best alternative would be to impose a quantitative limit on the increase in the quantity of fiat money, by enacting a law that would prohibit the quantity of money from growing by more than some prescribed amount or by some percentage (k-percent per year) of the existing stock percent in any given time period.
While failing to win over the die-hard supporters of the gold standard, Friedman’s gambit was remarkably successful, and for many years, it actually was the rule of choice among most like-minded libertarians and self-styled classical liberals and small-government conservatives. Eventually, the underlying theoretical and practical defects in Friedman’s k-percent rule became sufficiently obvious to cause even Friedman, however reluctantly, to abandon his single-minded quest for a supposedly automatic non-discretionary quantitative monetary rule.
Nevertheless, Friedman ultimately did succeed in undermining support among most right-wing conservative, libertarian and many centrist or left-leaning economists and decision makers for the Bretton Woods system of fixed, but adjustable, exchange rates anchored by a fixed dollar price of gold. And a major reason for his success was his argument that it was only by shifting to flexible exchange rates and abandoning a fixed gold price that the exchange controls and restrictions on capital movements that were in place for a quarter of a century after World Was II could be lifted, a rationale congenial and persuasive to many who might have otherwise been unwilling to experiment with a system of flexible exchange rates among fiat currencies that had never previously been implemented.
Indeed, the neoliberal economic and financial globalization that followed the closing of the gold window and freeing of exchange rates after the demise of the Bretton Woods system, whether one applauds or reviles it, can largely be attributed to Friedman’s influence both as an economic theorist and as a propagandist. As much as Friedman deplored the imposition of wage and price controls on August 15, 1971, he had reason to feel vindicated by the closing of the gold window, the freeing of exchange rates, and, eventually, the lifting of all capital controls and the legalization of gold ownership by private individuals, all of which followed from the Camp David meeting.
But, the objective economic situation confronted by those at Camp David was such that the Bretton Woods System could not be salvaged. As I wrote in my 2011 post, the Bretton Woods system built on the foundation of a fixed gold price of $35 an ounce was not a true gold standard because a free market in gold did not exist and could not be maintained at the official price. Trade in gold was sharply restricted, and only privileged central banks and governments were legally entitled to buy or sell gold at the official price. Even the formal right of the privileged foreign governments and central banks was subject to the informal, but unwelcome and potentially dangerous, disapproval of the United States.
The gold standard is predicated on the idea that gold has an ascertainable value, so that if money is made exchangeable for gold at a fixed rate, money and gold will have an identical value owing to arbitrage transactions. Such arbitrage transactions can occur only if, and so long as, no barriers prevent effective arbitrage. The unquestioned convertibility of a unit of currency into gold ensured that arbitrage would constrain the value of money to equal the value of gold. But under Bretton Woods the opportunities for arbitrage were so drastically limited that the value of the dollar was never clearly equal to the value of gold, which was governed by, pardon the expression, fiat rather than by free-market transactions.
The lack of a tight link between the value of gold and the value of the dollar was not a serious problem as long as the value of the dollar was kept essentially stable and there was a functioning (albeit not freely) gold market. After its closure during World War II, the gold market did not function at all until 1954, so the wartime and postwar inflation and the brief Korean War inflation did not undermine the official gold price of $35 an ounce that had been set in 1934 and was maintained under Bretton Woods. Even after a functioning, but not entirely free, gold market was reopened in 1954, the official price was easily sustained until the late 1960s thanks to central-bank cooperation, whose formalization through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was one of the positive achievements of Bretton Woods. The London gold price was hardly a free-market price, because of central bank intervention and restrictions imposed on access to the market, but the gold holdings of the central banks were so large that it had always been in their power to control the market price if they were sufficiently determined to do so. But over the course of the 1960s, their cohesion gradually came undone. Why was that?
The first point to note is that the gold standard evolved over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries first as a British institution, and much later as an international institution, largely by accident from a system of simultaneous gold and silver coinages that were closely but imperfectly linked by a relative price of between 15 to 16 ounces of silver per ounce of gold. Depending on the precise legal price ratio of silver coins to gold coins in any particular country, the legally overvalued undervalued metal would flow out of that country and the undervalued overvalued metal would flow into that country.
When Britain undervalued gold at the turn of the 18th century, gold flowed into Britain, leading to the birth of the British of gold standard. In most other countries, silver and gold coins were circulating simultaneously at a ratio of 15.5 ounces of silver per ounce of gold. It was only when the US, after the Civil War, formally adopted a gold standard and the newly formed German Reich also shifted from a bimetallic to a gold standard that the increased demand for gold caused gold to appreciate relative to silver. To avoid the resulting inflation, countries with bimetallic systems based on a 15.5 to 1 silver/gold suspended the free coinage of silver and shifted to the gold standard further raising the silver/gold price ratio. Thus, the gold standard became an international not just a British system only in the 1870s, and it happened not by design or international consensus but by a series of piecemeal decisions by individual countries.
The important takeaway from this short digression into monetary history is that the relative currency values of the gold standard currencies were largely inherited from the historical definitions of the currency units of each country, not by deliberate policy decisions about what currency value to adopt in establishing the gold standard in any particular country. But when the gold standard collapsed in August 1914 at the start of World War I, the gold standard had to be recreated more or less from scratch after the War. The US, holding 40% of the world’s monetary gold reserves was in a position to determine the value of gold, so it could easily restore convertibility at the prewar gold price of $20.67 an ounce. For other countries, the choice of the value at which to restore gold convertibility was really a decision about the dollar exchange rate at which to peg their currencies.
Before the war, the dollar-pound exchange rate was $4.86 per pound. The postwar dollar-pound exchange rate was just barely close enough to the prewar rate to make restoring the convertibility of the pound at the prewar rate with the dollar seem doable. Many including Keynes argued that Britain would be better with an exchange rate in the neighborhood of $4.40 or less, but Winston Churchill, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was persuaded to restore convertibility at the prewar parity. That decision may or may not have been a good one, but I believe that its significance for the world economy at the time and subsequently has been overstated. After convertibility was restored at the prewar parity, chronically high postwar British unemployment increased only slightly in 1925-26 before declining modestly until with the onset of the Great Deflation and Great Depression in late 1929. The British economy would have gotten a boost if the prewar dollar-pound parity had not been restored (or if the Fed had accommodated the prewar parity by domestic monetary expansion), but the drag on the British economy after 1925 was a negligible factor compared to the other factors, primarily gold accumulation by the US and France, that triggered the Great Deflation in late 1929.
The cause of that deflation was largely centered in France (with a major assist from the Federal Reserve). Before the war the French franc was worth about 20 cents, but disastrous French postwar economic policies caused the franc to fall to just 2 cents in 1926 when Raymond Poincaré was called upon to lead a national-unity government to stabilize the situation. His success was remarkable, the franc rising to over 4 cents within a few months. However, despite earlier solemn pledges to restore the franc to its prewar value of 20 cents, he was persuaded to stabilize the franc at just 3.92 cents when convertibility into gold was reestablished in June 1928, undervaluing the franc against both the dollar and the pound.
Not only was the franc undervalued, but the Bank of France, which, under previous governments had been persuaded or compelled to supply francs to finance deficit spending, was prohibited by the new Monetary Law that restored convertibility at the fixed rate of 3.92 cents from increasing the quantity of francs except in exchange for gold or foreign-exchange convertible into gold. While protecting the independence of the Bank of France from government fiscal demands, the law also prevented the French money stock from increasing to accommodate increases in the French demand for money except by way of a current account surplus, or a capital inflow.
Meanwhile, the Bank of France began converting foreign-exchange reserves into gold. The resulting increase in French gold holdings led to gold appreciation. Under the gold standard, gold appreciation is manifested in price deflation affecting all gold-standard countries. That deflation was the direct and primary cause of the Great Depression, which led, over a period of five brutal years, to the failure and demise of the newly restored international gold standard.
These painful lessons were not widely or properly understood at the time, or for a long time afterward, but the clear takeaway from that experience was that trying to restore the gold standard again would be a dangerous undertaking. Another lesson that was intuited, if not fully understood, is that if a country pegs its exchange rate to gold or to another currency, it is safer to err on the side of undervaluation than overvaluation. So, when the task of recreating an international monetary system was undertaken at Bretton Woods in July 1944, the architects of the system tried to adapt it to the formal trappings of the gold standard while eliminating the deflationary biases and incentives that had doomed the interwar gold standard. To prevent increasing demand for gold from causing deflation, the obligation to convert cash into gold was limited to the United States and access to the US gold window was restricted to other central banks via the newly formed international monetary fund. Each country could, in consultation with the IMF, determine its exchange rate with the dollar.
Given the earlier experience, countries had an incentive to set exchange rates that undervalued their currencies relative to the dollar. Thus, for most of the 1950s and early 1960s, the US had to contend with a currency that was overvalued relative to the currencies of its principal trading partners, Germany and Italy (the two fastest growing economies in Europe) and Japan (later joined by South Korea and Taiwan) in Asia. In one sense, the overvaluation was beneficial to the US, because access to low-cost and increasingly high-quality imports was a form of repayment to the US of its foreign-aid assistance, and its ongoing defense protection against the threat of Communist expansionism , but the benefit came with the competitive disadvantage to US tradable-goods industries.
When West Germany took control of its economic policy from the US military in 1948, most price-and-wage controls were lifted and the new deutschmark was devalued by a third relative to the official value of the old reichsmark. A further devaluation of almost 25% followed a year later. Great Britain in 1949, perhaps influenced by the success of the German devaluation, devalued the pound by 30% from old parity of $4.03 to $2.80 in 1949. But unlike Germany, Britain, under the postwar Labour government, attempting to avoid postwar inflation, maintained wartime exchange controls and price controls. The underlying assumption at the time was that the Britain’s balance-of-payments deficit reflected an overvalued currency, so that devaluation would avoid repeating the mistake made two decades earlier when the dollar-pound parity had overvalued the pound.
That assumption, as Ralph Hawtrey had argued in lonely opposition to the devaluation, was misguided; the idea that the current account depends only, or even primarily, on the exchange rate abstracts from the monetary forces that affect the balance of payments and the current account. Worse, because British monetary policy was committed to the goal of maximizing short-term employment, the resulting excess supply of cash inevitably increased domestic spending, thereby attracting imports and diverting domestically produced products from export markets and preventing the devaluation from achieving the goal of improving the trade balance and promoting expansion of the tradable-goods sector.
Other countries, like Germany and Italy, combined currency undervaluation with monetary restraint, allowing only monetary expansion that was occasioned by current-account surpluses. This became the classic strategy, later called exchange-rate protection by Max Corden, of combining currency undervaluation with tight monetary policy. British attempts to use monetary policy to promote both (over)full employment subject to the balance-of-payments constraint imposed by an exchange rate pegged to the dollar proved unsustainable, while Germany, Italy, France (after De Gaulle came to power in 1958 and devalued the franc) found the combination of monetary restraint and currency undervaluation a successful economic strategy until the United States increased monetary expansion to counter chronic overvaluation of the dollar.
Because the dollar was the key currency of the world monetary system, and had committed itself to maintain the $35 an ounce price of gold, the US, unlike other countries whose currencies were pegged to the dollar, could not adjust the dollar exchange rate to reduce or alleviate the overvaluation of the dollar relative to the currencies of its trading partners. Mindful of its duties as supplier of the world’s reserve currency, US monetary authorities kept US inflation close to zero after the 1953 Korean War armistice.
However, that restrained monetary policy led to three recessions under the Eisenhower administration (1953-54, 1957-58, and 1960-61). The latter recessions led to disastrous Republican losses in the 1958 midterm elections and to Richard Nixon’s razor-thin loss in 1960 to John Kennedy, who had campaigned on a pledge to get the US economy moving again. The loss to Kennedy was a lesson that Nixon never forgot, and he was determined never to allow himself to lose another election merely because of scruples about US obligations as supplier of the world’s reserve currency.
Upon taking office, the Kennedy administration pressed for an easing of Fed policy to end the recession and to promote accelerated economic expansion. The result was a rapid recovery from the 1960-61 recession and the start of a nearly nine-year period of unbroken economic growth at perhaps the highest average growth rate in US history. While credit for the economic expansion is often given to the across-the-board tax cuts proposed by Kennedy in 1963 and enacted in 1964 under Lyndon Johnson, the expansion was already well under way by mid-1961, three years before the tax cuts became effective.
The international aim of monetary policy was to increase nominal domestic spending and to force US trading partners with undervalued currencies either to accept increased holdings of US liabilities or to revalue their exchange rates relative to the dollar to diminish their undervaluation relative to the dollar. Easier US monetary policy led to increasing complaints from Europeans, especially the Germans, that the US was exporting inflation and to charges that the US was taking advantage of the exorbitant privilege of its position as supplier of the world’s reserve currency.
The aggressive response of the Kennedy administration to undervaluation of most other currencies led to predictable pushback from France under de Gaulle who, like many other conservative and right-wing French politicians, was fixated on the gold standard and deeply resented Anglo-American monetary pre-eminence after World War I and American dominance after World War II. Like France under Poincaré, France under de Gaulle sought to increase its gold holdings as it accumulated dollar-denominated foreign exchange. But under Bretton Woods, French gold accumulation had little immediate economic effect other than to enhance the French and Gaullist pretensions to grandiosity.
Already in 1961 Robert Triffin predicted that the Bretton Woods system could not endure permanently because the growing world demand for liquidity could not be satisfied by the United States in a world with a relatively fixed gold stock and a stable or rising price level. The problem identified by Triffin was not unlike that raised by Gustav Cassel in the 1920s when he predicted that the world gold stock would likely not increase enough to prevent a worldwide deflation. This was a different problem from the one that actually caused the Great Depression, which was a substantial increase in gold demand associated with the restoration of the gold standard that triggered the deflationary collapse of late 1929. The long-term gold shortage feared by Cassel was a long-term problem distinct from the increase in gold demand caused by the restoration of the gold standard in the 1920s.
The problem Triffin identified was also a long-term consequence of the failure of the international gold stock to increase to provide the increased gold reserves that would be needed for the US to be able to credibly commit to maintaining the convertibility of the dollar into gold without relying on deflation to cause the needed increase in the real value of gold reserves.
Had it not been for the Vietnam War, Bretton Woods might have survived for several more years, but the rise of US inflation to over 4% in 1968-69, coupled with the 1969-70 recession in an unsuccessful attempt to reduce inflation, followed by a weak recovery in 1971, made it clear that the US would not undertake a deflationary policy to make the official $35 gold price credible. Although de Gaulle’s unexpected retirement in 1969 removed the fiercest opponent of US monetary domination, confidence that the US could maintain the official gold peg, when the London gold price was already 10% higher than the official price, caused other central banks to fear that they would be stuck with devalued dollar claims once the US raised the official gold price. Not only the French, but other central banks were already demanding redemption in gold of the dollar claims that they were holding.
An eleventh-hour policy reversal by the administration to save the official gold price was not in the cards, and everyone knew it. So all the handwringing about the abandonment of Bretton Woods on August 15, 1971 is either simple foolishness or gaslighting. The system was already broken, and it couldn’t be fixed at any price worth pondering for even half an instant. Nixon and his accomplices tried to sugarcoat their scrapping of the Bretton Woods System by pretending that they were announcing a plan that was the first step toward its reform and rejuvenation. But that pretense led to a so-called agreement with a new gold-price peg of $38 an ounce, which lasted hardly a year before it died not with a bang but a whimper.
What can we learn from this story? For me the real lesson is that the original international gold standard was, to borrow (via Hayek) a phrase from Adam Ferguson: “the [accidental] result of human action, not human design.” The gold standard, as it existed for those 40 years, was not an intuitively obvious or well understood mechanism working according to a clear blueprint; it was an improvised set of practices, partly legislated and partly customary, and partially nothing more than conventional, but not very profound, wisdom.
The original gold standard collapsed with the outbreak of World War I and the attempt to recreate it after World War I, based on imperfect understanding of how it had actually functioned, ended catastrophically with the Great Depression, a second collapse, and another, even more catastrophic, World War. The attempt to recreate a new monetary system –the Bretton Woods system — using a modified feature of the earlier gold standard as a kind of window dressing, was certainly not a real gold standard, and, perhaps, not even a pseudo-gold standard; those who profess to mourn its demise are either fooling themselves or trying to fool the rest of us.
We are now stuck with a fiat system that has evolved and been tinkered with over centuries. We have learned how to manage it, at least so far, to avoid catastrophe. With hard work and good luck, perhaps we will continue to learn how to manage it better than we have so far. But to seek to recreate a system that functioned fairly successfully for at most 40 years under conditions not even remotely likely ever again to be approximated, is hardly likely to lead to an outcome that will enhance human well-being. Even worse, if that system were recreated, the resulting outcome might be far worse than anything we have experienced in the last half century.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/265859406608
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en
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IMV01072 raymond poincare president political 1913 france
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Find many great new & used options and get the best deals for IMV01072 raymond poincare president political 1913 france at the best online prices at eBay! Free shipping for many products!
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en
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eBay
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https://www.ebay.com/itm/265859406608
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$0.50 shipping for each additional eligible item you buy from tausoare.US $3.00GermanyEconomy International ShippingEstimated between Fri, Aug 2 and Thu, Aug 15 to 60323
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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https://www.coeurdelorraine-tourisme.co.uk/en-coeur-de-lorraine/raymond-poincare
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en
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Office de Tourisme Coeur de Lorraine
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President of the French Republic. Raymond Poincaré was one of the great political figures of the Third Republic and one of the central figures of the First World War. Anchored in the Meuse region where he was born.
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/sites/ot-coeurdelorraine/themes/theme_base/favicon.ico
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https://www.coeurdelorraine-tourisme.co.uk/en-coeur-de-lorraine/raymond-poincare
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Born in Bar-le-Duc, Raymond Poincaré studied law and became a lawyer in Paris in 1880. Parallel to his professional career, he began a political career. In 1887, he was elected deputy in the department of Meuse, he was then the youngest of the hemicycle. In 1903, he was elected senator of the Meuse. From 1913 to 1920, he was Minister on several occasions, President of the Council of Ministers and then President of the French Republic. Raymond Poincaré was one of the great political figures of the Third Republic and one of the central figures of the First World War. Anchored in the Meusian territory where he was born, this illustrious figure willingly retired to his haven of peace: Le Clos, his residence in Sampigny. He and his wife Henriette will be at the origin of many works for the benefit of the Sampignolais people. In 1929, Raymond Poincaré retired from the political scene and died a few years later in 1934 in Paris. He is buried in Nubécourt in his native department and lies next to his wife.
To be discovered :
- The Raymond Poincaré Museum in Sampigny
- The tomb of President Raymond Poincaré
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FactBench
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https://parispropertygroup.com/properties/ave-raymond-poincare/
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en
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Ave Raymond Poincaré — Paris Property Group %
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2017-08-07T18:18:56+00:00
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Exceptional two bed, two bath 141 m2 reception apartment just steps from Trocadero and Place Victor Hugo. On the 2nd floor (with a lift) of a beautiful Haussmannian building, offering a large living room that opens onto an extensive balcony with open views. Two large, well appointed bedrooms enjoy beautiful views.
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Paris Property Group
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https://parispropertygroup.com/properties/ave-raymond-poincare/
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(1840- early-20th-century)
By 1853, the city had over 1 million people. Only one house in five had running water; of these, most only had plumbing on the ground floor. Napoleon III tapped Baron Haussmann to renovate Paris. The goal was to ease traffic by creating large boulevards and to promote hygiene by integrating a clean water and sewage system, as well as to house the burgeoning upper class. Featuring an intricate cut stone façade, the common layout in a Haussmannian style building is large apartments (200 to 300 m²) with multiple salons de reception, marble fireplaces, chevron parquet floors, high ceilings with elaborate crown moldings, and a grand stairwell with an elevator to the side rather than in the center. Found around the grand boulevards in the center of Paris and in the 8th, 10th, 14th, 15th,16th, 17th, 18th, 20th arrondissements.
This style of architecture is also found in these Arrondissements:
7|8|10|14|15|17|18|20
(1893-1917)
Art Nouveau was a brief fin-de-siecle architectural trend lasting approximately from 1893 to the beginning of World War I. Best known for the style is Hector Guimard. His curving “cigarette smoke” line had already made waves on buildings in the elegant 16th arrondissement, but his Art Nouveau was motivated by a social conscience, much like the Arts and Crafts Movement in Britain. Hired in 1896 to design the metro entrances, he leapt at the chance to design something beautiful for the masses. But when Guimard unveiled his brilliant Métro work in 1900 everyone hated it. The shiny green color was considered unpatriotic, too close to Prussian green, and the writhing insect-like metalwork was much too weird for the public. Time has defeated his critics however, and Guimard’s Art Nouveau Métro entrances have become one of the city’s trademarks.
This style of architecture is also found in these Arrondissements:
5|6|7|8|15|17|18
(1918-39)
At the end of World War I, Paris was exuberant—the world had just survived “the war to end all wars. High-speed ocean liners crisscrossed the Atlantic; Surrealism shocked the art world; radios poured out jazz music. The Modern Age had arrived. Trying to express this freedom and movement, architects responded to the jazzy rhythm with angular shapes reminiscent of the new cruise ships. World War II put an end to Art Deco’s optimism and the less-flamboyant lines of pure Modernism took over. Factories from this time have converted into residential use. Turning a loft into a livable space requires consulting an architect. In general, remodeling the interior of a loft will not require approval from building co-owners but any changes affecting the exterior of the building will need building co-owner and city approval.
This style of architecture is also found in these Arrondissements:
5|6|7|8|15|17|18
Through the Seventies
These years are often seen as a disaster for French architecture. Some terrible mistakes were made, in particular the destruction of Les Halles in central Paris. Building styles from the 1950’s had to meet a large demand for new housing quickly and affordably as almost no new housing in Paris had been created during the previous 20 years. To meet the demand over 2500 buildings were constructed during the decade but Paris did not have a coherent building plan in place so developers were left to their own whims as to the height and size of their buildings with little concern for the surrounding architecture. Developers often prioritised profit over architectural beauty but they provided the Parisian population with well-equipped, low-rent housing. At the same time this was the period of Le Corbusier and his influence can be seen in the luxury buildings of the period which often have large balconies, modern layouts, and lots of light. The majority of buildings from this period have a brick, stone or concrete façade, elevators, low ceilings, carpeting, and small rooms.
Contemporary, 1980 to Present
In the 1980s, President Mitterrand unveiled a new architectural concept to move Paris into the next millennium. His “grands travaux” brought both praise and horror as they evolved, but no one can deny that the final result is a renewed and diverse city. Mitterrand is responsible for commissioning the Grand Louvre’s new glass pyramid entrance (created by I.M. Pei), the move of the Ministry of Finance into a new building (designed by Paul Chemetov), the Grande Arche de la Defense (by Von Spreckelsen), the Cité de la Musique (by Pritzer-prize winner Christian de Portzamparc), the Institut du Monde Arabe (by Jean Nouvel), the Opera Bastille (by the less-accomplished Carlos Ott), and the new library (by Dominique Perrault), now named the Bibliotèque François-Mitterrand. Apartment buildings from this period offer large windows and storage space, but lack the architectural details of previous styles.
This style of architecture is also found in these Arrondissements:
10|11|12|13|14|15|17|18|19|20
|
||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 15
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/president-raymond-poincare.html
|
en
|
res stock photography and images
|
[
"https://s.alamy.com/logos/1.68.0/alamy.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/logos/1.68.0/alamy-black.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/logos/1.68.0/alamy-black.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/logos/1.68.0/alamy.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/mastercard.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/visa.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/amex.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/paypal.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/apple-pay.svg",
"https://s.alamy.com/assets/latest/footer/google-pay.svg"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Alamy Limited"
] | null |
Find the perfect president raymond poincare stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
|
en
|
Alamy
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/president-raymond-poincare.html
|
Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 25/07/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 17
|
https://www.historyforsale.com/prime-minister-raymond-poincare-france-autograph-11-1929/dc23900
|
en
|
HistoryForSale
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
| null | ||||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 42
|
https://time.com/archive/6862736/france-presidential-tears/
|
en
|
FRANCE: Presidential Tears
|
https://time.com/favicon.ico
|
https://time.com/favicon.ico
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"TIME"
] |
1932-12-12T05:00:00+00:00
|
Europeans think of grizzled Raymond Poincaré as the hardest of hard Frenchmen, the inflexible Wartime President, the cold-hearted fiscal genius who as Premier saved and stabilized the franc...
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
TIME
|
https://time.com/archive/6862736/france-presidential-tears/
|
Europeans think of grizzled Raymond Poincaré as the hardest of hard Frenchmen, the inflexible Wartime President, the cold-hearted fiscal genius who as Premier saved and stabilized the franc (TIME, Jan. 3, 1927 et seq.).
Last week Europe saw another Poincaré, an old man with tears in his eyes. Broken in health when he left public office, Lawyer Poincaré could not return to practice at the bar. Doctors’ fees and hospital bills sapped the small capital he had managed to save. For the past two years he has written magazine articles when not too sick to write. Last summer, by a ghastly oversight the Chamber of Deputies, which had intended to vote a pension to M. Poincaré, adjourned without passing the bill.
Last week bustling Premier Edouard Herriot called on the 72-year-old invalid, told him that he need not write for the rest of his life, that he will receive a pension of 200,000 francs ($8,000) per year.
“Hélas!” cried M. Poincaré, while tears gathered in his eyes, “I am now too poor to live without it.”
“You must think,” soothed Premier Herriot, patting the ex-President on the shoulder with a big, consoling paw, “You must think. Monsieur le Président, of nothing except how willingly the Chamber has voted you this aid! You must think of how glad the people of all France are to have you accept it!”
With their new wealth M. and Mme Poincaré will spend the winter in a tidy villa at the quiet end of the French Riviera in Hyères. There at leisure Monsieur le Président will complete his memoirs.*
*”Monsieur le Président” is the courtesy title of every Frenchman who has ever been: President of the Republic, President (i.e. Premier) of the Council of Ministers, President (Speaker) of the Senate or President (Speaker) of the Chamber.
|
||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 18
|
https://www.coworkingcafe.com/coworking-property/fr/grand-est/troyes/37-rue-raymond-poincare/
|
en
|
37 Rue Raymond Poincaré, Troyes, Grand Est Coworking Space
|
https://www.coworkingcafe.com/WhiteLabelSites/CoworkingCafe/Images/cw-favicon.ico
|
https://www.coworkingcafe.com/WhiteLabelSites/CoworkingCafe/Images/cw-favicon.ico
|
[
"https://cdn.coworkingcafe.com/WhiteLabelSites/CoworkingCafe/images/Workspaces/open-desk-coworking.png",
"https://cdn.coworkingcafe.com/ILSContent/Images/no_property_photo_sm.jpg?width=288",
"https://cdn.coworkingcafe.com/ILSContent/Images/no_property_photo_sm.jpg?width=288"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Yardi Systems"
] | null |
Like the amenities & availability at 37 Rue Raymond Poincaré? Book coworking space now at 37 Rue Raymond Poincaré, Troyes, GRAND EST 10000.
|
en
|
https://www.coworkingcafe.com/WhiteLabelSites/CoworkingCafe/Images/cw-favicon.ico
|
https://www.coworkingcafe.com/coworking-property/fr/grand-est/troyes/37-rue-raymond-poincare/
|
Yes, you can certainly take a tour of the space before signing up for a membership. In fact, it’s encouraged, to help you get a feel for what your workday will look like. to set up a time to come and see the space.
37 Rue Raymond Poincaré operates during regular business hours, as indicated above. For access outside of these hours, please contact the operator directly to inquire about any available options.
For spontaneous collaboration and interaction, open desks provide an open and flexible environment. If you prefer a dedicated space with shared community elements, dedicated desks offer a great balance between personal space and interaction.
On the other hand, private offices are best suited for focused work and private interactions. They're ideal for solo workers as well as teams seeking a dedicated space, shielded from distractions.
Choosing the ideal coworking arrangement for you is about aligning your workspace with your work style, team dynamics, and project requirements.
Coworking spaces typically have limited storage options, most of which are reserved for members with dedicated desks or private offices. With that said, it’s best to contact the coworking operator directly via the form on the right side of the page to learn about available storage options.
Whether you're a day pass holder or a monthly member, you can access most amenities. Meeting rooms do require prior scheduling, and private offices are reserved for those with subscriptions. However, the lounge, kitchen, and breakout spaces are open to all. Complimentary services are also available regardless of membership tier, while ancillary services can be purchased separately or negotiated with myWO.
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 2
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
"presidency"
] | null |
[] | null |
Raymond Poincaré, (1860-1934) was President of the French Republic from 1913 to 1920. He was the ninth President of the Third Republic.
|
en
|
elysee.fr
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
20 August 1860
Raymond, Nicolas, Landry Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc (Department of Meuse). After earning a degree in Law, he took the French attorney’s oath in 1880.
1 August 1886
He was elected Departmental Councillor of the Pierrefitte-sur-Aire district (Department of Meuse).
31 July 1887
He was elected Liberal Republican Deputy of Commercy (Department of Meuse) and re-elected in August 1893.
April-December 1893
He served as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
1894-1895
He served as Minister of Finance.
January-November 1895
He served again as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
22 February 1903
He was elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
17 August 1904
He married Henriette Benucci.
1906
He again served as Minister of Finance for several months.
18 March 1909
Raymond Poincaré was elected member of the Académie Française.
14 January 1912-20 January 1913
He was Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and established a Government of National Unity.
18 February 1913-18 February 1920
He was President of the Republic.
During the conflict, he suffered from the limits of his office, particularly after the Government of Clemenceau was formed.
23-29 June 1913
He made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
7-15 October 1913
He made an official visit to Spain.
13-23 July 1914
He made an official visit to Russia with the Prime Minister, René Viviani, to strengthen alliances two weeks after the Sarajevo assassination.
4 August 1914
Viviani read out to the Chambers Raymond Poincaré’s message which launched the expression “Sacred Union”: France “will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy.”
13 October 1916
Poincaré travelled to Verdun and awarded the Cross of the Legion of Honour to the martyr city.
20 January 1919
He received a visit from Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States.
21-24 July 1919
The President visited Belgium.
10-14 November 1919
The President made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
13 January 1920
He was re-elected Senator in violation of constitutional law since he was still President of the Republic.
January 1922-June 1924
Under the Presidency of Alexandre Millerand, he served as Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs again.
Poincaré gave French troops orders to occupy the Ruhr, to obtain from Germany the reparations of war that it refused to pay.
6 January 1924
He was re-elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
February-March 1924
He saved the French franc threatened by speculation.
June 1924
The victory of the Cartel des Gauches caused Poincaré and President Millerand to resign.
13 June 1924
Gaston Doumergue was elected President of the Republic.
July 1926-November 1928
He served as Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. After the downfall of the Cartel des Gauches, he formed a Government of National Unity and enacted a policy of financial recovery with which his name remains to be associated.
25 June 1928
The Parliament passed the Poincaré Act that established the legal value of the franc.
11 November 1928
He became Prime Minister.
27 July 1929
He resigned for health reasons.
7 October 1934
He was re-elected Meuse Departmental Councillor.
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 9
|
https://salford-repository.worktribe.com/output/1458684/raymond-poincare
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
[
"https://salford-repository.worktribe.com/img/logo_worktribe_black_704.png",
"https://salford-repository.worktribe.com/img/logos/SALFORD LOGO_White copy.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
| null |
Abstract
An individual’s mental map of the modern world is as conditioned by their state as by their own particular upbringing, social and educational background and personal circumstances. Raymond Poincaré was born at Bar-le-Duc in Lorraine in north-eastern France on 20 August 1860 and died in Paris on 16 October 1934. His political career ran from the 1880s to the 1930s in one of the most formative periods of modern French history coinciding with the bedding in and maturing of the Third Republic. For most of that period he held the principal offices of state repeatedly from foreign and finance minister (four times a minister) to prime minister (four times) and president of the republic and was out of government for only a few years. He played crucial roles in organising France’s foreign and defence posture in the two years prior to the First World War, as well as the final decision to engage France in that conflict, the organisation of the war effort, the subsequent peace settlement, the reparations question, French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 and the re-organisation of French finances and the stabilisation of the currency from 1926 to 1928. These were all critical exercises for France, Europe and, increasingly, the world. In all these actions Poincaré’s decision-making was informed by a mixture of overt and ‘unspoken assumptions’ about France’s geo-political position and interests that conditioned his freedom to choose.
This chapter analyses and evaluates Poincaré’s mental map through a series of narrowing concentric circles beginning with the conceptual underpinnings of how, during the Third Republic, the French perceived time, space and France, then how a Frenchman such as Poincaré would have perceived the world. This will take us to the empirical underpinnings of Poincaré’s world view and finally to how his mental map influenced his policy and decision-taking principally in relation to Germany.
|
|||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 8
|
https://www.loc.gov/item/2023637458/
|
en
|
Poincare, President of French Republic, during World War
|
http://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/pnp/stereo/1s50000/1s50000/1s50200/1s50293v.jpg
|
http://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/pnp/stereo/1s50000/1s50000/1s50200/1s50293v.jpg
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
1 photograph : print on card mount ; mount 9 x 18 cm (stereograph format)
|
en
|
The Library of Congress
|
https://www.loc.gov/item/2023637458/
|
The Library of Congress does not own rights to material in its collections. Therefore, it does not license or charge permission fees for use of such material and cannot grant or deny permission to publish or otherwise distribute the material.
Ultimately, it is the researcher's obligation to assess copyright or other use restrictions and obtain permission from third parties when necessary before publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in the Library's collections.
For information about reproducing, publishing, and citing material from this collection, as well as access to the original items, see: Stereographs - Rights and Restrictions Information
Rights Advisory: No known restrictions on publication.
Reproduction Number: LC-DIG-stereo-1s50293 (digital file from original)
Call Number: LOT 11527-2 [item] [P&P]
Access Advisory: ---
Obtaining Copies
If an image is displaying, you can download it yourself. (Some images display only as thumbnails outside the Library of Congress because of rights considerations, but you have access to larger size images on site.)
Alternatively, you can purchase copies of various types through Library of Congress Duplication Services.
If a digital image is displaying: The qualities of the digital image partially depend on whether it was made from the original or an intermediate such as a copy negative or transparency. If the Reproduction Number field above includes a reproduction number that starts with LC-DIG..., then there is a digital image that was made directly from the original and is of sufficient resolution for most publication purposes.
If there is information listed in the Reproduction Number field above: You can use the reproduction number to purchase a copy from Duplication Services. It will be made from the source listed in the parentheses after the number.
If only black-and-white ("b&w") sources are listed and you desire a copy showing color or tint (assuming the original has any), you can generally purchase a quality copy of the original in color by citing the Call Number listed above and including the catalog record ("About This Item") with your request.
If there is no information listed in the Reproduction Number field above: You can generally purchase a quality copy through Duplication Services. Cite the Call Number listed above and include the catalog record ("About This Item") with your request.
Price lists, contact information, and order forms are available on the Duplication Services Web site.
Access to Originals
Please use the following steps to determine whether you need to fill out a call slip in the Prints and Photographs Reading Room to view the original item(s). In some cases, a surrogate (substitute image) is available, often in the form of a digital image, a copy print, or microfilm.
Is the item digitized? (A thumbnail (small) image will be visible on the left.)
Yes, the item is digitized. Please use the digital image in preference to requesting the original. All images can be viewed at a large size when you are in any reading room at the Library of Congress. In some cases, only thumbnail (small) images are available when you are outside the Library of Congress because the item is rights restricted or has not been evaluated for rights restrictions.
As a preservation measure, we generally do not serve an original item when a digital image is available. If you have a compelling reason to see the original, consult with a reference librarian. (Sometimes, the original is simply too fragile to serve. For example, glass and film photographic negatives are particularly subject to damage. They are also easier to see online where they are presented as positive images.)
No, the item is not digitized. Please go to #2.
Do the Access Advisory or Call Number fields above indicate that a non-digital surrogate exists, such as microfilm or copy prints?
Yes, another surrogate exists. Reference staff can direct you to this surrogate.
No, another surrogate does not exist. Please go to #3.
If you do not see a thumbnail image or a reference to another surrogate, please fill out a call slip in the Prints and Photographs Reading Room. In many cases, the originals can be served in a few minutes. Other materials require appointments for later the same day or in the future. Reference staff can advise you in both how to fill out a call slip and when the item can be served.
|
|||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
1
| 57
|
http://www2.physics.umd.edu/~yskim/princeton/wilspoin.html
|
en
|
Wilson and Poincare
|
[
"http://www2.physics.umd.edu/~yskim/princeton/wilspoin.jpg"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
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Woodrow Wilson with Raymond Poincaré
Woodrow Wilson was the president of the United States from 1913 to 1921. During World War I, he drafted a formula for world peace based on the principle of self determination of nations. This principle induced Germany to surrender, because Germans thought they could preserve their sovereignty after the war.
However, when he went to the Versailles peace conference in 1919, Raymond Poincaré, the president of France, refused to accept Wilson's plan. He did not want to give up French colonies in Asia and Africa. Poincare in effect neutralized Wilson's plan for peace.
Photo courtesy of the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
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https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1914/01/raymond-poincare/645031/
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Raymond Poincaré
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"Ernest Dimnet"
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1914-01-01T05:00:00+00:00
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The Atlantic covers news, politics, culture, technology, health, and more, through its articles, podcasts, videos, and flagship magazine.
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en
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https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/favicon-3888b0e329526a975703e3059a02b92d.ico
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The Atlantic
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https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1914/01/raymond-poincare/645031/
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I
I TAKE it for granted that in America at least everybody knows more or less clearly that a French President exercises a more limited authority than an American President: I have read a very accurate article on these limitations and their historical causes in the North American Review. I also take it for granted that there is an almost universal consciousness abroad that, in spite of these constitutional restrictions, M. Poincaré’s significance is immeasurably superior not only to that of his two immediate predecessors, M. Loubet and M. Fallières, but even to that of any French President since Maréchal MacMahon, — elected at the critical period of 1873, when France hung uncertain between the monarchical and ihe republican régimes. The object of the present article is to explain how a ‘mere President’ happens to occupy such a very exceptional position.
Certainly M. Raymond Poincaré is a man of rare distinction. He is only fifty-three years old at the present moment, and he has managed in his rapid career to secure a reputation not only in politics but at the bar, — where his only rival is another wellknown politician, M. Millerand, — and he is a member of the French Academy. He was a deputy at the age of twenty-eight, a cabinet minister at thirty-two, and he refused to be Prime Minister at thirty-eight. Yet three or four years ago, say at the time when M. Briand occupied almost alone the political stage, the name of M. Poincare was not often heard outside the law-courts. He was Senator Poincaré, a man of great talent and integrity who gave to politics what little leisure his professional affairs left him; a man upon whom, his intimate friends said, one could count at a pinch, but more of a barrister than a statesman, and more a name than a positive influence. Undoubtedly, when Casimir-Périer was elected President in 1894, —to resign shortly after in despair at his impotency, — he was a much more conspicuous person than M. Poincare in 1910.
The prima facie conclusion therefore must be that the new President is a man who could rise to an occasion, but whom circumstances favored. What these circumstances were we shall presently say, and as we proceed to give an account of them, the reader will notice that it is not quite accurate to speak of M. Poincaré as a lucky man, or even as one whose legitimate ambition has been successful. Such a phrase does not suit the dramatic moment of the history of France which we now witness. It might be better simply to speak of M. Poincaré as a providential man.
II
It is pleasant to find that so many foreign writers refer to the changed conditions in France at present, but I wonder if they realize the extent of the transformation. If it were possible in this age of wireless telegraphy that a man should have left France ten years ago and returned there without hearing of it in the interval, he would be another Rip van Winkle, with even more subjects for astonishment. At the beginning of the twentieth century the French were in the full enjoyment of that capacity for living on mere abstractions of which they have given so many proofs since the days of the Encyclopedists; to-day, they have gone back to an earlier stage of their development, and they watch keenly the sober facts connected with their country’s welfare: realism has taken the place of vague theology.
Until about 1895 France, as well as Germany, lived in constant fear of a war. It is well known that the anxiety over a possible revanche poisoned the last days of that strongest of men, Bismarck; and it is no less certain that the memories of the war of 1870 were more oppressive to the French in 1895 than twenty years before, when their army was first reconstituted. In the last years of the nineteenth century, three events took place which went far to tranquilize France. These events were the Franco-Russian alliance, the revelation of the industrial expansion of Germany, and the apparent cessation of the long quarrel between Monarchists and Republicans, thanks to the interference of Pope Leo XIII on behalf of the republican régime. This truce and the ‘new spirit,’ as it was called, which was its result among Republicans, making them less anticlerical than they had been, gave something like a settled appearance to home politics, while the Russian amity and the consciousness that Germany was henceforward to be more attentive to her commercial than to her territorial expansion made the chances of a war more remote.
