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https://aeon.co/essays/why-is-the-english-spelling-system-so-weird-and-inconsistent
|
en
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Why is the English spelling system so weird and inconsistent?
|
[
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[] |
[
""
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[
"Arika Okrent"
] |
2021-07-26T00:00:00
|
Why is English spelling so weird and unpredictable? Don’t blame the mix of languages; look to quirks of timing and technology
|
en
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/apple-touch-icon.png
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Aeon
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https://aeon.co/essays/why-is-the-english-spelling-system-so-weird-and-inconsistent
|
English spelling is ridiculous. Sew and new don’t rhyme. Kernel and colonel do. When you see an ough, you might need to read it out as ‘aw’ (thought), ‘ow’ (drought), ‘uff’ (tough), ‘off’ (cough), ‘oo’ (through), or ‘oh’ (though). The ea vowel is usually pronounced ‘ee’ (weak, please, seal, beam) but can also be ‘eh’ (bread, head, wealth, feather). Those two options cover most of it – except for a handful of cases, where it’s ‘ay’ (break, steak, great). Oh wait, one more… there’s earth. No wait, there’s also heart.
The English spelling system, if you can even call it a system, is full of this kind of thing. Yet not only do most people raised with English learn to read and write it; millions of people who weren’t raised with English learn to use it too, to a very high level of accuracy.
Admittedly, for a non-native speaker, such mastery usually involves a great deal of confusion and frustration. Part of the problem is that English spelling looks deceptively similar to other languages that use the same alphabet but in a much more consistent way. You can spend an afternoon familiarising yourself with the pronunciation rules of Italian, Spanish, German, Swedish, Hungarian, Lithuanian, Polish and many others, and credibly read out a text in that language, even if you don’t understand it. Your pronunciation might be terrible, and the pace, stress and rhythm would be completely off, and no one would mistake you for a native speaker – but you could do it. Even French, notorious for the spelling challenges it presents learners, is consistent enough to meet the bar. There are lots of silent letters, but they’re in predictable places. French has plenty of rules, and exceptions to those rules, but they can all be listed on a reasonable number of pages.
English is in a different league of complexity. The most comprehensive description of its spelling – the Dictionary of the British English Spelling System by Greg Brooks (2015) – runs to more than 450 pages as it enumerates all the ways particular sounds can be represented by letters or combinations of letters, and all the ways particular letters or letter combinations can be read out as sounds.
From the early Middle Ages, various European languages adopted and adapted the Latin alphabet. So why did English end up with a far more inconsistent orthography than any other? The basic outline of the messy history of English is widely known: the Anglo-Saxon tribes bringing Old English in the 5th century, the Viking invasions beginning in the 8th century adding Old Norse to the mix, followed by the Norman Conquest of the 11th century and the French linguistic takeover. The moving and mixing of populations, the growth of London and the merchant class in the 13th and 14th centuries. The contact with the Continent and the balance among Germanic, Romance and Celtic cultural forces. No language Academy was established, no authority for oversight or intervention in the direction of the written form. English travelled and wandered and haphazardly tied pieces together. As the blogger James Nicoll put it in 1990, English ‘pursued other languages down alleyways to beat them unconscious and rifle their pockets for new vocabulary’.
But just how does spelling factor into all this? It wasn’t as if the rest of Europe didn’t also contend with a mix of tribes and languages. The remnants of the Roman Empire comprised Germanic, Celtic and Slavic communities spread over a huge area. Various conquests installed a ruling-class language in control of a population that spoke a different language: there was the Nordic conquest of Normandy in the 10th century (where they now write French with a pretty regular system); the Ottoman Turkish rule over Hungary in the 16th and 17th centuries (which now has very consistent spelling rules for Hungarian); Moorish rule in Spain in the 8th to 15th centuries (which also has very consistent spelling). True, other languages did have official academies and other government attempts at standardisation – but those interventions have largely only ever succeeded at implementing minor changes to existing systems in very specific areas. English wasn’t the only language to pick the pockets of others for useful words.