These new conditions might have been productive of admirable results if they had not coincided with the appearance of a new factor, helped by a man hitherto obscure, who was, however, promptly to become celebrated. I mean the diffusion of the Socialist doctrines among the workers, and their unexpected representation in Parliament by a small group with Jaurès at its head.
Jaurès took advantage of the contrast between the economic prosperity of the country and the situation of the laborers, and his eloquence, coupled with the apparent security in which the republican régime found itself, carried away the so-called advanced elements in the Chamber. These advanced elements might be classed in two sections which have not disappeared at the present day, namely: the Socialists proper, who believed in the materialist millennium, which they based on Karl Marx, and were ready to make havoc with the existing legislation to bring it about; and the Radicals, most of them men of ample means and influence, who for years deceived their humble constituents, and possibly themselves, with a conviction that they wanted a complete remodeling of social conditions. Until quite recently the Socialists, urged by their very matter-of-fact friends — and in reality leaders — the Syndicalists, put forward practical measures which the Radicals supported in Parliament, knowing they could never be enacted,—no less than eight income-tax bills, for instance, — but which they translated into the vague slang of Progress and repeated ad nauseam for the benefit of their unenlightened countrymen. The result was a sort of universal intoxication in which men went on prophesying — and honestly or innocently believing — that war was a thing of the barbaric past, universal fraternity the certainty of the morrow, and that the first thing to do was to efface the last traces of militarism and use the immediate resources obtained by the suppression of standing armies for social or benevolent purposes.
It is difficult to resist an almost universal conviction, and we must admit that very few were the clear-headed individuals who saw through this enormous trumpery. Very many, on the contrary, were those who were wrought up by it to a state of exaltation which the trivial and at the same time immense incident known as the Dreyfus Affair changed into actual frenzy.
It is useless to expatiate on the Dreyfus case. But the reader ought to be reminded that the spirit which developed during that nightmare, and is even to-day known as Dreyfusism, was much more general than its cause. Practically it was the most extraordinary perversion of a generous instinct in the interests of arrant antipatriotism, and its outcome was the anarchism which the peaceful vocabulary of everyday history calls the Combes government, but which was in reality the complete absence of government. During three years this wonderful Prime Minister, M. Combes, never took a step without ascertaining, through the chiefs of the various groups in the Chamber, that he was sure of a majority; and Ins movements were dictated to him by the man without whose concurrence he could not have gone on for a week, namely, M. Jaurès. As to the positive consequences, they are well known: they can be summed up as anti-clericalism bringing about religious persecution and confiscation, on the one hand, and on the other — which is more important in our present consideration — as anti-militarism. During those years, the Minister of War, General André, and the Minister of the Navy, M. Pelletan, — two men who did not believe in the possibility of a war, — were employed in diffusing their certainty, and, worse than that, in emptying the magazines and arsenals, in flattering the men under pretence of making them ‘conscious citizens,’ and in molesting the officers in every way, the best known of which is the notorious ‘relation’ system.
From this dream of universal peace and fraternity, France was rudely awakened. Toward the end of 1906, when the chorus announcing the near advent of the United States of Europe was the loudest, the Tangier incident occurred. While André and Pelletan were acting as if war had been done away with, their colleague at the Foreign Office, M. Delcassé, had acted as if war were a matter of course. After years of patient labor of which the successive cabinets — even premiers — had known only what they could gather from the newspapers, M. Delcasse had succeeded through various agreements (with England, Spain, Italy) in bringing about what was termed the splendid isolation of Germany, and he had just engineered the beginnings of the Moroccan campaign without any reference to Berlin when the appearance of the Kaiser’s yacht off Tangier completely reversed the situation. In a few hours it became clear that the visit of William II to the Sultan of Morocco meant war in awful earnest, if the Moroccan operations were not stopped at once, and what had been looked upon as a scarecrow for feeble intellects became the reality of the morrow.
It would be unpleasant for a French writer to recall what happened, were it not that the mistake of a few cannot be saddled on a whole nation. Within a week M. Delcassé had been unceremoniously thrown overboard, and M. Rouvier, the Prime Minister, had begun the three months’negotiations with the German Ambassador which were eventually to result in peace, while France looked on in the speechlessness of astonishment rather than of panic.
During those eventful months, the country re-learned a lesson which it is necessary to bear in mind to understand the position of M. Poincaré: it realized the importance of a man. Since 1879 no individual could have been pointed out as the representative of France — the Chamber was that, and saw that nobody else should be; now, all eyes were fixed upon M. Rouvier. Rouvier was a politician and a financier whose past in both qualifications was doubtful. But in the emergency he was brave to heroism, and whenever he had to speak to the Chamber of what was going on, his words had a ring which nobody coukl mistake: it meant that the danger of France had been terrible, and could only be averted in the future, not by a change of policy but by something more akin to a conversion. It was Rouvier who reawakened in the French consciousness the very elemental instinct of self-preservation which it had well-nigh forgotten.
After Rouvier came Clemenceau, another man with a past, but capable of rising to the present; an undisciplined mind but fond of breaking others to obedience; a living paradox, denying duty and yet never shrinking from responsibilities, — a puzzling though complete representative of the lawlessness coupled with generosity of the nineteenth century. Clemenceau was the first French leader who had the joy to withstand Germany — at the time of the Casablanca affair. The arsenals had been replenished after more than a year of feverish activity, and with this background, outspokenness ceased to be folly. Clemenceau, strange to say, was also the first to curb the disorderly spirit which he had so often encouraged among the lower classes. His method in the repression of strikes with dangerous complications was of Napoleonic directness, and no one would have suspected that, so short a time before, pure Syndicalism had seemed to be the government of the future. There was, however, one exception which was of considerable importance, namely, the postal strike.
For more than a week the government was checkmated by the quiet insubordination of the postal clerks, and it was only through a ruse that Clemenceau managed to bring that comic and at the same time tragic situation to an end. This time the country at large was not so conscious of its dependence on one man, but Parliament was. Whoever talked over the difficulty with deputies at the time, must remember their discomfited air, as, day after day, they proposed ineffectual solutions. The quiet abdication of the Chamber from the rights which they had usurped under President Grévy, and had strengthened by twenty-five years of unchallenged possession, dates from that week.
The success of M. Briand as Prime Minister during the year that followed was mostly due to his evident desire to prevent such anarchy in the future; but as he did so, the necessity of hierarchical rights and duties was, so to speak, in t he air, and dispelled the most dangerous sophism on which the Radicals as well as the Socialists had lived. Here, as after the Tangier incident, it was one simple fact that taught the country the no less simple but all important lesson: to beware of such dangerous formulas as the identification of the Republic with unrestrained individual freedom.
In the summer of 1911, Germany, for the second time, did France the good turn to administer to her a strong tonic in the shape of another bullying action. The Agadir demonstration was exactly a replica of the Tangier affair, but circumstances had changed and the effect produced was very different. The French were sufficiently recovered from their former bewilderment to be wide awake and self-controlled, and they had considered the chances of a war long enough to regard it as a possibility, nay, a necessity.
The present writer remembers one of those vivid impressions which differentiate history lived from history read. He was at the moment of the Agadir surprise in an industrial town in the North of France which had been, and on the face of the matter still is, honeycombed with Syndicalism. The tone of the workmen in that particular centre as well as in practically every other, was startling. There was no more question of Socialism or Ideologism in any form: the only feeling discernible was wounded pride, and the simple patriotism of past generations; as to the impulse, it was decidedly military, and the formula which expressed it was as elemental as could be imagined: il faut toper dedans. I doubt whether at any period of her history France was more conscious of the soldierly spirit without which she never appears quite herself.
After Agadir, as after Tangier, negotiations averted a war, and the outcome was the Franco-Prussian agreement which made over a rich French colony, the Congo, to Germany, in exchange for a mere permission to have henceforward carte blanche in Morocco.
These negotiations had been conducted on the French side by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. de Selves, and by the Prime Minister, M. Caillaux. Subsequent revelations made it clear that M. de Selves, who was brave, and on several occasions was the true mouthpiece of the country, was nevertheless unprepared for his task and showed extraordinary gaps in his information, while M. Caillaux, who is the ablest financier in the Republic and a man of unequaled facility, gave proofs of singular unscrupulousness, negotiating over the heads of both the Foreign Minister and President Fallières, and finally reappearing before the nation with worse results than M. Rouvier had obtained under far less favorable circumstances.
The public in democracies is generally slow to realize the work of diplomacy, and it took France several months to make up her mind that her representative had been timid while she was for fighting, and that the consequence had been to give her an unpleasantly gullible appearance. This, however, was enough to do away with the old Republican fallacy of indifference to what passes beyond the frontiers, and to bring into strong light the crudeness of the principle of non-interference. A slow but complete evolution of the national mind caused even the man in the street to realize that shutting one’s self up at home to ponder over social progress and social philosophies is no terrestrial attitude, and that the Biblical maxim identifying man’s life here below with unceasing warfare is, after all, also a political maxim.
Since then, the Balkan experiences have only strengthened the impression. At the present moment no European nation is indifferent to what used to be termed ‘mere politics,’ and was skipped in schoolbooks as belonging to that superannuated chapter of history, ‘battles and treaties.’ Nowhere has the lesson been taken so much to heart as in France; at all events, nowhere has the tone of the tribune and the press changed so completely in the short space of seven years. I could quote a passage from an address of M. Steeg— since then twice a member of the ministry— so full of vague millennial optimism clad in cheap claptrap that it cannot be read without amusement , and place beside it certain more recent passages from the same politician, and even from Socialist orators, perfectly indiscernible from Nationalist utterances.
To sum up this exposé, without which the position of M. Poincaré would be unintelligible, we may therefore say that, in the last seven years, a real revolution has transformed French mentality, creating a deep distrust of the pacifist and anti-militarist ideas which used to be regarded as essentially Republican notions, compelling governments to accept responsibilities, and as Nietzsche says, ‘to learn how to live dangerously,’ and finally depriving the Chamber of its usurped privilege of centralizing the executive as well as the legislative power.
Is there an immediately visible connection between this new state of mind and the peculiar situation of M. Poincaré? Evidently no, for the New France, as she may well be called, has sprung into existence during the seven years which exactly coincided with M. Fallières’s presidency, and M. Fallières will appear in history as the typical King Log, not only resigned, but convinced and satisfied. So that there must be both in M. Poincaré’s character and in his previous position special features to which the new presidency owes its unexpected importance. We need only look eighteen or twenty months back to discover these features.
III
The chief difference between M. Poincaré and his predecessors lies in the fact that at the time of the presidential election his name had a distinct significance. Instead of being an obscure outsider like Felix Faure, or a man more distinguished for his character than his mental power, like Carnot, or above all, like M. Loubet and M. Fallières, a President of the Senate in the enjoyment of the most magnificent sinecure in the French Republic, he was a Prime Minister with a programme and difficulties, with warm friends and irreconcilable enemies. And being a Prime Minister meant more with him than it had meant since Gambetta’s days. He had been urgently entreated to take office at the time of M. Caillaux’s retirement, when the country seemed to be in exceptional difficulties; the best patriots in the Chamber and Senate had sought him in his political isolation and asked him to take the lead in the most remarkable Cabinet since 1881, with such men as Briand, Leon Bourgeois and Millerand as collaborators. He had been eminently the representative of France at the time when France had become anxious about her representatives.
His programme was clear and honest, but by no means likely to secure him universal approbation. It was summed up in a decidedly patriotic, that is to say, militarist attitude — emphasized by the choice of M. Millerand as Minister of War — and in a measure of parliamentary reform known as Proportional Representation. To the military effort the Socialists were of course resolutely opposed; to the Proportional Representation there was a much wider opposition, about which it is necessary to say a few words.
At the time of the postal strike, M. Briand, then Minister of the Interior, had been struck by the difficulties he found in removing or punishing some of the offending officials. Most of them had been appointed through the interest of some deputy who at present backed them, more or less overtly, against lire regular authorities. Here appeared the connection between the electioneering system and some of the quiet corruption going on in France. The deputies were elected, thanks to a handful of local leaders, — let it be remembered that France as a country is utterly indifferent to minor politics, — and these leaders in their turn were rewarded by appointments given to their relations, friends, or clients. There was only one remedy to that state of affairs: it was the suppression of what M. Briand called ‘les mares stagnantes,’ stagnant pools, by the substitution of a wider for the local electioneering systems. Given an election including much larger areas, it was evident that, the petty influences would lose their force, and at the same time that the candidates would be compelled to appeal to higher and broader interests. This the country seemed to realize, as half the deputies returned in 1910 felt constrained to promise Proportional Representation for the election of 1916; but to this the Radicals strongly objected.
I have pointed out above how the Radicals pretended to hold Socialist principles whenever they thought them popular and yet unlikely to result in definite measures from which their purse might suffer. They would probably have taken up the patriotic strains now in vogue if Proportional Representation had not been one of them. Their whole raison d’être having been selfish interest, and their sole method political jockeying, they felt, at once that the new system would turn against them, and easy calculations — which they more than once brought cynically to the tribune — soon convinced them that their misgivings were not unfounded. Now, the Radicals, although not in the majority in the Chamber, form the most numerous group there, and they have a majority of the Senate. The consequence was that when M. Poincaré promoted patriotic measures, he was more or less hypocritically followed, but whenever Proportional Representation was in question, he had to threaten the Chamber with his resignation to muster a sufficient majority. While this was evidently agreeable to the country, it created a sore feeling among the mere politicians in Parliament, and lobby intrigues were not lacking. Some months before the presidential election took place, the Radicals had openly chosen M. Caillaux as their chief, and they watched an opportunity to pit him against M. Poincaré. It was in this atmosphere that the very short campaign which precedes a French presidential election began,— five or six weeks before the appointed date, January 17.
The presidential election is made in Congress, that is to say, in a plenary assembly of the Chamber and Senate in the old Versailles palace. Legally it ought to be left entirely to their choice, but the custom has gradually been established among the Radical groups in both houses of designating a candidate a few days before the election, and this candidate continues to be called the Republican candidate, as if there really were a monarchist candidate against him. On several occasions the Republican candidate has been known to be replaced by another at the last minute, and it was in this way that Felix Faure was elected on a suggestion of Clemenceau, though his name had never been mentioned before. Needless to say, then, that a French presidential election is completely different from that of an American President, and that it is practically given up to Parliamentary arrangements or intrigues, while throughout the country the feeling is one of curiosity rather than interest.
This year the conditions were different. In the last weeks of 1912 the reinstatement by M. Millerand of a territorial officer who became well known during the Dreyfus agitation, M. du Paty de Clam, gave the Radicals a handle against M. Poincaré. His friend Millerand had been looked upon as his right arm, and was in fact the living incarnation of his patriotic ideas as well as the idol of the army. Getting rid of such a minister of war was at the same time dealing a hard blow to the Prime Minister. The Radicals did not take into consideration for one moment that M. Millerand was the embodiment of French defense in the most critical period of the Balkan War. They decided on his ejection, and, to the universal amazement, they found an instrument in the Cabinet itself. The Minister of Agriculture, M. Pams, declared himself in the Chamber against his colleague, and M. Millerand was constrained to offer his resignation. M. Pams was one of the Radicals whom political necessities had made it inevitable that M. Poincaré should take into the Cabinet. He had been known for several years as a rich business man from a Southern département, with a great deal of mild ambition, no particular intelligence, and no particular principles, a belief in hospitality and a persuasive cook, — the accomplished type of the good-natured politician whose conception of politics does not go further than give and take according to an easy formula.
This placid, kind, ordinary man did the incredible thing we have just mentioned, and publicly divided his cause, apparent ly from that of Millerand, but, to all intents and purposes, from that of Poincaré. Only a strong incentive could have inspired such a weak man to a step of this character. What the incentive was soon appeared when M. Pams was designated as the Republican candidate by the Radical caucus.
It would be superfluous to narrate how, after the refusal of M. Leon Bourgeois, M. Poincare was prevailed upon, or made up his mind, to fight the Southron. When his intention was known there was a furious outcry in the Radical camp: Poincaré ignored the Republican discipline, — as the phrase goes, — and his audacity was extreme. Deputation after deputation went to him to remonstrate on the enormity of his conduct, and the Radical forces indulged for almost a fortnight in very violent language against him.
However this agitation was merely political, and consequently superficial. It soon appeared clearly that it would not infect the country, and that the reverse was much more probable. For the first time since the institution of the Presidency the man in the street saw clearly the ins and outs of an election and took proportionate interest in it. In ordinary times M. Pams would have been a likely enough candidate, provided the Presidency was what President Grévy said it was, — ‘ an honorable retirement for an old servant of the country.’ At the critical moment in which France found herself, this candidacy was tragi-comic. Just at the time when the country needed a man the Radicals offered it a Pams. Was it not a thousand times a blessing that Providence should offer it a Poincaré ?
The reader must now see the significance of Poincaré’s election: it was a national victory against a crew of mere politicians represented to unhoped-for perfection by an ambitious nonentity. The programme of Poincaré was defense of the country through necessary sacrifices of men and money, along with an indispensable reform of political manners; the programme of Pams was only a vague promise of an improved state of affairs with no more definite indication of ways and means than the league of greeds and ambitions known as Republican Concentration, glorified in the jejune language of which the country, after thirty years, has become heartily sick, but which Radical eloquence will use as if it were everlastingly fresh.
It also must appear evident that the words ‘new presidency’ applied to the incumbency of M. Poincaré mean more than the accession of a new man to an old office. Circumstances and the character of M. Poincaré have suddenly lifted up the position of the French President from the insignificance to which it had fallen, especially under MM. Loubet and Fallières, and the contrast is so strong that it suggests the idea of a constitutional change, which of course it is not in the least.
IV
The question now arises: what will M. Poincare do? What is his role likely to be in European politics? what is right, and what is exaggerated, in what has been said in various quarters of his Russophil tendencies, of the influence which Russia is supposed to have had with him in originating t he Three-YearService law? and so forth.
These questions can be answered not by prophesying, but by explaining.
First of all, it is obvious that there will be a state of more or less open warfare between the President and the Radicals in the Chamber, and especially in the Senate — where, as I said above, they are in the majority — until new elections bring in a better class of politicians. This war began on the morrow of the election, and the first event was the defeat by the Senate of M. Briand’s government, on that very measure— Proportional Representation — which was an essential item in M. Poincaré’s programme. In beating Briand, the Radicals in the Senate did nothing else than wreak their vengeance on the President.
Since then, M. Barthou has been Prime Minister, and has given proofs of exceptional and one might say of unexpected decision in the defense of the Three-Year law which has occupied the Chamber’s attention since the month of March. In the long debates over this momentous question the Radicals and Socialists have vainly watched their opportunity to hit the President once more through a premier whose tone and intentions make him his evident representative. It is difficult at present for mere political passion to use as a snare a question which the nation follows, and we can easily foresee the future. The Radicals will stand in the way of any government trying to support Proportional Representation or political reforms akin to it, in hope of discouraging the President, but they will not dare go against them when military or international measures are in question.
Who will be ultimately defeated in this contest between the legislative and the executive powers? Is it possible for a President either to fight the Parliament or even to withstand its antagonism? President Casimir-Périer, who found himself in 1895 in a position somewhat similar to that of Poincaré, did not think so, and resigned after six months of what he later on described as everyday torture. But. many jurists have since expressed their opinion that M. Casimir-Périer had not even begun to use the rights which the Constitution gave him.
The year after that President’s resignation a very young but already distinguished deputy, addressing his constituents at Commercy, did not take sides as between Casimir-Périer and Parliament, but said in very forcible language that the rôle which the Chamber was constantly assuming was anticonstitutional. This young deputy was M. Poincaré.
Will the President make use of the restrictions which the Constitution places at his disposal? He may, for instance, prorogue the Chambers twice in the course of a session, and he need keep them in session only five months in twelve. The mere exercise of this right would give him and a congenial Cabinet perfect freedom from parliamentary control during the greater part of the year. It is not likely that he will adopt this policy, to which his enemies would easily give the appearance of a coup d’état. The probabilit ies are that he will pretend to ignore the schemes and intrigues of the Radicals, and will good-humoredly replace government after government as it falls, counting on the powerful influence of the new public spirit to force a patriotic attitude on Parliament, and counting on popular common sense to see through the manœuvres of politicians. The brisk buoyant manner in which he has until now accomplished the official part of his task, appearing everywhere, speaking everywhere, displaying more activity in his first six months than M. Fallières in his whole seven years, appears to me as revealing both a mood and a resolution. The mood is evident happiness in feeling himself in communion with France, and the resolution is to let France find out more and more for herself how remote she is from the petty Radical disposition. On the other hand, the transformation of At. Barthou from a clever politician into a real head of government shows the continuous presence of a stronger will, which is no other than that of the President embodying that of the country. So that this at least is certain, that AI. Poincare will fight the battles of France against inferior Frenchmen at home, and will, in all likelihood, fight them successfully.
Of his foreign and European policies one can speak only in the most general terms. An impression seems to have prevailed abroad, thanks to ill-informed comments on the Three-YearService law, that M. Poincaré might be a warlike and somewhat adventurous President, with a Lorrainer’s background and the memories of 1870 still fresh in him to encourage him in that attitude. Such an impression is one which only false presentments and insufficient knowledge of the European atmosphere at t he present moment can create. All Europe is in arms, and it would be treason for a French president to adopt Jaurès’s language in favor of disarmament. As to the ThreeYear-Service law, those persons who have even cursorily followed the debates of the Chamber on the question can have no doubt that it is a mere defensive measure, securing six hundred thousand men—instead of four — against the eight hundred thousand of Germany.
The so-called Russophil tendency of the President is of exactly the same order, How could a French President be otherwise than Russophil, whatever his personal sympathies may be, when the Russian alliance is the only French alliance, and during the sixteen years of its duration has never once appeared to be other than merely defensive? M. Barthou formally denied in the Chamber that Russia had anything to do with the extension of the military service, but the briefest examination of the pros and cons of the measure would be enough to demonstrate it. The international interests of France at the present moment are too apparent to admit of two policies, and the policy of M. Poincaré as President cannot be different from his policy as Foreign Minister, which was approved by everybody outside a blindly antagonistic party.
The conclusion of this article need not be long: no situation was ever clearer than that of the new French President, and the reader surely realizes that it is more the situation of the country than that of the man. With all his talent and popularity, with his capacity for work, his clear-sightedness and self-command, M. Poincaré would not be the President he is if his past had not enabled him to be in an emergency simply a patriot instead of a politician. As it is, his own personal interests are fused with those of the nation, and indiscernible from them. This may be called rare luck, but it ought also to be called rare civic virtue. Certain it is that M. Poincaré appears as an excellent representative of France when she is passing from the anarchy of dreams to the self-possession of definite ideals, and nobody can name the man who would hold his position as well.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
0
| 76
|
https://www.marsandco.com/contact-us/
|
en
|
Mars & Co offices
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2015-06-15T18:51:44+00:00
|
Mars & Co offices
|
en
|
Mars & Co
|
https://www.marsandco.com/contact-us/
| ||||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 80
|
https://www.lib.uidaho.edu/digital/etd/items/papworth_idaho_0089n_10625.html
|
en
|
The Rhineland Republic: An Economic Battlefield Between France and Germany
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2015-07-22T00:00:00
|
Item from Theses and Dissertations Collection: masters, M.A., History -- University of Idaho - College of Graduate Studies, 2015
|
en
|
https://www.lib.uidaho.edu/favicon.ico
|
Theses and Dissertations Collection
|
https://www.lib.uidaho.edu/digital/etd/items/papworth_idaho_0089n_10625.html
|
The Rhineland Republic was a short-lived attempt to separate from Germany. The movement was created out of frustration with economic and political circumstances that resulted from World War I. What started as a local movement to start a new state, evolved into an economic battle between France and the newly established German government. The separatists depended wholly on the French government for military and financial support. France supported the separatists in order to secure material resources out of the Rhineland to cover the reparations costs that Germany refused to pay. The real battle of separatism was fought between Gustav Stresemann, the German Chancellor and Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Raymond Poincaré, the French premier. Both of these men fought for Germany's future: Stresemann to strengthen it, and Poincaré to curtail it.
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
2
| 38
|
https://www.flickr.com/photos/meteorry/37181966640
|
en
|
Boulevard Raymond Poincaré - Saint-Raphaël (France)
|
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[
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"meteorry"
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[
"Perry Tak"
] |
2024-07-25T23:11:57.697000+00:00
|
<b>Boulevard Raymond Poincaré</b> 11/06/2017 14h47
Driving through Saint-Raphaël. I was here 3 days ago as well during my stay at Les Arcs sur Argens.
<u>Saint-Raphaël</u>
Saint-Raphaël is a commune in the Var department in the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region. Immediately to the west of Saint-Raphaël lies another, older, town called Fréjus, and together they form an urban agglomeration known as Fréjus Saint-Raphaël. The Var lies in the region called Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur, often abbreviated to PACA.
Situated almost entirely on the Esterel Massif, the commune sits on soil of red porphyr, which makes for very picturesque scenes along the coast where the soil and rocks are exposed on cliff faces and rocky shores. Three important and spectacular rocks dominate the seascape: Cap Roux at 360 m, Saint-Pilon at 295 m, and the Rock of Saint-Barthélemy.
[ Source and more Info: <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Rapha%c3%abl,_Var" rel="noreferrer nofollow">Wikipedia - Saint-Raphaël</a> ]
<u>Roadtrip Day [4] 11/06/2017</u>
Today was on the planning the relocation from Nice to Cavalière near Le Lavandou. I have planned to drive 150 kilometers via several space invaders part of the <i>Invasion of the Côte d'Azur</i>. I found in total 5 space invaders, one not found and another 2 were deleted.
I left Nice at 8h46 on this Sunday morning and arrived at Hôtel Azur in Cavalière at 18h00 after driving 176.6 km (planned was 150 km but I have done some extra driving due to in vain searching for CAZ_26 South of Saint-Tropez. In total I have photovisited 3 McDonald’s restaurants as well this day.
The highest temperature I experienced this day was 33° C near Gassin.
After my installation in the hotel I went to Le Lavandou for dinner and 2 space invaders. The day total was 189.9 km.
Route: Nice – Antibes – Antibes Plage des Ondes – Cannes – Miramar – Corniche d’Estérel | Cap Roux – Frejus – Gassin – Col du Canadel – Cavalière – Le Lavandou – Cavalière (Hôtel Azur)
|
en
|
https://combo.staticflickr.com/pw/favicon.ico
|
Flickr
|
https://www.flickr.com/photos/meteorry/37181966640
|
Boulevard Raymond Poincaré 11/06/2017 14h47
Driving through Saint-Raphaël. I was here 3 days ago as well during my stay at Les Arcs sur Argens.
Saint-Raphaël
Saint-Raphaël is a commune in the Var department in the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region. Immediately to the west of Saint-Raphaël lies another, older, town called Fréjus, and together they form an urban agglomeration known as Fréjus Saint-Raphaël. The Var lies in the region called Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur, often abbreviated to PACA.
Situated almost entirely on the Esterel Massif, the commune sits on soil of red porphyr, which makes for very picturesque scenes along the coast where the soil and rocks are exposed on cliff faces and rocky shores. Three important and spectacular rocks dominate the seascape: Cap Roux at 360 m, Saint-Pilon at 295 m, and the Rock of Saint-Barthélemy.
[ Source and more Info: Wikipedia - Saint-Raphaël ]
Roadtrip Day [4] 11/06/2017
Today was on the planning the relocation from Nice to Cavalière near Le Lavandou. I have planned to drive 150 kilometers via several space invaders part of the Invasion of the Côte d'Azur. I found in total 5 space invaders, one not found and another 2 were deleted.
I left Nice at 8h46 on this Sunday morning and arrived at Hôtel Azur in Cavalière at 18h00 after driving 176.6 km (planned was 150 km but I have done some extra driving due to in vain searching for CAZ_26 South of Saint-Tropez. In total I have photovisited 3 McDonald’s restaurants as well this day.
The highest temperature I experienced this day was 33° C near Gassin.
After my installation in the hotel I went to Le Lavandou for dinner and 2 space invaders. The day total was 189.9 km.
Route: Nice – Antibes – Antibes Plage des Ondes – Cannes – Miramar – Corniche d’Estérel | Cap Roux – Frejus – Gassin – Col du Canadel – Cavalière – Le Lavandou – Cavalière (Hôtel Azur)
|
||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 74
|
https://www.casolvillasfrance.com/villa-rentals/paris/16th-arrondissement/apartment.html
|
en
|
Le Poincaré, Paris luxury Apartment for Rent, 16th
|
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[] |
[
"paris",
"luxury",
"16th arrondissement",
"paris apartment for rent"
] | null |
[] | null |
Vacations in Paris? Rent now your luxury apartment in the chic 16th arrondissement with Casol Villas France! Welcoming up to 10 guests, with it's 3,767 sq.ft, 5 bedrooms, 5 bathrooms, grand salon, dining room and office near La Place du Trocadero, the French restaurants, boutiques on Avenue Montaigne and famous art museums, your apartment offers you one of the best locations in Paris.
|
en
|
https://www.casolvillasfrance.com/favicon.ico
| null |
Le Poincaré
Paris, 16e, France
10 Guests, 5 Bedrooms, 5 Bathrooms, Grand Salon, City Views
From â¬35,000 / week
Your Apartment
Vacations in Paris? Rent now your luxury apartment in the chic 16th arrondissement with Casol Villas France! Welcoming up to 10 guests, with it's 3,767 sq.ft, 5 bedrooms, 5 bathrooms, grand salon, dining room and office near La Place du Trocadero, the French restaurants, boutiques on Avenue Montaigne and famous art museums, your apartment offers you one of the best locations in Paris!
Perfectly located for you to explore by foot your new quartier, it lies on l'Avenue Raymond Poincaré, a charming street that links the Trocadero with Place Victor Hugo.
Be free and feel the grandiose power in your large spaces that combine 19th century Hausmannien architecture with today's comfort approach, creating the most modern of living spaces.
Eat in your central kitchen with ceilings that offer high-spec audio, lighting and air-conditioning systems. With Italian antique furniture and contemporary art to grace the soaring walls, together with a connected guest studio with private entrance, this is a property which brings the modern and the classic into perfect harmony, for you to live legendary moments with your family or friends in Paris!
Bedrooms & Bathrooms
Bedroom 1
King size bed, En-suite bathroom, Dressing area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 2
Queen size bed, En-suite bathroom, Office area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 3
King size bed, En-suite bathroom, Sitting area, Fireplace, Television, City views.
Bedroom 4
Double size bed, En-suite bathroom, Office area, Television, City Views.
Bedroom 5
Guest studio: Queen size bed, En-suite bathroom, Television, Private entrance, kitchenette, City Views.
Features
Fully equipped apartment of 3,767 sq.ft (350 m2)
Located on the 2nd floor
Accessible by elevator
5 bedrooms, 5 ensuite bathrooms
Luxury toiletries in all the bathrooms
One maid room (approximately 12 m²) located on 6th floor in stall building with kitchenette and shower
Fully fitted luxury kitchen with Bulthaup appliances and breakfast area
2 salons
Dining room
Office
Utility room
Reverse-cycle air conditioning and heating throughout
Audio Visual System
Wifi
fireplace
Fully equipped professional laundry
Security system
3 sets of front door keys
3 of back studio door
2 secured garages located on 60 Avenue R. Poincaré
Staff & Services
Welcome service
Cleaning 4 hours per day Monday to Friday
Linen change once a week and change of towels as required
Secured entrance
Video surveillance and guardian on building entrance
Concierge
Assistance and thank you at apartment on departure
Casol travel services since 1985
Apartment Policies
Maximum 10 guests (8 adults + 2 children or 9 adults), children welcome.
Location
Place Trocadero: 2 min drive
L'Arc de Triomphe: 5 minutes drive
Eiffel Tower: 5 minutes drive
Avenue Montaigne: 10 min drive
Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré: 15 min drive
Louvre: 11 min drive
Centre Pompidou: 18 min drive
Charles de Gaulle Airport: 30 minutes drive
Rates / Week
From â¬35,000
|
|||||
correct_leader_00105
|
FactBench
|
3
| 1
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
en
|
Raymond Poincaré
|
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[] |
[
"presidency"
] | null |
[] | null |
Raymond Poincaré, (1860-1934) was President of the French Republic from 1913 to 1920. He was the ninth President of the Third Republic.
|
en
|
elysee.fr
|
https://www.elysee.fr/en/raymond-poincare
|
20 August 1860
Raymond, Nicolas, Landry Poincaré was born in Bar-le-Duc (Department of Meuse). After earning a degree in Law, he took the French attorney’s oath in 1880.
1 August 1886
He was elected Departmental Councillor of the Pierrefitte-sur-Aire district (Department of Meuse).
31 July 1887
He was elected Liberal Republican Deputy of Commercy (Department of Meuse) and re-elected in August 1893.
April-December 1893
He served as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
1894-1895
He served as Minister of Finance.
January-November 1895
He served again as Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts and Religions.
22 February 1903
He was elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
17 August 1904
He married Henriette Benucci.
1906
He again served as Minister of Finance for several months.
18 March 1909
Raymond Poincaré was elected member of the Académie Française.
14 January 1912-20 January 1913
He was Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and established a Government of National Unity.
18 February 1913-18 February 1920
He was President of the Republic.
During the conflict, he suffered from the limits of his office, particularly after the Government of Clemenceau was formed.
23-29 June 1913
He made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
7-15 October 1913
He made an official visit to Spain.
13-23 July 1914
He made an official visit to Russia with the Prime Minister, René Viviani, to strengthen alliances two weeks after the Sarajevo assassination.
4 August 1914
Viviani read out to the Chambers Raymond Poincaré’s message which launched the expression “Sacred Union”: France “will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy.”
13 October 1916
Poincaré travelled to Verdun and awarded the Cross of the Legion of Honour to the martyr city.
20 January 1919
He received a visit from Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States.
21-24 July 1919
The President visited Belgium.
10-14 November 1919
The President made an official visit to the United Kingdom.
13 January 1920
He was re-elected Senator in violation of constitutional law since he was still President of the Republic.
January 1922-June 1924
Under the Presidency of Alexandre Millerand, he served as Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs again.
Poincaré gave French troops orders to occupy the Ruhr, to obtain from Germany the reparations of war that it refused to pay.
6 January 1924
He was re-elected Senator for the Department of Meuse.
February-March 1924
He saved the French franc threatened by speculation.
June 1924
The victory of the Cartel des Gauches caused Poincaré and President Millerand to resign.
13 June 1924
Gaston Doumergue was elected President of the Republic.
July 1926-November 1928
He served as Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. After the downfall of the Cartel des Gauches, he formed a Government of National Unity and enacted a policy of financial recovery with which his name remains to be associated.
25 June 1928
The Parliament passed the Poincaré Act that established the legal value of the franc.
11 November 1928
He became Prime Minister.
27 July 1929
He resigned for health reasons.
7 October 1934
He was re-elected Meuse Departmental Councillor.
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RAYMOND POINCARE & WORLD WAR I
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2006-11-27T00:00:00
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Primary Documents: President Poincare's War Address, 4 August 1914 With Germany's decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the following day, 4 August 1914 - the…
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/a6abaa5cad3c07fbccb5b74830f3dc56c16669fca575d4f6843693f4528ca528?s=32
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Cambridge Forecast Group Blog
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https://cambridgeforecast.wordpress.com/2006/11/27/raymond-poincare-world-war-i/
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November 27, 2006 at 1:40 pm | Posted in Globalization, History, Literary, Military, Research | Leave a comment
Primary Documents:
President Poincare’s War Address, 4 August 1914
With Germany’s decision to declare war with France on 3 August 1914 the
French government found itself swept along (and somewhat surprised) by a tide of popular
enthusiasm, a jubilant mood evident throughout the European continent. Thus on the
following day, 4 August 1914 – the date Britain joined France and Russia in the war
against Germany – the French President Raymond Poincare
wrote the following speech (his first war address) which was read to the French parliament
by the Minister of Justice. The text of his speech is reproduced below.
Gentlemen:
France has just been the object of a violent and premeditated attack,
which is an insolent defiance of the law of nations. Before any declaration of war had
been sent to us, even before the German Ambassador had asked for his passports, our
territory has been violated. The German Empire has waited till yesterday evening to give
at this late stage the true name to a state of things which it had already created.
For more than forty years the French, in sincere love of peace, have
buried at the bottom of their heart the desire for legitimate reparation.
They have given to the world the example of a great nation which,
definitely raised from defeat by the exercise of will, patience, and labour, has only used
its renewed and rejuvenated strength in the interest of progress and for the good of
humanity.
Since the ultimatum of Austria opened a crisis which threatened the
whole of Europe, France has persisted in following and in recommending on all sides a
policy of prudence, wisdom, and moderation.
To her there can be imputed no act, no movement, no word, which has not
been peaceful and conciliatory.
At the hour when the struggle is beginning, she has the right, in
justice to herself, of solemnly declaring that she has made, up to the last moment,
supreme efforts to avert the war now about to break out, the crushing responsibility for
which the German Empire will have to bear before history. Our fine and courageous army,
which France today accompanies with her maternal thought has risen eager to defend the
honour of the flag and the soil of the country.
The President of the Republic interpreting the unanimous feeling of the
country, expresses to our troops by land and sea the admiration and confidence of every
Frenchman.
Closely united in a common feeling, the nation will persevere with the
cool self-restraint of which, since the beginning of the crisis, she has given daily
proof. Now, as always, she will know how to harmonise the most noble daring and most
ardent enthusiasm with that self-control which is the sign of enduring energy and is the
best guarantee of victory.
In the war which is beginning, France will have Right on her side, the
eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by
individuals.
She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break
their sacred union before the enemy; today they are joined together as brothers in a
common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.
She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally; she is supported by the
loyal friendship of Great Britain.
And already from every part of the civilised world sympathy and good
wishes are coming to her. For today once again she stands before the universe for Liberty,
Justice, and Reason.
‘Haut les coeurs et vive la France!’
Who’s Who: Raymond Poincare
Updated – Saturday, 11 August, 2001
Raymond Poincare (1860-1934) was born on 20 August 1860 at Bar-le-duc
in Lorraine, the son of an engineer.
Poincare studied at the University of Paris, after which he became a
lawyer.
Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1887, Poincare held various
cabinet posts between 1893 and 1906, including the ministries of education and finance,
entering the senate in 1903. At 33 he was the youngest person to hold a ministry in the
history of the republic.
Poincare became premier and foreign minister in January 1912 of a
coalition government and succeeded Armand Fallieres as president in January 1913,
defeating Georges Clemenceau.
A conservative and a nationalist, as president Poincare moved to
strengthen France’s armed forces for the eventuality
of war. A bill increasing the duration of national service to three years was passed,
and alliances with Britain and Russia strengthened.
During the First World War Poincare called upon Georges Clemenceau to
form a government in 1917, despite his personal loathing of the man.
Following the armistice
Poincare called for harsh remedies against Germany, and for future guarantees of French
security. Partly frustrated in this, he consequently regarded the Versailles treaty as too lax in its treatment of
Germany.
Upon completion of his presidential term in January 1920 Poincare
returned to the senate, becoming leader of the coalition of conservative parties, the
‘bloc national’. This in turn brought him to the premiership in January 1922.
As premier Poincare followed up his harsh rhetoric against Germany,
sending troops to occupy the Ruhr in January 1923 to signify his anger at Germany’s
failure to pay the heavy reparations imposed at Versailles. Nevertheless he failed to
coerce Germany into making payments.
At the election of May 1924 the conservatives suffered defeat, causing
Poincare to resign; he was replaced as prime minister by Edouard Herriot. He returned to
the premiership in July 1926 in the midst of a financial crisis. He dealt with this by
initiating an extreme deflationary policy, balancing the budget and stabilising the Franc
at one fifth of its former value, in 1928.
Poincare retired from office in July 1929 citing ill-health.
Raymond Poincare died on 15 October 1934 in Paris.
Raymond Poincare’s Welcoming Address
18 January 1919
Gentlemen:
France greets and welcomes you and thanks you for having unanimously
chosen as the seat of your labours the city which, for over four years, the enemy has made
his principal military objective and which the valour of the Allied armies has
victoriously defended against unceasingly renewed offensives.
Allow me to see in your decision the homage of all the nations that you
represent towards a country which, still more than any others, has endured the sufferings
of war, of which entire provinces, transformed into vast battlefields, have been
systematically wasted by the invader, and which has paid the heaviest tribute to death.
France has borne these enormous sacrifices without having incurred the
slightest responsibility for the frightful cataclysm which has overwhelmed the universe,
and at the moment when this cycle of horror is ending, all the Powers whose delegates are
assembled here may acquit themselves of any share in the crime which has resulted in so
unprecedented a disaster.
What gives you authority to establish a peace of justice is the fact
that none of the peoples of whom you are the delegates has had any part in injustice.
Humanity can place confidence in you because you are not among those who have outraged the
rights of humanity.
There is no need of further information or for special inquiries into
the origin of the drama which has just shaken the world. The truth, bathed in blood, has
already escaped from the Imperial archives. The premeditated character of the trap is
today clearly proved.
In the hope of conquering, first, the hegemony of Europe and next the
mastery of the world, the Central Empires, bound together by a secret plot, found the most
abominable pretexts for trying to crush Serbia and force their way to the East. At the
same time they disowned the most solemn undertakings in order to crush Belgium and force
their way into the heart of France.
These are the two unforgettable outrages which opened the way to
aggression. The combined efforts of Great Britain, France, and Russia broke themselves
against that mad arrogance.
If, after long vicissitudes, those who wished to reign by the sword
have perished by the sword, they have but themselves to blame; they have been destroyed by
their own blindness. What could be more significant than the shameful bargains they
attempted to offer to Great Britain and France at the end of July 1914, when to Great
Britain they suggested: “Allow us to attack France on land and we will notenter the Channel”; and
when they instructed their Ambassador to say to France: “We will only accept a
declaration of neutrality on your part if you surrender to us Briey, Toul, and
Verdun”?
It is in the light of these memories, gentlemen, that all the
conclusions you will have to draw from the war will take shape.
Your nations entered the war successively, but came, one and all, to
the help of threatened right. Like Germany, Great Britain and France had guaranteed the
independence of Belgium.
Germany sought to crush Belgium. Great Britain and France both swore to
save her. Thus, from the very beginning of hostilities, came into conflict the two ideas
which for fifty months were to struggle for the dominion of the world – the idea of
sovereign force, which accepts neither control nor check, and the idea of justice, which
depends on the sword only to prevent or repress the abuse of strength.
Faithfully supported by her Dominions and Colonies, Great Britain
decided that she could not remain aloof from a struggle in which the fate of every country
was involved. She has made, and her Dominions and Colonies have made with her, prodigious
efforts to prevent the war from ending in the triumph of the spirit ofconquest and the destruction
of right.
Japan, in her turn, only decided to take up arms out of loyalty to
Great Britain, her great Ally, and from the consciousness of the danger in which both Asia
and Europe would have stood, for the hegemony of which the Germanic Empires had dreamt.
Italy, who from the first had refused to lend a helping hand to German
ambition, rose against an age-long foe only to answer the call of oppressed populations
and to destroy at the cost of her blood the artificial political combination which took no
account of human liberty.
Rumania resolved to fight only to realize that national unity which was
opposed by the same powers of arbitrary force. Abandoned, betrayed, and strangled, she had
to submit to an abominable treaty, the revision of which you will exact.
Greece, whom the enemy for many months tried to turn from her
traditions and destinies, raised an army only to escape attempts at domination, of which
she felt the growing threat.
Portugal, China, and Siam abandoned neutrality only to escape the
strangling pressure of the Central Powers.
Thus it was the extent of German ambitions that brought so many
peoples, great and small, to form a league against the same adversary.
And what shall I say of the solemn resolution taken by the United
States in the spring of 1917 under the auspices of their illustrious President, Mr.
Wilson, whom I am happy to greet here in the name of grateful France, and, if you will
allow me to say so, gentlemen, in the name of all the nations represented in this room?
What shall I say of the many other American Powers which either
declared themselves against Germany – Brazil, Cuba, Panama, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Haiti,
Honduras – or at least broke off diplomatic relations – Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador,Uruguay?
From north to south the New World rose with indignation when it saw the
empires of Central Europe, after having let loose the war without provocation and without
excuse, carry it on with fire, pillage, and massacre of inoffensive beings.
The intervention of the United States was something more, something
greater, than a great political and military event: it was a supreme judgment passed at
the bar of history by the lofty conscience of a free people and their Chief Magistrate on
the enormous responsibilities incurred in the frightful conflict which was lacerating
humanity.
It was not only to protect themselves from the audacious aims of German
megalomania that the United States equipped fleets and created immense armies,but also, and above all, to
defend an ideal of liberty over which they saw the huge shadow of the Imperial Eagle
encroaching farther every day.
America, the daughter of Europe, crossed the ocean to wrest her mother
from the humiliation of thraldom and to save civilization. The American people wished to
put an end to the greatest scandal that has ever sullied the annals of mankind.
Autocratic governments, having prepared in the secrecy of the Chancelleries and the General Staff a map programme of universal domination, at the time fixed by their genius for intrigue let loose their packs and sounded the horns for the chase, ordering science at the very time when it was beginning to abolish distances, bring men closer, and make life sweeter, to leave the bright sky towards which it was soaring and to place itself submissively at the service of violence, lowering the religious idea to the extent of making God the complacent auxiliary of their passions and the accomplice of their crimes; in short, counting as naught the traditions and wills of peoples, the lives of citizens, the honour of women, and all those principles of public and private morality which we for our part have endeavoured to keep unaltered through the war and which neither nations nor individuals can repudiate or disregard with impunity.
While the conflict was gradually extending over the entire surface of the earth the clanking of chains was heard here and there, and captive nationalities from the depths of their age-long jails cried out to us for help.
Yet more, they escaped to come to our aid. Poland came to life again and sent us troops. The Czecho-Slovaks won their right to independence in Siberia, in France, and in Italy. The Jugo-Slays, the Armenians, the Syrians and Lebanese, the Arabs, all the oppressed peoples, all the victims, long helpless or resigned, of great historic deeds of injustice, all the martyrs of the past, all the outraged consciences, all the strangled liberties revived at the clash of our arms, and turnedtowards us, as their natural defenders.
Thus the war gradually attained the fullness of its first significance, and became, in the fullest sense of the term, a crusade of humanity for Right; and if anything can console us in part at least, for the losses we have suffered, it is assuredly the thought that our victory is also the victory of Right.
This victory is complete, for the enemy only asked for the armistice to escape from an irretrievable military disaster. In the interest of justice and peace it now rests with you to reap from this victory its full fruits in order to carry out this immense task. You have decided to admit, at first, only the Allied or associated Powers, and, in so far as their interests are involved in the debates, the nations which remained neutral.
You have thought that the terms of peace ought to be settled among ourselves before they are communicated to those against whom we have together fought the good fight. The solidarity which has united us during the war and has enabled us to win military success ought to remain unimpaired during the negotiations for, and after the signing of, the Treaty.
It is not only governments, but free peoples, who are represented here.
Through the test of danger they have learned to know and help one another. They want their
intimacy of yesterday to assure the peace of tomorrow. V ainly would our enemies seek to
divide us. If they have not yet renounced their customary manoeuvres, they will soon find
that they are meeting today, as during the hostilities, a homogeneous block which nothing
will be able to disintegrate.
Even before the armistice you placed that necessary unity under the
standard of the lofty moral and political truths of which President Wilson has nobly made
himself the interpreter.
And in the light of those truths you intend to accomplish your mission.
You will, therefore, seek nothing but justice, “justice that has no favourites,”
justice in territorial problems, justice in financial problems, justice in economic
problems.
But justice is not inert, it does not submit to injustice. What it
demands first, when it has been violated, are restitution and reparation for the peoples
and individuals who have been despoiled or maltreated. In formulating this lawful claim,
it obeys neither hatred nor an instinctive or thoughtless desire for reprisals. It pursues
a twofold object – to render to each his due, and not to encourage crime through leaving
it unpunished.
What justice also demands, inspired by the same feeling, is the
punishment of the guilty and effective guaranties against an active return of the spirit
by which theywere
tempted; and it is logical to demand that these guaranties should be given, above all, to
the nations that have been, and might again be most exposed to aggressions or threats, to
those who have many times stood in danger of being submerged by the periodic tide of the
same invasions.
What justice banishes is the dream of conquest and imperialism,
contempt for national will, the arbitrary exchange of provinces between states as though
peoples were but articles of furniture or pawns in a game.
The time is no more when diplomatists could meet to redraw with
authority the map of the empires on the corner of a table. If you are to remake the map of
the world it is in the name of the peoples, and on condition that you shall faithfully
interpret their thoughts, and respect the right of nations, small and great, to dispose of
themselves, and to reconcile it with the right, equally sacred, of ethnical and religious
minorities – a formidable task, which science and history, your two advisers, will
contribute to illumine and facilitate.
You will naturally strive to secure the material and moral means of
subsistence for all those peoples who are constituted or reconstituted into states; for
those who wish to unite themselves to their neighbours; for those who divide themselves
into separate units; for those who reorganize themselves according to their regained traditions; and, lastly, for all those whose freedom you have already sanctioned or are about to sanction.
You will not call them into existence only to sentence them to death
immediately. You would like your work in this, as in all other matters, to be fruitful and lasting.
While thus introducing into the world as much harmony as possible, you will, in conformity with the fourteenth of the propositions unanimously adopted by the Great Allied Powers, establish a general League of Nations, which will be a supreme guarantee against any fresh assaults upon the right of peoples.
You do not intend this International Association to be directed against anybody in future. It will not of set purpose shut out anybody, but, having been organized by the nations that have sacrificed themselves in defence of Right, it will receive from them its statutes and fundamental rules. It will lay down conditions to which its present or future adherents will submit, and, as it is to have for its essential aim to prevent, as far as. possible, the renewal of wars, it will, above all, seek to gain respect for the peace which you will have established, and will find it the less difficult to maintain in proportion as this peace will in itself imply greater realities of justice and safer guaranties of stability.
By establishing this new order of things you will meet the aspiration of humanity, which, after the frightful convulsions of these bloodstained years, ardently wishes to feel itself protected by a union of free peoples against the ever-possible revivals of primitive savagely.
An immortal glory will attach to the names of the nations and the men who have desired to co-operate in this grand work in faith and brotherhood, and who have taken pains to eliminate from the future peace causes of disturbance and instability.
This very day forty-eight years ago, on January 18, 1871, the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French provinces; it was thus vitiated from its origin and by the fault of the founders; born in injustice, it has ended in opprobrium.
You are assembled in order to repair the evil that it has done and to prevent a recurrence of it. You hold in your hands the future of the world. I leave you, gentlemen, to your grave deliberations, and I declare the Conference of Paris open.
Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923
Primary Documents:
Raymond Poincare’s
Welcoming Address at the Paris Peace Conference
18 January 1919
With Germany’s decision to seek an armistice – or face domestic as well as military collapse – arrangements were set in place to convene a peace conference in Paris; the city was unanimously selected by the Allied powers.
The conference began somewhat belatedly in mid-January with opening addresses from many of the key Allies.
Reproduced below is the welcoming address given to delegates by French President Raymond Poincare.
Click here to read the opening address by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson; click here to read British Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s address; click here to read Italian Prime Minister Sidney Sonnino’s address; click here to read French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau’s address.
Click
here to read an account of the run up to the opening session by the official British observer Sisley Huddleston. (see Sisley Huddleston CFG blog post elsewhere in this blog)
Click here to read the German delegation’s
protest against the final Allied peace terms. Click
here to read the Allied response. Click
here to read a Dutch newspaper editorial condemning the Allied terms. Click here to read a journalist’s account of the
signing ceremony.
Click
here to read the text of the eventual peace treaty.
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Thinking the Causes of World War I
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John Keiger is a Professor and the Director of Research in the Department of Politics And International Studies, University of Cambridge. A different version of this article appeared as “The War Explained: 1914 to the Present” in John Horne (ed) A Companion to World War I (2010).
One hundred years since its outbreak, the causes of World War I continue to be a thriving industry, having generated by 1991 alone some 25,000 books and articles. One might expect the origins of a war that killed nine million men and injured and maimed 30 million, or that destroyed four empires and created a host of new states, to warrant explanation and even disagreement. But the origins of World War II, though more destructive, have never provoked such controversy. Today, whole books are written about how the causes of World War I have been written about.
A century after the outbreak of the Great War, it is worth reflecting on the context of some of the “causality” literature and the enduring nature of the origins/responsibility debate by looking, first, at why it is one of the most written about subjects in modern history and, second, examining the how question of the methodological approaches used to assess the causes.
Why such interest in the causes?
The war that began on August 4th, 1914 carried the germ of controversy before it even broke out. Before Britain declared war on the German Empire, Berlin rushed into print their White Book of diplomatic documents on the war’s causes, revealingly titled: How Russia and Her Ruler Betrayed Germany’s Confidence and Thereby Made the European War. The day after war began, Britain responded with its Blue Book putting its case, followed by the Russians in September, the Belgian Grey Book in October, and the French Yellow Book at the end of November 1914 entitled How Germany Forced the War. By the summer of 1915, the Austrian Red Book served up Vienna’s version of the war’s causes. Of course, resorting to “colored books“ was nothing new to international relations. But this war of self-justificatory diplomatic documentary ‘evidence,’ with its skillful selection, expurgation and elision of texts, was on a grander scale than ever before.
Prolongation of the physical war and the war of words went hand in hand. All sides invoked the “verdict of history” to apportion blame to the war’s “guilty authors.” Intellectuals, writers, journalists, and professors put their heads above the parapet to defend their nation’s innocence and their enemy’s guilt. From the most famous German professors to French philosophers of the stature of Henri Bergson—all of them battled in terms of ‘culture versus barbarism.’ This was further instrumentalized by the wartime development of modern professional government propaganda machines to shape opinion and justify the enormous sacrifices from soldier and civilian. The ideals for which each nation claimed to be fighting quickly merged with explanations of the war’s causes: “self-defense” implied the aggression of the Other, and aggression meant responsibility. But the short term question of who dunnit could never be enough; the more fundamental question of why followed naturally, and with it a Pandora’s box of explanations that ranged from the concept of the sovereign state, to nationalism, militarism, imperialism, honor, masculinity, and so on.
If the stakes in the causes of World War I were high from its outbreak—linked as they were to national honor, national sacrifice and ultimately victory—they were to be raised still further at the war’s end. It is true of many wars that nations seek to justify their participation and apportion responsibility for the outbreak, but the Treaty of Versailles, which ended the war, took the unprecedented step of including Article 231, which lay sole responsibility for the outbreak of the war with Germany and her allies—the so-called “war guilt clause.” This clause became the justification for the massive war reparations Germany was to pay in the post-war period, principally to France. It followed that if Germany could show that it was not solely to blame for the war, it could challenge the validity of Article 231, and with it the payment of reparations. This it set out to do.
The other power with an acute interest in the war guilt debate was the new Soviet regime, established following the Russian Revolution of 1917. It wished to heap discredit on its Tsarist predecessor for ideological reasons, in order to bolster its own legitimacy and popularity, both internally and externally. If it could show that the autocratic Tsarist regime, in collaboration with the bourgeois President of France, Raymond Poincaré, were together responsible through the Franco-Russian alliance for the outbreak of the Great War, the Soviets could kill two birds with one stone: discredit Tsarist Russia and partly justify not repaying to France the massive pre-war loans.
The pragmatic Soviet approach found ideological support in Lenin’s interpretation of World War I in his 1916 pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, which resonated with many on the European Left. His description of war as the natural consequence of the Great Powers’ competition for colonies and investment markets logically implied that the Central Powers were not alone in shouldering responsibility for the war.
In many other countries, even on the victors’ side, the notion of shared responsibility developed—largely inspired by American President Woodrow Wilson’s contention that everyone was a victim of the international system and its secret treaties. This was music to Germany’s ears, and a fillip for the revisionists. As the British wartime leader David Lloyd George later put it: “the nations slithered over the brink into the boiling cauldron of war.” In 1919, the American Senate refused to ratify the Versailles Treaty and the U.S. slipped back into isolationism with murmurs of all the powers being somehow at fault. The ground for revisionism was prepared.
The stakes in the Kriegsschuldfrage, or war guilt question, were extremely high. France made a most credible scapegoat on to whom the blame could be shifted—given the loss of the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine to Germany in 1871 and the fact that France’s effective leader in the two years preceding the war, Raymond Poincaré, had followed resolute policies intent on strengthening France’s links with her allies, especially Russia, and was a Lorrainer to boot. It was suggested that Poincaré had plotted a war of revanche against Germany to retrieve the lost provinces. The war guilt debate became all the more impassioned for the fact that in the post-war period Poincaré was still in power and pursuing a strict application of the Versailles Treaty and the payment of reparations.
Germany began a campaign to undermine Article 231. A special office was created in the German Foreign Ministry to deal with this issue—the War Guilt Section. It organized, financed and directed two other units: the Working Committee of German Associations for Combating Lies Concerning War Responsibility, which provided the ‘right’ literature and information to organizations like trade unions and various clubs; its stable-mate was the Center for the Study of the Causes of the War, created in 1921—and which from 1923 published the influential monthly journal Die Kriegsschuldfrage, edited by historian Alfred von Wegerer. This is where the ‘serious’ historical work was done to demonstrate the inaccuracy of Article 231 by “sponsoring” journalists, editors, publicists and academics in the “cause of patriotic self-censorship.” The work of these units provided much of the impetus for the ‘revisionist school,’ which in the 1920s dominated historical writing on the war’s origins from Europe to the U.S., successfully displacing much of the blame from Germany.
Paradoxically, Germany’s campaign found support in French domestic politics. The Left, notably the newly formed French Communist Party, wished to stop Poincaré returning to power by tarring him with responsibility for the war and depicting him as “Poincaré-la-guerre.” This was fertile ground for German and Soviet propaganda. Layer upon layer of myth and counter-myth, truth and lies, clouded and troubled even serious historical debate. Unlike the outbreak of World War II, where cause and responsibility were clearer and less contested, the history of the origins of the Great War went through cycles of revisionism and post-revisionism. Viewed as a trend over the hundred years since its outbreak, it could be argued that responsibility for the conflict has never stayed firmly fixed and no single country has been squarely and permanently nailed, even if the consensus has been that Germany bore primary responsibility for its outbreak—an interpretation recently referred to as “the German paradigm.”
The question of national interest aside, the war’s causes have generated study for less political reasons. The war’s sheer scale, destructive power and consequences have continued to disorientate and mesmerize the intellectual community, which has sought deeper and grander explanations to match the war’s scale. The American diplomat and historian George Kennan declared in 1979 that World War I was “the great seminal catastrophe of this century.” A catastrophe, then, whose causes needed to be explained, as a duty to humanity, in order to comprehend the war’s momentous consequences: communism, fascism, the Gulag, the Holocaust, World War II and, as the well-known British historian Eric Hobsbawm put it in his Age of Extremes (1994), one of the worst centuries in the history of humanity only brought to a close by the coming down of the Iron Curtain in 1989.
A further explanation to do with historical evidence has also continued to fan the flames of debate and to explain why for all the historical research carried out in the last hundred years, a strong whiff of doubt continues to surround the causes of the war. Historically, there are still areas associated with the immediate causes of the conflict where the archival evidence remains incomplete on important issues, such as the details of the discussions between the Tsar and French President Raymond Poincaré during the latter’s visit to Russia (France’s ally before the war) in July 1914.
Then there is the explanation that the war’s causes have found favor with policymakers as a counter-model. The outbreak of World War I has become an object lesson in how not to conduct international politics: an example of poor “crisis management.” During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, when the world apparently stood on the brink of World War III between the two nuclear superpowers, American President John F. Kennedy, possessing no textbook of crisis-management for presidents, ordered his close decision-making circle to read Barbara Tuchman’s 1962 book The Guns of August —which detailed the frenzied and confused international decision-making process that ended in the outbreak of the Great War—so as not to repeat the error. Kennedy’s intention in particular was to ensure that the process of decision-making did not run away with itself in the way it seemed to do in 1914, and to ensure that the lines of communication were maintained with the Soviet leadership.
Before Cuba, there was little by way of an explicit theory of crisis management to guide policymakers in international relations. Since then, July 1914 has become a key example in the handbooks of management techniques for decisionmakers. The unfolding of the July Crisis is now analyzed in terms of information processing, decision-making under crisis, command and control, the coordination of diplomatic and military actions, and the problems of communication with an opponent.
Evolving methodologies have also stimulated and prolonged interest in the causes debate. Analysis has moved a long way from the narrowly defined ‘diplomatic history’ accounts of the international relations of 1914 focused, in the time-worn phrase, on “what one Foreign Office clerk wrote to another.” Today, international historians borrow from a range of disciplines to understand the intricate web of causality from international relations theory, political science, and security studies, to economics, sociology, anthropology, and so on. In broad methodological terms, it might be said that how the causes of the war are studied falls into two approaches: structuralist and intentionalist causes.
How do we study the causes?
From a methodological point of view, most causality in history involves separating impersonal from personal actions, and assessing their relative weight. Social scientists call this the difference between structural or functional explanations of causality (economic, social, political or imperial) and intentionalist (individual decisions) explanations. In the Great War’s causality, structural (or big causes) and intentionalist (or individuals’ roles) have vied with each other for primacy. As the British historian James Joll noted: “We often feel that the reasons the politicians themselves were giving are somehow inadequate to explain what was happening and we are tempted to look for some deeper and more general cause to explain the catastrophe.” And Joll quoted the great Italian authority on the war’s origins, Luigi Albertini, who referred to “the disproportion between the intellectual and moral endowments [of the decision makers of 1914] and the gravity of the problems which faced them, between their acts and the results thereof.”
This goes to the heart of the debate about human agency and structural causes in historical causality. When the German Chancellor, Bethmann Hollweg, remarked on the eve of war on July 30th, 1914 that the people were peaceful “but things are out of control,” does this imply that individuals could do nothing and that somehow greater forces had taken over? Or could it be that individual decision-makers can sometimes be overwhelmed by events, not because of greater forces bearing down on them, but for perfectly understandable short-term reasons—speed of events, lack of communication, error, misinterpretation, and incompetence (all of which President Kennedy sought to avoid in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis). Thus the actions of politicians and the military can be a good deal less rational than conspiracy theorists might have us believe. But absence of rationality does not mean that historians should immediately reach for structural explanations; human error, incompetence or losing control of events are legitimate causes in their own right, as the recent book with the telltale title The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914 (2013) by Cambridge historian Christopher Clark has suggested.
Nationalism, militarism, Social Darwinism, public opinion, domestic causes, imperialism, the alliance systems—to name the most prominent structural causes—have at one time or another jostled for prominence against the activities of individual decision-makers, and James Joll’s Origins of the First World War (1984) provides a balanced analysis of structural versus individual causes. But what is the nature of these structural causes? While it is not possible within the constraints of this article to outline all of them, it is important to get a flavor of their nature in order to understand the wider debate on the causes of World War I.
Nationalism’s role in causality is usually presented as no longer the positive and liberating nationalism that was said to characterize the French revolutionary armies, but the subsequent militaristic nationalism that asserted nationhood through conquest. This had a powerful effect when combined with philosophers identifying war as positive, such as Friedrich Nietzsche, or modelling the development of society on the discoveries of Charles Darwin’s 1859 Origin of Species, with its notions of natural selection and survival of the fittest. Thus many believed that societies and peoples behaved according to the same biological laws as animals and plants, and that they survived or died out according to strength and fitness for purpose. The resulting Social Darwinism was, it is argued, powerful and pernicious, and drove elites towards war as the final test of fitness.
By the end of the nineteenth century, the purely historical concept of the Nation began to be fused with the pseudo-biological concept of race, to imply a supposed superiority of certain races and a legitimization of the conquest of inferior ones. War then could be seen as a positive test of the survival of the fittest, as well as a justification for the expansion of armies and the development of a military posture. These underlying trends in European society, it is argued, played a role in the complex matrix of causality.
These abstract theories entered the collective consciousness through the development of national education systems in Europe after 1870, when an increasing number of states adopted free compulsory schooling. In France, it was said to have been the Prussian schoolmaster who had won the 1870 Franco-Prussian War; Britain’s victories, it was claimed, were won on the playing fields of Eton. Increasingly, there were fewer and fewer limits on what the nation could ask of its citizens. The schools of the French Republic, Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy all cultivated notions of duty and honor, and of serving one’s country right down to the supreme sacrifice, so sardonically undermined by the war poet Wilfred Owen in his “Dulce et decorum est.”
The militarization of European societies, another structuralist cause, continued apace in peace-time through compulsory military service on the European continent, where insidious propaganda reinforced notions of the glory and superiority of one’s own nation. This was instrumentalized in civil society by the popularity of military bands and tattoos, the romanticism of the soldier, rifle clubs, and para-military organizations, such as the Boy Scout movement, founded by Lt Col Baden-Powell, hero of the Battle of Mafeking, for which the uniform was an exact imitation of Baden-Powell’s own in Kashmir in 1907, and whose motto ‘Be Prepared,’ had originally been followed by ‘to Die For Your Country.’ By this process, armed forces became the incarnation of the nation.
At the same time, the steady democratization of European societies resulting from the extension of the suffrage, participation in state machinery from local government to the payment of taxes, the development of a mass culture through a popular press—with newspapers such as Britain’s Daily Mail reaching an audience of one million readers by 1896—meant that citizens increasingly identified with the State, which filled the vacuum left by the decline of Religion and the Church. Citizens drew direct and tangible benefit from the State—for example through old age pensions in Germany and Britain in the 1890s and 1909, respectively. Many now had an interest and a stake in the State and were increasingly willing to defend it, even to the death. As a consequence, war was no longer the sole prerogative of kings or even political leaders, but was increasingly the focus of the people—and not just the middle classes.
The music halls made ‘jingoism’ a source of fun and entertainment for the “man on the Clapham omnibus.” His political support could be conjured up for the expansion of armaments programs, as with the popular cry of “We Want Eight and We Won’t Wait,” which called for the laying down of more British Dreadnought battleships in 1909 to counter the German naval expansion program.
Of course, even the structuralists would not claim that this made war inevitable, but they would suggest that it helped make the mobilization of the masses easier when a crisis or a conflict came. Public opinion, they would argue, could always be called upon to uphold the values and principles of the Nation. Hence, in 1914 when war came, all sides, the British, French and Russians on the one hand, or the Germans and Austro-Hungarians on the other, could claim that they were fighting a just war—a defensive war for the values of their nation which, after all, was superior to those of others.
Thus, by 1914 war was more than ever a question of life or death, not just for individual citizens, but for states themselves, who believed that if at this moment they did not stand up to their opponents they would disintegrate, become prey to revolution or, at best, have to live in the shadow of their rivals.
Such reasoning had long been a stimulant for increased military spending, the development of an arms race, and an offensive posture and strategy—with a direct impact on those who were paid to defend the nation, namely the military. They increasingly called for the nation to be prepared for any security threat from abroad. This, in conjunction with the underlying trend of technological developments in the nature of armaments (better guns, ships, and equipment), led to greater emphasis being placed on possessing a margin of superiority over one’s potential enemy. This, in turn, meant knowing one’s enemy—reflected in the development at the beginning of the twentieth century of modern intelligence agencies seeking to secure that additional information about their potential enemy’s strategy, tactics, and equipment that might give them a margin of superiority in any conflict. This contributed to the European arms race, which is also in the opinion of some an underlying or structural cause in the outbreak of war in 1914—the major powers’ total expenditure on defense rising by more than 50 percent in the years 1894 to 1896 alone. The strategic invasion plans of the major powers, from the German Schlieffen Plan to France’s Plan XVII, with their emphasis on speed of mobilization and tight logistics, heightened an already febrile international atmosphere with trigger-happy military commands—War by Timetable, as the English historian A.J.P. Taylor called it.
One of the oldest structural causes is that of economic rivalry, first made famous by Karl Marx, who claimed that “wars are inherent in the nature of capitalism: they will only cease when the capitalist economy is abolished.” Certainly economic rivalry between states from the 1890s, epitomized in books such as Made in Germany or Le danger allemand (both published in 1896), in which Germany was depicted as stealing British or French markets, was a further source of tension in international relations up to 1914. Also to blame, according to Lenin, was capitalism’s offspring, imperialism. In his 1916 pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Lenin argued that since the turn of the twentieth century, capitalism had entered an even more aggressive phase that placed a premium on new investment opportunities that could only be developed through the control of new colonies and markets, leading to imperial rivalry between the powers.
However, though both economic and imperial rivalries did exist, it should not be overlooked that there was also much economic and imperial cooperation between major powers prior to the war. In similar vein, some analyses have promoted the idea that in order to contain, overcome, or defuse social unrest or revolution at home, elites sought external war as a means of overcoming or defusing potentially dangerous domestic political situations.
A large and broad structural explanation, boosted of late by political scientists and international relations theorists, has focused on the international system per se.
Systemic explanations focusing on causality arising from the workings of the international system have a long history. As early as the 1920s, British classicist G. Lowes Dickinson famously described the prevailing state of international relations in 1914 as one of “international anarchy.” The end of peace has also been explained in terms of the gradual erosion of the old Concert of Europe, whereby the Great Powers from the end of the Napoleonic Wars regularly, albeit informally, concerted on problems or adjustments that needed to be made to the international system. Other systemic explanations have found favor with interdisciplinary historians working on the margins of international relations theory, such as Sir Harry Hinsley, who suggested that every general war since 1494 occurred when the international system was undergoing a massive shift in the sources and distribution of international power, no general wars have occurred outside these shifts in power. Thus, World War I resulted from an “international unsettlement” which began in the 1890s, in part characterized by the rise of Germany.
Other system analysts, such as Paul Schroeder, have suggested that instead of focusing on the causes of war, scholars should analyze the causes of peace and why that peace no longer held. After all, 1914 was the first time that the European Great Powers had been at war with each other for 40 years—and that it was the first conflict involving all the Great Powers in a century. Why should it be that between 1815 and 1914, twenty-three international wars had been fought on the European continent—of which half had been small wars involving fewer than 10,000 battle fatalities—and that those conflicts had not led to a general conflagration of the Great Powers, even though World War I began as a local war launched by Austria-Hungary against Serbia.
Schroeder believes that the breakdown of peace requires a deeper understanding of what ‘realists’ in international relations theory would study, such as the nature of the international system, its political culture, norms, rules and practices, the existing distribution of power, the constituent
states’ opportunities for maneuver, their vulnerabilities, and the power-political patterns of behavior.
Perhaps less attention should be given to the states in the system whom we now know to have been at greater fault in the war’s cause—the Central Powers of Austria-Hungary and Germany—and more attention to the dominant powers— namely France and Britain—whose system it largely was, and who regulated it unofficially through the remnants of the Concert of Europe, and who held the initiative in world affairs in what was a zero-sum game. In other words, should more research be devoted to how the system was made fragile and unstable by the tension between ‘satisfied’ and ‘unsatisfied’ powers?
Reflecting the way that historians write about the present when thinking about the past, models of the war’s causality have often reflected contemporary international relations. During the Cold War and the division of the world into two blocs, there was a tendency also to view the pre-World War I era as bipolar and divided between two rigidly separated and rival blocs of Triple Alliance and Triple Entente (thereby ignoring the numerous examples of Great Power détente prior to 1914). This crystallization of the two blocs became a causal explanation in which power, prestige and security were key determinants in the war’s outbreak. As British historian David Stevenson has pointed out, during the resurgence of superpower tension under U.S. presidents Carter and Reagan in the late 1970s and early 1980s, American political scientists and historians analyzed the pre-1914 system in terms of comparative and thematic studies of war plans, intelligence and armaments. This analysis turned on how far war was accidental or system-generated, and how far it was willed by governments.
It could be argued that in the post-Cold War era, traditional ideological international politics have given way to ethnic nationalism, the primacy of economics, and greater reference to cultural determinants of power politics in the vein of Francis Fukuyama’s End of History (1992) or Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations (1996), and that this has influenced writing on the causes of World War I today. Thus, more ethno-cultural explanations of the Great War’s outbreak have come to light in the post-Cold War world. Avner Offer has underlined the importance of codes of honor and duty—right down to the supreme sacrifice—among the European elites as helping to explain the inflexibility of certain leaders and their inability to back down for fear of dishonoring themselves and their country. Thomas Lindemann has placed the emphasis on the ethno-cultural role of Social Darwinism in influencing German decision-makers and their perception of international relations. With the ‘New World Disorder’ of the opening decades of the second millennium, one might expect historians to begin thinking anew along the lines of Lowes Dickinson’s “international anarchy” to explain the origins/causes of World War I.
And so the sedimentation of underlying or structural causes can go on being built up until the accumulated strata point to only one conclusion: the inevitability of the war. But such determinism still begs the question as to why the war occurred in 1914 and not before or after. In the end, it is not a structural cause that pulls the trigger.
Thus some historians have preferred the intentionalist approach, focusing on the immediate short term actions of individual decision-makers and the immediate reasons why they took those decisions in 1914. They have tended to believe that these intentionalist explanations are the only ones that can be supported by documentary evidence, and that to reason in terms of structural causes is to impose a pattern on events that cannot be demonstrated on the basis of hard evidence. Nevertheless, much of the intentionalist school has taken on board James Joll’s pioneering work from the late 1960s on the “unspoken assumptions” that underly the thought processes of the decision-makers, as well as their limited freedom to choose in particular circumstances.
Most would accept that individual decision-makers and governments were conditioned in their reasoning and perceptions of events by broader societal trends resulting from longer cultural, political, social or educational traditions, and that consequently their freedom to choose was limited.
The tension between structural and intentionalist causes was incisively analyzed in 2003, in a collection edited by historian Holger Herwig and sociologist Richard Hamilton, who criticized the highly deterministic processes that underly structural causes and the way in which, according to them, they always yield a given outcome whatever the nature or activity of the decision-makers. They also criticize the highly selective way that certain structural explanations are highlighted while others are ignored; at fault can be the choices scholars themselves make! Thus, nationalism predominates over the forces of internationalism, militarism over pacifism, alliance systems are blamed even though the contents of many of the secret treaties were not known at the time, or public opinion is summoned up when little is known about what mass attitudes represented given the absence of opinion polling, while the press is analyzed without any explanation of readers’ reactions to it. Hamilton and Herwig come down on the side of the intentionalists, and call for greater research into the mindsets and actions of what they refer to as the “coterie of elites” among the decision-makers.
While one would not disagree with that call for more research, it is to be hoped that in future the either/or accounts—even antagonism between the two—could be replaced by a more integrated analysis that brings together long-term and immediate causes so that a clearer picture of causality emerges from the given conditions with which governments necessarily live at various moments, and the actions that they and individual decision-makers take.
Historians & Decision-makers
There is no sign of interest in the causes of World War I abating—quite the contrary, given the centenary. One cannot fail to notice the deluge of new books on the war, some already best-sellers (e.g. Clark’s Sleepwalkers, with 300,000 copies sold, of which 160,000 in Germany by 2014)—not to mention the media coverage. The war’s causes have been analyzed dispassionately by some outstanding scholars and historians, but also politically and polemically, from varied standpoints and with different objectives in mind. One hundred years on, are we any closer to a consensus on the causes?
If the current crop of academic books and articles on the subject is anything to go by, it would seem not. Some continue to insist on Germany’s primary responsibility, others nuance or even contest it. Perhaps that is in the nature of historical enquiry into the causes of great events. But it is worth reminding ourselves of French historian Marc Bloch’s words of caution on causality in history:
A graduated classification of causes, which is really only an intellectual convenience, cannot safely be elevated to an absolute. Reality offers us a nearly infinite number of lines of force which all converge together upon the same phenomenon. The choice we make among them may well be founded upon characteristics which, in practice, fully merit our attention; but it is always a choice.
So, scholars too make choices, just like the men of 1914. Heaven forefend that they should ever miscalculate. Historians would do well to reflect on that from time to time when judging the decision-makers of 1914.
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https://www.historyforsale.com/prime-minister-raymond-poincare-france-autograph-11-1929/dc23900
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https://www.periodpaper.com/products/1929-print-raymond-poincare-president-french-republic-prime-minister-statesman-165247-xeo1-003
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1929 Print Raymond Poincare President French Republic Prime Minister X
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This is an original 1929 black and white halftone print of popular French political leader, Raymond Poincare who served as as the President of the French Republic and as Prime Minister for several terms during his lifetime from 1860-1934 CE. CONDITIONThis 82+ year old Item is rated Very Fine +++. Light aging throughout
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Period Paper Historic Art LLC
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https://www.periodpaper.com/products/1929-print-raymond-poincare-president-french-republic-prime-minister-statesman-165247-xeo1-003
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This is an original 1929 black and white halftone print of popular French political leader, Raymond Poincare who served as as the President of the French Republic and as Prime Minister for several terms during his lifetime from 1860-1934 CE.
CONDITION
This 82+ year old Item is rated Very Fine +++. Light aging throughout. No creases. No natural defects. No surface rub. No tears. No water damage.
Product Type: Original Halftone Print; Black / White
Grade: Very Fine +++
Dimensions: Approximately 4.5 x 6.5 inches; 11 x 17 cm
Authentication: Serial-Numbered Certificate of Authenticity w/ Full Provenance
Protection: Packaged in a custom archival sleeve with an acid-free black board (great for display, gift-giving, and preservation)
Keywords specific to this image: Politician, Conservative, French, Democratic Republican Alliance, Peace Conference 1919
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré | French President & Statesman
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Raymond Poincaré was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic. The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raymond-Poincare
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Raymond Poincaré (born August 20, 1860, Bar-le-Duc, France—died October 15, 1934, Paris) was a French statesman who as prime minister in 1912 largely determined the policy that led to France’s involvement in World War I, during which he served as president of the Third Republic.
The son of an engineer, he was educated at the École Polytechnique. After studying law at the University of Paris, he was admitted to the bar in 1882. Elected a deputy in 1887, he became six years later the youngest minister in the history of the Third Republic, holding the portfolio of education. In 1894 he served as minister of finance and in 1895 again as minister of education. In the Dreyfus Affair he declared that new evidence necessitated a retrial (see Alfred Dreyfus).
Despite the promise of a brilliant political career, Poincaré left the Chamber of Deputies in 1903, serving until 1912 in the Senate, which was considered comparatively unimportant politically. He devoted most of his time to his private law practice, serving in the cabinet only once, in March 1906, as minister of finance. In January 1912, however, he became prime minister, serving simultaneously as foreign minister until January 1913. In the face of new threats from Germany, he conducted diplomacy with new decisiveness and determination. In August 1912 he assured the Russian government that his government would stand by the Franco-Russian alliance, and in November he concluded an agreement with Britain committing both countries to consult in the event of an international crisis as well as on joint military plans. Although his support of Russian activities in the Balkans and his uncompromising attitude toward Germany have been cited as evidence of his being a warmongering revanchist, Poincaré believed that in the existing state of contemporary Europe war was inevitable and that only a strong alliance guaranteed security. His greatest fear was that France might be isolated as it had been in 1870, easy prey for a militarily superior Germany.
Poincaré ran for the office of president; despite the opposition of the left, under Georges Clemenceau, a lifelong enemy, he was elected on January 17, 1913. Although the presidency was a position with little real power, he hoped to infuse new vitality into it and make it the base of a union sacrée of right, left, and centre. Throughout World War I (1914–18) he strove to preserve national unity, even confiding the government to Clemenceau, the man best qualified to lead the country to victory.
After his term as president ran out in 1920, Poincaré returned to the Senate and was for a time chairman of the reparations commission. He supported the thesis of Germany’s war guilt implicit in the Versailles Treaty; and when he served again as prime minister and minister for foreign affairs (1922–24), he refused a delay in German reparation payments and in January 1923 ordered French troops into the Ruhr in reaction to the default. Unseated by a leftist bloc, he was returned as prime minister in July 1926 and is largely credited with having solved France’s acute financial crisis by stabilizing the value of the franc and basing it on the gold standard. Under his highly successful economic policies the country enjoyed a period of new prosperity.
Illness forced Poincaré to resign from office in July 1929. He spent the remainder of his life writing his memoirs, Au service de la France, 10 vol. (1926–33).
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https://www.tate.org.uk/research/tate-papers/28/picabia-handsome-pork-butcher
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The Handsome Pork-Butcher c.1924–6, c.1929–35 by Francis Picabia – Tate Papers
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[
"Annette King",
"Joyce H. Townsend",
"Bronwyn Ormsby"
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Annette King, Bronwyn Ormsby and Joyce H. Townsend of Tate Conservation on The Handsome Pork-Butcher c.1924–6, c.1929–35 by Francis Picabia
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Tate
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https://www.tate.org.uk/research/tate-papers/28/picabia-handsome-pork-butcher
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The painting now known as The Handsome Pork-Butcher (fig.1) was begun by Francis Picabia as a collage in c.1924–6 featuring a portrait of a man identified as Raymond Poincaré, President and Prime Minister of France and a representative of the patriotic conservatism Picabia so despised. Around a decade later Picabia literally ripped off nearly all the collage elements and painted the outline of an elegant femme fatale over the ruins of the collaged face.