The answer to the weirdness of English has to do with the timing of technology. The rise of printing caught English at a moment when the norms linking spoken and written language were up for grabs, and so could be hijacked by diverse forces and imperatives that didn’t coordinate with each other, or cohere, or even have any distinct goals at all. If the printing press had arrived earlier in the life of English, or later, after some of the upheaval had settled, things might have ended up differently.
It’s notable that the adoption of a different and related technology several hundred years earlier – the alphabet, in use from the 600s – didn’t have this disorienting effect on English. The Latin alphabet had spread throughout Europe with the diffusion of Christianity from the 4th century onward. A few European vernacular languages had some sort of rudimentary writing system prior to this, but for the most part they had no written form. For the first few hundred years of English using the Latin alphabet, its spelling was pretty consistent and phonetic. Monks and missionaries, beginning around 600 CE translated Latin religious texts into local languages – not necessarily so they could be read by the general population, but so they could at least read aloud to them. Most people were illiterate. The vernacular translations were written to be pronounced, and the spelling was intended to get as close to the pronunciation as possible.
Often the languages these monks and missionaries were trying to transcribe contained sounds that Latin didn’t have, and there was no symbol for the sound they needed. In those cases, they might use an accent mark, or put two letters together, or borrow another symbol. Old English, for example, had a strange, exotic ‘th’ sound, for which they originally borrowed the thorn symbol (þ) from Germanic runes. They later settled on the two-letter combination th. For the most part, they used the Latin alphabet as they knew it, but stretched it by using the letters in new ways when other sounds were required. We still use that sound, with the th spelling, in English today.
English was at home in the kitchen, the workshop, the marketplace, but less sure of itself in other registers
Writing was a specialised skill handled by dedicated scribes. They were trained by other scribes, who in turn passed on their spelling conventions. Different monasteries might have had different styles or habits for representing English sounds, and there were dialects and variations in pronunciation in the spoken language as well – but a written standard and eventually a whole literature emerged.
That tradition was broken after the Norman invasion in 1066. For the next 300 years or so, with a few exceptions, written English disappeared entirely. French was the language of the conquerors, and became the language of the state and all its official activities. Latin remained the language of the Church and education. English was the spoken language of daily life for most people, but the social class that had previously maintained and developed the written standard for English – landholders, religious leaders, government officials – had all been replaced.
English began its return as a written language in the 14th century. Over generations, it had crept back in among the nobility, as well as the clergy, although French and Latin were still the languages of educated and official pursuits. By then, English had changed. A few centuries of language evolution had led to different pronunciations. And Old English writing habits had been lost. As English started to make its written comeback, these people found themselves not only trying to figure out how to spell English words but also reaching for English ways to say educated, official things. English was completely at home in the kitchen, the workshop, and the marketplace, but less sure of itself in other registers. Grabbing the nearest convenient French word was often the solution. Things such court proceedings, government decrees, property ownership documents and schooling relied heavily on French vocabulary to fill in the gaps where English was out of practice. Words such as govern, judge, office, punish, money, contract, number, action, student and many others became part of the vocabulary of English official life – and then of everyone, as most people had some sort of interaction with officialdom.
Prior to the Norman conquest, Old English predominated, a thoroughly Germanic cousin of Dutch and German. To a speaker of Modern English today, it’s nearly unrecognisable as English, and requires translation to understand. In the next few hundred years after the conquest, it evolved into Middle English – still Germanic, but less thoroughly so, as grammatical endings disappeared and French vocabulary flowed in. Middle English looks much more like the English we know.
By the time written English started coming back, around 1300, there was no general standard for spelling. People, taken from French peuple, might be spelled peple, pepill, poeple or poepul. Beauty, from French beauté, might be bewtee, buute or bealte. It didn’t help matters that, at the time, French also had inconsistent spelling. All the vernaculars of Europe were on early, wobbly footing with respect to developing a consistent standard as they moved toward their own written tradition and away from Latin as the only choice. Then came the printing press.
Moveable type was invented in Europe by Johannes Gutenberg c1450. It involved making letters from metal alloys and setting them in a print tray-bed, inking them, and then pressing paper over the top to make an imprint – saving hours compared with laborious manual transcription. The earliest works printed with this new technique were in Latin, but printers soon spotted the potential market for books in vernacular languages, and began making them in great numbers. English got off to an early start: an enterprising merchant named William Caxton set up the first English press in 1476. This followed the success of an English translation he had printed while working in Bruges. There were no style guides, no copyeditors, no dictionaries to consult.