The materials and techniques of this painting are commonplace, but their deployment into a satirical portrait is unique, mimicking the distinctive figure of Poincaré which would likely have been unmistakable to the contemporary French public and therefore all the more scandalous. Initially known as Portrait or Portrait of Raymond Poincaré, the earlier painting was shown in an exhibition held at the Galerie Van Leer in Paris in 1927 in a frame designed by Pierre Legrain. It is only known from black and white photographs (fig.2). The painting’s later transformed state was first documented in a photograph of Picabia’s studio in the Chateau de Mai taken in the summer of 1935 (fig.3), which was discovered by Picabia scholar William Camfield in the album of cuttings and photographs made by the artist’s second wife Olga Mohler Picabia. This evidence gives the transformation of Portrait into The Handsome Pork-Butcher a latest possible date.
The early portrait: history and subject
Portrait began life as a collage of a pink-faced, portly man in white-tie formal dress. It is generally described as having been painted in Ripolin house paint, without supporting analytical evidence, and it included various commonly found materials such as combs and string for the hair, darning needles for eyebrows, toothpicks for the moustache and beard, curtain rings for the eyes and mouth, an eleven centimetre piece from a tape measure for the nose, pencil erasers as a wing collar and pen-nibs for the creases in the bow-tie. The stretcher has a handwritten date of 1921 written on it, the ‘1’ marked up over what looks like an earlier ‘3’.
Despite this date, this painting is not thought to belong to the earlier dada period collages, such as the famous Natures Mortes; Portrait de Cézanne, Portrait de Renoir, Portrait de Rembrandt 1920, but rather to a later group of paintings with collaged elements made between 1924 and 1926. These collages tended to be simpler in style and more figurative than the dada works of the late 1910s, and include portraits, landscapes and still lives in a gentler humorous style. One of the first such collages, Straws and Toothpicks 1923–4 (Kunsthaus Zürich), is an image of flowers constructed out of wooden straws, cord and quill toothpicks on what is thought to be a Ripolin ground. This also has a Pierre Legrain wooden frame, painted aluminium and studded with buttons. These collages, in Camfield’s words, were ‘Not very Dada, not witty, mocking or antiart; instead it has direct appeal, sensuous and very effective’.
These works, which used collage in inventive ways, were usually completed by framing them with a creation every bit as unique. Picabia collaborated with Pierre Legrain and Rose Adler, both of whom made highly original, beautiful and often witty one-off frames, which included features such as snakeskin, transparent plastic tubes made from the new material Perspex, coloured mirrors and simple materials such as buttons, corrugated cardboard and emery paper. The frame made for Portrait is now lost; the painting arrived at Tate without it. Indeed, most Legrain creations are now lost, and where these frames do still exist they are particularly highly prized. As art historian Maria Lluisa Borras has pointed out, ‘Using a signed piece to frame an imitation of painting is once again a Dada action and at the same time in line with the spirit of Picabia’s writing during this period which denounced the inconsistency of the scale of values employed in the art market’.
The photograph of Portrait in its Legrain frame taken at the Galerie Van Leer in Paris in 1927 was reproduced in the British periodical Artwork the following year (see fig.2). An accompanying article commented on the work:
Picabia’s use of materials other than oil-paint, as in the portrait reproduced, with its combs, pins etc., surely needs no defence. It is a trick of course, as the application of gold and jewels to mediaeval pictures is a trick, as oil-painting itself was a trick when first used. Constant renewal of technique is one of the principal means by which an artist escapes the prison of his own style, as much a necessity as escape from the prison of another’s style.
The Galerie Van Leer exhibition was Picabia’s first one-man show. He showed only nineteen works, undoubtedly chosen with great care from among his most surrealist creations, including collages such as Combs, Needles, Rubbers and Feathers, Boats Coming Home and Portrait. While the painting was known simply as Portrait, it was widely identified as Portrait of Raymond Poincaré. It was described as such in a letter from 1926 by artist El Lissitzky, who with his future wife Sophie Kueppers suggested that the work may have been among those that Kueppers solicited from Paris artists in mid-1925 to show in her exhibitions of contemporary art in Dresden in 1926. Unfortunately, the exhibition had no catalogue, although a photograph was taken of the installation in Dresden. It was Kueppers who called the work Portrait of Poincaré and described the need to hide it at the inauguration of the exhibition, for fear of the scandal it would provoke.
This painted satire of Poincaré appears to chime with what the surrealist André Breton wrote about the French Prime Minister in his 1926 essay Légitime défense: ‘We consider the presence of M. Poincaré at the head of the French government to be a serious obstacle to all serious thought, an almost gratuitous insult to the spirit and a ferocious joke which should not be allowed to pass’. Raymond Poincaré was a French statesman who served three times as Prime Minister (1912−13, 1922−24 and 1926−29), and for seven years as President (1913−20). Trained as a lawyer, he was a formidable intellectual and between 1913 and 1934 he published ten volumes of memoirs titled Au service de la France. He was born in Lorraine where he witnessed first-hand the Prussian occupation and, in the words of British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, was ‘brought up in sight of the German eagle waving over the ravished provinces of France, [which] bred in him an implacable enmity of Germany and all Germans’. Opinions on his effectiveness as a leader are divided, but there is no doubt he was a powerful figure during the crucial years after the First World War. He had an implacable attitude towards Germany and refused to show any clemency after the war, demanding with military force − a full-scale French invasion of the Ruhr − that all reparations were paid in full. For this he is viewed by some as the catalyst for the utter collapse of Germany, the rise of National Socialism and the disaster of the Second World War. He was a patriot and believed in the supremacy of France. It is possibly everything that Poincaré represented – conservative, nationalistic and hard-nosed – that provoked the comments from Breton and this lampooning portrait by Picabia.
However, an alternative interpretation of the painting’s subject has been offered by curator Gérard Audinet:
At these dates Raymond Poincaré is in Business. Nothing surprising to see this portrait baptised with the name of the man who stabilised the franc by indexing it to gold, and the rentier Picabia, whose fortune had been decimated by the devaluations of the war and then the construction of the Chateau de Mai, in his own way paying casual and mocking homage.
Poincaré is also known to have bought one of Picabia’s ‘impressionist’ works earlier in the artist’s career. Audinet notes that Poincaré died in October 1934 and that Picabia had transformed the portrait by summer 1935 ‘as if the portrait should not outlive its model, but metamorphose. Accompanying its model in its destiny, the painting is also mortal, ephemeral, denying all redemption in the immortality of art to the profit of a vitality of the instant’.
Despite the low-art materials used in this portrait, there is a remarkable likeness between the collage portrait (see fig.2) and an official photograph of Poincaré from 1914 (fig.4). The statesman’s image was ever-present in contemporary France and internationally, his face appearing on coins, postage stamps and postcards. There are numerous photographs of him with world leaders, particularly British and Russian, and he even appeared on the cover of Time magazine in 1924. A year earlier he was depicted in a cartoon in Le Journal in which an emaciated child is brought in on a platter for his consumption, accompanied by the caption ‘Poincaré eats the children of the Ruhr’. In short, his image was a recognisable trope and therefore perfect fodder for a satirical portrait designed to provoke and antagonise the highest echelons of conservative society.
Technical analysis of the earlier painting
The canvas support for this painting (fig.5) is a standard French stretcher size, 30 Figure (92 x 73 cm), as evidenced by the upside-down colourmaker’s stamp ‘30 F’ in the centre of the lower stretcher member. The corners have been expanded slightly over time, which accounts for the current measurements of 924 mm x 737 mm. The canvas is exceptionally fine (29 warp threads per centimetre and 26 for the weft) and it appears to have retained its original attachment to the stretcher. There are multiple pin holes in the corners of the canvas which suggest it was stacked with drawing pin-type separators when in progress. The tacking margins are covered with an emery-coated canvas fabric which goes over the tacks (fig.6). These tacks are now rusty and stain the material from beneath. On the front of the work, black paint from the painting goes over the edges of the emery fabric (fig.7), which suggests that it was in place when the black paint was applied. It is interesting to note in the black and white photograph of the framed painting (fig.2) that the edges of the painting are not visible within the frame, so the emery fabric was not applied for visual effect when on display.
It is not clear whether Picabia ordered a commercial stretcher and requested this addition of emery fabric from the colourmaker, or whether he applied it himself. The tacks which attach the canvas to the stretcher lie under the emery fabric. It is probable that the emery fabric inspired the lost frame attributed to Pierre Legrain, which also featured emery paper or fabric along with corrugated cardboard, but it is not recorded whether they were conceived simultaneously or if it was an afterthought. The black paint which just spills over onto the emery fabric is very similar in hue to the original paint, which suggests that the fabric was already in place when the black paint was applied.
The painting has a white ground, thinly applied and most probably prepared commercially by the colourman. It was applied in a single layer, and analysis of the top side of the ground suggests that it consists of lead white, some chalk and small amounts of kaolin. From close examination of the surface it seems that Picabia began by outlining the face and torso of the man with a dilute line of black paint, presumed to be oil-based (fig.8). Glimpses of this were left visible around the contour of the face and shirt (fig.9). The ground remains visible between the shirt and the black background. Picabia then applied the pink, white and black paints in flat planes of colour, abutting one another, but not overlapping. The black outline was still wet when the pink and white paints were added, as these have mingled with the black causing the characteristic wet-in-wet marbling that is seen in other works by Picabia, where it also looks intentional (fig.10). This technique of laying in adjacent areas of colour is familiar from other paintings by Picabia, notably The Fig Leaf 1922 (Tate T03845). It is likely that Picabia started with the painting lying flat to paint these areas as there are no vertical drips and the areas of paint remain quite separate and do not run into one another. The white of the shirt ends neatly just before the base of the canvas and does not encroach on the edges. The black at all other edges does appear to go over them in places and it can be seen on top of the emery fabric. As the edges are covered by the emery fabric and the foldover edges are not visible, it is impossible to see whether any drips might have run over the edges. However, this is the technique deployed in other collages of similar date; Midi (Promenade des Anglais) 1924–5 (Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven), for example, has runs of colour on the foldover edges where the paint was applied while the painting was laid flat, creating drips.
It was into these thickly applied layers of paint that Picabia laid in the collage elements and allowed the drying paint to act as the adhesive, rather than adding glue. The varnish that was applied to still-wet paint might have assisted in retaining them in place.
As noted earlier, Picabia used curtain rings for the eyes and mouth, darning needles for the eyebrows, toothpicks for the moustache and goatee beard and an eleven centimetre fragment of a tape measure for the nose. The tape measure fragment can still be seen in negative, since when it was ripped off it left an ink imprint of the centimetre markings, and some fragments of yellow paint embedded in the pink paint surface can be seen (figs.11a–c).
Camfield has linked this section of tape measure to a work called The Tape Measures 1923–5 (Israel Museum, Jerusalem), which incorporates the rest of the tape measure, cut into several pieces (fig.12). The central tape measure fragment in The Tape Measures begins with the number twelve, suggesting that an eleven centimetre piece was cut off (fig.13). The only legible number on The Handsome Pork-Butcher is 144 reversed. Tape measures commonly have two sets of numbers running in reverse order on each side, starting at number one on one side and number 150 on the other. The tape measure fragments in The Tape Measures only go up to number sixty-two, which implies the last length of the tape is also missing. The black and white photograph printed in 1928 (fig.2) is just clear enough to see the numbers, and the imprint of 144 would suggest that the tape measure was stuck on with the right-side numbers upside down, running from one at the base to eleven at the top. The fragments of yellow paint on the surface of The Handsome Pork-Butcher also match with the yellow tape on The Tape Measures. The shapes of the numbers in 144 also look very similar to the digits in The Tape Measures, which suggests that these two paintings shared the same tape measure.
Camfield speculated on the reason behind Picabia’s use of tape measures:
Rich colours and varied forms and textures strike an immediate sensuous appeal that may be savoured with or without the intellectual possibilities suggested first of all by the broken meter tape – a symbol of rationality and order which brings to mind Duchamp’s Three Standard Stoppages. The tape is arranged so that, in conjunction with the loosely brushed paint and matches (sticks which make fire) it suggests a ‘tree’ or ‘fiery eruption’. But any simple perception of ground plane and sky is confounded by small, radiating ‘suns’ etched into the field of white paint at the ‘bottom’ of the composition.
Perhaps the use of a tape measure can be related to Poincaré’s monetary policies, or maybe it was just to hand and fitted the bill for a nose. That it was attached upside down might be another way of turning order on its head. It would have provided a bright yellow line of colour in the middle of a pink face, which would have been striking if not jarring.
Picabia used combs to create the hair of the first portrait. Initially there were six combs which show as black stains on the reverse of the canvas (fig.14) and are dark in the X-radiograph (fig.15) because the flattened paint beneath them is very thin. It is notable that the combs were attached to wet black paint, which was slower to dry and weaker than the pigment-rich white or pink areas. The combs pushed black paint through to the back of the work, and the subsequent colours applied for the woman’s outline have also come through to the back. In the X-radiograph the original six combs show as black outlines, which have the ghostly white shapes of the current combs behind them. It is possible that the weak bond with the black paint (and its varnish) caused the combs to come loose at some point and prompted the canvas to be revisited by Picabia. The combs are made of various different materials, as becomes obvious when the surface is examined in ultraviolet light (fig.16). One comb on the right-hand side of the painting appears to be made of bone, with characteristic striations when magnified (fig.17).
Another interesting feature of the hair for the first figure is that the black paint is thick and wrinkled, while the black of the background is thin and may have been rubbed away in places. The thicker black paint around the head has wrinkled considerably, as can be seen both in raking light (fig.18) and in transmitted light (fig.19). It has a distinctive appearance in ultraviolet light too (see fig.16). It is not known whether Picabia intended to create the wrinkled effect, but it is very specific to the area confined by the string outlines. The black and white photograph of Poincaré from 1914 (fig.4) shows that he had a curly beard and presumably curly or wiry hair too, although it is less visible in that image. The effect of the wrinkles is that of a textured area for the hair, which fits very well with the design.
There is also dramatic wrinkling in the pink face (fig.20), but this seems to be the effect of a thick pool of pink paint which has been left to settle and dry, the surface again drying more rapidly than the body of the paint. The paint has been pushed up by the pressure exerted on the collage rings of eyes and mouth, and even more dramatic wrinkles delineate the circles of the eye on the right (fig.21) and the mouth of the first figure (fig.22).
Picabia’s choice of paints
According to anecdotes, Picabia used Ripolin in this painting. The glossy appearance of the paint, with dense colouration, wrinkling and almost complete absence of brittle cracking, would support this idea. These features were designed into commercial paints. However, the analysis of the paints offers a slightly confusing picture: the glossy black paint around the head is made from heat-bodied linseed oil with varying proportions of rosin (also known as colophony). Some of the areas examined from the black background were almost transparent: they consist of a varnish applied to the first image, not absorbed into the paint. Other areas absorbed the varnish, and they are the most wrinkled ones, and include the largest amount of rosin. The rosin (a natural resin, and one of the cheaper types, making it more likely to be found in a commercial product than a varnish sold for fine art use) must therefore constitute the varnish of the earlier image. The patchy absorption suggests early varnishing of paint not yet dried.
The black pigment is likely to be a carbon black such as lamp black. Lead white is included, and several extenders are present including chalk, gypsum and silica, possibly with Prussian blue as well, which would have been added by the paint maker to give a cooler and less brown black than pure lamp black. Zinc soaps are present, both amorphous and crystalline, in all the paint samples, but zinc white is never the only white pigment in these paints. The pink paint includes red organic pigment(s) that could not be identified with confidence using the techniques available, zinc white with barium sulphate (or lithopone, the combination of these), and chalk/gypsum extenders and zinc stearates (these could be from naturally aged zinc white, but could also be added to commercial paints). These constituents are very well-dispersed, and the pink paint must therefore be a commercial product. The pink paint also includes faded yellow pigment in its uppermost portion, which would have given it a more orange tone when new, and therefore it appears redder today than it should, and even less realistic as flesh paint. Such paints are not artists’ tube paints, but neither do they match well-analysed commercial paints such as the Ripolin range, which at this date included zinc white as the only white pigment, and had a markedly small proportion of extenders. Tube paints can include heat-bodied oils, which were more common in commercial paints at this period, but such oils could also be purchased by artists and added to tube paint to increase gloss.
These results do not rule out a Ripolin paint mixed with an artists’ paint or other paint containing lead white, heat-bodied oil and/or a reasonable amount of extenders, or even a commercial paint of a brand not yet studied by analysing historic samples. However, they do match the findings of a broader study into Picabia’s paints with a ‘Ripolin look’, which concluded that the use of Ripolin alone was evidenced by analysis only in a minority of cases, and that more likely Picabia added resins and/or heat-bodied oils to his own (artists’ tube) paint to achieve the gloss, smooth surface and capability for forming thick layers that he required.
Wrinkling, to a commercial manufacturer, is the sign of a non-optimised paint formulation. To Picabia it might initially have been an unpredictable consequence of using paint with the desired handling and flow. But it could have become a feature he chose to incorporate into the image, for the hair in this instance. The analytical finding of more rosin in the wrinkled black paint for the hair, compared to the black paint in the background, could be interpreted as a controlled manipulation of the paint formulation with additions of rosin-based varnish to ensure a desired surface effect, rather than uneven absorption of the varnish. By using a single resin for varnish and putative paint modifier, Picabia has left us with a question that paint analysis cannot resolve. That he set out to create wrinkled paint for the hair by manipulating the paint formulation would be within his experience and capabilities, and it remains a reasonable interpretation.
However, there is another possibility. Paint designed to wrinkle was available in the early part of the twentieth century, and published illustrations of its appearance show a similar appearance to Picabia’s paint. Did he select such a commercial paint? These paints were generally formulated with comparable materials to his own (modified oils including some never found in artists’ tube paints, and added resins that could include rosin), so the analytical results could be interpreted as a wrinkle paint. But the black paint of the background is not wrinkled, yet has the same constituents to the black paint of the hair, differing only in proportions. It seems more likely that one type of black paint was manipulated by Picabia, to create a wrinkled texture in specific areas.
Technical analysis of the later painting
At an unknown date before summer 1935 (see fig.3), Picabia ripped off the collage elements taking with them both paint and ground, leaving areas of bare canvas, and even causing tears in the canvas where the removal was particularly violent (see fig.21). Picabia tore off some but not quite all of the string around the hair and he removed all the original combs, if they had not already slid downwards and at last fallen off one by one, as discussed earlier. On top of the ruins of the collage portrait, Picabia painted the outline, heavy-lidded eyes and vampish red lips of a femme fatale, her long-fingered hands draped provocatively over the shoulders of the rather surprised-looking male face underneath. The female figure is dominant and the male one looks emasculated and powerless.
The outline of the woman was painted directly over the resulting losses in the face and body of the first portrait, the paint penetrating the bare canvas and staining the reverse. The eyes of the woman were outlined in black, and then blue was added to what would normally be the whites of her eyes. The features of her face are shadowed with a rust brown contour (fig.23), but the shadows do not follow any particularly directional light and seem rather random. The ear and neck contour are painted in a similar rust colour and overlie the wrinkles in the black paint, suggesting that the wrinkles belonged to the first portrait rather than being additions to the second. On top of the outlines of her face and eyes, Picabia added five combs and adhered them with animal skin glue. It seems the glue was applied liberally to the surface of the paint rather than the combs. The combs have slipped down the surface of the painting slightly, leaving areas of adhesive exposed. The bond between the combs and the painting is very weak and fragile. The new combs lie on top of the latest layers of paint and were added with adhesive once the woman’s profile was complete. The light-coloured combs give the impression of blonde hair, while they also conform to the outline of the previous male head, which was formed by string pressed into the paint. These outlines have been emphasised with white paint, which lies in the gap where the string was removed. The line of string which was left in the paint has received a grey border. The white lines around the hair have been augmented and painted over the exposed canvas where the string was removed. A new higher contour line has been added at the summit of the hair. The white lines which formed the shoulders of the earlier Portrait have been delineated with new white paint and the line goes over the paint of the hands on the right side. This white line seems to have been applied last as it also goes over the rust-brown of the ear and neck. The contour of the shoulders and neck still follow the original lines of the male figure and are not feminine in shape. Picabia also added a signature in the lower left corner over the brown outline of the woman’s hand (see fig.1).
Interestingly, at the same time as painting the woman, Picabia emphasised the remains of the first face. He painted black outlines around the eyes and in the eyebrows. He similarly created sagging bags underneath the eyes and emphasised the whiskers of the initial portrait. This was done after the collage elements were removed, because it is obvious that the black is lying directly on the exposed canvas, laid bare only after their demise. This creates the bizarre impression of blemishes on the woman’s cheeks and whiskers on her chin, whether intended or not. This also recalls the existence of the previous image, while at the same time overwhelming it with this feminine contour. Picabia seems to have been at pains to create a double portrait, with both forms existing in their own planes but also interlocking and seemingly inseparable. This is an interesting ‘destruction’ of his work, using the first portrait as a ready-made image that has then been altered, overpowered and then partially augmented rather than hidden.
Conclusion
The earlier Portrait was painted at a time of great experimentation for Picabia, when he was moving away from the dada movement, yet some of the dada scurrility remains in his portrayal of the President of the French Republic. The use of collage is significant; it is not just a convenient source of materials but reflects an active attempt to move away from the materials and techniques traditionally used by artists. The fact that he captured a caricature in curtain rings, needles, a tape measure and string among other items is remarkable, and a tribute to his skill as an artist.
Poincaré’s death in 1934 may have been the cause for revisiting this painting and changing it so dramatically. Or it may have been something as mundane as the combs becoming detached. Or both. Either way, it was extreme in its effect, leading Picabia to literally break the surface of the paint by ripping off the collage elements, destroying the past for a new and current image. The face and hands of the woman are painted in outline, reminiscent of his ‘transparencies’ from 1928–32, where overlapping contours of recognisable images are layered within transparent layers of varnish and oil glazes. Here the outlines are opaque, thick oil paint, applied liberally enough to seep through to the reverse and fill the areas left empty by the collage elements. At the same time Picabia picked out certain features of the male portrait below. The title The Handsome Pork-Butcher remains unexplained. Anecdotally, the Germans are fond of their sausages and such stereotypes would have been revisited in the post-First World War period. It has been mentioned already that Poincaré was considered a butcher for invading Germany in 1923 to force the payment of war damages. Perhaps, then, the title makes an insulting reference to Poincaré’s hostility towards Germany.
Tate paid tribute to the original Legrain frame by creating a new frame covered in emery paper, and the emery-covered edges of the painting are now visible within the frame. However, the whole frame is today protected with glazing, and the fragility of the remaining collage elements mean that it cannot travel. From lowly beginnings it is now a highly prized and valuable museum piece. Its innovation and creative power is undiminished, and it remains one of Picabia’s most striking and intriguing works.
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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Rebuilding a Cathedral: The Media, American Money, and French Heritage
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The Reims Cathedral in France, destroyed by German shelling during World War I, was rebuilt after a carefully-planned donation from John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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On May 3, 1924, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., wrote to French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré to make a formal offer of financial assistance for the restoration of several French national monuments. Preparations for Rockefeller’s gift, however, had been quietly in the works for months.
Rockefeller was concerned about the potential implications and pitfalls of this kind of international philanthropy. He knew that such a gift had to be managed carefully if he did not want to appear as a meddling outsider. With the help of his staff, Rockefeller consciously constructed a narrative about the donation that could reflect positively on all parties involved in the project.
The gift itself funded repairs at three separate sites: Reims Cathedral, the Palace of Versailles, and the Palace of Fontainebleau. But Rockefeller and his staff consistently emphasized that the most important of the three was the restoration of Reims Cathedral, a revered national symbol of the French people.
“The Ravages of War”
The Cathedral at Reims had sustained devastating damages during the First World War. On September 19, 1914, a German shell lit a ravaging fire that consumed the Cathedral, causing the roof to collapse and destroying the interior. While the palaces to be restored with Rockefeller’s gift were in disrepair due to “the devastating effects of time,” the Cathedral was a visible example of “the ravages of war” on humanity and culture.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Profound Admiration” Inspires a Gift
It is difficult to pinpoint a single reason why John D. Rockefeller, Jr. decided to help restore French cultural monuments. Certainly the gift was consistent with family tradition. Even before he made his millions in the late nineteenth century, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. gave a significant percentage of his earnings to charitable causes. Established in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation was the primary mechanism for carrying out Rockefeller’s organized philanthropy. It worked worldwide to support educational, medical, and public health initiatives.
The state of international politics following the First World War doubtless played a role in John D. Rockefeller, Jr.’s decision. Many reports about the gift cited Rockefeller’s discussions of “the question with friends of France” upon his return from a trip to that country in 1923.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Based upon his status and reputation, it is possible that Rockefeller was met with requests or perhaps even some pressure from French government officials or his American associates to make a donation.
With memories of the war and its conclusion fresh in American and European minds, many felt that the United States had the obligation, burden, or opportunity to continue to support its allies in the conflict. Newspaper articles with titles such as “America to the Rescue”“America to the Rescue,” New York Evening World, May 31, 1925, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.and “Help Others Help Themselves”“Help Others Help Themselves,” The Richmond Palladium, June 3, 1924, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.expressed a national public opinion that was generally favorable towards Rockefeller and, in most cases, sympathetic to the French.
Even considering these many outside influences, the simplest explanation behind Rockefeller’s gift might be his genuine affinity for a monument of such artistic and cultural significance. Rockefeller was a devoutly religious man with an aesthetic preference for medieval art and architecture. In a 1928 letter, Rockefeller described his “deep interest in the Cathedral and profound admiration for it.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Georges Charbonneaux, September 14, 1928, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Forming a Committee
Since Rockefeller knew that a contribution by a foreign philanthropist to a French national cause would be a delicate matter, he spent much time putting together a team of experts in related areas. The five men who were ultimately selected had experience in architecture, politics, and finance. Each one also had a vested interest in Franco-American relations.“M. Rockefeller donne un million de dollars pour Reims, Versailles, et Fontainebleau,” L’éclair (Paris), May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.These men communicated with French officials privately and extensively to ensure all details were accounted for before the news was announced to the public.
Self-Consciously an Outsider
In an April 1924 letter to Colonel Arthur Woods, who assisted with the negotiations, Rockefeller expressed his public relations concerns. He sought to find a way to offer the gift in an appropriate and respectful way.
Many questions surrounded the donation. First, which governmental body should allocate the resources? Second, how would the Rockefeller donation work in conjunction with the funds already provided by French sources? And third, for which precisely defined purposes could the money be used?John D. Rockefeller, Jr., “Memorandum,” February 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Rockefeller left many of the details up to his associates. However, on the point of limiting the amount of the original gift to one million dollars he was firm. He wrote, “any larger sum might, I fear, subject me to criticism.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Helping, but not Offending
Although the aims of the project seemed honorable enough – to restore and protect a significant religious site with cultural and national importance – committee members knew that its motivations could be interpreted in many different ways and inadvertently cause offense to the American or French governments.
Committee members labored to frame the gift in such a way that they could refute the potential criticism. Official documentation underwent several draft stages before being released, with words chosen carefully to strike a conciliatory and impartial tone.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924 (draft), French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, undated (draft), French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The committee kept the entire project timeline in mind from the start. This included a second donation Rockefeller made in 1927 for additional restoration work.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, March 19, 1927, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – 1927 Pledge, 1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.In early private communications about his first gift, Rockefeller had hinted that “two or three or five years later a further sum [may] be added.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center. While the committee worked with this possibility in mind, members also recognized that an additional Rockefeller donation was only one of many potential paths that the project could follow. The group planned as if further support would not be coming from the donor.
Confronting Questions About Optics
To be sure, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. committed to support all three historic sites. But to encourage a positive public opinion, the committee chose to focus its attention and communication on the restoration of Reims Cathedral, with only secondary mention of the Palaces of Versailles or Fontainebleau. This was done despite the fact that the greatest financial portion of the gift went to the repairs at Versailles. Rockefeller and his associates discussed the Cathedral first and foremost to reporters on both sides of the Atlantic.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.They did this to such an extent that, in some accounts, the palaces seem like an afterthought.
Restoring a National Symbol
Reims was so important to French history that it had long served as a national symbol even more so than a religious one. Traditional accounts trace the birth of the French nation itself to Clovis, the 5th century king and uniter of the Francs. Clovis was baptized at Reims, marking a definitive moment in defining France as its own nation.Euloge Boissonnade, Le Baptême de Clovis : Naissance de la Nation Française. (Paris: Godefroy de Bouillon, 1995).
Significantly, then, the damages to the Cathedral sustained during World War I were a national trauma. The German bombing struck a devastating chord. Postcards depicting the 1914 bombing are testament to the symbolic significance of the Reims Cathedral to the French national spirit.
On the other hand, the Versailles and Fontainebleau palaces were victims of long neglect, not wartime attacks. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. observed their disrepair during a visit in 1923, prompting his support of those restorations. Although important historical sites, the palaces recalled a gilded, monarchist past. In contrast, the Cathedral was a symbol of the nation as a whole.
Reims in the Headlines
Reports of the donation embraced this symbolic angle, putting emphasis on the Cathedral. A New York Evening World article of May 30, 1924 featured the headline, “Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral.” A smaller subtitle followed, announcing “$750,000 Will Be Used to Repair Palaces at Versailles and Fontainebleau.”“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The article makes only brief mention of the palaces, going into extensive details about the condition and needs of the Cathedral. Yet its final line concisely states, “[a]bout one-fourth of Mr. Rockefeller’s gift will be spent on the Cathedral.” In short, three quarters of the funding was spent on the projects least written about.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The Public Verdict
Ultimately, the public response was indeed positive. Nevertheless, some voices of dissent emerged. For example, some Americans suggested that the money ought to be spent domestically. Others thought the Cathedral should be left untouched as a monument to the tragedy of war.“Not by Bread Alone,” Fort Myers, Florida News, May 31, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; “Rheims – A War Memorial,” Post Dispatch (St. Louis, MO), May 31, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Most accounts celebrated the donation, reflecting the same unifying sentiments Rockefeller had expressed in his original letter to Poincaré: “such a structure as this great Cathedral belongs to the world, rather than to the country in which it happens to be situated.”“Reims, A World Monument,” Journal-Herald (Delaware, OH), June 4, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
French government officials and citizens wrote publicly and privately to Rockefeller, expressing their thanks. In 1936, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his wife Abby were honored at a ceremony during their visit to Reims.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to sons, July 11, 1936, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift, 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Further Support
Rockefeller’s early indications about a possible second gift were indeed realized in 1927. This new donation was made with just as much planning and discussion, albeit with less fanfare. This might be because of the modesty that Rockefeller and his associates had established in their philanthropic work. Timing may have also played a role: the announcement of the gift came just a few days after Charles Lindbergh’s historic transatlantic flight, which understandably dominated news headlines.“Rockefeller Touches the Heart of France,” State (Columbia, SC), May 30, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Rockefeller and his associates might have simply taken advantage of the third anniversary of the original donation to make the announcement of the second gift. But it is also possible that its concurrence with larger news events and its subsequently muted press coverage is another example of their planning strategy.
Indeed it was this level of careful consideration that enabled the building of a positive narrative around what the New York Times deemed a “nobly conceived and practically planned gift.”“The Rheims Restoration,” New York Times, May 31, [1924], French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Research This Topic in the Archives
“France – Reims – Civic Buildings before and after WWI,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“France – Reims – Reims Cathedral – Reconstruction,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Reims Cathedral,” circa 1926, Rockefeller family papers, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Family Home Movies, Series 2, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Jusserand,” 1924-1929, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift,” 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Welles Bosworth Correspondence,” 1936-1958, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – H. F. Sheets,” 1923-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work,” 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence,” 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Equitable Trust Company, Chase,” 1924-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
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Rebuilding a Cathedral: The Media, American Money, and French Heritage
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The Reims Cathedral in France, destroyed by German shelling during World War I, was rebuilt after a carefully-planned donation from John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
|
en
|
REsource
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https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rebuilding-a-cathedral-the-media-american-money-and-french-heritage/
|
On May 3, 1924, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., wrote to French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré to make a formal offer of financial assistance for the restoration of several French national monuments. Preparations for Rockefeller’s gift, however, had been quietly in the works for months.
Rockefeller was concerned about the potential implications and pitfalls of this kind of international philanthropy. He knew that such a gift had to be managed carefully if he did not want to appear as a meddling outsider. With the help of his staff, Rockefeller consciously constructed a narrative about the donation that could reflect positively on all parties involved in the project.
The gift itself funded repairs at three separate sites: Reims Cathedral, the Palace of Versailles, and the Palace of Fontainebleau. But Rockefeller and his staff consistently emphasized that the most important of the three was the restoration of Reims Cathedral, a revered national symbol of the French people.
“The Ravages of War”
The Cathedral at Reims had sustained devastating damages during the First World War. On September 19, 1914, a German shell lit a ravaging fire that consumed the Cathedral, causing the roof to collapse and destroying the interior. While the palaces to be restored with Rockefeller’s gift were in disrepair due to “the devastating effects of time,” the Cathedral was a visible example of “the ravages of war” on humanity and culture.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Profound Admiration” Inspires a Gift
It is difficult to pinpoint a single reason why John D. Rockefeller, Jr. decided to help restore French cultural monuments. Certainly the gift was consistent with family tradition. Even before he made his millions in the late nineteenth century, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. gave a significant percentage of his earnings to charitable causes. Established in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation was the primary mechanism for carrying out Rockefeller’s organized philanthropy. It worked worldwide to support educational, medical, and public health initiatives.
The state of international politics following the First World War doubtless played a role in John D. Rockefeller, Jr.’s decision. Many reports about the gift cited Rockefeller’s discussions of “the question with friends of France” upon his return from a trip to that country in 1923.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Based upon his status and reputation, it is possible that Rockefeller was met with requests or perhaps even some pressure from French government officials or his American associates to make a donation.
With memories of the war and its conclusion fresh in American and European minds, many felt that the United States had the obligation, burden, or opportunity to continue to support its allies in the conflict. Newspaper articles with titles such as “America to the Rescue”“America to the Rescue,” New York Evening World, May 31, 1925, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.and “Help Others Help Themselves”“Help Others Help Themselves,” The Richmond Palladium, June 3, 1924, Folder 1244, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.expressed a national public opinion that was generally favorable towards Rockefeller and, in most cases, sympathetic to the French.
Even considering these many outside influences, the simplest explanation behind Rockefeller’s gift might be his genuine affinity for a monument of such artistic and cultural significance. Rockefeller was a devoutly religious man with an aesthetic preference for medieval art and architecture. In a 1928 letter, Rockefeller described his “deep interest in the Cathedral and profound admiration for it.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Georges Charbonneaux, September 14, 1928, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Forming a Committee
Since Rockefeller knew that a contribution by a foreign philanthropist to a French national cause would be a delicate matter, he spent much time putting together a team of experts in related areas. The five men who were ultimately selected had experience in architecture, politics, and finance. Each one also had a vested interest in Franco-American relations.“M. Rockefeller donne un million de dollars pour Reims, Versailles, et Fontainebleau,” L’éclair (Paris), May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.These men communicated with French officials privately and extensively to ensure all details were accounted for before the news was announced to the public.
Self-Consciously an Outsider
In an April 1924 letter to Colonel Arthur Woods, who assisted with the negotiations, Rockefeller expressed his public relations concerns. He sought to find a way to offer the gift in an appropriate and respectful way.
Many questions surrounded the donation. First, which governmental body should allocate the resources? Second, how would the Rockefeller donation work in conjunction with the funds already provided by French sources? And third, for which precisely defined purposes could the money be used?John D. Rockefeller, Jr., “Memorandum,” February 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France, 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.Rockefeller left many of the details up to his associates. However, on the point of limiting the amount of the original gift to one million dollars he was firm. He wrote, “any larger sum might, I fear, subject me to criticism.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Helping, but not Offending
Although the aims of the project seemed honorable enough – to restore and protect a significant religious site with cultural and national importance – committee members knew that its motivations could be interpreted in many different ways and inadvertently cause offense to the American or French governments.
Committee members labored to frame the gift in such a way that they could refute the potential criticism. Official documentation underwent several draft stages before being released, with words chosen carefully to strike a conciliatory and impartial tone.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, May 3, 1924 (draft), French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Raymond Poincaré, undated (draft), French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The committee kept the entire project timeline in mind from the start. This included a second donation Rockefeller made in 1927 for additional restoration work.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, March 19, 1927, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – 1927 Pledge, 1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.In early private communications about his first gift, Rockefeller had hinted that “two or three or five years later a further sum [may] be added.”John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center. While the committee worked with this possibility in mind, members also recognized that an additional Rockefeller donation was only one of many potential paths that the project could follow. The group planned as if further support would not be coming from the donor.
Confronting Questions About Optics
To be sure, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. committed to support all three historic sites. But to encourage a positive public opinion, the committee chose to focus its attention and communication on the restoration of Reims Cathedral, with only secondary mention of the Palaces of Versailles or Fontainebleau. This was done despite the fact that the greatest financial portion of the gift went to the repairs at Versailles. Rockefeller and his associates discussed the Cathedral first and foremost to reporters on both sides of the Atlantic.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to Arthur Woods, April 15, 1924, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work, 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.They did this to such an extent that, in some accounts, the palaces seem like an afterthought.
Restoring a National Symbol
Reims was so important to French history that it had long served as a national symbol even more so than a religious one. Traditional accounts trace the birth of the French nation itself to Clovis, the 5th century king and uniter of the Francs. Clovis was baptized at Reims, marking a definitive moment in defining France as its own nation.Euloge Boissonnade, Le Baptême de Clovis : Naissance de la Nation Française. (Paris: Godefroy de Bouillon, 1995).
Significantly, then, the damages to the Cathedral sustained during World War I were a national trauma. The German bombing struck a devastating chord. Postcards depicting the 1914 bombing are testament to the symbolic significance of the Reims Cathedral to the French national spirit.
On the other hand, the Versailles and Fontainebleau palaces were victims of long neglect, not wartime attacks. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. observed their disrepair during a visit in 1923, prompting his support of those restorations. Although important historical sites, the palaces recalled a gilded, monarchist past. In contrast, the Cathedral was a symbol of the nation as a whole.
Reims in the Headlines
Reports of the donation embraced this symbolic angle, putting emphasis on the Cathedral. A New York Evening World article of May 30, 1924 featured the headline, “Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral.” A smaller subtitle followed, announcing “$750,000 Will Be Used to Repair Palaces at Versailles and Fontainebleau.”“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The article makes only brief mention of the palaces, going into extensive details about the condition and needs of the Cathedral. Yet its final line concisely states, “[a]bout one-fourth of Mr. Rockefeller’s gift will be spent on the Cathedral.” In short, three quarters of the funding was spent on the projects least written about.“Rockefeller Jr. Gives $1,000,000, Helps Restore Rheims Cathedral,” New York Evening World, May 30, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
The Public Verdict
Ultimately, the public response was indeed positive. Nevertheless, some voices of dissent emerged. For example, some Americans suggested that the money ought to be spent domestically. Others thought the Cathedral should be left untouched as a monument to the tragedy of war.“Not by Bread Alone,” Fort Myers, Florida News, May 31, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.; “Rheims – A War Memorial,” Post Dispatch (St. Louis, MO), May 31, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Most accounts celebrated the donation, reflecting the same unifying sentiments Rockefeller had expressed in his original letter to Poincaré: “such a structure as this great Cathedral belongs to the world, rather than to the country in which it happens to be situated.”“Reims, A World Monument,” Journal-Herald (Delaware, OH), June 4, 1924, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
French government officials and citizens wrote publicly and privately to Rockefeller, expressing their thanks. In 1936, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his wife Abby were honored at a ceremony during their visit to Reims.John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to sons, July 11, 1936, French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift, 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Further Support
Rockefeller’s early indications about a possible second gift were indeed realized in 1927. This new donation was made with just as much planning and discussion, albeit with less fanfare. This might be because of the modesty that Rockefeller and his associates had established in their philanthropic work. Timing may have also played a role: the announcement of the gift came just a few days after Charles Lindbergh’s historic transatlantic flight, which understandably dominated news headlines.“Rockefeller Touches the Heart of France,” State (Columbia, SC), May 30, 1927, French Restorations – Gift to France – Newspaper Articles and Booklets, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Rockefeller and his associates might have simply taken advantage of the third anniversary of the original donation to make the announcement of the second gift. But it is also possible that its concurrence with larger news events and its subsequently muted press coverage is another example of their planning strategy.
Indeed it was this level of careful consideration that enabled the building of a positive narrative around what the New York Times deemed a “nobly conceived and practically planned gift.”“The Rheims Restoration,” New York Times, May 31, [1924], French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence, 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, Rockefeller Archive Center.
Research This Topic in the Archives
“France – Reims – Civic Buildings before and after WWI,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“France – Reims – Reims Cathedral – Reconstruction,” 1875-1969 (Bulk: 1910-1969), 1910-1969, John D. Rockefeller Jr. papers, family photographs, Series 1005, Lantern Slides, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“Reims Cathedral,” circa 1926, Rockefeller family papers, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, Audiovisual Materials, Home Movies and Newsreels, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Family Home Movies, Series 2, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1920-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France,” 1928-1939, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Jusserand,” 1924-1929, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Committee to Supervise Expenditures of Gift,” 1924-1940, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Welles Bosworth Correspondence,” 1936-1958, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – H. F. Sheets,” 1923-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Restorations in France – Gifts – Articles on Work,” 1925-1933, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Arthur Woods Correspondence,” 1924-1927, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
“French Restorations – Comite Franco-Americain – Equitable Trust Company, Chase,” 1924-1936, Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller records, Cultural Interests, Series E, French Restorations, Rockefeller Archive Center.
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Aristide_Briand
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Aristide Briand
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Aristide Briand (French: [a.ʁis.tid bʁi.jɑ̃]; 28 March 1862 – 7 March 1932) was a French statesman who served eleven terms as Prime Minister of France during the French Third Republic and was a co-laureate of the 1926 Nobel Peace Prize. He was born in Nantes, Loire-Atlantique of a petit...
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Aristide_Briand
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Aristide Briand (French: [a.ʁis.tid bʁi.jɑ̃]; 28 March 1862 – 7 March 1932) was a French statesman who served eleven terms as Prime Minister of France during the French Third Republic and was a co-laureate of the 1926 Nobel Peace Prize.
Early life[]
He was born in Nantes, Loire-Atlantique of a petit bourgeois family. He attended the Nantes Lycée, where, in 1877, he developed a close friendship with Jules Verne.[1] He studied law, and soon went into politics, associating himself with the most advanced movements, writing articles for the anarchist journal Le Peuple, and directing the Lanterne for some time. From this he passed to the Petite République, leaving it to found L'Humanité, in collaboration with Jean Jaurès.
Activism[]
At the same time he was prominent in the movement for the formation of trade unions, and at the congress of working men at Nantes in 1894 he secured the adoption of the labor union idea against the adherents of Jules Guesde. From that time, Briand was one of the leaders of the French Socialist Party. In 1902, after several unsuccessful attempts, he was elected deputy. He declared himself a strong partisan of the union of the Left in what was known as the Bloc, in order to check the reactionary Deputies of the Right.
From the beginning of his career in the Chamber of Deputies, Briand was occupied with the question of the separation of church and state. He was appointed reporter of the commission charged with the preparation of the 1905 law on separation, and his masterly report at once marked him out as one of the coming leaders. He succeeded in carrying his project through with but slight modifications, and without dividing the parties upon whose support he relied.
He was the principal author of the law of separation, but, not content with preparing it, he wished to apply it as well. The ministry of Maurice Rouvier was allowing disturbances during the taking of inventories of church property, a clause of the law for which Briand was not responsible. Consequently he accepted the portfolio of Public Instruction and Worship in the Sarrien ministry (1906). So far as the Chamber was concerned, his success was complete. But the acceptance of a position in a bourgeois ministry led to his exclusion from the Unified Socialist Party (March 1906). As opposed to Jaurès, he contended that the Socialists should co-operate actively with the Radicals in all matters of reform, and not stand aloof to await the complete fulfillment of their ideals.
Prime Minister of France[]
Briand succeeded Clemenceau as Prime Minister in 1909, serving until 1911, and served again for a few months in 1913. In October 1915, following French defeats in the First World War, Briand again became Prime Minister, and, for the first time, Foreign Minister, succeeding René Viviani and Théophile Delcassé respectively. His tenure was not particularly successful, and he resigned in March 1917 as a result of disagreements over the prospective Nivelle Offensive, to be succeeded by Alexandre Ribot.
1920s[]
Briand returned to power in 1921. He supervised the French role in the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–22. Three factors guided the French strategy and necessitated a Mediterranean focus: the French navy needed to carry a great many goods, the Mediterranean was the axis of chief interest, and a supply of oil was essential. The primary goal was to defend French North Africa, and Briand made practical choices, for naval policy was a reflection of overall foreign policy. The Conference agreed on the American proposal that capital ships be limited to a ratio of 5 to 5 to 3 for the United States, Britain, and Japan, with Italy and France allocated 1.7 each. France's participation reflected its need to deal with its diminishing power and reduced human, material, and financial resources.[2]
Briand's efforts to come to an agreement over reparations with the Germans failed in the wake of German intransigence, and he was succeeded by the more bellicose Raymond Poincaré. In the wake of the Ruhr Crisis, however, Briand's more conciliatory style became more acceptable, and he returned to the Quai d'Orsay in 1925. He would remain foreign minister until his death in 1932. During this time, he was a member of 14 cabinets, three of which he headed himself.
Briand negotiated the Briand-Ceretti Agreement with the Vatican, giving the French government a role in the appointment of Catholic bishops.
Kellogg-Briand Pact[]
Aristide Briand received the 1926 Nobel Peace Prize together with Gustav Stresemann of Germany for the Locarno Treaties (Austen Chamberlain of the United Kingdom had received a share of the Peace Prize a year earlier for the same agreement).
A 1927 proposal by Briand and United States Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg for a universal pact outlawing war led the following year to the Pact of Paris, aka the Kellogg-Briand Pact.
The cordial relations between Briand and Stresemann, the leading statesmen of their respective countries, were cut short by the unexpected death of Stresemann in 1929 and of Briand in 1932.
Briand Plan for European union[]
As foreign minister Briand formulated an original proposal for a new economic union of Europe.[3] Described as Briand's Locarno diplomacy and as an aspect of Franco-German rapprochement, it was his answer to Germany's quick economic recovery and future political power. Briand made his proposals in a speech in favor of a European Union in the League of Nations on 5 September 1929, and in 1930, in his "Memorandum on the Organization of a Regime of European Federal Union" for the Government of France. The idea was to provide a framework to contain France's former enemy while preserving as much of the 1919 Versailles settlement as possible. The Briand plan entailed the economic collaboration of the great industrial areas of Europe and the provision of political security to Eastern Europe against Soviet threats. The basis was economic cooperation, but his fundamental concept was political, for it was political power that would determine economic choices. The plan, under the Memorandum on the Organization of a System of European Federal Union, was in the end presented as a French initiative to the League of Nations. With the death of his principal supporter, German foreign minister Gustav Stresemann, and the onset of the Great Depression in 1929, Briand's plan was never adopted but it suggested an economic framework for developments after World War II that eventually resulted in the European Union.[4]
Governments[]
Briand's first Government, 24 July 1909 – 3 November 1910[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of the Interior and Worship
Stéphen Pichon – Minister of Foreign Affairs
Jean Brun – Minister of War
Georges Cochery – Minister of Finance
René Viviani – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Louis Barthou – Minister of Justice
Auguste Boué de Lapeyrère – Minister of Marine
Gaston Doumergue – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Joseph Ruau – Minister of Agriculture
Georges Trouillot – Minister of Colonies
Alexandre Millerand – Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
Jean Dupuy – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Briand's second Government, 3 November 1910 – 2 March 1911[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of the Interior and Worship
Stéphen Pichon – Minister of Foreign Affairs
Jean Brun – Minister of War
Louis Lucien Klotz – Minister of Finance
Louis Lafferre – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Théodore Girard – Minister of Justice
Auguste Boué de Lapeyrère – Minister of Marine
Maurice Faure – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Maurice Raynaud – Minister of Agriculture
Jean Morel – Minister of Colonies
Louis Puech – Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
Jean Dupuy – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Changes
23 February 1911 – Briand succeeds Brun as interim Minister of War.
Briand's third and fourth Governments, 21 January – 22 March 1913[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of the Interior
Charles Jonnart – Minister of Foreign Affairs
Eugène Étienne – Minister of War
Louis Lucien Klotz – Minister of Finance
René Besnard – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Louis Barthou – Minister of Justice
Pierre Baudin – Minister of Marine
Théodore Steeg – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Fernand David – Minister of Agriculture
Jean Morel – Minister of Colonies
Jean Dupuy – Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
Gabriel Guist'hau – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Briand's fifth Government, 29 October 1915 – 12 December 1916[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Joseph Galliéni – Minister of War
Louis Malvy – Minister of the Interior
Alexandre Ribot – Minister of Finance
Albert Métin – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
René Viviani – Minister of Justice
Lucien Lacaze – Minister of Marine
Paul Painlevé – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Jules Méline – Minister of Agriculture
Gaston Doumergue – Minister of Colonies
Marcel Sembat – Minister of Public Works
Étienne Clémentel – Minister of Commerce, Industry, Posts, and Telegraphs
Léon Bourgeois – Minister of State
Denys Cochin – Minister of State
Émile Combes – Minister of State
Charles de Freycinet – Minister of State
Jules Guesde – Minister of State
Changes
15 November 1915 – Paul Painlevé becomes Minister of Inventions for the National Defense in addition to being Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts.
16 March 1916 – Pierre Auguste Roques succeeds Galliéni as Minister of War
Briand's sixth Government, 12 December 1916 – 20 March 1917[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Hubert Lyautey – Minister of War
Albert Thomas – Minister of Armaments and War Manufacturing
Louis Malvy – Minister of the Interior
Alexandre Ribot – Minister of Finance
Étienne Clémentel – Minister of Commerce, Industry, Labour, Social Security Provisions, Agriculture, Posts, and Telegraphs
René Viviani – Minister of Justice, Public Instruction, and Fine Arts
Lucien Lacaze – Minister of Marine
Édouard Herriot – Minister of Supply, Public Works, and Transport
Gaston Doumergue – Minister of Colonies
Changes
15 March 1917 – Lucien Lacaze succeeds Lyautey as interim Minister of War.
Briand's seventh Government, 16 January 1921 – 15 January 1922[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Louis Barthou – Minister of War
Pierre Marraud – Minister of the Interior
Paul Doumer – Minister of Finance
Charles Daniel-Vincent – Minister of Labour
Laurent Bonnevay – Minister of Justice
Gabriel Guist'hau – Minister of Marine
Léon Bérard – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
André Maginot – Minister of War Pensions, Grants, and Allowances
Edmond Lefebvre du Prey – Minister of Agriculture
Albert Sarraut – Minister of Colonies
Yves Le Trocquer – Minister of Public Works
Georges Leredu – Minister of Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
Lucien Dior – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Louis Loucheur – Minister of Liberated Regions
Briand's eighth Government, 28 November 1925 – 9 March 1926[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Paul Painlevé – Minister of War
Camille Chautemps – Minister of the Interior
Louis Loucheur – Minister of Finance
Antoine Durafour – Minister of Labour, Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
René Renoult – Minister of Justice
Georges Leygues – Minister of Marine
Édouard Daladier – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Paul Jourdain – Minister of Pensions
Jean Durand – Minister of Agriculture
Léon Perrier – Minister of Colonies
Anatole de Monzie – Minister of Public Works
Charles Daniel-Vincent – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Changes
16 December 1925 – Paul Doumer succeeds Loucheur as Minister of Finance.
Briand's ninth Government, 9 March – 23 June 1926[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Paul Painlevé – Minister of War
Louis Malvy – Minister of the Interior
Raoul Péret – Minister of Finance
Antoine Durafour – Minister of Labour, Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
Pierre Laval – Minister of Justice
Georges Leygues – Minister of Marine
Lucien Lamoureux – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Paul Jourdain – Minister of Pensions
Jean Durand – Minister of Agriculture
Léon Perrier – Minister of Colonies
Anatole de Monzie – Minister of Public Works
Charles Daniel-Vincent – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Changes
10 April 1926 – Jean Durand succeeds Malvy as Minister of the Interior. François Binet succeeds Durand as Minister of Agriculture.
Briand's tenth Government, 23 June – 19 July 1926[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Adolphe Guillaumat – Minister of War
Jean Durand – Minister of the Interior
Joseph Caillaux – Minister of Finance
Antoine Durafour – Minister of Labour, Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
Pierre Laval – Minister of Justice
Georges Leygues – Minister of Marine
Bertrand Nogaro – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Paul Jourdain – Minister of Pensions
François Binet – Minister of Agriculture
Léon Perrier – Minister of Colonies
Charles Daniel-Vincent – Minister of Public Works
Fernand Chapsal – Minister of Commerce and Industry
Briand's eleventh Government, 29 July – 3 November 1929[]
Aristide Briand – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Paul Painlevé – Minister of War
André Tardieu – Minister of the Interior
Henry Chéron – Minister of Finance
Louis Loucheur – Minister of Labour, Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
Louis Barthou – Minister of Justice
Georges Leygues – Minister of Marine
Laurent Eynac – Minister of Air
Pierre Marraud – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts
Louis Antériou – Minister of Pensions
Jean Hennessy – Minister of Agriculture
André Maginot – Minister of Colonies
Pierre Forgeot – Minister of Public Works
Georges Bonnefous – Minister of Commerce and Industry
See also[]
List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s
References[]
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. "[[Wikisource:1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Briand, Aristide|]]" Encyclopædia Britannica Cambridge University Press
Further reading[]
Bernard, Philippe; Dubief, Henri; Forster, Thony (1985). The Decline of the Third Republic, 1914–1938. The Cambridge History of Modern France. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-35854-X.
Mayeur, Jean-Marie; Rebirioux, Madeleine; Foster, J. R. (1984). The Third Republic from its Origins to the Great War, 1871–1914. The Cambridge History of Modern France. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 2-7351-0067-7.
Wright, Julian (2005). "Social Reform, State Reform, and Aristide Briand's Moment of Hope in France, 1909–1910". pp. 31–67. Digital object identifier:10.1215/00161071-28-1-31.
[]
Nobel biography
Timeline for the 150th anniversary of Aristide Briand
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A Year of M. Poincaré
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[
"J. A. M. de Sanchez",
"Author:Elliott Abrams",
"James M. Lindsay"
] |
1927-10-01T00:00:00
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RAYMOND POINCARÉ formed his National Union Ministry on July 22, 1926. In the twelve-month since he became Premier and Minister of Finance he has brought the financial problem with which France was then faced within sight of final solution. The nature of the problem which confronted him was stated with admirable clarity in the report made public on July 3, 1926, by the French Committee of Experts, and need not be re-stated here in detail. However, it is perhaps useful to outline briefly certain of the main events which preceded M. Poincaré's assumption of office.
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Foreign Affairs
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https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/france/1927-10-01/year-m-poincare
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RAYMOND POINCARÉ formed his National Union Ministry on July 22, 1926. In the twelve-month since he became Premier and Minister of Finance he has brought the financial problem with which France was then faced within sight of final solution. The nature of the problem which confronted him was stated with admirable clarity in the report made public on July 3, 1926, by the French Committee of Experts, and need not be re-stated here in detail. However, it is perhaps useful to outline briefly certain of the main events which preceded M. Poincaré's assumption of office.
Following the Armistice the French people were faced with the choice of restoring the nine devastated Departments of France or of applying themselves to prompt fiscal rehabilitation. To have undertaken both tasks simultaneously might have risked double failure. At all events, successive French Governments addressed themselves primarily to the solution of the problem of physical reconstruction in the hope that with the aid of Reparation Payments they could maintain the fiscal situation in status quo. It soon became apparent that no important sums would be received from Germany in the years immediately following the war. But reconstruction was already in full course and it proved necessary to finish the work unaided rather than abandon it half completed. It is not necessary to analyze at length the effect of this decision on French public finance. Suffice it to say that successive Finance Ministers, hampered as they were by recalcitrant Chambers, were unable to raise the funds necessary for reconstruction and at the same time balance the Budget and avoid currency inflation.
When M. Poincaré took office matters had definitely come to a head, the Budget was not balanced, the floating debt had become unmanageable and had ceased to float, the State was without current funds, the franc was at 248 to the pound sterling, and it was obvious that the State soon must either have further recourse to the issue of paper money in order to avoid openly repudiating its obligations or undertake promptly some such comprehensive program of fiscal reconstruction as had been recommended by the Committee of Experts.
Physical reconstruction had meanwhile been approximately 90 percent completed, and the remaining task in this respect was not great. It was the fiscal situation which was so bad as to seem hopeless to many observers both in France and abroad, and it was to the solution of this problem that M. Poincaré at once addressed himself.
He had not been long in office when he realized that the cornerstone of any program of fiscal rehabilitation was a balanced budget. French budgets had previously been divided first into three categories -- Ordinary, Extraordinary and Recoverable -- and later into two -- Ordinary and Recoverable. This multiplicity of budgets designed to distinguish between recurrent, special and non-recurrent expenditures and receipts served simply as a thin disguise for the fact that the State's current expenditure exceeded its current revenue. In his report of June 10, 1927, the Agent General for Reparation Payments commenting upon the similar German practice of presenting the Reich's accounts in separate budgets states the fundamental objection to such budgetary method in the following terms: "The effect of all this procedure is to present the financial position of the Reich in a most artificial light. . . . This system of accounting, in other words, permits budget surpluses to be shown which do not actually exist and which will only come into existence in the future to the extent that loans are actually placed."
Such criticism can no longer be applied to France. On August 3, 1926, M. Poincaré required Parliament to vote increased taxation of 9,300,000,000 francs in order to balance the State's expenditure and revenues. At the same time budgetary accounting was so simplified that it is now possible to obtain a complete and accurate view of the State's accounts without expert knowledge and months of hard work.
The Budget for 1926 was the first since 1913 to be balanced in the fullest sense of the word. Indeed the fiscal year 1926 ended with a real surplus of current receipts over current expenditures in excess of one 1,592,000,000 francs -- a sum which has since been devoted to a retroactive increase in the pay of civil servants in the lower grades. Furthermore, M. Poincaré presented to the Chamber and had voted before the beginning of the year a fully balanced budget for the calendar year 1927, which to date shows a real surplus of receipts over all expenditures of slightly over 700,000,000 francs. The 1927 Budget, it should be noted, provides about 4,300,000,000 francs for Debt Amortization in addition to 3,500,000,000 francs with which the Caisse d'Amortissement is endowed for the purpose of retiring Bons de la Défense Nationale. The year 1927, therefore, should close with a net reduction of the public debt, the best of all proofs of budgetary equilibrium.
Assured that current expenditures would be met from current revenue, M. Poincaré next turned to the question of the floating debt. His primary aim was to avoid forced consolidation such as had been found necessary in neighboring states. To this end he created by Constitutional Act, a Sinking Fund Commission (Caisse d'Amortissement) under independent management to care for the renewal and retirement of Bons de la Défense Nationale. To this Commission the product of the Tobacco Monopoly and certain tax revenues were assigned. Its operations from the start have been attended with uniform success. In order to assure itself a reasonable working capital it began last autumn by offering a long-term amortizable loan which was attractively priced and hence was considerably over-subscribed. This was the first government or semi-government long-term internal loan which had been successfully sold in nearly four years. With its cash position thus assured, the Commission has gradually converted some twelve billion francs of one, three and six month bills into one and two year bills. Its position is now so strong that it no longer even offers one year bills for sale or renewal, the holders of these having no option but to accept payment for their bills as they fall due or to convert their holdings into two year bills. In addition, it progressively reduced the interest rate on one year bills from six to three percent and pays only four and one half percent on two year bills. This difference in interest rate has been a factor in driving investors away from the one year notes to the two year notes at a pace of about 2,000,000,000 francs per month. As no two year notes were issued until December 16, 1926, it will be noted that so much of the floating debt as is included in the two year note class does not present itself for payment until December, 1928.
Through the above operations the Commission has reduced the average monthly maturity of bills from nearly seven billion francs to under three billion francs. With the return of the investor's confidence in the Government's will and ability to meet its obligations, the Commission has found it difficult, however, to reduce the actual total of the Bons de la Défense Nationale under its control. In spite of the consolidation in May of over 7,300,000,000 francs, or approximately 15 percent of the total bills outstanding as of April 30 last, the issue of such "bons" remains somewhat above the level of a year ago.
Early in the current year M. Poincaré, as part of his program of floating and short term debt consolidation, offered a loan designed to consolidate short term debt maturities for 1927. This issue paid an adequate interest rate and was successful. Provision thus has been made to care for short term debt maturing this year. Between April 25 and May 25 last, a further consolidation loan designed to fund short term debt maturing (in some cases at the option of the holder) in 1928 and 1929 was sold. These maturities totaled 18,450,000,000 francs. This issue also attracted heavy subscriptions, and debt maturities for the next two years have been reduced to 7,500,000,000 francs, a sum fully within the Treasury's capacity to handle.
The effect of the above operations has been to reduce heavily the total short term debt and in addition to change the floating debt into longer and longer maturities.
In the meanwhile M. Poincaré did not neglect the purely monetary aspects of his problem. By the law of August 6, 1926, the Bank of France was authorized to purchase gold, silver and valuta (foreign exchange) and to issue francs for this purpose in excess of the amount authorized by law, such excess issue, if any, to be shown in the circulation figures. The Bank is required to hold the gold and silver or valuta so purchased as reserve against the excess notes issued. Under this law the Bank of France has purchased whatever valuta offerings have been made in excess of those which the exchange market in the ordinary course of business would absorb. In addition, the Bank has purchased gold and silver coin in France at prices somewhat below the world prices of such metal. The inauguration of this policy in the late summer of last year was one of the causes of the rapid recovery of the franc to 124.2 per pound sterling, at which price it has been held by the Bank of France since December 20, 1926. The return of confidence on the part of the French public in the solidity of its Government's financial position, of course played some part in the swift rise of the franc last fall as did in a certain measure the borrowing abroad by various French railroads, et cetera, of approximately one hundred million dollars. This sum, however, was not held by France but served to obviate exchange purchases in order to pay off certain indebtedness due to Holland, Switzerland, and other countries, and to meet normal interest and sinking fund payments on the Government's foreign commercial debt.
Subsequent to the decision to hold the franc at 124.2 francs per pound sterling, the Bank of France and the French Treasury have come into possession of very important valuta reserves. These reserves are freely estimated by the French press to be now in excess of one thousand million dollars. This sum apparently represents a net gain of valuta, since early in the current year the French Treasury and Bank of France together made a heavy payment in liquidation of the debt to the Bank of England and the Treasury has further met payments on war debts to the British and American Treasuries in addition to meeting the normal charges on its foreign commercial indebtedness.
The process by which this great valuta reserve was accumulated seems to have been somewhat as follows:
Purchases of valuta were made in the first place not because the Bank particularly desired to accumulate additional foreign exchange reserves but in order to keep the franc from rising above the selected level. The francs issued to purchase such valuta have not, however, in fact increased the bank note circulation. The seller of valuta has apparently been taking the francs which he received in return for his sale of foreign exchange to a deposit bank. The Bank of France does not pay interest on deposits with it, and there are no longer any short term bills in which the banks of deposit can readily invest their funds. These banks, because of the slight commercial demand for funds, have been at a loss to know what to do with their money. The result has been that the banks of deposit have been driven to place their excess funds on demand deposit with the Treasury, which for some time paid interest thereon at the rate of 1.6 percent per annum free of tax. At the end of July of this year, however, the interest rate paid on such deposits was reduced by the Treasury to approximately 1.25 percent.
These abnormally low interest rates are of course due to the plethora of ready funds. The funds deposited with the Treasury in the process described above have been used by it to reduce its indebtedness to the Bank of France and thus increase its borrowing margin with that institution. The result of the whole process has been that since July 22, 1926, the debt of the Bank to the Treasury has been reduced from 38,550,000,000 francs to 26,250, 000,000 francs on July 21, 1927. The bank note circulation, on the other hand, during the same period fell from 55,000,000,000 francs to 53,131,000,000 francs.
Some part of the money which has been attracted to France with the return of confidence in her credit has come from foreigners who have become interested in investing in French securities. Not only American investors, but Dutch, British, German and Swiss have been heavy buyers of French internal securities. There is perhaps some element of peril in such investments, because funds may be repatriated after profit-taking, the law which prohibits the export of French capital not being applicable to foreigners. But a considerable portion of the foreign investments in France are thought to be there to stay. While it is of course impossible to determine to what degree foreigners have taken part in the recent flow of foreign funds to France, there seems to be a tendency in some quarters to overestimate their share in the movement. In France it is believed that perhaps one-half of the French funds which went abroad during the flight from the franc in 1924, 1925 and 1926, estimated in the French Economic Year Book for 1927 at $1,500,000,000, has now returned.
The demand deposit account which is being carried at the Treasury has caused some concern. The amount of these demand obligations on July 22, 1927, was over 10,000,000,000 francs. Late in June the Government issued a long term internal loan for the purpose of funding such portion of this indebtedness as was not really required in the form of liquid funds. According to semi-official reports this loan produced some 4,700,000,000 francs in cash. It must be remembered in connection with these Treasury deposits that the short time floating debt has practically disappeared and that no one, three or six month obligations are now being issued. It should also be noted that the deposits with the Treasury at 1.25 percent interest represent almost exclusively the funds of banks, insurance companies and large corporations. The minimum amount that may so be deposited is 500,000 francs. On the other hand the larger part of the floating debt as formerly constituted was held by small investors.
Perhaps it is necessary to draw attention to the fact that the large foreign exchange balances now held by the Treasury and the Bank of France do not represent the acquisition of new wealth either by French citizens, the Bank of France or the French Government. They represent largely the assets of individual Frenchmen or foreigners which were formerly held outside of France. When the Government inaugurated its comprehensive program of fiscal reform and it became apparent that the Budget was really balanced, that the danger of unlimited currency inflation had been removed, and that a forced consolidation of the floating debt need no longer be feared, owners of capital, as has been said, regained confidence in the State's integrity and moved their funds into France for investment. What has taken place, therefore, is the transfer of rights to foreign balances from a great number of individuals, French or otherwise, to the Bank of France and the Government.
The amazing transformation of the fiscal situation of France which has been outlined above has not been without effect on the industrial condition of the country. The French franc after a period of rapid appreciation has now been held at a fixed price for seven months. The result, as nearly as such things can be measured, appears to have been to force the rise of French prices to fairly close to the world level. On the whole, the industry and commerce of the country have withstood this rise of prices fairly well. Trade is of course not as active as it was during the inflation period, but the slackening which followed the appreciation and de facto stabilization of the franc did not cause unemployment in excess of some eighty thousand at the peak and there has been a subsequent reduction to approximately fifteen thousand. Furthermore, foreign trade and tax figures for the first six months of the current year do not indicate any considerable decline of activity. Indeed, recently published foreign trade figures indicate an increased volume of trade, both in exports and imports. French industry has shown surprising capacity for adjusting itself to de facto stabilization at the current level.
The return of Alsace-Lorraine and the prompt reconstruction of the northern industrial section have had a profound effect on the French national economy. France seems to have entered definitely into the ranks of those countries whose balance of trade is in equilibrium, or nearly so. This fact is important, as it would seem to confirm the fact that the balance of payments is and seems likely to remain in France's favor.
Certain observers have contended that the success which M. Poincaré has had in handling the problem of French fiscal reform has been almost wholly due to the confidence of the average Frenchman in his personal integrity and capacity. To such confidence is certainly attributable the halt in the flight from the franc immediately after he took office last year. But confidence would not have been maintained had not his actions proved it well founded. In the space of one year he has balanced the Budget, consolidated the greater part of the short term debt maturing in the next three years, reduced monthly maturities of floating debt by over one-half, put an end to all talk of forced consolidation, and paid off a portion of the short term foreign indebtedness of the State. These measures have been the basis for the return of capital to France, for the maintenance of the franc at the selected level since December last, and for the acquisition by the Bank of France of valuta reserves for its protection. M. Poincaré may thus be said to have fully justified by his choice of means and by his energy in applying them the confidence of those who held that his accession to office meant the inauguration of a period of thorough-going fiscal reform.
France is of course still faced with many serious problems. But the past year has proven beyond doubt that under competent leadership the French people have the capacity to meet the problems of peace as they so well proved their capacity to stand the shock of war.
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correct_leader_00105
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FactBench
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https://www.chateaubelmont.com/en/legal-information.html
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Terms of service
Mediation
Association of European Mediators (AME) :
Title 1 "Mediation" of Book VI "Dispute Resolution" of the French Consumer Code, article L.612-1, recognizes the right of any consumer to have recourse, free of charge, to a consumer mediator (natural or legal person) for the amicable resolution of a dispute with a professional.
The professional is thus required to inform the consumer of the contact details of the mediator to whom he/she is subject. This information must be given, prior to the occurrence of any dispute, on the professional's website, on his general terms and conditions of sale or service, on his order forms or, in the absence of such media, by any other appropriate means.
• Phone number: 09 53 01 02 69
• WEB site: www.mediationconso-ame.com
• Postal address: AME CONSO - Angela ALBERT, President - 197, Boulevard Saint-Germain - 75007 PARIS
In accordance with Article 14 of Regulation (EU) No 524/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council of May 21, 2013 on the online settlement of consumer disputes, you may also use the European Commission's Online Dispute Resolution (ODR) platform, accessible at this URL: https://ec.europa.eu/consumers/odr/main/index.cfm?event=main.home2.show&lng=FR
Bloctel
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3740
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dbpedia
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3
| 16
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https://www.lssu.edu/college-criminal-justice-emergency-responders/school-fire-science-emergency-services/fire-science/
|
en
|
Lake Superior State University
|
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2016-06-08T16:28:22+00:00
|
The Bachelor of Science Degree, Fire Science Generalist is designed to prepare graduates for careers in the area of fire protection, prevention, investigation, education, fire equipment service/supply and emergency planning.
|
en
|
/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/favicon-32x32-1.png
|
Lake Superior State University
|
https://www.lssu.edu/college-criminal-justice-emergency-responders/school-fire-science-emergency-services/fire-science/
|
“All of my professors have welcomed me here with open arms and have always been able to help me whenever I’ve needed assistance. The small class sizes that LSSU offers give me an optimal learning environment because I receive more personal interactions with professors and students that I wouldn’t receive at a large lecture hall. My peers have been extremely friendly with me and continue to challenge me to achieve my academic goals. As I move forward in my career, I desire to be a full-time firefighter and paramedic for a fire department. I also aspire to give back to the communities of people that have taken the time to help me achieve my dreams.”
|
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3740
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0
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https://www.belen-nm.gov/departments/fire/
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en
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Fire Department
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2020-11-23T18:19:08+00:00
|
Fire DepartmentWelcome to the Belen Fire Department Serving our community since 1921 Community - Honor - Duty I.S.O. Class 4 The City of Belen Fire Department was officially formed on June 13, 1921 (Ordinance No. 28) primarily as a one engine volunteer company. Since then, we have rapidly transformed into a combination department which is made up of career and ... Read More
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en
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City of Belen
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https://www.belen-nm.gov/departments/fire/
|
Welcome to the Belen Fire Department
Serving our community since 1921
Community - Honor - Duty
I.S.O. Class 4
The City of Belen Fire Department was officially formed on June 13, 1921 (Ordinance No. 28) primarily as a one engine volunteer company. Since then, we have rapidly transformed into a combination department which is made up of career and volunteer fire fighters. Your fire fighters protect approximately 8 square miles and a resident population of approximately 7,500 citizens and those passing through and visiting our town.
We serve our citizens from 2 main stations and 1 sub-station that is located at the Belen Alexander Airport on the west mesa. Our department is committed to serving the public 24-hours a day. We maintain 3 engine companies, 1 ladder truck, 2 wildland/brush trucks, and 2 medical rescue units.
Our department is divided into 3 divisions: Fire Suppression, Emergency Medical Services (EMS), and Fire Prevention & Code Enforcement. The fire suppression division oversees training and operational procedures for live firefighting and response. The EMS division oversees that all licensed medical personnel are provided with continuing education hours, quality assurance, and that all EMT personnel follow standard operating guidelines and protocols.
The Fire Prevention & Code Enforcement division is responsible for the development, administration, and enforcement of all fire-hazard and life safety codes for all commercial buildings and facilities. They also review new construction plans or modifications, inspect public occupancies and businesses for fire hazards, and provides fire safety education to the public.
Our Mission
The Mission of the City of Belen Fire Department is to serve the citizens of Belen with respect and integrity by providing emergency services at their time of need by protecting lives and property.
Fire Department Contact & Hours
TO REPORT A FIRE OR EMERGENCY DIAL 9-1-1
Dispatch Number: 505-865-2039
Non-Emergency Dispatch Number: 505-865-9130
OPEN BURNING: 505-866-2036 (If you reside in city limits, you must have a valid burn permit issued by the fire department)
Our main fire station is located in downtown Belen at 121 S. 5th Street, Belen, NM. 87002
Non-Emergency Phone Number: 505-966-2714
The administrative/business office of the fire department is open Monday-Friday 8:30am to 4:30pm closed on weekends and holidays.
Fire Department Mailing address is: 100 S. Main Street - Belen, NM 87002-3636
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3740
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dbpedia
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0
| 55
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https://www.contracostafirefighters.org/fire-station-bios
|
en
|
Fire Station Bios
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Contra Costa Fire Station Bios.
|
https://www.contracostafirefighters.org//fire-station-bios
|
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #1
1330 CIVIC DRIVE, WALNUT CREEK, 94596
The history of fire protection in Walnut Creek, is a long and storied one, and Station #1 has been a part of it since the Central Fire Protection District was formed in 1923. The original station was located on Bonanza Street, between Locust and Main Street, housed an American LaFrance engine, and with mostly volunteer firefighters, covered the incorporated City of Walnut Creek, and about 32 square miles of surrounding land, including unincorporated Pleasant Hill.
In 1964 the Central Fire Protection District merged with the Mt. Diablo Fire Protection District to form the Contra Costa County Consolidated Fire Protection District, and a new station was built at 1330 N. Civic Drive. Being centrally located, Station 1 responds to over 2500 emergencies annually, and until January of 2011, this âdowntownâ station was staffed with six personnel, one engine company and one truck company. Currently, Station 1 is staffed with 5 personnel, with one three-person company on a new aerial ladder truck or "tiller," and a 2 person medical squad which responds to medical calls primarily in the City of Walnut Creek.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #2
2012 GEARY ROAD, PLEASANT HILL, 94523
Fire Station #2, in Pleasant Hill, was originally part of the Central Fire Protection District, which served the City of Walnut Creek and surrounding unincorporated areas. The Station was located on Oak Park Blvd. and the building is now occupied by the Diablo Light Opera Company.
In 1964 Central Fire merged with the Mt. Diablo Fire District to become Contra Costa County Consolidated Fire Protection District. That same year, the current Station #2 was built at 2012 Geary Road, in Pleasant Hill.
Located between the County Fire Districtâs Administration building and the Contra Costa Regional Fire Communications Center, Station #2 is affectionately known as âThe Deuce." Station #2 is home at any given time to three fire suppression personnel on three different shifts, including paramedics, and houses a 2010 Pierce, triple combination, Type I Fire Engine, and an HME Type III wildland fire engine.
Station #2, now 47 years old, covers a diverse area of residential, commercial and wildland properties in Pleasant Hill, Walnut Creek and Lafayette.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #3
1520 ROSSMOOR PARKWAY, WALNUT CREEK, 94595
Fire Station #3 is located at 1520 Rossmoor Parkway in Walnut Creek and houses a Type 1 Fire Engine and a Type 3 wildland engine, staffed with a crew of 3 personnel that respond to emergent and non emergent service calls totaling over 2300 runs a year. The current fire house was opened in 1995. Prior to the Rossmoor Parkway location, Fire Station 3 was located at 2273 Whyte Park Ave. in Walnut Creek. The station has always carried the number 3 but started out as part of the Central Fire Protection District which merged with the Mt. Diablo Fire Protection District late in 1964 to form the Consolidated Fire District. Further mergers over the years lead to the formation of the Contra Costa County Fire Protection District in 1996 with a total of 30 station locations. Station 3 proudly serves the citizens of Walnut Creek as well as the cities that it shares borders with, Lafayette and Alamo. Seamless operation between the local fire stations assures the highest level of service is delivered, regardless of boundary lines.
Fire Station 3 is staffed 24 hours a day, year round and will continue to serve its citizens, providing the highest level of care possible.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #4
700 HAWTHORNE DRIVE, WALNUT CREEK, 94596
Station #4 is located in the south end of Walnut Creek on the corner of Hawthorne Dr at Palmer Rd. It was built in 1956 and is easily recognized by its chalet style roof over the apparatus room. It is staffed by a total of 3 personnel on duty each day on 3 different shifts. It houses a Type 1 KME 1500 gpm Fire Engine which proudly serves the citizens of Walnut Creek and Contra Costa County.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #5
205 BOYD ROAD, PLEASANT HILL, 94523
Engine Five in Pleasant Hill serves not only Pleasant Hill, but covers parts of Walnut Creek, Concord, Martinez and Lafayette, all in its "first due" area.
Station Five houses one "type 1" engine company of three firefighers every day. There is also a water tender which is use to support fire incidents, primarily wildland fires, and has 1200+ gallons of water capable of refilling fire engines while at an incident.
Engine Five protects many schools (including Pleasant Hill Middle, Sequoia Middle, Sequoia Elementary, Gregory Gardens, Strandwod, Cambridge Elementary, Fair Oaks School, and others), many churches (Christ the King, Faith Lutheran, Mormon Church on Boyd, 7th Day Adventists, Hilllcrest Congregational, Free Methodist, Church of the Resurrection and others), and many senior living facilities (Chateaus 1, 2, 3, Chateau at Poets' Corner, Courtyards at Pine Creek, and others). Five also protects many businesses on Contra Costa Blvd, Crescent Drive, and the Monument corridor. The Walnut Creek Channel, the Contra Costa Canal and Grayson Creek, as well as the 680 freeway, all run through Five's area. We proudly serve the residents of central Pleasant Hill, Walnut Creek, Concord, Martinez, and Lafayette.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #6
2210 WILLOW PASS ROAD, CONCORD, 94520
Station 6 Personnel
Dual company house
Engine 6 (Three personnel)
Truck 6 (Three personnel)
Battalion Chief 2
21 personalities
â
Located in the heart of downtown Concord, Fire Station #6 rests on the corner of Willow Pass Road and Grant Street. The Spanish style, white adobe facade overlooks Todos Santos Park and serves the citizens of Concord. In 1929, Mt. Diablo Fire Protection District and the Concord Fire Department merged and formed the Mt. Diablo Fire District. The station was built in 1938 and is honored as a Historical Building by the Concord Historical Society. In 1964, Station 6 was born into the modern day Contra Costa County Fire Protection District.
As the busiest firehouse in the Fire District, the Animal House immediately serves the area surrounded by Highway 4, Interstate 680 and Highway 242. Twenty one personalities call 6 our home away from home and continue the traditions of fighting fires, helping the sick and giving back to the community. We house Engine 6, Truck 6 and Battalion 2. Engine 6 is our main pumper at fires. Truck 6 specializes in water and rope rescue, ladder operations, vehicle extrication, and all around being cool. Battalion 2 is a chief officer's vehicle and the Battalion Chief is primarily resonsible for all the crews location in Battalion 2. Both the engine and the truck respond to medical emergencies.
The crews at Station 6 are a part of the community. We conduct station tours for local preschools, perform engine demonstrations at local schools, and help raise money for the Bikes for Tykes Charity Program through our annual Bikes for Tykes Golf Tournament in the Fall.
Always armed with stickers, approach us at the weekly Farmer's Market, at the grocery store, and anytime in between calls!
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #10
2955 TREAT BLVD., CONCORD, 94518
Located at 2955 Treat Blvd. in Concord, adjacent to the Contra Costa County Fire Protection District Training Center, Station 10 was built in 1967. It is staffed with a total of 3 personnel per day who cross-staff a Type 1 Engine and a new Pierce Rescue unit. Station 10 is responsible for responding to multiple hazards in the District including: emergency medical services, structure and wildland fire protection, vehicle extrication, rope rescue, confined spaces, swiftwater rescue, trench rescue and more. It is nicknamed "The Gathering Place" due to the fact that it is the place where everyone congregates when at Training, the Shop or Supply, which are all housed on the same 12 acre lot.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #12 (Crew 12)
1240 SHELL AVE., MARTINEZ, 94553
âStation #12â is one of three fire stations proudly protecting the city of Martinez and its unincorporated areas. This fire station was formally known as the âMountain View Fire Districtâ; getting its name because of its geographical location which offers clear views of Mt. Diablo which is located about 10 miles to the southeast. When the station was built in the mid 1950âs, it was the only fire station in the Mountain View Fire District. Back in the early days, the stationâs sole responsibility was to serve only the unincorporated area of Martinez. However, it became part of the Contra Costa County Fire Protection District on December 1, 1966 at which time the station extended its response boundaries into other areas of Martinez.
Due to the stationâs location near refineries and other heavy industrial plants, Station 12 was given the nick name âGround Zeroâ because the explosive potential associated with being located near the center of a catastrophic industrial event.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #15
3338 MT. DIABLO BLVD., LAFAYETTE, 94549
Station #15 is one of the three (currently Station #16 is closed) Contra Costa County Fire Protection District stations serving the citizens of Lafayette. It is located at 3338 Mt Diablo Blvd. serving the downtown areas and is the busiest station in Lafayette. The station originally served as the headquarters station for the City of Lafayette. The Lafayette Fire Protection District became part of the Contra Costa County Fire Protection District on January 1, 1969, after the City of Lafayette became a City and voted to annex to the Contra Costa County Fire District. We also serve the citizens of the adjoining communities of Walnut Creek, Pleasant Hill, Moraga and Orinda, as well as the unincorporated areas around Lafayette. The station houses one crew of three people (Captain, Engineer and Firefighter, one of which is a Paramedic) operating two pieces of equipment, an Engine (our main piece of equipment) and a 4-wheel drive unit designed to fight fires in the hills in the adjoining areas. The station also houses the Contra Costa County 2nd District Supervisorâs Lamorinda Office, Supervisor Candace Anderson.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #69
4640 APPIAN WAY, EL SOBRANTE, 94803
Fire Station #69, âThe Rooster Ranchâ is located in El Sobrante, California in what has been classified as the âwest side." El Sobrante is a small town and coincidently translates in English as âleftover." The fire station was built in 1948 and is the only fire station in the district which has 2 stories. It was originally named Fire Station #1 for the El Sobrante Fire Department. In 1984 the El Sobrante Fire Department merged with San Pablo Fire to become The West County Fire Department. In 1995 the West County Fire Department joined with Consolidated Fire and Riverview Fire to become Contra Costa County Fire.
Station 69 is a part of Battalion 7. This is the most unique battalion in the district. Battalion 7 is made up of several different fire departments and Battalion Chiefs. Departments included in Battalion 7 are Contra Costa County Fire Protection District, Rodeo-Hercules Fire, and Crockett-Carquinez Fire. There are currently four Contra Costa County Fire Stations in Battalion 7, Stations 69, 70, 73, and 74. There is also a close working relationship with neighboring fire departments in Richmond and El Cerrito.
Station 69 is a two story fire station but also has a basement that is considered by some to be haunted. The station houses a Type 1 Engine, Type 3 wildland engine, and a spare Type 1 Engine. The Battalion 7 Chief also responds out of this station. Station 69 proudly serves the citizens in the West end.
Contra Costa County Fire - Station #73
880 TENNENT AVE., PINOLE, 94564
Station #73 (and #74), located at 880 Tennent Avenue, is formerly from the Fire Department for the City of Pinole. The Pinole Fire Department has served the City of Pinole and its residents for over 40 years. The current firehouse was opened in 1984 and provides services to the City, as well as Tara Hills, Bay View, Montara Bay and northern Alhambra Valley. Engine 73 is a member of Battalion 7 in West Contra Costa County along with Engines 75 & 76 from the Rodeo-Hercules Fire District and Engines 69 & 70 from Contra Costa County Fire. When the closure of Station 74 in July of 2011, Station 73 ran an average of approximately 2300 calls for service annually. Station #74 reopened in March of 2023 and both stations are now part of the contract for service with Contra Costa County Fire.
Station 73 is staffed by a three person ALS crew. Engine 73, is a Type 1 rescue pumper and is the first out on a majority of calls. The complement of our apparatus, combined with a paramedic on the crew, provide the city and surrounding areas with a full range of fire, EMS, rescue, hazmat and other emergency and non-emergency services.
The crews at Station 73 also perform many station tours to the public. The station has one of the only functioning brass fire poles in Contra Costa County, and is very popular with our visitors. Our firefighters also barbecue at many public functions, donate birthday parties at the station for fundraisers, deliver Santa to the tree lighting ceremony annually, and participate in many public safety functions.
Over half the members are either current or former residents of the city and surrounding areas and are dedicated to the safety of the community and residents they serve.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #81
315 W. 10TH ST., ANTIOCH, 94509
Contra Costa County Fire Station #81 is currently located at 315 W. 10th St, and was built in 1957. This building has gone through several remodels with the most recent one in 2008. The Antioch Fire Department, and Fire Company Number One was founded in 1897. It was an all volunteer department and had one downtown station. CCCFPD Station 81 has a trophy case near the front door filled with old Antioch Fire Department memorabilia, including helmets, uniforms, photos, firefighting tools, awards, and memorials that date as far back as the late 1800's.Station 81 is part of Battalion 8. It's a single company firehouse, staffed with three firefighters, with one being trained as a paramedic. Station 81 is the busiest station in Battalion 8, and runs over 3,000 calls annually.
Station 81's first due area is the north part of town between Highway 4 and the delta. There are three apparatus at the station including a Type 1 Engine designed for structure firefighting, a newer HME Type 3 wildland engine designed for wildland firefighting, and a spare Type 1 fire engine. The station has several training props in the back parking lot, including a five story training tower, forcible entry props, a rooftop ventilation prop, and water drafting prop. It's also the location of the best orange tree and lemon tree in the entire county!
When the station was built in 1957 it was shared by the Antioch Fire Department and Antioch Police Department. The Antioch Police Station and Antioch City Jail was located next door. Parts of the current fire station was used by police personnel until Antioch built its new police station on 4th Street. The current fire station was also the location of the dispatch center for the Antioch Fire Department and later Riverview Fire Department, once the Antioch and Pittsburg Fire Departments were consolidated to create the Riverview Fire Department. The current station was also the location for the Antioch Fire Department's apparatus shop, and later served as the shop for the Riverview Fire Department. In 1995 Riverview consolidated with Contra Costa Fire, and the dispatch and shop facilities were moved to Pleasant Hill and Concord respectively. Station 81 served as the Battalion Chief's quarters for Battalion 8, until new Station 85 was opened in 2010 and the Battalion Chiefs quarters were moved there. Station 81 is the location of Contra Costa Fire's Fire Explorer Program, where young adults come to learn from and train with professional firefighters.
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #83
2717 GENTRYTOWN DR., ANTIOCH, 94509
Built - 1972
Remodel - 2009
Area Served- Southwest Antioch including the Somersville Towne Center (mall)
3 personnel on-duty at a time on 3 different shifts
2007 100â American LaFrance Quint
2004 International/West Mark Type III
Contra Costa County Fire -
Station #84
1903 RAILROAD AVE., PITTSBURG, 94565
Station #84 occupied our new location at 1903 Railroad Ave. in the City of Pittsburg on October 2010 and is named in honor of the former Fire Chief Scudero. The station moved from its downtown location which we occupied since 1964. Prior to that City of Pittsburg Police and Fire shared a building at the cities current post office location.
Fire station 84 was originally the City of Pittsburgâs Main Station 1 and housed the dispatch center. The station was consolidated with the City of Antioch in 1975 to form the Riverview Fire District. The station was designated as station 84, the current county identifier. In 1994 we formed the current fire district.
Current staffing at station 84 is three shifts of three personnel. The personnel at station 87 used to be the second company at station 84; for many years station 84 ran a truck and a fire engine until fire station 87 opened, and in a cost savings move, the second crew from 84 was moved to occupy the new station 87.
A new Pierce aerial ladder truck or "tiller" is assigned to the station. Our run volume has doubled since the move from our downtown location.
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https://www.williamsfire.com/
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en
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WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL
|
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| null |
Emergency response information in the palm of your hand!
The WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL App provides an educational, pre-planning and incident command tool for emergency management personnel operating in crude storage terminals and tank farms.
Quickly and conveniently calculate real-time firefighting requirements such as foam concentrate needs and hose friction loss in the field or in the classroom.
The app also provides direct contact with the WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL Emergency Response Team.
Download the WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL App Today!
Apple and the Apple logo are trademarks of Apple Inc., registered in the U.S. and other countries. App Store is a service mark of Apple Inc., registered in the U.S. and other countries.
Google Play and the Google Play logo are trademarks of Google Inc.
Since 1980, the WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL Response Team has responded worldwide to land and marine based flammable liquid fires, building a history of successful extinguishments — in many cases doing what our contemporaries thought to be impossible.
Fires in depth involving hydrocarbon and alcohol based products, pressure related fires, subterranean fires, hazardous material fire and mitigations … the gamut of scenarios encountered in industry and in extreme municipal environments have been subdued by our tactics, and the tailored equipment and foam concentrates we have developed specifically for these challenges.
One of the most vital assets WILLIAMS FIRE & HAZARD CONTROL products and services bring to bear on any incident is experience.
EXPERIENCE shapes everything we do …
From assessment to response, from incident command to equipment design, nearly 4 decades and over 250 successful deployments result in strategies, tactics, and proprietary equipment with an unrivaled record of achievement in the field.
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| 35
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https://everyonegoeshome.com/
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en
|
Everyone Goes Home – Firefighter Life Safety Initiatives
|
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2014-01-21T15:38:29+00:00
|
Striving to prevent firefighter line‑of‑duty deaths and injuries with the 16 Firefighter Life Safety Initiatives resources, training, videos & more.
|
en
|
Everyone Goes Home
|
https://everyonegoeshome.com/
|
Everyone Goes Home® strives to prevent firefighter line‑of‑duty deaths and injuries.
In March 2004, a Firefighter Life Safety Summit was held to address the need for change within the fire service. At this summit, the 16 Firefighter Life Safety Initiatives were created and a program was born to ensure that Everyone Goes Home.
Our goal is to help the U.S. Fire Administration achieve its objective of reducing the number of preventable firefighter fatalities.
Learn more
news
Welcome to National Fire Data Week 2024 – National Fire Data Week is an initiative by the United States Fire Administration to emphasize the importance of a data-driven approach in fire safety, protection, and prevention. This year, NFDW will focus entirely on NERIS, as one the top priorities for enhancing data strategies.
FireRescue1 launches What Firefighters Want 2024 survey – FireRescue1 launched its annual What Firefighters Want survey, with this year’s theme focused on strengthening fire department leadership at all levels, plus how firefighters are taking ownership of their career development even amid a perceived lack of leadership at their agency.
Lt. Nathan Flynn & BC Josh Laird Combined Training Program – On Thursday, August 3, 2023, the Frederick County and Howard County Departments of Fire and Rescue hosted the first combined training program to bring the findings from the fire to the fire service’s attention.
» Read More News
events
Watch the Replay – U.S. Fire Administrator’s Summit on Fire Prevention and Control 2023
The U.S. Fire Administration in partnership with the National Fallen Firefighters Foundation, hosted the U.S. Fire Administrator’s Summit on Fire Prevention and Control 2023. This video is for anyone who wants a better understanding of the challenges and recommended solutions to the critical fire problem in America.
» Watch Now
More Events
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https://fire.lacounty.gov/
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en
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Fire Department
|
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"Ron Fisher"
] |
2019-03-12T18:03:40-07:00
|
The mission of the Los Angeles County Fire Department is to protect lives, the environment, and property by providing prompt, skillful, and cost-effective fire protection and life safety services.
|
en
|
/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/cropped-LACoFD-Logo-Color-32x32.png
|
County of Los Angeles Fire Department
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https://fire.lacounty.gov/
|
Deputy Fire Chief Robert Harris started his career at the age of 19 after he was appointed reserve firefighter with the City of Montebello Fire Department.
Chief Harris began his service with the County of Los Angeles Fire Department on May 8, 1992. During his tenure with the Department, he has promoted through the ranks from Firefighter, Fire Fighter Paramedic, Fire Inspector, Fire Fighter Specialist, Fire Captain, Battalion Chief, Assistant Fire Chief, Acting Deputy Fire Chief, and Deputy Fire Chief, Central Regional Operations Bureau, effective June 1, 2024.
Over the years, Chief Harris has attended Dillard University (New Orleans), the University of Southern California, Long Beach Community College, and Compton Community College. Chief Harris is a graduate of Columbia Southern University with a Bachelor of Science degree in Fire Administration.
Throughout his 33 years of service with the County of Los Angeles Fire Department, Chief Harris has also served as a member of the Department’s international Urban Search and Rescue Team. He has traveled and provided rescue efforts around the globe. For more than four years, he served as the program manager of our elite rescue team and was the Department’s primary point-of-contact with our state, federal, and international partners.
In his spare time, he enjoys spending time with family and riding motorcycles. Chief Harris has a true passion for mentoring others who are seeking a career in the fire service. He believes in the motto, “each one, reach one”.
Fire Chief Anthony C. Marrone has been a member of the County of Los Angeles Fire Department for 38 years and a chief officer for the past 26 years. Prior to his appointment by the County of Los Angeles Board of Supervisors as the tenth Fire Chief and Forester and Fire Warden, Chief Marrone served as the Interim Fire Chief.
Chief Marrone leads one of the largest metropolitan emergency services agencies in the United States, providing traditional fire and life safety services to more than 4.1 million residents and commercial business customers in 60 cities served by the Department, in addition to 120 unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County within its 2,311-square-mile service delivery area. The Department operates out of 176 fire stations, with 5,000 emergency responders and business professionals operating with an annual budget of just over $1.6 billion. In addition, the Department provides lifeguard, air and wildland, hazardous materials, homeland security, health hazardous materials, forestry, and urban search and rescue services throughout the County. The Department’s urban search and rescue team, known internationally as USA-2, is one of only two highly specialized teams available for international response through a cooperative agreement with the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance.
Chief Marrone’s well-established career combines broad experience in both emergency and business operations with an extensive list of accomplishments and assignments, including leading and managing Business Operations, the Leadership and Professional Standards Bureau, Special Services Bureau, Emergency Medical Services Bureau, East Regional Operations Bureau, and Central Regional Operations Bureau, in addition to special projects. He has also directly managed routine and complex wildland fires and other significant all-risk incidents.
During his career with the Department, Chief Marrone has served on the Los Angeles County Emergency Preparedness Commission, the FIRESCOPE Board of Directors, Legal Exposure Reduction Committee, County Emergency Operations Center Team Lead, and as an Incident Commander on one of the Department’s three Incident Management Teams.
Chief Marrone looks forward to collaborating with the Board of Supervisors, labor unions, stakeholder organizations, members of the Department, and the residents and communities we serve, to further stabilize the Department’s budget, increase our diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts, and expand emergency services and community risk reduction programs.
Deputy Fire Chief William L. Mayfield Jr. is a 35-year veteran of the County of Los Angeles Fire Department (LACoFD). He began his fire service career in 1988. He has held the ranks of firefighter, firefighter specialist, fire captain, battalion chief, assistant fire chief, and deputy fire chief.
Chief Mayfield currently manages the Training and Emergency Medical Services Bureau. Emergency medical services is responsible for paramedic training, certification, equipment, quality improvement, and legal aspects for all basic and advanced emergency medical services provided by the LACoFD. Training Services is responsible for training all new firefighters and conducting ongoing in-service training sessions for all members. Training Services develops training materials, organizes classes and training programs for recruits and refresher courses for other Department personnel.
Chief Mayfield’s previous assignment was to command and lead the Central Regional Operations Bureau. In that role, he provided leadership for four divisions, seven battalions, 55 fire stations within 22 cities, and over 1,600 firefighting and lifeguard personnel. The Lifeguard Division provides water rescue and medical services to 11 cities and consists of specialized and trained professionals who protect Catalina Island and 72 miles of sandy beaches and open water.
As an assistant fire chief, Chief Mayfield’s assignment was managing Division 4 of the East Regional Operations Bureau, consisting of three battalions, 12 cities and 25 fire stations. Chief Mayfield has been a chief officer for over
18 years. He has worked multiple operational, administrative, and special assignments throughout his career, including Fire Prevention, Command and Control, and several field commands.
As an incident commander, Chief Mayfield also assists in managing the LACoFD’s Incident Management Team 1.
Deputy Fire Chief Mike Inman has worked as a fire service professional for over 40 years. Chief Inman started his career in 1983, as a reserve firefighter with the Monterey Park Fire Department. In 1986, he was hired as a firefighter with the County of Los Angeles Fire Department (LACoFD) and has promoted through the ranks as a firefighter paramedic, firefighter specialist, fire captain, battalion chief, and assistant fire chief.
In November 2023, Chief Inman was assigned to the East Regional Operations Bureau and was officially promoted to deputy fire chief on March 1, 2024. In this role, he led and managed four divisions with 1,400 personnel, 10 battalions, and 76 fire stations serving 34 cities.
Currently, Chief Inman is assigned to the Special Services Bureau where he leads a team of nearly 300 professional staff with 113 dedicated dispatch personnel dispatching more than 449,000 calls for services each year, 94 professional trades personnel that provide facility maintenance and oversee construction of new and replacement structures for over 260 facilities, and over 55 mechanics responsible for repairing, outfitting, and maintaining a fleet of more than 1,900 Department vehicles and emergency apparatus. Chief Inman also oversees the LACoFD’s Equipment Development Committee.
Well versed in emergency management, Chief Inman became a pioneer in the urban search and rescue program that included several national deployments. For over 23 years, he has held various incident command system positions as part of the United States Forest Service Type 2 Incident Management Team (IMT) and served as the operations section chief and operations branch director with the Cal Fire Type 1 IMT. Since 1998, Chief Inman has served in various capacities on the LACoFD Incident Management Teams.
Chief Inman is a certified California State Fire Marshal Chief Officer, and a graduate of the Executive Leadership Development Program and Public Safety Leadership Program at the University of Southern California, Sol Price School of Public Policy. He teaches FEMA and California Incident Command Certification System (CICCS) courses and is a qualified incident commander, operations section chief, safety officer, and division supervisor.
.
Deputy Fire Chief Dennis Breshears started his fire service career at the age of 23 after he was appointed to the Monrovia Fire Department on February 24, 1994. Chief Breshears then accepted a position with the Orange County Fire Authority in 1999 and began his service with the County of Los Angeles Fire Department (LACoFD) in December 2000.
Chief Breshears steadily promoted through the ranks from firefighter, firefighter paramedic, firefighter specialist, fire captain, battalion chief, assistant fire chief, and deputy fire chief on December 16, 2021.
Over the years, Chief Breshears attended Lutheran High School (La Verne, California), Glendale College, Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, Kaplan University, and California State University, Long Beach. He holds a Bachelor’s degree in Fire and Emergency Management and a Master’s degree in Emergency Services Administration.
For more than three years, Chief Breshears served as the Chief of the Professional Performance Section. As a captain, he also completed a special assignment as the LACoFD’s incident command system coordinator. Chief Breshears is a state-certified instructor and Type II Operations Section Chief and Deputy Incident Commander for the LACoFD Incident Management
Team 1.
In June 2021, Chief Breshears was selected to serve on the FIRESCOPE Task Force. He is currently assigned as the deputy fire chief over the North Regional Operations Bureau.
In his spare time, he enjoys spending time with his family and restoring classic cars. While he is very proud of his profession, he considers being a father to three amazing daughters as his greatest accomplishment in life.
As the Chief Deputy of Business Operations, Theresa Barrera oversees the Fire Department’s $1.6 billion budget and provides executive oversight of the Administrative Services, Special Services, and Prevention Services Bureaus, the Planning and Grants and Executive Support Divisions, and the Compliance Office.
Chief Barrera joined the Fire Department in 2004 and served as the Assistant Chief and Chief of the Financial Management Division. In 2022, Chief Barrera was appointed as Deputy Fire Chief of the Administrative Bureau and worked closely with internal and external stakeholders to improve standard business practices, ensure administrative and fiscal compliance, and foster a workforce that is representative of the communities we serve. In 2023, Chief Barrera was appointed as the Chief Deputy of Business Operations.
Prior to joining the Fire Department, Chief Barrera held various fiscal positions at the Los Angeles County Department of Public Social Services and Auditor-Controller. Chief Barrera received a Bachelor of Science degree in Accounting from the University of Southern California.
Chief Deputy Jon F. O’Brien has worked as a fire service professional for over 33 years. Chief O’Brien started his career as a volunteer firefighter with the City of Sierra Madre. After graduating from high school, he completed paramedic training at the Los Angeles County Paramedic Training Institute and was hired by the City of Monrovia as a full-time firefighter/paramedic until he joined the County of Los Angeles in 1999.
Chief O’Brien has served in several operational and administrative assignments, promoting through the ranks to his current position as Chief Deputy of Emergency Operations. Along the way, he has worked as a flight medic in the Department’s Air Operations Section, a fire crew supervisor in the Camps Section, a recruit training captain, and a field battalion chief.
In April 2014, Chief O’Brien was assigned to the Emergency Medical Services (EMS) Bureau and was responsible for the education and training of the Department’s 3,200 emergency medical technicians and 1,250 paramedics. The following year in November 2015, Chief O’Brien was promoted to Assistant Fire Chief and assigned to Division VI in the Central Regional Operations Bureau. In July 2017, he returned to the EMS Bureau as Acting Deputy Fire Chief and was officially promoted to Deputy Fire Chief in December 2017.
In April 2020, Chief O’Brien was assigned as Deputy Fire Chief of the North Regional Operations Bureau where he oversaw the cities of Palmdale, Lancaster, Santa Clarita, and La Cañada Flintridge, as well as the Air & Wildland Division and the Technical Operations Section. He was also the incident commander of the Department’s Incident Management Team 1.
In October 2022, Chief O’Brien assumed the role of Acting Chief Deputy of Emergency Operations. As Chief Deputy, Chief O’Brien serves as second in command and is responsible for overseeing the Fire Department’s three Operations bureaus (North, Central, and East), as well as the Air and Wildland Division and the Lifeguard Division. Chief O’Brien is also responsible for the Training and Emergency Medical Services Bureau and the Homeland Security Section.
On August 23, 2023, was officially assigned as Chief Deputy of Emergency Operations.
Chief O’Brien received his Associate of Arts degree in fire science at Mount San Antonio Community College and his Bachelor of Science degree in public policy and management at the University of Southern California. He currently represents the Department on the FIRESCOPE Operations Team and the Los Angeles County Measure B Advisory Committee.
Born to immigrant parents who moved to the United States from Greece, Deputy Fire Chief Eleni Pappas was raised in Jersey City, New Jersey. After graduating from Saint Dominic’s Academy High School, she was accepted into the University of Southern California where she competed as a varsity rower, helping her team win the prestigious San Diego Crew Cup. She graduated with a bachelor’s degree during the civil unrest in May 1992.
From her college apartment, she watched Los Angeles burn and was impressed with the fire engines and tiller trucks racing across the city to extinguish the fires. She decided then and there to become a firefighter.
By 1996, Chief Pappas earned her paramedic license from Daniel Freeman Paramedic School in Inglewood. She then worked as an EMT for Goodhew Ambulance where she ran 9-1-1 calls with the Los Angeles County Fire Department (LACoFD).
A few years later, she was hired by Ventura County Fire Department and served as a firefighter for one year. She then became a firefighter with the City of Los Angeles and served there for four years. In 2001, after the attack on the World Trade Center, she was accepted into the Department’s Recruit Academy and graduated from the 109th Recruit Class later that year.
Since joining the LACoFD, she has promoted through every rank and is currently the highest-ranking woman in the Department’s history and the first-ever woman to obtain the ranks of Assistant Fire Chief and now Deputy Fire Chief.
She has worked in all three regional operations bureaus and in all 22 operations battalions. Since her promotion as a chief officer in September 2012, Chief Pappas has spent three years as the co-chairperson of the Equipment Development Committee and also managed the Department-wide implementation of the electronic patient care reporting (ePCR) system. As an Assistant Fire Chief, she was assigned to Division VI in the Central Regional Operations Bureau and managed the Fire Explorers youth mentoring program. Currently, she is assigned to the Special Services Bureau where she manages the Command and Control, Construction and Maintenance, and Fleet Services Divisions.
In August 2021, Chief Pappas successfully completed her master’s degree in Emergency Management from Cal State Long Beach.
At home, Chief Pappas enjoys gardening and spending time with her family, their dogs, parakeets, and bearded dragon. Raising her daughter is her greatest accomplishment. She cherishes spending quality time with her beautiful 12-year-old daughter who is the center of her life.
Deputy Fire Chief Vince A. Peña has been with the Los Angeles County Fire Department since 1981. Chief Peña has held the positions of firefighter, firefighter paramedic, firefighter specialist, fire camp foreman, fire captain, battalion chief, assistant fire chief, deputy fire chief, and acting chief deputy.
As a chief officer, battalion chief assignments have included Battalion 5 in Malibu, Battalion 16 in Covina, Battalion 20 in Inglewood, and Battalion 2 in San Dimas. He also served as the camp section battalion chief for the paid camps and heavy equipment unit. As an assistant fire chief, he was assigned to Division 2 in the east San Gabriel Valley and the Air & Wildland Division.
In Chief Peña’s assignment as the deputy fire chief of the North Regional Operations Bureau, he oversaw the cities of Palmdale, Lancaster, Santa Clarita, and La Cañada Flintridge, as well as the Technical Operations Section and the Air & Wildland Division. He has also served as operations section chief for the Department on many large wildland incidents and was the incident commander of the Department’s Incident Management Team 1.
Since October 2022, and following his assignment as acting chief deputy, Chief Peña has served as the deputy fire chief over the East Regional Operations Bureau.
Chief Peña attended East Los Angeles College, the University of La Verne, and the Executive Leadership Development Program for the County of Los Angeles. He also instructs incident command courses for the Fire Department and throughout the country.
Deputy Fire Chief Thomas C. Ewald has served in the professional fire services for 35 years. Chief Ewald started his career as a firefighter with the City of Cedar Rapids, Iowa Fire Department in 1986. While working in the Midwest, he attended community college and completed paramedic training. Chief Ewald joined the Los Angeles County Fire Department in 1992 where he rose through the ranks serving as firefighter, paramedic, captain, battalion chief, and assistant chief.
Chief Ewald has served as a firefighter paramedic at Universal Studios and West Hollywood; a fire inspector in East Los Angeles; an apparatus engineer in Carson and Pomona; an engine company captain in Southgate and South Los Angeles; a staff captain for the Central Regional Operations Bureau Deputy; a field battalion chief in El Monte, Commerce, Palos Verdes; the chief of Technical Operations, overseeing local, national and international Urban Search and Rescue Operations; assistant chief in Division I, covering the South Bay and Catalina Island, and as the assistant chief, overseeing the Air and Wildland Division.
During his career, Chief Ewald has been called upon to respond to manmade and natural disasters across the county and worldwide with notable incidents, including Hurricane Katrina (New Orleans), Hurricane Dean (Belize), Cyclone Nargis (Camp H.S. Smith Hawaii), 2011 Japan Earthquake and Tsunami (Ofunato) , 2011 New Zealand Earthquake (Christchurch) and 2015 Typhoon Maysak (Micronesia).
In December 2017, Chief Ewald was promoted to the rank of Deputy Fire Chief where he oversaw the Department’s Special Services Bureau consisting of three divisions: Fleet Services, Command and Control, and Construction & Maintenance.
On April 1, 2021, Chief Ewald’s tour of duty ended at Special Services and he assumed command of the Central Regional Operations Bureau. By October 2022, Chief Ewald was then assigned to oversee the North Regional Operations Bureau.
Chief Ewald holds a Bachelor of Science degree in Fire Prevention Administration from Cogswell Polytechnical College and a Master of Science degree in Leadership from the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy. In 2018, Chief Ewald attended the Senior Executives in State and Local Government Program at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Chief Ewald is a qualified Type 2 Incident Commander and Type 2 Operation Section Chief and provides leadership to the Department’s Incident Management Team Two.
Chief Ewald resides in Southern California with his wife and four children.
Anderson Mackey is an Acting Deputy Fire Chief for the Los Angeles County Fire Department, currently overseeing Training and the Emergency Medical Services Bureau.
Chief Mackey was born and raised in the City of Los Angeles and is a 33-year veteran of the Department. After graduating from the fire academy, he was assigned to Fire Station 103 in Pico Rivera. He was later assigned to Fire Station 105 in Compton as his second probationary station. In November 1989, Fire Fighter Mackey transferred to Fire Station 8 in West Hollywood. In January 1991, he volunteered to attend the Paramedic Training Institute. After successful completion of the six-month program, he was re-assigned to Fire Station 8 as a Fire Fighter Paramedic. In February 1992, he transferred to Fire Station 7 where he remained for the next six years. In October 1998, Mackey transferred to Fire Station 161 in Hawthorne and, 11 months later, was promoted to the rank of Fire Fighter Specialist. He was then re-assigned to Fire Station 58 in Ladera Heights. In February 2000, Mackey promoted to the rank of Fire Captain and was assigned to Fire Station 83 in Rancho Palos Verdes. By November 2000, he transferred to Fire Station 173 in Inglewood. In November 2006, Chief Mackey volunteered to head the Recruitment Unit where he managed over 50 recruiters who volunteered to give career presentations at high schools, colleges/universities, career fairs, and community events. In November 2010, Chief Mackey was promoted to the rank of Battalion Chief and was assigned to Battalion 10 in El Monte, and then Battalion 8 in Whittier. In 2011, he was transferred to Battalion 20 in Inglewood. Two years later, Chief Mackey was re-assigned to the Employee Services Section where he worked directly for the Fire Chief. In February 2018, he promoted to the rank of Assistant Fire Chief.
Chief Mackey received his diploma of completion at Dillard University, New Orleans for the Executive Development Institute. He resides in Pasadena with his beautiful wife Carmen and two lovely daughters, Denver and Blu. In his spare time, he enjoys golf, swimming, skiing, and spending time with his family and friends.
Commonly known as the Los Angeles County Fire Department, the Consolidated Fire Protection District of Los Angeles County (CFPD) is a dependent special district. As a dependent special district, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors acts as the CFPD’s board of directors. Fire protection districts are governed by the Fire Protection District Law of 1987 (Health & Safety Code, Section 13800 et al). The CFPD has the additional responsibilities for the Forester & Fire Warden (F&FW). In 1992, the duties of the F&FW were assigned to the CFPD and those responsibilities are found in the Los Angeles County Code 2.20.
The CFPD has a civilian oversight committee that annually reviews expenditures of the CFPD’s special tax to ensure it is expended in the manner approved by voters in 1997. Authority for the oversight committee is found in the establishing resolution for the special tax. The committee has seven members, one each appointed by each member of the Board of Supervisors, one appointed by the City Selection committee, and the director of the Los Angeles County Economy and Efficiency Committee.
John R. Todd is a Registered Professional Forester in the State of California and he was employed as a forester by the Los Angeles County Fire Department from 1988 to 2012. In April 2012, John was promoted to the rank of deputy fire chief of the Prevention Services Bureau (PSB). The PSB is comprised of the Fire Prevention Division, the Forestry Division and the Health Hazardous Materials Division. Members of the Bureau serve the citizens of Los Angeles County by completing inspections and educating the community about the benefits of proper safety practices, completing building, sprinkler, and fire alarm plan checks, protecting natural resources, providing conservation education programs and advice to interested groups, using technology to assess weather, fuel moisture, and fire danger, and protecting public health and the environment from accidental releases and improper handling, storage, transportation, and disposal of hazardous materials and wastes.
John received a Bachelor of Science in Natural Resources Management from Cal Poly, San Luis Obispo in 1988. He has also completed many advanced courses in leadership, the Incident Command System, fire behavior, protection of resources, and urban search and rescue.
The dry, sunny climate and variable terrain of Southern California combine to create an environment where wildfires are a part of the natural ecosystem and an almost year-round occurrence. This ecosystem fosters a diverse fire-adapted community of plants and animals. Although human caused wildfires far outnumber naturally occurring wildfires within Los Angeles County, both have the potential to create situations where structures in the Wildland Urban Interface can be at risk. All vegetation will burn, even though irrigation has created a deceptively lush landscape of ornamental plants.
Following the loss of lives and structures during the 1993 wildfire season, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors created the Wildfire Safety Panel to offer recommendations that would help reduce the threat to life and property in areas prone to wildfires. One of the recommendations was to follow the findings of the Wildland Urban lnterface Task Force and another was to enforce the provisions of the Bates Bill. Jurisdictional Fire Departments were required to establish a set of guidelines and landscape criteria for all new construction in Fire Hazard Severity Zones. As a result, Fuel Modification Plans became a requirement within Los Angeles County beginning in 1996.
In the areas served by the County of Los Angeles Fire Department, all new construction, remodeling fifty percent or greater, construction of certain outbuildings and accessory structures over 120 square feet, parcel splits and subdivision/developments within areas designated as Fire Hazard Severity Zones will require a Fuel Modification Plan approval before the applicable land division, Conditional Use Permit, or Building Permit will be approved. The County of Los Angeles Fire Department Forestry Division’s Fuel Modification Unit is responsible for processing, reviewing, and approving these plans.
Cal Fire is responsible for the mapping and revisions to all Fire Hazard Severity Zones across the state. These zone designations establish minimum standards for building construction and exterior landscape features in an effort to mitigate the increasing losses from our cycle of wildfire vents. Cal Fire designates the Severity Zones for all State Responsibility Areas (SRAs). In Local Responsibility Areas (LRAs), the jurisdictional county or city determines the Severity Zones with approval from the state that are then adopted by local ordinance or city councils.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Firefighter
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Rescuer trained to extinguish fires and save people
For other uses, see Firefighter (disambiguation).
"Fireman" and "Firewoman" redirect here. For other uses, see Fireman (disambiguation) and Firewoman (disambiguation).
FirefighterOccupationSynonymsFireman (PL: firemen)
Firewoman (PL: firewomen)
Activity sectors
Rescue, fire protection, civil service, public service, public safety
A firefighter (or fire fighter) is a first responder trained in firefighting, primarily to control and extinguish fires that threaten life and property, as well as to rescue persons from confinement or dangerous situations. Male firefighters are sometimes referred to as firemen (and, less commonly, female firefighters as firewomen).[1][2]
The fire service, also known in some countries as the fire brigade or fire department, is one of the three main emergency services. From urban areas to aboard ships, firefighters have become ubiquitous around the world.
The skills required for safe operations are regularly practiced during training evaluations throughout a firefighter's career. Initial firefighting skills are normally taught through local, regional or state-approved fire academies or training courses.[3] Depending on the requirements of a department, additional skills and certifications may also be acquired at this time.
Firefighters work closely with other emergency response agencies such as the police and emergency medical service. A firefighter's role may overlap with both. Fire investigators or fire marshals investigate the cause of a fire. If the fire was caused by arson or negligence, their work will overlap with law enforcement. Firefighters may also provide some degree of emergency medical service.
Duties
[edit]
Fire suppression
[edit]
A fire burns due to the presence of three elements: fuel, oxygen and heat. This is often referred to as the fire triangle. Sometimes it is known as the fire tetrahedron if a fourth element is added: a chemical chain reaction which can help sustain certain types of fire. The aim of firefighting is to deprive the fire of at least one of those elements. Most commonly this is done by dousing the fire with water, though some fires require other methods such as foam or dry agents. Firefighters are equipped with a wide variety of equipment for this purpose that include ladder trucks, pumper trucks, tanker trucks, fire hose, and fire extinguishers.
Structural firefighting
[edit]
See also Fire suppression for other techniques.
While sometimes fires can be limited to small areas of a structure, wider collateral damage due to smoke, water and burning embers is common. Utility shutoff (such as gas and electricity) is typically an early priority for arriving fire crews. In addition, forcible entry may be required in order to gain access into the structure. Specific procedures(NFPA 704)[4] and equipment are needed at a property where hazardous materials are being used or stored. Additionally, fighting fires in some structures may require additional training and firefighting tactics that are specific to that structure. For example, row house fires are a type of structure fire that require specific tactics to decrease risks.
Structure fires may be attacked with either "interior" or "exterior" resources, or both. Interior crews, using the "two in, two out" rule, may extend fire hose lines inside the building, find the fire and cool it with water. Exterior crews may direct water into windows and other openings, or against any nearby fuels exposed to the initial fire. Hose streams directed into the interior through exterior wall apertures may conflict and jeopardize interior fire attack crews.
Buildings that are made of flammable materials such as wood are different from building materials such as concrete. Generally, a "fire-resistant" building is designed to limit fire to a small area or floor. Other floors can be safe by preventing smoke inhalation and damage. All buildings suspected or on fire must be evacuated, regardless of fire rating.
When fire departments respond to structure fires, the priorities are life safety, incident stabilization, and property conservation. Some tactics used to achieve positive results at a structure fire include scene size-up, door control, coordinated ventilation, and exterior attack prior to entry.
When the first fire department arrives on-scene at a structure fire, scene size-up must occur to develop the appropriate strategy (offensive or defensive) and tactics. With scene size-up, a risk assessment must also occur to determine the risks of making an interior fire attack. When an incident's critical factors and the risk management plan indicate an offensive strategy, the incident commander will define the tactical objectives for entering the structure. Offensive incident action plans (tactics) are based on the standard offensive tactical priorities and their corresponding completion benchmarks.
Firefighting priorities and tactics:
The incident commander should consider these priorities and firefighting tactics at a structure fire:
Incident Priorities
· Life safety – primary and secondary "All Clear(s)" (A/C)
· Property conservation – "Loss Stopped" (L/S)
· Post fire control firefighter decontamination (Decon)
· Customer Stabilization* – Short term
*Customer stabilization refers to customer service that fire departments provide during an emergency. When a fire department responds to an emergency, two related priorities are life safety and stabilizing the incident. Part of this process is ensuring the customer's well-being from the time of dispatch until after the incident becomes stable.
Some firefighting tactics may appear to be destructive, but often serve specific needs. For example, during ventilation, firefighters are forced to either open holes in the roof or floors of a structure (called vertical ventilation), or open windows and walls (called horizontal ventilation) to remove smoke and heated gases from the interior of the structure. Such ventilation methods are also used to improve interior visibility to locate victims more quickly. Ventilation helps to preserve the life of trapped or unconscious individuals as it releases the poisonous gases from inside the structure. Vertical ventilation is vital to firefighter safety in the event of a flashover or backdraft scenario. Releasing the flammable gases through the roof eliminates the possibility of a backdraft, and the removal of heat can reduce the possibility of a flashover. Flashovers, due to their intense heat (900–1,200 °F (480–650 °C)) and explosive temperaments, are commonly fatal to firefighter personnel. Precautionary methods, such as smashing a window, reveal backdraft situations before the firefighter enters the structure and is met with the circumstance head-on. Firefighter safety is the number one priority.
Whenever possible during a structure fire, property is moved into the middle of a room and covered with a salvage cover, a heavy cloth-like tarp. Various steps such as retrieving and protecting valuables found during suppression or overhaul, evacuating water, and boarding windows and roofs can divert or prevent post-fire runoff.
Wildland firefighting
[edit]
Main article: Wildfire suppression
Wildfires (known in Australia as bushfires) require a unique set of strategies and tactics. In many countries such as Australia and the United States, these duties are mostly carried out by local volunteer firefighters. Wildfires have some ecological role in allowing new plants to grow, therefore in some cases they will be left to burn.[5] Priorities in fighting wildfires include preventing the loss of life and property as well as ecological damage.
Aircraft rescue and firefighting
[edit]
Main article: Aircraft rescue and firefighting
Airports employ specialist firefighters to deal with potential ground emergencies. Due to the mass casualty potential of an aviation emergency, the speed with which emergency response equipment and personnel arrive at the scene of the emergency is of paramount importance. When dealing with an emergency, the airport firefighters are tasked with rapidly securing the aircraft, its crew and its passengers from all hazards, particularly fire. Airport firefighters have advanced training in the application of firefighting foams, dry chemical and clean agents used to extinguish burning aviation fuel.
Rescue
[edit]
Firefighters rescue persons from confinement or dangerous situations such as burning buildings and crashed vehicles. Complex, infrequent situations requiring specialized training and equipment include rescues from collapsed buildings and confined spaces. Many fire departments, including most in the United Kingdom, refer to themselves as a fire and rescue service for this reason. Large fire departments, such as the New York City Fire Department and London Fire Brigade, have specialist teams for advanced technical rescue. As structure fires have been in decline for many years in developed countries such as the United States, rescues other than fires make up an increasing proportion of their firefighters' work.[6]
Emergency medical services
[edit]
Firefighters frequently provide some degree of emergency medical care. In some jurisdictions first aid is the only medical training that firefighters have, and medical calls are the sole responsibility of a separate emergency medical services (EMS) agency. Elsewhere, it is common for firefighters to respond to medical calls. The impetus for this is the growing demand in medical emergencies and the significant decline in fires.[6]
In such departments, firefighters are often certified as emergency medical technicians in order to deliver basic life support, and more rarely as paramedics to deliver advanced life support. In the United Kingdom, where fire services and EMS are run separately, fire service co-responding has been introduced more recently.[7] Another point of variation is whether the firefighters respond in a fire engine or a response car.[8]
Hazardous materials
[edit]
Fire departments are usually the lead agency that responds to hazardous materials incidents. Specialized firefighters, known as hazardous materials technicians, are trained in chemical identification, leak and spill control, and decontamination.[9]
Fire prevention
[edit]
Fire departments frequently provide advice to the public on how to prevent fires in the home and work-place environments. Fire inspectors or fire marshals will directly inspect businesses to ensure they are up to the current building fire codes,[10][11] which are enforced so that a building can sufficiently resist fire spread, potential hazards are located, and to ensure that occupants can be safely evacuated, commensurate with the risks involved.
Fire suppression systems have a proven record for controlling and extinguishing unwanted fires. Many fire officials recommend that every building, including residences, have fire sprinkler systems.[12] Correctly working sprinklers in a residence greatly reduce the risk of death from a fire.[13] With the small rooms typical of a residence, one or two sprinklers can cover most rooms. In the United States, the housing industry trade groups have lobbied at the State level to prevent the requirement for Fire Sprinklers in one or two family homes.[14][15]
Other methods of fire prevention are by directing efforts to reduce known hazardous conditions or by preventing dangerous acts before tragedy strikes. This is normally accomplished in many innovative ways such as conducting presentations, distributing safety brochures, providing news articles, writing public safety announcements (PSA) or establishing meaningful displays in well-visited areas. Ensuring that each household has working smoke alarms, is educated in the proper techniques of fire safety, has an evacuation route and rendezvous point is of top priority in public education for most fire prevention teams in almost all fire department localities.
Fire investigators, who are experienced firefighters trained in fire cause determinism, are dispatched to fire scenes, in order to investigate and determine whether the fire was a result of an accident or intentional. Some fire investigators have full law enforcement powers to investigate and arrest suspected arsonists.
Occupational health and safety
[edit]
Direct risks
[edit]
Fires
[edit]
To allow protection from the inherent risks of fighting fires, firefighters wear and carry protective and self-rescue equipment at all times. A self-contained breathing apparatus (SCBA) delivers air to the firefighter through a full face mask and is worn to protect against smoke inhalation, toxic fumes, and super heated gases. A special device called a Personal Alert Safety System (PASS) is commonly worn independently or as a part of the SCBA to alert others when a firefighter stops moving for a specified period of time or manually operates the device. The PASS device sounds an alarm that can assist another firefighter (firefighter assist and search team (FAST), or rapid intervention team (RIT), in locating the firefighter in distress.
Firefighters often carry personal self-rescue ropes. The ropes are generally 30 feet (9.1 m) long and can provide a firefighter (that has enough time to deploy the rope) a partially controlled exit out of an elevated window. Lack of a personal rescue rope is cited in the deaths of two New York City Firefighters, Lt. John Bellew and Lt. Curtis Meyran, who died after they jumped from the fourth floor of a burning apartment building in the Bronx. Of the four firefighters who jumped and survived, only one of them had a self-rescue rope. Since the incident, the Fire Department of New York City has issued self-rescue ropes to their firefighters.[16]
Heat injury is a major issue for firefighters as they wear insulated clothing and cannot shed the heat generated from physical exertion. Early detection of heat issues is critical to stop dehydration and heat stress becoming fatal. Early onset of heat stress affects cognitive function which combined with operating in dangerous environment makes heat stress and dehydration a critical issue to monitor. Firefighter physiological status monitoring is showing promise in alerting EMS and commanders to the status of their people on the fire ground. Devices such as PASS device alert 10–20 seconds after a firefighter has stopped moving in a structure. Physiological status monitors measure a firefighter's vital sign status, fatigue and exertion levels and transmit this information over their voice radio. This technology allows a degree of early warning to physiological stress. These devices[17] are similar to technology developed for Future Force Warrior and give a measure of exertion and fatigue. They also tell the people outside a building when they have stopped moving or fallen. This allows a supervisor to call in additional engines before the crew get exhausted and also gives an early warning to firefighters before they run out of air, as they may not be able to make voice calls over their radio. Current OSHA tables exist for heat injury and the allowable amount of work in a given environment based on temperature, humidity and solar loading.[18]
Firefighters are also at risk for developing rhabdomyolysis. Rhabdomyolysis is the breakdown of muscle tissue and has many causes including heat exposure, high core body temperature, and prolonged, intense exertion. Routine firefighter tasks, such as carrying extra weight of equipment and working in hot environments, can increase firefighters' risk for rhabdomyolysis.[19][20]
Structural collapses
[edit]
Another leading cause of death during firefighting is structural collapse of a burning building (e.g. a wall, floor, ceiling, roof, or truss system). Structural collapse, which often occurs without warning, may crush or trap firefighters inside the structure. To avoid loss of life, all on-duty firefighters should maintain two-way communication with the incident commander and be equipped with a personal alert safety system device (PASS) on all fire scenes and maintain radio communication on all incidents.[21][22] Francis Brannigan was the founder and greatest contributor to this element of firefighter safety.
Traffic collisions
[edit]
In the United States, 25% of fatalities of firefighters are caused by traffic collisions while responding to or returning from an incident. Other firefighters have been injured or killed by vehicles at the scene of a fire or emergency (Paulison 2005). A common measure fire departments have taken to prevent this is to require firefighters to wear a bright yellow reflective vest over their turnout coats if they have to work on a public road, to make them more visible to passing drivers.[23]
Violence
[edit]
Firefighters have occasionally been assaulted by members of the public while responding to calls. These kinds of attacks can cause firefighters to fear for their safety when responding to specific areas and may cause them to not have full focus on the situation which could result in injury to their selves or the patient.[24] Workplace violence[25] consists of the mental and physical abuse sustained during on-duty activities. First Responders are the most likely to experience this type of violence and EMS even has a percentage range of 53-90% of calls that had an instance of Workplace violence. This type of violence is a major reason for burnout and depression in First Responders, while EMS deal more with people on a daily basis, ~18% Firefighters experience PTSD due to WPV[25] and 60% had at least one call where they had feared for their life or questioned their safety.[26][27]
Chemical exposure
[edit]
While firefighters are generally responsible for managing hazardous materials in the environment, there is a great deal of risks that they face by doing so.[28] Flame retardants are chemical products that are utilized to slow down or stop the spread of a fire by reducing its intensity. While there are numerous benefits to flame retardant products in terms of the reduction of major fires, the components that make up these substances are extremely harmful.[29]
The most concerning materials that make up these products are PFAS chemicals. Studies linked PFAS exposure with health effects including major neurological defects and cancer.[29] Long term exposure to these chemicals is a notable concern.
While many hazardous chemicals sued in fire-fighting materials, such as penta-bromdiphenyl ether have already been banned by the government, they are almost immediately replaced by a new substance with similar harmful effects. After banning penta-bromodiphenyl ether, chlorinated tris, chloroalkyl phospahtes, halogenated aryl esters, and tetrabromophthalate dio diester were used instead.[30] While these chemicals are constantly changing with attempts to make it safer for the public, firefighters have constant, up-close exposure that can put them at increased risk.[30]
During debris cleanup
[edit]
Once extinguished, fire debris cleanup poses several safety and health risks for workers.[31][32]
Many hazardous substances are commonly found in fire debris. Silica can be found in concrete, roofing tiles, or it may be a naturally occurring element. Occupational exposures to silica dust can cause silicosis, lung cancer, pulmonary tuberculosis, airway diseases, and some additional non-respiratory diseases.[33] Inhalation of asbestos can result in various diseases including asbestosis, lung cancer, and mesothelioma.[34] Sources of metals exposure include burnt or melted electronics, cars, refrigerators, stoves, etc. Fire debris cleanup workers may be exposed to these metals or their combustion products in the air or on their skin. These metals may include beryllium, cadmium, chromium, cobalt, lead, manganese, nickel, and many more.[31] Polyaromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), some of which are carcinogenic, come from the incomplete combustion of organic materials and are often found as a result of structural and wildland fires.[35]
Safety hazards of fire cleanup include the risk of reignition of smoldering debris, electrocution from downed or exposed electrical lines or in instances where water has come into contact with electrical equipment. Structures that have been burned may be unstable and at risk of sudden collapse.[32][36]
Standard personal protective equipment for fire cleanup include hard hats, goggles or safety glasses, heavy work gloves, earplugs or other hearing protection, steel-toe boots, and fall protection devices.[36][37] Hazard controls for electrical injury include assuming all power lines are energized until confirmation they are de-energized, and grounding power lines to guard against electrical feedback, and using appropriate personal protective equipment.[36] Proper respiratory protection can protect against hazardous substances. Proper ventilation of an area is an engineering control that can be used to avoid or minimize exposure to hazardous substances. When ventilation is insufficient or dust cannot be avoided, personal protective equipment such as N95 respirators can be used.[36][38]
Long-term risks
[edit]
Cardiovascular disease
[edit]
Firefighting has long been associated with poor cardiovascular outcomes. In the United States, the most common cause of on-duty fatalities for firefighters is sudden cardiac death, accounting for approximately 45% of on duty US firefighter deaths.[39] In addition to personal factors that may predispose an individual to coronary artery disease or other cardiovascular diseases, occupational exposures can significantly increase a firefighter's risk. Historically, the fire service blamed poor firefighter physical condition for being the primary cause of cardiovascular related deaths. However, over the last 20 years, studies and research has indicated the toxic gasses put fire service personnel at significantly higher risk for cardiovascular related conditions and death. For instance, carbon monoxide, present in nearly all fire environments, and hydrogen cyanide, formed during the combustion of paper, cotton, plastics, and other substances containing carbon and nitrogen. The substances inside of materials change during combustion, and their by-products can interfere with the transport of oxygen in the body. Hypoxia can then lead to heart injury. In addition, chronic exposure to particulate matter in smoke is associated with atherosclerosis. Noise exposures may contribute to hypertension and possibly ischemic heart disease. Other factors associated with firefighting, such as stress, heat stress, and heavy physical exertion, also increase the risk of cardiovascular events.[40]
During fire suppression activities a firefighter can reach peak or near peak heart rates which can act as a trigger for a cardiac event. For example, tachycardia can cause plaque buildup to break loose and lodge itself is a small part of the heart causing myocardial infarction, also known as a heart attack. This along with unhealthy habits and lack of exercise can be very hazardous to firefighter health.[41]
Cancer
[edit]
Cancer risk in the U.S. fire service is a topic of growing concern. Recent studies suggest that due to their exposure on the fireground, firefighters may be at an increased risk for certain types of cancer and other chronic diseases.[42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51] Additionally, large international studies generally support the finding from U.S. studies that firefighters have elevated rates of cancer, with some variation by cancer site.[52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59][60]
A 2015 retrospective longitudinal study showed that firefighters are at higher risk for certain types of cancer. Firefighters had mesothelioma, which is caused by asbestos exposure, at twice the rate of the non-firefighting working population. Younger firefighters (under age 65) also developed bladder cancer and prostate cancer at higher rates than the general population. The risk of bladder cancer may be present in female firefighters, but research is inconclusive as of 2014.[61][62] Preliminary research from 2015 on a large cohort of US firefighters showed a direct relationship between the number of hours spent fighting fires and lung cancer and leukemia mortality in firefighters. This link is a topic of continuing research in the medical community, as is cancer mortality in general among firefighters.[63]
In addition to epidemiological studies, mechanistic studies have used biomarkers to investigate exposures' effects on biological changes that could be related to cancer development. Several of these studies have found evidence of DNA damage, oxidative stress, and epigenetic changes related to firefighters' exposures.[64][65][66][67][68][69][70]
Firefighters regularly encounter carcinogenic materials and hazardous contaminants, which is thought to contribute to their excess cancer risk. Dozens of chemicals classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as known or probable carcinogens have been identified on the fireground.[71][72] Several studies have documented airborne and/or dermal exposures to carcinogenic compounds during firefighting, as well as contamination on turnout gear and other equipment worn by firefighters.[73][74][75][76][77] Some of these compounds have been shown to absorb into firefighters' bodies.[78][79]
In addition to chemical exposures, firefighters often work 24-hr shifts or longer, and may respond to emergencies at night. Night shift work has been classified as a probable human carcinogen by IARC.[80] Some firefighters also work with hazardous materials and trained to control and clean up these dangerous materials, such as oil spills and chemical accidents. As firefighters combat a fire and clean up hazardous materials, there is a risk of harmful chemicals coming in contact with their skin if it penetrates their personal protective equipment (PPE).[60] In June 2022, IARC classified occupational exposure as a firefighter as "carcinogenic to humans."[81]
Firefighters are in addition to carcinogenic chemicals, firefighters can be exposed to radiation (alpha radiation, beta radiation, and gamma radiation).[82]
There are many types of firefighters. Most research on firefighters' cancer risk has involved structural or municipal career firefighters. Wildland firefighters are specially trained firefighters tasked with controlling forest fires. They frequently create fire lines, which are swathes of cut-down trees and dug-up grass placed in the path of the fire. This is designed to deprive the fire of fuel. Wildland firefighting is a physically demanding job with many acute hazards. Wildland firefighters may hike several miles while carrying heavy equipment during the wildfire season, which has increased in duration over time, especially in the western United States. Unlike structural firefighters, wildland firefighters typically do not wear respiratory protection, and may inhale particulate and other compounds emitted by the wildfires. They also use prescribed fires to burn potential fire fuel under controlled conditions.[83] To examine cancer risk for wildland firefighters, a risk assessment was conducted using an exposure-response relationship for risk of lung cancer mortality and measured particulate matter exposure from smoke at wildfires. This study concluded that wildland firefighters could have an increased risk of lung cancer mortality.[84] The research on cancer for other subspecialty groups of firefighters is limited, but a recent study of fire instructors in Australia found an exposure-response relationship between training exposures and cancer incidence.[85]
Due to the lack of central and comprehensive sources of data, research on cancer rates amongst firefighters has been challenging.[42][86][87][88] On July 7, 2018, Congress passed the Firefighter Cancer Registry Act of 2018 requiring the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to create the National Firefighter Registry designed to collect data on cancer rates among U.S. firefighters.[89][90][91]
Mental stress
[edit]
As with other emergency workers, firefighters may witness traumatic scenes during their careers. They are thus more vulnerable than most people to certain mental health issues such as post-traumatic stress disorder[92][93] and suicidal thoughts and behaviors.[94][95] Among women in the US, the occupations with the highest suicide rates are police and firefighters, with a rate of 14.1 per 100 000, according to the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, CDC.[96] Chronic stress over time attributes to symptoms that affect first responders, such as anxiousness, irritability, nervousness, memory and concentration problems can occur overtime which can lead to anxiety and depression. Mental stress can have long lasting affects on the brain.[97] A 2014 report from the National Fallen Firefighters Foundation found that a fire department is three times more likely to experience a suicide in a given year than a line-of-duty death.[98] Mental stress of the job can lead to substance abuse and alcohol abuse as ways of coping with the stress.[99] The mental stress of fire fighting has many different causes. There are those they see on duty and also what they miss by being on duty. Firefighters schedules fluctuate by district. There are stations where fire fighters work 48 hours on and 48 hours off, whereas some allow 24 hours on and 72 hours off.[100] The mental impact of missing a child's first steps or a ballet recital can take a heavy impact on first responders. There is also the stress of being on opposite shifts as a spouse or being away from family.
When not on the scene of an emergency, firefighters remain on call at fire stations, where they eat, sleep, and perform other duties during their shifts. Hence, sleep disruption is another occupational hazard that they may encounter at their job.[76]
Occupational hearing loss
[edit]
Another long-term risk factor from firefighting is exposure to high levels of sound, which can cause noise-induced hearing loss (NIHL) and tinnitus.[101][102] NIHL affects sound frequencies between 3,000 and 6,000 Hertz first, then with more frequent exposure, will spread to more frequencies.[102] Many consonants will be more difficult to hear or inaudible with NIHL because of the higher frequencies effected, which results in poorer communication.[102] NIHL is caused by exposure to sound levels at or above 85dBA according to NIOSH and at or above 90dBA according to OSHA.[102] dBA represents A-weighted decibels. dBA is used for measuring sound levels relating to occupational sound exposure since it attempts to mimic the sensitivity of the human ear to different frequencies of sound.[102] OSHA uses a 5-dBA exchange rate, which means that for every 5dBA increase in sound from 90dBA, the acceptable exposure time before a risk of permanent hearing loss occurs decreases by half (starting with 8 hours acceptable exposure time at 90dBA).[102][103] NIOSH uses a 3-dBA exchange rate starting at 8 hours acceptable exposure time at 85dBA.[102][104]
The time of exposure required to potentially cause damage depends on the level of sound exposed to.[104] The most common causes of excessive sound exposure are sirens, transportation to and from fires, fire alarms, and work tools.[101] Traveling in an emergency vehicle has shown to expose a person to between 103 and 114dBA of sound. According to OSHA, exposure at this level is acceptable for between 17 and 78 minutes[103] and according to NIOSH is acceptable for between 35 seconds and 7.5 minutes [104] over a 24-hour day before permanent hearing loss can occur. This time period considers that no other high level sound exposure occurs in that 24-hour time frame.[104] Sirens often output about 120 dBA, which according to OSHA, 7.5 minutes of exposure is needed[103] and according to NIOSH, 9 seconds of exposure is needed[104] in a 24-hour time period before permanent hearing loss can occur. In addition to high sound levels, another risk factor for hearing disorders is the co-exposure to chemicals that are ototoxic.[105]
The average day of work for a firefighter can often be under the sound exposure limit for both OSHA and NIOSH.[102] While the average day of sound exposure as a firefighter is often under the limit, firefighters can be exposed to impulse noise, which has a very low acceptable time exposure before permanent hearing damage can occur due to the high intensity and short duration.[101]
There are also high rates of hearing loss, often NIHL, in firefighters, which increases with age and number of years working as a firefighter.[101][106] Hearing loss prevention programs have been implemented in multiple stations and have shown to help lower the rate of firefighters with NIHL.[102] Other attempts have been made to lower sound exposures for firefighters, such as enclosing the cabs of the firetrucks to lower the siren exposure while driving.[102] NFPA (National Fire Protection Association) is responsible for occupational health programs and standards in firefighters which discusses what hearing sensitivity is required to work as a firefighter, but also enforces baseline (initial) and annual hearing tests (based on OSHA hearing maintenance regulations).[101] While NIHL can be a risk that occurs from working as a firefighter, NIHL can also be a safety concern for communicating while doing the job as communicating with coworkers and victims is essential for safety.[101] Hearing protection devices have been used by firefighters in the United States.[102] Earmuffs are the most commonly used hearing protection device (HPD) as they are the most easy to put on correctly in a quick manner.[102] Multiple fire departments have used HPDs that have communication devices built in, allowing firefighters to speak with each other at safe, but audible sound levels, while lowering the hazardous sound levels around them.[102]
Types of coverage and workload
[edit]
See also: Volunteer fire department and Retained firefighter
In a country with a comprehensive fire service, fire departments must be able to send firefighters to emergencies at any hour of day or night, to arrive on the scene within minutes. In urban areas, this means that full-time paid firefighters usually have shift work, with some providing cover each night. On the other hand, it may not be practical to employ full-time firefighters in villages and isolated small towns, where their services may not be required for days at a time. For this reason, many fire departments have firefighters who spend long periods on call to respond to infrequent emergencies; they may have regular jobs outside of firefighting.[107][108]
Whether they are paid or not varies by country. In the United States and Germany, volunteer fire departments provide most of the cover in rural areas. In the United Kingdom[107] and Ireland,[109] by contrast, actual volunteers are rare. Instead, "retained firefighters" are paid for responding to incidents, along with a small salary for spending long periods of time on call.[107][108] The combined fire services of the United Kingdom retain around 18,000 retained firefighters alongside their wholetime colleagues.[107] In both the UK and Ireland retained firefighters make up the majority of active firefighting personnel.[109] Their training, qualifications, and range of possible deployments, are all comparable to wholetime firefighters.[107] Retained firefighters are required to live or work within a set radius of their assigned fire station - in the United Kingdom this is usually 1 mile (1.6 km),[108] and in Ireland 2 miles (3.2 km).[109]
Firefighting around the world
[edit]
A key difference between many countries' fire services is what the balance is between full-time and volunteer (or on-call) firefighters. In the United States and United Kingdom, large metropolitan fire departments are almost entirely made up of full-time firefighters. On the other hand, in Germany and Austria,[110] volunteers play a substantial role even in the largest fire departments, including Berlin's, which serves a population of 3.6 million. Regardless of how this balance works, a common feature is that smaller urban areas have a mix of full-time and volunteer/on-call firefighters. This is known in the United States as a combination fire department. In Chile and Peru, all firefighters are volunteers.[111]
Another point of variation is how the fire services are organized. Some countries like the Czech Republic, Israel and New Zealand have a single national fire service. Others like Australia, the United Kingdom and France organize fire services based on regions or sub-national states. In the United States, Austria, Germany and Canada, fire departments are run at a municipal level.
Atypically, Singapore and many parts of Switzerland have fire service conscription.[112][113] In Germany, conscription can also be used if a village does not have a functioning fire service. Other unusual arrangements are seen in Denmark, where most fire services are run by private companies,[114] and in France, where two of the country's fire services (the Paris Fire Brigade and the Marseille Naval Fire Battalion) are part of the armed forces; similarly, the national fire service of Monaco is part of the Military of Monaco and maintains an armoury of sidearms for use by firefighters during civil defence operations.
Another way in which a firefighter's work varies around the world is the nature of firefighting equipment and tactics. For example, American fire departments make heavier use of aerial appliances, and are often split between engine and ladder companies. In Europe, where the size and usefulness of aerial appliances are often limited by narrow streets, they are only used for rescues, and firefighters can rotate between working on an engine and an aerial appliance. [115][114] A final point in variation is how involved firefighters are in emergency medical services.
Communication and command structure
[edit]
The expedient and accurate handling of fire alarms or calls are significant factors in the successful outcome of any incident. Fire department communications play a critical role in that successful outcome. Fire department communications include the methods by which the public can notify the communications center of an emergency, the methods by which the center can notify the proper fire fighting forces, and the methods by which information is exchanged at the scene. One method is to use a megaphone to communicate.
A telecommunicator (often referred to as a 000 Operator in Australia[116]) has a role different from but just as important as other emergency personnel. The telecommunicator must process calls from unknown and unseen individuals, usually calling under stressful conditions. He/she must be able to obtain complete, reliable information from the caller and prioritize requests for assistance. It is the dispatcher's responsibility to bring order to chaos.
While some fire departments are large enough to utilize their own telecommunication dispatcher, most rural and small areas rely on a central dispatcher to provide handling of fire, rescue, and police services.
Firefighters are trained to use communications equipment to receive alarms, give and receive commands, request assistance, and report on conditions. Since firefighters from different agencies routinely provide mutual aid to each other, and routinely operate at incidents where other emergency services are present, it is essential to have structures in place to establish a unified chain of command, and share information between agencies. The U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has established a National Incident Management System.[117] One component of this system is the Incident Command System.
All radio communication in the United States is under authorization from the Federal Communications Commission (FCC); as such, fire departments that operate radio equipment must have radio licenses from the FCC.
Ten codes were popular in the early days of radio equipment because of poor transmission and reception. Advances in modern radio technology have reduced the need for ten-codes and many departments have converted to simple English (clear text).
Ranks
[edit]
Many firefighters are sworn members with command structures similar to the military or police. They do not usually have general police powers (although some firefighters in the United States have limited police powers, like fire police departments), though certain fire safety officials (such as fire marshals or fire safety inspectors) do possess extensive police powers in connection with their work of enforcement and control in regulatory and emergency situations. In some countries fire fighters carry, or have access to, firearms, including some US fire marshals, and the Corps des Sapeurs-Pompiers of Monaco which is a military unit providing civilian fire cover.
The nomenclature of firefighting varies from country to country. The basic unit of firefighters is known as a "company" in many countries, including the United States, with its members typically working on the same engine. A "crew" or "platoon" is a subdivision of a company who work on the same shift. In British and Commonwealth fire services the firefighters of each station are more typically organised around a "watch" pattern, with several watches (usually four) working on a shift basis, as a separate "crew" for each engine or specialist appliance at that station.[118]
Firefighter equipment
[edit]
Main article: Glossary of firefighting equipment
A partial list of some equipment typically used by firefighters:
Hand tools, such as
Flat-head and pick-head axe
Pike pole
Halligan bar
Flashlight
Spanner wrench
Circular ("K-12"), Cutters Edge and chain saws
Hydraulic rescue tools such as spreaders, cutters, and rams
Personal protective equipment ("PPE") designed to withstand water and high temperatures, such as
Bunker gear, including turnout jacket and pants
Self-contained breathing apparatus (SCBA)
Helmet, face mask and visor; climbing helmets
Safety boots, gloves, and Nomex and Carbon flash hoods
Personal alert safety system (PASS) device
Handheld radio, pager, or other communication devices
Thermal imaging camera
Gas detector
History
[edit]
For broader coverage of this topic, see History of firefighting.
Although people have fought fires since there have been valuable things to burn, the first instance of organized professionals combating structural fires occurred in ancient Egypt. Likewise, fire fighters of the Roman Republic existed solely as privately organized and funded groups that operated more similarly to a business than a public service; however, during the Principate period, Augustus revolutionized firefighting by calling for the creation of a fire guard that was trained, paid, and equipped by the state, thereby commissioning the first truly public and professional firefighting service. Known as the Vigiles, they were organised into cohorts, serving as a night watch and city police force in addition to their firefighting duties.
The earliest American fire departments were volunteers, including the volunteer fire company in New Amsterdam, now known as New York.[119] Fire companies were composed of citizens who volunteered their time to help protect the community. As time progressed and new towns were established throughout the region, there was a sharp increase in the number of volunteer departments.
In 1853, the first career fire department in the United States was established in Cincinnati, Ohio, followed four years later by St. Louis Fire Department. Large cities began establishing paid, full-time staff in order to try to facilitate greater call volume.
City fire departments draw their funding directly from city taxes and share the same budget as other public works like the police department and trash services. The primary difference between municipality departments and city departments is the funding source. Municipal fire departments do not share their budget with any other service and are considered to be private entities within a jurisdiction. This means that they have their own taxes that feed into their budgeting needs. City fire departments report to the mayor, whereas municipal departments are accountable to elected board officials who help maintain and run the department along with the chief officer staff.[120]
Fundraisers
[edit]
Funds for firefighting equipment may be raised by the firefighters themselves, especially in the case of volunteer organizations.[121] Events such as pancake breakfasts and chili feeds are common in the United States.[122][123] Social events are used to raise money include dances, fairs, and car washes.
See also
[edit]
Firefighting apparatus – Vehicle for use during firefighting operations
Firefighter arson – Phenomenon of arsonist firefighters
USAF Firefighting
Incident Command System – Standardized approach to command, control, and coordination of emergency response
Index of firefighting articles
International Firefighters' Day – Observance (May 4)
Rescue – Operations for life saving, removal from danger and liberation from restrain
Smokejumper – Skydiving wildland firefighters
Women in firefighting
References
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https://osha.oregon.gov/pages/topics/firefighters.aspx
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Oregon Occupational Safety and Health : Firefighters : State of Oregon
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[
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"https://apps.oregon.gov/Application/CDN/Enterprise/images/logos/Oregon/oregon-gov-color.svg?v=5_7_2024",
"https://osha.oregon.gov/PublishingImages/logos/dcbs-logo.png"
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Publications, training materials, rules, and videos related to Oregon OSHA's requirements for firefighters
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https://osha.oregon.gov/pages/topics/firefighters.aspx
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Overview
Firefighters’ workplaces are anywhere there are emergencies, and no two places are the same. It is a tough, demanding job and there is little time for traditional risk assessments about workplace hazards. Ability to adapt, improvise, and foresee fire progress are necessary skills for firefighters and fire officers. You will find Oregon OSHA’s requirements for firefighters in Division 2, Subdivision L: Oregon Rules for Fire Fighters [437-002-0182].
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https://www.nsfire.org/162/Firefighters-Role-in-a-Medical-Response
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Firefighter's Role in a Medical Response
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https://www.nsfire.org/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.nsfire.org/images/favicon.ico
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[
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentID=649",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentID=607",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentId=127",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentId=679",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentId=656",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentID=592",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentID=593",
"https://www.nsfire.org/ImageRepository/Document?documentId=605"
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Fire departments have been responding to accidents and medical emergencies for decades; however many citizens are still puzzled about the critical role firefighters play in such situations.
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Medical Response
Fire departments have been responding to accidents and medical emergencies for decades; however many citizens are still puzzled about the critical role firefighters play in such situations.
A common perception is that a firefighter's primary tools are a fire hose and axe. The reality is that North Shore Fire/Rescue (NSFR) firefighters are equally familiar with administering an electric shock and drugs to restart a heart, inserting a breathing tube, or extricating an accident victim from a crushed vehicle while simultaneously treating their injuries. In fact, 77% of our calls are for medical emergencies.
Timing
When a heart stops, or a serious injury occurs; seconds count. Given North Shore Fire/Rescue's network of five strategically located fire stations, the same response time advantage that exists for fires also exists for medical emergencies. Often, a fire unit can frequently get to the scene first, providing critical care.
Additionally, more serious medical emergencies require a full team of responders. Consider cardiac arrest; while two people perform cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR), others establish Intravenous (IVs), set up a heart monitor, administer drugs, and bring a gurney to the patient's side for transport.
Emergency Medical Services
NSFR has always taken its role in Emergency Medical Services (EMS) as seriously as its commitment to firefighting. Every uniformed member of our department is a certified Emergency Medical Technician (EMT) and nearly 35% are certified paramedics. This ensures that each and every crew can deliver advanced life support on every call, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.
Be Aware
The next time you see a fire engine responding to an incident, look at the firefighters in the cab. If they're wearing their heavy fire gear, they're going to a fire. If they are in shirtsleeves, it's a safe bet they are headed for a medical emergency.
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https://www.citystaug.com/243/History-of-the-Department
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en
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History of the Department
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https://www.citystaug.com/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.citystaug.com/images/favicon.ico
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[
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Learn more about the history of the Fire Department.
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The City of St Augustine was founded in 1565, and until the 20th century, the residents of this town were protected primarily by privately owned or volunteer fire brigades.
On a windless summer evening in 1845, fire broke out in a carriage house on the property of John Drysdale at the corner of Marine Street and Bravo Lane. Luckily it was high tide, and the availability of plenty of water, plus the calm night enabled the citizens, who rallied to battle the blaze, to keep it from burning down the main dwelling. However, the fire spread to a building to the south, Major Joseph Hernandez's billiard room, and in a few minutes it also ignited his home.
The soldiers of the garrison came to the aid of the volunteer firefighters. Together they tore down a few frame buildings to keep the fire from spreading and eventually brought the conflagration under control, using the garrison's fire engine and plenty of buckets, also supplied by the army, for a constant and rapid supply of water.
The next issue of the "News" reported the holocaust and made a strong plea for municipal fire protection. At the next meeting of the council, the city fathers gathered to deliberate the problem. They then decreed that a fire company be formed for the protection of the city and that a good fire engine and other necessary equipment be provided.
The St. Augustine Fire Company was soon organized under the direction of a fire chief who was empowered to draft all able-bodied citizens to man the hoses and the bucket brigade. Slackers were liable to a five dollar fine for refusing to pitch in in times of trouble. In 1847, the new fire engine, costing $450.00 arrived and was put into service.
The St Augustine Fire Company was comprised of 6 private fire companies including:
The Ancient City Hook and Ladder Company
St Augustine Steam Fire and Engine Company
St Augustine/Ancient City Bucket Brigade
San Marco Hose Company
Ponce DeLeon Engine Company
Ancient City Fire Company
Fire Department Established
Following the devastating fire of 1887, which claimed a large portion of the downtown market place and Cathedral Basilica, the need for additional City Fire protection became apparent. A large fire bell was installed at City Hall in 1901 which alerted residents and firefighters of fire. The City also approved a Citywide alarm phone system on December 24, 1901.
In 1902 the St Augustine Fire Company became the City of St Augustine Fire Department. Wealthy industrialist Henry Flagler donated a building to the city, which housed our first fire station and city government offices. The first fire chief was C.P. Townsend and he had a paid force of three firefighters.
Horses Drawn Engines
The City purchased its first horses, Dick and Harry, in 1902 to pull the hose and chemical wagon and the steam engine. The department also acquired an old mare known as Kate who was tasked with pulling the ladder wagon.
It was during the horse-drawn engine days that St. Augustine encountered its largest fire. On April 2, 1914, a blaze swept the heart of the city. This fire extended from St. George Street to the bay and from Treasury to Hypolita Streets which destroyed hotels, stores and businesses, the courthouse and many private homes.
First Mechanized Engine
The horses ran their last alarm in 1920 with the change to mechanized equipment. By 1921, there were four paid firefighters and a 500-gallon pumper. At this time Florida’s boom years were underway and between 1920 and 1930, St Augustine’s population almost doubled to over 12,000 residents and the fire department then housed 8 full-time firefighters.
Second Fire Station
A second fire station (Station 2) was established in 1958 to better serve the city residents on the barrier island. The station is located just outside the entrance to Anastasia State Park. It is a sub-station, with two class ‘A’ fire pumpers, providing first due protection to City areas east of the Intra-coastal Waterway. Today, this station houses 9 firefighters, assigned at 3 per 24-hour shift.
Main Station
The main fire station, staffed by seven firefighters 24 hours a day, is located at 101 Malaga Street. It was dedicated on November 20, 2002, replacing the 30-year-old structure located on Bridge Street. The new station sits on 1.5 acres that once was home to Henry Flagler’s Florida East Coast Railway train depot. This location improves the department’s emergency response times to the north and south without diminishing the response time to the City’s core areas. The cost of the new building and its property was $1.47 million.
Internal Operations Center (IOC)
This modern, 11,000 square foot station houses the department’s administrative offices, training area, living quarters, emergency response vehicles and general storage. The station also serves as the IOC for the City of St. Augustine. The building was constructed to be above-predicted flood levels and withstand hurricane winds of 140 mph. The eight spacious apparatus bays can provide shelter for all of the department’s emergency response equipment.
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https://www.naperville.il.us/services/naperville-fire-department/about-the-fire-department/office-of-the-fire-marshal/
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Office of the Fire Marshal
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The Office of the Naperville Fire Marshal is committed to protecting life and property from fire through life safety inspections, code enforcement, education and investigation.
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/favicon-120x120.png
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The City of Naperville
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https://www.naperville.il.us/services/naperville-fire-department/about-the-fire-department/office-of-the-fire-marshal/
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The Community Risk Reduction Division is committed to protecting life and property from fire through life safety inspections, code enforcement, education, investigation and statistical fire reports. The CRR Manager oversees many areas including the Fire Prevention Bureau, the Fire Investigation Team, and the Juvenile Firesetters Intervention Team.
Fire Prevention Bureau
The Fire Prevention Bureau inspects all commercial and multi-family occupancies at least once annually and conducts site plan reviews of new developments, plan reviews of fire alarms and suppression systems, acceptance tests and inspections of these systems, and follows up on non-compliant inspections and public complaints.
Read more about Permits and Inspections
Fire Investigation Team
The Naperville Fire Investigation Team determines the origin and cause of significant fires of questionable origin. The team is comprised of members of the Naperville Fire Department, who primarily examine and process the fire scene, and the Naperville Police Department, who primarily conduct the interviews, interrogations and follow-up investigative work.
If you have information about a fire that has occurred in Naperville, please contact
Fire Department: Community Risk Reduction Manager Ben DeAnda at (630) 420-4095 or deandab@naperville.il.us
Police Department Investigations Division at napervillecrimetips@naperville.il.us
Juvenile Firesetter Intervention Program
The Naperville Fire Department Juvenile Firesetter Intervention Program (Y-Fire) educates children and parents about the dangers of fire play activity. Team members have received specialized training to work with children who are between 2 and 17 years of age with a specific incident of fire play. The program is confidential, and the team remains focused on identifying and educating youth within the Naperville area in an effort to prevent repeat behavior.
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https://fairviewtexas.org/departments/fire-ems.html
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Fire and EMS
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Vision: Building upon traditional fire service values, we will provide a safe location for the community to live and work by providing a modern and technologically advanced department.
Mission: Through collaborative planning, progressive training, and modern equipment, we will continue to provide excellent fire, EMS, and all-hazard responses. We will make a positive difference in the lives of the communities we serve through highly trained and compassionate personnel.
Our Values: As an organization, we value the role each member plays in our organization. We respect those who came before us and will strive to make the organization better for those who follow. We will apply our organizational values in our daily lives and to the communities we serve:
Pride: We will hold ourselves to high standards regarding the appearance of our stations, equipment, and personnel.
Selflessness: Our job is to put others before ourselves, have empathy, and be compassionate.
Honor, Duty, and Courage: These are the traditional values of the fire service. We will adhere to a high moral standard of behavior reflective of the noble profession we have chosen.
Intergrity: We will demonstrate honesty and strong ethics in all of our interactions and maintain the trust of everyone we encounter.
Excellence: We will demonstrate high levels of passion and dedication in order to excel in our profession. We will constantly strive to advance our knowledge base through training and education.
|
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| 56
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https://www.cityofvancouver.us/departments/fire-department/
|
en
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Vancouver Fire Department -
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2023-05-05T18:46:13+00:00
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Vancouver Fire is one of the busiest and fastest-growing fire departments in the region. We serve more than 294,000 residents and visitors across 90
|
en
|
The City of Vancouver, WA
|
https://www.cityofvancouver.us/departments/fire-department/
|
EMS
Emergency Medical Services, or EMS, is a vital public service that delivers emergency care to victims of sudden and serious illness or injury.
In the Vancouver area, EMS is delivered in a multi-tiered system by firefighter-EMTs and fire medics from the Vancouver Fire Department and paramedics from American Medical Response.
In Vancouver, and throughout the country, EMS calls typically comprise more than 80% of the total emergency calls received by public fire-rescue agencies.
The EMS system depends on the availability and coordination of many different elements, ranging from an informed public capable of recognizing medical emergencies to a network of metro area trauma centers capable of providing highly specialized care to the most seriously ill or injured.
The 911 emergency center, search and rescue teams from the VFD and public support for prehospital care are some of the critical elements necessary for the EMS system to work.
The Vancouver Fire Department’s Paramedic and EMT firefighters are an important part of the EMS system.
Ambulance Services
The City of Vancouver has contracted directly with AMR to provide ambulance service to citizens since 2015.
Goals and objectives
Maintain or potentially improve emergency medical service.
Keep patient charges as low as possible.
Assure equitable distribution of costs and levels of service throughout the county.
Assure highest accountability for results through direct oversight and governance relationship.
Background
Ambulance services within the City of Vancouver used to be provided through an interlocal agreement with EMS District 2 originally signed in 1993. The service was user-fee supported and AMR was contracted to provide ambulance services.
EMS District 2 encompasses the cities of Vancouver, Battle Ground, La Center, Woodland, and Ridgefield and the unincorporated areas of Clark County.
In 2015, the City of Vancouver began contracting directing with AMR to provide ambulance services to its citizens, instead of through the EMS District 2 interlocal agreement. This change was made for the following reasons:
The Board of Clark County Commissioners serves as the EMS District 2 Board and has sole final approval authority. The other partner agencies, Including the City of Vancouver, had no direct decision-making authority over the administration of the current EMS contract or the services provided.
The City of Vancouver has grown significantly over the 20 years that have passed since the EMS District 2 interlocal agreement was first signed. The city’s population generates 74 percent of the ambulance calls, and thus supplies a majority of EMS fees used to pay for the service.
The needs of City/urban and County/rural areas are different, and the city desires a more direct relationship with the ambulance service to better meet Its urban needs.
The Vancouver Fire Department (VFD) currently responds to medical calls. Due to the terms of the District’s contract, very little coordination was allowed to occur between the VFD EMS responders, and the ambulance provider, which resulted in duplication of effort.
By having direct oversight of the ambulance service, the Vancouver Fire Department will be able to develop the “hand in glove· relationship with the ambulance provider to better provide effective and efficient service to citizens.
Current Status
The contract with AMR to provide ambulance services was approved by the Vancouver City Council in November 2014. The contract went into effect on Jan. 1, 2015.
Read the 2022 Ambulance Services Annual Report to City Council
Special Operations – HAZMAT Team
The Hazardous Materials Response Team began service in 1986. This highly-trained and skilled team is one of numerous local government hazmat teams located throughout Washington.
What is a “hazardous material?”
A hazardous material, by definition, is “any element, compound or substance that poses an unreasonable risk to health or property and which, because of handling, storage, processing or packaging, may have detrimental effects on emergency personnel, the public, equipment and/or the environment.”
The Hazmat team is deployed to hazardous materials emergencies throughout Clark County and when requested, to other neighboring jurisdictions.
Personnel
The Hazmat team is staffed by career firefighters. Firefighters are assigned voluntarily to the team for a minimum of five years. While on-duty, team members are evenly dispersed among three shifts. Team members are on-call during off-duty hours.
Team members prepare pre-emergency contingency plans that are based on hazard and risk assessments of known hazardous material bulk storage and use facilities within VFD’s response area. Team leaders also participate in regional and state contingency planning, which includes hazardous materials transported over Clark County railroads and highways.
Special Operations – Marine Team
Your browser does not support HTML5 video.
VFD’s all-hazard quick response vessel, Discovery (Vancouver USA Fire Boat 1), provides rapid water response to fire, rescue and hazmat incidents occurring on or along the Columbia River between Lewiston and Astoria.
The rescue boat coordinates closely with other public safety marine units during emergency operations.
Discovery is staffed with well-trained firefighters who are qualified and approved to fill one or more of the following operational roles:
Water-based rescue and medical calls
Fire suppression on boats, docks and on shore
Search and rescue
Chemical/fuel spill response
Support during natural disasters, earthquakes or other large-scale incidents
Support for Hazardous Materials and Technical Rescue response operations
Law enforcement support
Dive team support
Using smaller “fast attack” vessels instead of the larger traditional fireboats provides both tactical and economic advantages, providing a quicker and more nimble response to marine fires and other emergencies and costing far less to operate and maintain.
Special Operations – Technical Rescue
Technical rescue is a special skills area of the fire service that focuses on the application of specific knowledge, skills, and equipment to safely resolve unique and/or complex rescue situations. Examples include rescues from confined spaces, trench collapse, water emergencies, structural collapse, and rescuing people trapped above or below grade or in other challenging situations.
The Vancouver Fire Department’s Technical Rescue Team is a group of personnel having advanced training and special equipment to safely and efficiently conduct technical rescue operations. The team works closely with the City’s Public Works Department.
Technical Rescue is akin to what Emergency Medical Service programs were to the 1970s, and Hazardous Materials programs were to the 1980s. It has gained prominence in our everyday lives with incidents such as Hurricane Andrew, the Northridge California Earthquake, and the Oklahoma City Bombing, where specialized rescue response is needed.
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| 0
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fire_department
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en
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Fire department
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2003-02-27T03:10:57+00:00
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en
|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fire_department
|
Organization that provides firefighting services
"Fire and rescue" redirects here. For the England and Wales fire authorities, see Fire authority.
"Fire brigade" redirects here. For other uses, see Fire brigade (disambiguation).
A fire department (North American English) or fire brigade (Commonwealth English),[note 1] also known as a fire company, fire authority, fire district, fire and rescue, or fire service in some areas, is an organization that provides fire prevention and fire suppression services as well as other rescue services.
Fire departments are most commonly a public sector organization that operate within a municipality, county, state, nation, or special district. Private and specialist firefighting organizations also exist, such as those for aircraft rescue and firefighting.[1]
A fire department contains one or more fire stations within its boundaries, and may be staffed by firefighters, who may be professional, volunteers, conscripts, or on-call. Combination fire departments employ a mix of professional and volunteer firefighters.[2] In some countries, fire departments may also run an ambulance service, staffed by volunteer or professional EMS personnel.
Organization
[edit]
Fire departments are organized in a system of administration, services, training, and operations; for example:
Administration is responsible for supervision, budgets, policy, and human resources.
Service offers protection, safety, and education to the public.
Training prepares people with the knowledge and skills to perform their duties.
Operations performs tasks to mitigate harm to persons, property, and the environment.
A fire service is normally set up where it can have fire stations, fire engines and other relevant equipment strategically deployed throughout the area it serves, so that dispatchers can send fire engines, fire trucks, or ambulances from the fire stations closest to the incident. Larger departments have branches within themselves to increase efficiency, composed of volunteers, support, and research.
Volunteers give additional support to the department in a state of emergency.
Support organizing the resources within and outside of the department.
Research is to give advantages in new technologies for the department.
Jurisdiction
[edit]
Most places are covered by a public sector fire department, which is established by a local or national government and funded by taxation. Even volunteer fire departments may still receive some government funding.
The typical size of a fire department varies greatly by country. In the United States, firefighting is usually organized on a municipal level. Some municipalities belong to "fire protection districts" that are served by the same fire department, such as the San Ramon Valley Fire Protection District. Austria, Germany and Canada also organize fire services at a municipal level. In France, fire services mostly cover one department. In the United Kingdom, most fire services cover one or more counties, while Scotland and Northern Ireland each have a single fire service. In Australia, state governments run the fire services, although three states have separate agencies for metropolitan and rural areas. Poland, the Czech Republic, Israel, Italy, New Zealand, and the Philippines have national fire and rescue services.
Responsibilities
[edit]
Fire departments may also provide other emergency services, such as aircraft rescue and firefighting, hazardous materials mitigation, technical rescue, and wildland firefighting.
In some countries or regions (e.g., the United States, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, Macau), fire departments can be responsible for providing emergency medical services. The EMS personnel may either be cross-trained as firefighters or a separate division of emergency medical technicians and paramedics. While some services act only as "first responders" to medical emergencies, stabilizing victims until an ambulance can arrive, other fire services also operate ambulance services.
History
[edit]
Main article: History of firefighting
Ancient Rome
[edit]
The earliest known firefighting service was formed in Ancient Rome by Marcus Egnatius Rufus who used his slaves to provide a free fire service.[3] These men fought fires using bucket chains and also patrolled the streets with the authority to impose corporal punishment upon those who violated fire-prevention codes. The Emperor Augustus established a public fire department in 24 BCE, composed of 600 slaves distributed amongst seven fire stations in Rome.[4]
1600s and 1700s
[edit]
Fire departments were again formed by property insurance companies beginning in the 17th century after the Great Fire of London in 1666. The first insurance brigades were established the following year.[5] Others began to realize that a lot of money could be made from this practice, and ten more insurance companies set up in London before 1832: The Alliance, Atlas, Globe, Imperial, London, Protector, Royal Exchange, Sun Union and Westminster.[6] Each company had its own fire mark, a durable plaque that would be affixed to the building exterior. Although a popular legend says a company's fire brigade would not extinguish a burning building if it did not have the correct fire mark, there is little evidence to support this; evidence shows insurance companies required their firefighters to fight every fire they encountered.[7]
Amsterdam also had a sophisticated firefighting system in the late 17th century, under the direction of artist Jan van der Heyden, who had improved the designs of both fire hoses and fire pumps.[8]
The city of Boston, Massachusetts established America's first publicly funded, paid fire department in 1678.[9][10][11]
Fire insurance made its debut in the American colonies in South Carolina in 1736, but it was Benjamin Franklin who imported the London model of insurance. He established the colonies' first fire insurance company in Philadelphia named the Philadelphia Contributionship,[5] as well as its associated Union Volunteer Fire Company, which was an unpaid (volunteer) company.[12]
A document dated in 1686 informs about the payment system of four so called "fire servants" (German: Feuerknecht) in Vienna, which is the official founding year of the Vienna Fire Department.
In 1754,[13] Halifax, Nova Scotia established the Halifax Regional Fire and Emergency, which is today Canada's oldest fire department.
In 1764, Haddonfield, New Jersey established the second oldest fire company in the United States.
Another early American fire department, staffed by unpaid volunteers,[14] was established in the city of Petersburg, Virginia in 1773.[15][16]
1800s
[edit]
In the 19th century, cities began to form their own fire departments as a civil service to the public, obliging private fire companies to shut down, many merging their fire stations into the city's fire department. In 1833, London's ten independent brigades all merged to form the London Fire Engine Establishment (LFEE), with James Braidwood as the Chief Officer.[17] Braidwood had previously been the fire chief in Edinburgh, where the world's first municipal fire service was founded in 1824, and he is now regarded, along with Van der Heyden, as one of founders of modern firefighting.[8] The LFEE then was incorporated into the city's Metropolitan Fire Brigade in 1865 under Eyre Massey Shaw.
In 1879, the University of Notre Dame established the first University-based fire department in the United States.[18]
1900s
[edit]
The first motorized fire department was organized in 1906 in Springfield, Massachusetts, where Knox Automobile had developed the first modern fire engine one year earlier.[19]
See also
[edit]
International Firefighters' Day
Compulsory fire service
Emergency service
Fire engine
List of fire departments
Volunteer fire department
Fire department ranks by country
Notes
[edit]
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https://www.facebook.com/p/Hawai%25CA%25BBi-Fire-Department-100072104461350/
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en
|
Facebook
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yv/r/B8BxsscfVBr.ico
|
https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yv/r/B8BxsscfVBr.ico
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yv/r/B8BxsscfVBr.ico
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https://www.facebook.com/login/
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https://www.inspectpoint.com/fire-marshals-responsibilities/
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en
|
What Is a Fire Marshal?
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2020-02-25T06:54:27+00:00
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What is a Fire Marshal and what are their responsibilities? Fire Marshals play a critical role in fire protection operations--it's important to know what that role is.
|
en
|
Inspect Point - Fire Inspection Software
|
https://www.inspectpoint.com/fire-marshals-responsibilities/
|
The Day-to-Day Life & Responsibilities of a Fire Marshal
In the world of fire prevention, there are so many paths to take. Becoming a firefighter is a great way to help enforce fire safety, but it isn’t the only position out there. How else can you help to enforce fire codes, work with fire departments, and help your local community? One way to do that is by becoming a state fire marshal. We’ve all heard of fire marshals and the fire marshal office, but not everyone knows what it actually means to be one. If you’re thinking about ways to help mitigate fire incidents in your state or county, let’s talk about the responsibilities of the Fire Marshal.
What is a Fire Marshal?
Whether you are closely in tune with the fire protection world or this is the first time you’ve thought about it, you know what a firefighter does. But what about all of the other ways that a person can be involved in their local fire department and local fire prevention services?
A fire marshal is another one of these figures in local fire department communities. A fire marshal is often an employee of the local government in some capacity. This could mean that they are part of the state, county, or provincial government, but this is not always true.
A fire marshal could possibly be an active-duty law enforcement officer and, oftentimes, experienced firefighters. A fire marshal may be authorized to carry a weapon, they may wear a badge or drive marked car
Truthfully, a fire marshal may be many things. It is largely dependent on their prior experience and the region where they work. However diverse they may be, there is an International Fire Marshal Association (IFMA) which seeks to link these individuals and pool they’re resources and collective knowledge.
A Fire Marshal’s Responsibilities
The definition of what a fire marshal specifically is can vary. We can get a better idea of what the job is when we look at a fire marshal’s responsibilities. So what exactly are those responsibilities? Again, this may vary, but here are some of the many things a fire marshal is responsible for.
The Most General Fire Marshal Responsibilities
In the most basic sense, we might think of a fire marshal as being a cross between law enforcement and fire protection. One of the main responsibilities of a fire marshal is to perform fire and arson investigations.
A fire marshal might also be a fire inspector, or they might work alongside one. A fire inspector is a person who makes sure that buildings follow relevant fire codes in case of an emergency. These buildings might be public ones like nursing homes or public education buildings, or they could be factories or office environments.
An inspector is responsible for making sure a building is prepared for an emergency situation. A fire marshal is responsible for finding out how and why things go wrong when they do. It is a very important part of the cycle of fire prevention and safety. The fire marshal’s investigations further inform builders, regulators, and occupants of how they can stay safer.
More Specific Fire Marshal Responsibilities
Fire marshals are authorized to do many different things depending on the local laws, and of course, according to their prior experience.
Fire marshals who are also employed in some capacity as a law enforcement officer may be able to make arrests pertaining to arson. These are the fire marshals we spoke of earlier who might wear a badge or carry a firearm.
Fire marshal responsibilities are clearly outlined by the Fire Protection and Prevention Act of 1974. This act sought to mitigate the tremendous amount of deaths caused by fires in America, citing 12,000 deaths and more than 300,000 injuries. Included in the Fire Protection and Prevention Act was the outlining of state officials who would oversee the dissemination of information and regulation of fire codes. This entity is what we now know as the fire marshal.
Being a fire marshal means being responsible for not only the safety of your community but the safety of your country’s citizens.
Here are just some of the fire marshal responsibilities outlined in the Fire Protection and Prevention Act:
This training could include things like:
Courses in fire prevention, structural building codes, and fire suppression techniques.
Courses in operating alarm and reporting equipment
And courses in forensic data recovery and burn patterns
There are plenty of opportunities for fire marshals to work with people in the field. However, much of the responsibilities of a fire marshal include reporting and legal work. Prospective fire marshals should be proficient in gathering and marking evidence, preparing testimony, and briefing the public on their findings.
If you do become a fire marshal, this will not be the end of your education. Your position as a fire marshal may be contingent on the continued education on the topic.
Working Your Way to Fire Marshal
As we stated previously, becoming a fire marshal is not an overnight process. It takes years of putting in work, training, and finding yourself in the right place at the right time. Of course, it’s impossible to know when and where that will be. The best way to ensure you know when and where these positions are open is to stay involved.
Working or volunteering with your local fire department will keep you in this loop of knowledge. The most important thing to do is to keep yourself ready. Stay up to date on the latest required training, continue to excel in your field, and continue to make connections in your local community. Some local fire departments even promote fire marshals directly from their own firefighters.
The Many Responsibilities in the Life of a Fire Marshal
Becoming a fire marshal is a road that requires dedication and persistence, like all positions in the fire safety industry. Becoming a fire marshal means taking even more responsibility under your belt.
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https://www.fbu.org.uk/firefighters-and-fire-service
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en
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Firefighters and the fire service
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https://www.fbu.org.uk/favicon.ico
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https://www.fbu.org.uk/favicon.ico
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FBU members are highly-skilled professionals who work in a diverse range of roles across fire and rescue services. Every member plays an important part in protecting public safety, and some demonstrate great bravery and self-sacrifice to protect local communities from danger.
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/favicon.ico
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https://www.fbu.org.uk/firefighters-and-fire-service
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FBU members are highly-skilled professionals who work in a diverse range of roles across fire and rescue services.
Every member plays an important part in protecting public safety, and some demonstrate great bravery and self-sacrifice to protect local communities from danger.
As well as the vital work of fighting fires, the modern firefighter keeps the public safe from many other threats, including floods and road traffic incidents, and plays a major role during major incidents such as terrorist attacks. Crucially, fire and rescue service workers help prevent fire and loss of life with comprehensive public information and engagement campaigns.
The general public turns to firefighters when their safety is threatened, particularly when they do not know where else to turn, knowing that we can be relied on to get the job done. Firefighters keep the public safe to enjoy their lives knowing that an unseen hand helps protect them from fire and other dangers.
Firefighters have three key aims:
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https://www.kirklandwa.gov/Government/Departments/Fire-Department
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Fire Department
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Our department is an “all hazards” response organization. In addition to emergency response services, we provide fire prevention, public education and emergency management services. Your Kirkland Firefighters are trained and equipped to respond to a variety of requests for service including: emergency medical calls, fire and rescue incidents, and hazardous material responses within the City.
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/files/ocfavicon/Public/apple-touch-icon.png?V=637413249530223392
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https://www.kirklandwa.gov/Government/Departments/Fire-Department
|
Chief Joseph Sanford
Fire Chief
425-587-3650
JSanford@kirklandwa.gov
A Message from the Fire Chief
Washington became a state in 1889. That same year, the Great Seattle Fire destroyed much of the heart of that city and the people of Kirkland watched as smoke rose across Lake Washington for days. One year later, in 1890, the Kirkland Fire Department was formed. The “Fire” Department has evolved since that time, keeping pace with the changing needs of our community. Since those austere beginnings, the department has added Hazardous Materials, Technical Rescue, Emergency Medical Services, Emergency Management and Water Rescue to our list of services. Emergency Medical Services (EMS) now constitute nearly 75% of our calls for service. The Fire Department is truly an “all hazards” response team.
Together with our teams in the Fire Prevention Bureau, the Training Division, Emergency Medical Services, Fire Administration, and the Office of Emergency Management, we make up what’s now the Kirkland Fire Department.
The consistent support from our community and City Council has ensured that the dedicated professionals of the Kirkland Fire Department can continue to provide exceptional service. Whether assigned to work in Suppression, Administrative Support, Emergency Medical Services, Training or the Bureau of Fire Prevention; on a fire truck or within the Office of Emergency Management, the dedicated men and women of the Kirkland Fire Department are committed to providing the best services possible, twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, 365 days a year.
Chief Joseph Sanford
From its incorporation in 1905 with a population of 400, Kirkland has grown to a population of 92,175 and 18 square miles. The terrain varies from extended waterfront property and parks to wooded areas and steep hillsides with elevations ranging from sea level to 500 feet. The community is a balance of quiet residential neighborhoods, urban retail, commercial zones and industrial areas bordered by freeways and commerce lines.
Kirkland Fire Department employs approximately 109 employees who are involved in a diverse range of activities. The department provides 24-hour coverage for fire suppression, technical rescue, hazardous materials and emergency medical responses. The department also provides fire prevention and education, fire investigations, inspections, code compliance and disaster preparedness services to the population.
The City of Kirkland has six fire stations:
Station 21- Forbes Creek
9816 Forbes Creek Drive
Station 22- Houghton
6602 108th Ave NE
Station 24- North Juanita
NE 132nd St. and 100th Ave NE
Station 25- Juanita
12033 76th Place NE
Station 26- North Rose Hill
9930 124th Ave NE
Station 27- Totem Lake
12127 NE 132nd St.
To learn more about what we do please see our Emergency Response, Fire Prevention, and Emergency Management pages.
Does the Fire Department offer CPR training to the public?
The Kirkland Fire Department (KFD) is partnering with the Medic One Foundation (MOF) to provide free CPR classes beginning in February, 2024.
To learn when CPR classes are scheduled, visit our Public Education page or contact Sue Romero.
Does the Fire Department inspect or install car seats?
The Kirkland Fire Department does not inspect or install car seats. For assistance, please contact King County Public Health Traffic Safety.
I live in the Kirkland city limits, can I burn my leaves and brush?
Outdoor burning of leaves, yard waste or garbage is banned in Kirkland. For air quality questions, call the Puget Sound Air Pollution Control Agency at 206-343-8800. Also for air quality/indoor burning restrictions recording, 1-800-595-4341.
How can I arrange to have my children or school group visit a fire station?
Please click Request a station tour to be linked to the request form.
Do you have a meeting room available to the public? How do I make reservations? What are the rules?
Due to COVID-19 and the need to protect our first responders and the community station, meeting room use is suspended until further notice.
Can I go on a ride-along with Kirkland Fire Department?
Please click Request a Ride-along to be linked to the request form.
When should I call 9-1-1?
Residents are encouraged to call 9-1-1 anytime there is immediate danger to life or property. Generally, life threatening illness or injuries, smoke or flames that are seen or smelled, and motor vehicle accidents are situations requiring calls to 9-1-1. The public should call 9-1-1 if in doubt of the severity of the situation.
What should I tell the dispatcher when I call 9-1-1?
The 9-1-1 dispatcher will ask a number of questions when you call 9-1-1. Many times, people feel the questions are delaying notifying the Fire Department. While a caller is answering questions, another dispatcher is notifying the Fire Department of the emergency. The dispatcher will ask questions to confirm your location or address, the type of emergency, your name, and a contact number. Additional questions may be asked based on the emergency.
Where can I get more information about 9-1-1?
You can see our dispatch center's website FAQ here: https://www.norcom.org/about-us/911-faq/
What questions will you be asked?
Location of where help is needed
What is happening (used to determine if you need police, fire or medical help)
Time delay (for example: did it occur 5 minutes ago or 1 week ago)
Any weapons involved (if yes, we will ask what type and where they are located)
Descriptions of vehicles and people involved
The phone number you are calling from
Your name
During COVID-19 we will also ask if you or anyone at the location has a fever, cough, or difficulty breathing
What if you accidentally dial 9-1-1?
DO NOT HANG UP! Even if you think you are able to disconnect quickly enough, you aren’t! Your call will still ring into the 9-1-1 center. Call-takers have to call back every hang-up 9-1-1 call. Making these callbacks take up time, causing extra workload and could delay our ability to answer other, emergency calls.
If you call 9-1-1 on accident, stay on the phone and let the dispatcher know it was an accident and there is no emergency.
Approximately 32% of all 9-1-1 calls in Washington State are accidental. Click here to learn how you can help prevent accidental calls.
For medical help, we will ask these questions:
What is the address/location of the patient
Is the patient conscious (If the patient is conscious, we will ask to speak to the patient)
If the patient is not conscious, we will ask if the patient is breathing normally
How old is the patient
What is the chief complaint/reason for calling 9-1-1
Once we identify the chief complaint, a specific list of questions are asked to gather further information for the medical responders
Things to know:
We are here to help you – we ask questions that are necessary to determine the appropriate response to your needs.
You should dial 9-1-1 for the fastest response when police, fire, or medical assistance is needed.
You can legally call 9-1-1 if you are driving, but be careful!
You can send a text to 9-1-1 in King, Snohomish, Pierce, and other counties in the state of Washington. Because of the time it takes to text back and forth, we ask that you call 9-1-1 if you can, text if you cannot. Click here for further information.
All 9-1-1 centers have access to language line services for those who either do not speak English or feel more comfortable speaking another language. Let the dispatcher know which language you speak and they will connect you with an interpreter on the phone.
You might get transferred. The routing system is complex when calling from a cell phone. Stay on the line and we will ensure you get to the right people who can send help.
THINGS TO TRY IF YOUR CALL TO 9-1-1 ISN’T WORKING:
Try calling from another phone that uses a different carrier or different technology.
If your wireline isn’t working, try using a cell phone and vice versa.
If your cell phone isn’t working and you don’t have a wireline, try another cell phone on a different network.
Try calling the 10-digit emergency number for NORCOM at 425-577-5656.
Try texting to 9-1-1 from a cell phone device.
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https://fems.dc.gov/page/fire-response-time
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en
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FIRE RESPONSE TIME
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Fire response time performance measurements evaluate “response time” by FEMS emergency vehicles to Fire (G2) Class 3 (C3) “structure fire” incidents (please click here for an explanation of FEMS call types). “Highest Priority” Fire calls (C3) are considered “very time sensitive” and “immediately life threatening,” meaning delayed response by FEMS emergency vehicles will result in loss of life or destruction of property.
|
en
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https://fems.dc.gov/sites/default/files/favicon_0.ico
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https://fems.dc.gov/page/fire-response-time
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Fire response time performance measurements evaluate “response time” by FEMS emergency vehicles to Fire (G2) Class 3 (C3) “structure fire” incidents (please click here for an explanation of FEMS call types). “Highest Priority” Fire calls (C3) are considered “very time sensitive” and “immediately life threatening,” meaning delayed response by FEMS emergency vehicles will result in loss of life or destruction of property.
For C3 “structure fire” incidents, a full “first alarm assignment” of emergency vehicles responds to the call. This includes seven first responding fire trucks, one rescue squad, one transport unit and two Chief Officers (11 emergency vehicles and 41 firefighters).
FIRE First Fire Engine. C3 Fire calls require a full “first alarm assignment” of emergency vehicles because the series of questions asked by the 9-1-1 call taker established that “smoke” or “flame” is visible within or outside of a structure, making the call both “urgent” and “immediately life threatening.” The first responding fire engine (staffed by 4 firefighters) arrives quickly to evaluate the incident, attempt rescue of entrapped victims and begin fire extinguishment operations. NFPA Standard 1710 establishes an 80 second “turnout time” and 240 second “travel time” (together, 320 seconds or 5 minutes and 20 seconds “response time”) benchmark time goal for not less than 90% of dispatched incidents (please click here and refer to Page 29 for a detailed description). The FEMS KPI measure for this benchmark time goal is the “percentage of structure fire calls when a first responding fire engine arrived in 5 minutes 20 seconds or less.” The tables below show the percentage of C3 Fire incidents meeting the benchmark time goal during FY-17 to FY-22 (beginning 10/01/2016 and ending 09/30/22).
Fire Incidents (G2): Percentage of structure fire calls (G2 C3) when a first responding fire engine arrived in 5 minutes 20 seconds or less.
FIRE First Alarm. C3 Fire calls require a full “first alarm assignment” of emergency vehicles because the series of questions asked by the 9-1-1 call taker established that “smoke” or “flame” is visible within or outside of a structure, making the call both “urgent” and “immediately life threatening.” The first responding fire engine (staffed by 4 firefighters) arrives quickly to evaluate the incident, attempt rescue of entrapped victims and begin fire extinguishment operations. NFPA Standard 1710 establishes a 320 second or 5 minutes and 20 seconds “response time” goal for not less than 90% of these type incidents. In the District, C3 Fire calls also require a full “first alarm assignment” of emergency vehicles including four additional engine companies (staffed by 4 firefighters each), two truck companies (staffed by 5 firefighters each), one rescue squad (staffed by 5 firefighters), one transport unit (staffed by 2 firefighters, EMTs or Paramedics) and two Chief Officers (staffed with 2 firefighters each), for a total of 11 emergency vehicles and 41 firefighters to assist with victim rescue, smoke ventilation, fire extinguishment operations, firefighter safety and incident command. NFPA Standard 1710 establishes an 80 second “turnout time” and 480 second “travel time” (together, 560 seconds or 9 minutes and 20 seconds “response time”) benchmark time goal for the deployment of “an initial full alarm assignment at a fire suppression incident” for not less than 90% of dispatched incidents. Because the FEMS “first alarm assignment” is significantly larger than other municipalities, the comparison used for this measure is limited to the first three responding engine companies and one truck company (please click here and refer to Page 32 for a detailed description). The FEMS KPI measure for these combined benchmark time goals is the “percentage of structure fire calls when a first alarm assignment arrived in 9 minutes 20 seconds or less.” The tables below show the percentage of C3 Fire incidents meeting the benchmark time goal during FY-17 to FY-22 (beginning 10/01/2016 and ending 09/30/22).
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https://www.cityofjarrell.com/contacts/fire-department/
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Fire Department ESD #5
|
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2016-01-25T18:47:30+00:00
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Jarrell
|
https://www.cityofjarrell.com/contacts/fire-department/
|
You can visit the Jarrell Fire Department’s website by clicking here.
In the year 1953, the members of the Jarrell Volunteer fire department began delivering services to the residents of Jarrell and the surrounding areas. These services were delivered by people dedicated to serving their community and those passing through it.
Since the inception of Williamson County Emergency Services District in 2001, many things have changed. However, one thing that remains the same is our service to the community.
Whereas the department is primarily career as opposed to volunteer personnel and there is no longer a “V” in our department name, we strive to honor the spirit of service built by those volunteers who gave of their time and effort in serving their fellow man.
Today, Williamson County ESD 5/Jarrell Fire Department, provides fire, rescue, and emergency medical first responder service to 75 square miles of north Williamson County, Texas which includes the City of Jarrell, the Sonterra Community, Live Oak, Green Acres and Corn Hill communities to name a few, as well as agricultural properties, quarries, and businesses. The district also covers a 13 mile stretch of the IH-35 corridor.
The district is covered out of a single station which is staffed with four career fire fighters 24 hours a day, 365 days a year who respond to all alarms in the district. The department is comprised of 12 operational fire fighters, the Fire Chief and the Fire Marshal. All of our career firefighters are professionally trained and certified with the Texas Commission on Fire Protection and the Texas Department of State Health Services.
Our fleet includes 2 engine companies, a 1500-gallon water tender, a brush truck and a squad. These units are dispatched by on duty personnel according to the type of call received.
The district is funded by an ad valorem property tax of 10 cents per $100 of appraised property value. For example, a property that is valued at $100,000 will provide $100 per year to the district. The district is also funded by a 2% sales tax in areas of our district that lie outside the Jarrell city limits.
These funds are used to pay employees, make building payments, provide necessary insurance including workers compensation, pay utilities, provide training, repair and fuel vehicles, and provide proper protective gear and firefighting tools.
As you can imagine, the district is challenged to cover a large area and thousands of individuals with few resources. The District endeavors to be frugal, creative and prudent with taxpayer money. With the growth that is occurring in the area comes a growth in the number of requests for assistance.
The District is governed by a 5-member board of commissioners that meet monthly to ensure proper fiscal oversight of the taxpayer money.
We the employees of Jarrell Fire Department/ ESD 5 are proud to be your public servants that are willing to give our very best to those that call for assistance. We are thankful for the support of the residents and business owners in our district.
We thank you for visiting our website and hope that it has been useful to you.
Respectfully, Mark McAdams, Fire Chief
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http://www.solano.edu/firetech/
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en
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Solano Community College
|
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SCC Home » College Centers » Vacaville » Academics » Fire Technology
Fire Technology Program
This program was established under direction of Solano County fire protection agencies and offers both an intensive training course culminating in a Certificate of Achievement and a well-rounded educational program leading to the Associate in Science Degree. Instructors in this program are experienced members of the fire service field. In addition, a Fire Technology Academy for recently recruited fire service personnel and pre-service students is conducted periodically. The curriculum consists of courses selected from the regular fire technology course offerings.
For more information contact:
Brian Preciado
Fire Technology Director
Email: Brian.Preciado@solano.edu
(707) 864-7000 Ext 5516
Associate in Science Degree
A Certificate of Achievement can be obtained upon completion of the 30-unit major with a grade of C or better in each course. The Associate in Science Degree can be obtained upon completion of a total of 60 units, including the major, the general education requirements, and electives. All courses in the major must be completed with a grade of C or better or a P if the course is taken on a Pass/No Pass basis.
Program Outcomes
Students who complete the Certificate of Achievement/Associate Degree will be able to:
Identify minimum qualifications and entry-level skills for fire fighter hiring.
Demonstrate knowledge of fire service history, culture and diversity.
Demonstrate the ability to analyze, appraise and evaluate fire and emergency incidents and identify components of emergency management and fire fighter safety.
Identify and comprehend laws, regulations, codes and standards that influence fire department operations, and identify regulatory and advisory organizations that create and mandate them, especially in the areas of fire prevention, building codes and ordinances, and firefighter health and safety.
Analyze the causes of fire; determine extinguishing agents and methods; differentiate the stages of the fire and fire development; and compare methods of heat transfer.
Calculate flow requirements for fire apparatus; diagram a pump and plumbing schematic for fire apparatus; and apply mathematic formulae to hydraulics problems.
Identify and describe common types of building construction and conditions associated with structural collapse and fire fighter safety.
Differentiate between fire detection and fire suppression systems; design and diagram a wet and dry fire protection system; and identify alarm system components and their operations.
For More Information Contact
Brian Preciado
Fire Academy Director
(707) 864-7000 ext 5516
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https://dallascityhall.com/departments/fire-rescue/Pages/history.aspx
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Dallas Fire Rescue History
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https://www.austintexas.gov/department/fire
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en
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AustinTexas.gov
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Find information for some of our most common requests.
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en
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/themes/custom/coa/favicon.ico
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https://www.austintexas.gov/department/fire
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Austin Fire Department
The Austin Fire Department is committed to creating safe and resilient communities through prevention, preparedness, and effective emergency response.
Austin Fire Department Education and Recruitment Programs
The Austin Fire Departments offers several education and recruitment programs for individuals with an interest in fire service.
AFD Explorers Post 370 (ages 14 through 20)
The Austin Fire Department Explorers Post 370 is a co-ed program that was formed in partnership with the Capitol Area Council Boy Scouts of America to introduce participants to firefighting and EMS skills through use of firefighting and safety equipment in facilitates where professional firefighters train. The group focuses on teamwork and leadership development.
Pass the Torch (ages 18 through 35)
Pass the Torch provides participants with an opportunity to learn about the fire service and emergency medical services response in a safe, controlled, and educational environment during weekend sessions over an approximately four-month period. The program is designed to provide participants with a preview of the Austin Fire Department Academy experience and increase awareness about career opportunities in fire service.
Join AFD
Join AFD is the official recruiting site for the Austin Fire Department where visitors can learn about the hiring process, mission, vision and values and upcoming recruiting events.
Austin Fire Department Inspections and Permits
The AFD Fire Marshal's Office is responsible for the protection of life and property through code enforcement and plans review. These services include hydrant flow tests, permitting, facilitating knox box and knox lock requests, and residential home boxes.
Austin Fire Department Reports
"In accordance with the Public Information Act, Chapter 552 of the Texas Government Code, the Austin Fire Department (AFD) processes requests for records. The most common requests are related to AFD operations including, but not limited to, incident reports (fires, collision, medical treatment by our personnel, etc.) and property reports (environmental assessments, inspections, violations, spills, etc.).
The Public Information Act does not require governmental bodies to create new information, perform legal research, or to answer questions. The request must ask for records already in existence.
Visit the City of Austin Public Records Center to submit a request.
SERVICES
Austin Fire Department and the Fire Marshall issue several permits related to public assemblies, hazardous materials, and more.
The Austin Fire Department must approve the installation of any stationary liquified petroleum gas container, above- or below-ground.
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https://gfire.moha.gov.gy/
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en
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Guyana Fire Service
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2018-11-27T09:16:54+00:00
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Guyana fire service Ministry of Home Affairs Lot 11 Water Street, Georgetown +592 226-2411 +592 226-0650 Facebook Guyanafireservice@gmail.com Our Mission The Guyana Fire Service is committed to the protection of life and property from destruction by fire through employment of best practices for Fire Protection, Fire Prevention and Public Education; attending to other disaster-related emergencies,
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en
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Guyana Fire Service -
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https://gfire.moha.gov.gy/
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Ministry of Home Affairs
Our Mission
The Guyana Fire Service is committed to the protection of life and property from destruction by fire through employment of best practices for Fire Protection, Fire Prevention and Public Education; attending to other disaster-related emergencies, effecting rescues and the rendering of humanitarian services in collaboration with other relevant agencies.
Our Vision
The Guyana fire Service is recognized as a highly efficient Department in executing its core functions; providing the highest quality of emergency responses to fires, hazardous material incidents, medical and other emergencies. Our on-going contribution to the preservation of the environment is recognized as is our commitment to our motto, values, roles, mission I the consistent achievement of our goals.
News & Updates
Fire contained at Christ Church Secondary
At approximately 16:29 p.m. yesterday, the Guyana Fire Service was alerted to a fire at …
Fire contained at Christ Church Secondary Read More »
River View fire was caused by child playing with matches
The Guyana Fire Service received a call at 15:12 p.m. on January 2, 2023, and …
River View fire was caused by child playing with matches Read More »
GFS saves house at Vreed-en-Hoop
Valiant efforts by firefighters resulted in the containment of a major fire that threatened to …
GFS saves house at Vreed-en-Hoop Read More »
81.8M Equipment boost to the Guyana Fire Service
81.8M Equipment boost to the Guyana Fire Service The Ministry of Home Affairs remains steadfast …
81.8M Equipment boost to the Guyana Fire Service Read More »
The Guyana Fire Advisory Board conducted Outreach #5 in Region 6
The Guyana Fire Advisory Board conducted Outreach #5 in Region 6 under the theme “Fire …
The Guyana Fire Advisory Board conducted Outreach #5 in Region 6 Read More »
PRESS RELEASE
Press Release November 27, 2022 Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Robeson Benn, today inspected the …
PRESS RELEASE Read More »
Our Services
Fire Claims
Fire Reports
License Registration
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https://www.morrobayca.gov/115/Fire-Station-53
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en
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Fire Station 53
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https://www.morrobayca.gov/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.morrobayca.gov/images/favicon.ico
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Location
Fire Station 53, Headquarters
715 Harbor Street
Morro Bay, CA 93442
About Fire Station 53
Morro Bay Fire services, both emergency and administrative, are primarily delivered from this station. During normal business hours this is where you can find the Fire Chief, the Fire Marshall, the Administrative Secretary, as well as the on duty Engine Company. The Engine Company is comprised of a Captain / Paramedic, 2 Engineer / Paramedics, and 1 Firefighter.
In November 2008 the City of Morro Bay completed construction of a new fire apparatus building that replaced the previous station which was damaged in the 2003 San Simeon Earthquake. This concluded phase one of a 2-phase replacement project. Construction of Phase II, which incorporates new offices, living quarters, and training room/secondary EOC, began in 2010.
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https://jis.gov.jm/features/jamaica-fire-brigade-celebrating-150-years/
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Jamaica Fire Brigade – Celebrating 150 Years – Jamaica Information Service
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https://jis.gov.jm/features/jamaica-fire-brigade-celebrating-150-years/
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One hundred and fifty years ago, the Jamaica Fire Service was established after the city of Kingston was affected by a series of large fires. The service was officially launched in October 1871 to address the country’s need for an organised fire service.
The first fire brigade was established under the Kingston and St. Andrew Fire Brigade Act with others forming across the country under the Parochial Fire Brigade Act. Until 1988 when the Fire Brigade Act replaced the other Acts, Jamaica had 13 separate brigades. These brigades were brought under a central command known as the Jamaica Fire Brigade (JFB) in 1995.
As could be expected, after 150 years many things have changed about the fire service as it evolved to meet the needs of the changing Jamaican population. Speaking in an interview with JIS News, Commissioner of the Jamaica Fire Brigade Stewart Beckford, reflects on where the current service is coming from and some changes the brigade has undergone.
“The service has evolved from what was then – a horse-drawn buggy service to where we are now using modern firefighting equipment and some of the latest units that you can find anywhere in the world. We have witnessed the transformation of the service to the point where we now have a fire service that is equipped and ready to respond to all eventualities,” Commissioner Beckford shares.
He adds that the most notable achievement of the service would be the transformation it has undergone over the period of its existence. This includes the offering of additional services such as the Emergency Medical Services (EMS).
“Our EMS service would have been one of those that started in 1996. We started with five locations then and we are currently at nine with the hope of expanding into other areas at least before the end of this financial year. We are looking to add two sites in St. Ann – Ocho Rios and St. Ann’s Bay,” discloses the Head of the JFB.
The EMS is the arm of the JFB that provides pre-hospital care and ambulance services from the fire stations. The Brigade, committed to its mandate of saving lives and protecting property, has also become more involved in their communities and all stages of property and life protection.
“We also saw an expansion in our fire prevention activities where we are doing building plans, subdivisions and our inspection of special facilities – offices, schools, hospitals and so on. We would have gotten more involved in those and broadened our reach where all 13 divisions are carrying out these activities,” explains Mr. Beckford.
The fire prevention activities also include the JFB’s campaigns such as ‘Mek Wi Fix It’ which targets reducing child fire-related deaths and their Fire Wardens clubs in schools. The JFB also conducts trainings with the pubic and observes fire drills conducted by schools and businesses.
In 2021 the JFB also celebrates 25 years of commemorating Fire and Life Safety Awareness Week. During this week the brigade takes the message of fire safety to the public in their homes, schools and businesses and through the use of media. Community members are engaged in the spread of safe fire practices and fire prevention tips. The JFB also developed the Community Bush Fire Management Education Programme for residents of areas most affected by fires like farming communities in Mavis Bank, upper St. Andrew, St. Elizabeth and so many others across the island.
“In 2015 there was a massive fire in Mavis Bank and out of that the JFB coined a programme, got some sponsors and we went in and educated and trained those individuals. Since that time there has not been a single major fire in that area. These same individuals are the ones that continue the education process,” adds JFB Public Relations Officer, Emeleo Ebanks.
The Jamaica Fire Brigade has partnered with entities such as the Rural Agricultural Development Authority (RADA), the National Environment and Planning Agency (NEPA), Jamaica Agricultural Society (JAS) and the National Solid Waste Management Authority (NSWMA) to teach farmers alternatives to burning and how to respond to forest fires. They have also distributed backpack pumps to farmers in St. Elizabeth to extinguish small bush fires and are developing a Bush Fire Warning Index in collaboration with the Meteorological Service of Jamaica.
The JFB has also modernised its training routines, ensuring that firefighters are kept up-to-date with the latest techniques, tactics and technologies in medical services, firefighting and rescue. Mr. Ebanks shares that to be in a constant state of readiness, firefighters are always in training and learning new things such as extrication from and extinguishing hybrid vehicles.
“Our modernised training techniques include, but are not limited to, high angle and confines space rescue, vehicular extrication, swift and still water rescue as well as marine firefighting,” says Mr. Ebanks.
Adding to that, Commissioner Beckford commends the men and women of the brigade and credits their resourcefulness as one of the reasons for the JFB being where it is today.
“These men and women find that extra strength and extra gear to push beyond that boundary and continue to work … Our firefighters are resourceful. They will, from time to time, do unconventional things just to get the job done because the people of Jamaica are relying on us. We will get creative and do whatever it is to save a life and prevent somebody’s property from getting destroyed. So, commitment, dedication to work [and] courage – these are some of the hallmarks that describe our firefighters today,” the Commissioner expresses.
That dedication and commitment is what keep fire fighters going each time they pray the fire fighters’ prayer and leave their station to respond to an emergency call.
For the 5-year period 2016-2020, the JFB received 62,887 calls, 5,774 of which were malicious calls from both children and adults alike, which the brigade must treat as an emergency situation, regardless. This put a strain on the resources of the brigade and is a practice that the JFB asks the public to discontinue.
Instead, they invite members of the public to visit their nearest fire station and become familiar with the services offered by the brigade.
“If you are passing a fire station there is always information to be received and you never know when that information will come in handy. Visit a fire station, ask the questions, get the relevant information. It may very well mean the difference between life and death,” urges Mr. Ebanks.
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