Moveable type was a wonderful invention: once the type had been set, you could print off as many copies as you wanted. But setting the letters, or pieces of type, into lines, and then pages, was intense, specialised labour. You had to spend years learning the trade. For his new press, Caxton brought typesetters back with him from the Continent, and some didn’t even speak English all that well. They set type working from manuscripts that already had quite a bit of variation, and the overriding priority was getting them set quickly.
Some standards did spread and crystallise over time, as more books were printed and literacy rates climbed. The printing profession played a key role in these emergent norms. Printing houses developed habits for spelling frequent words, often based on what made setting type more efficient. In a manuscript, hadde might be replaced with had; thankefull with thankful. When it came to spelling, the primary objective wasn’t to faithfully represent the author’s spelling, nor to uphold some standard idea of ‘correct’ English – it was to produce texts that people could read and, more importantly, that they would buy. Habits and tricks became standards, as typesetters learned their trade by apprenticing to other typesetters. They then often moved around as journeymen workers, which entailed dispersing their own habits or picking up those of the printing houses they worked in.
Some spellings got entrenched by being printed over and over again in widely distributed texts, very early on
Standard-setting was only partly in the hands of the people setting the type. Even more so, it was down to a growing reading public. The more texts there were, the more reading there was, and the greater the sensibility about what looks right. Once that sense develops, it can be a very powerful enforcer of norms. These norms in the literacy of English speakers today are so well entrenched that simple adjustments are very jarring. If ai trai tu repreezent mai akshuel pronownseeayshun in raiteeng, yu kan reed it, but its difikelt and disterbeeng tu du soh. It just looks wrong, and that feeling of wrongness interrupts the flow of reading. The fluency of reading depends on the speed with which you visually identify the words, and the speed of identification increases with exposure. The more we see a word, the more quickly we recognise it, even if its spelling doesn’t match the sound.
Some spellings got entrenched this way, by being printed over and over again in widely distributed texts, very early on. The word ghost, which had been spelled and pronounced gast in Old English, took on the gh spelling under the influence of Flemish-trained compositors. It was such a commonly encountered word in English text, particularly in the phrase holy ghost and other translations of Latin spiritus, that it just began to look right.
Other spellings arose, and were then cemented through the power exerted by the visual shape of similar words. The existence of would and should, for example, brought about the spelling of could. Would and should were once pronounced with the ‘l’ sound, as they were the past-tense forms of will and shall. Could, however, was never pronounced with an ‘l’; it was the past tense of can. Could was coude or cuthe. Then the visual power of would and should attracted could to their side. At printing’s rise, the ‘l’ sound was already often absent from the pronunciation of would and should, so the ‘l’ was less a cue to pronunciation than to word type. Could is a modal verb, same as would and should. There was no explicit intention to make them look the same, but the frequency of their appearance nudged them toward ending up that way.
Visual patterns strengthened their hold on spelling in other languages, too. The many homophones and silent letters in French arose from letters that represented sounds that used to be pronounced, but hung on in the writing system after they were no longer spoken. And since French was a Romance language with its roots in Latin, and literacy in French often went hand-in-hand with literacy in Latin, Latin spellings could reinforce French spellings that had lost phonetic justification. For example, in speech, cent and sang might be pronounced the same, but there was also the implicit knowledge that cent came from centum and sang came from sanguinum. This Latin connection served as a reference point that helped stabilise French spelling, even when it was disconnected from pronunciation.
Had the Norman invasion not interrupted the literary tradition of Old English, we might have ended up with a similar situation – a spelling system with silent letters and shifted sound values, but grounded in the spellings of their earlier forms. Old English would have continued to be the basis of the writing tradition that would have later been set into type. Instead, we had a number of parts, moving and changing independently from each other, often with no anchor at all.
What’s more, in the years when printing was slowly establishing and fortifying spelling habits, English was undergoing what’s now called the Great Vowel Shift. In broad terms, over the course of a few centuries, sounds changed and vowels moved around. Words such as name and make, for example, once had an ‘ah’ vowel as they do in German name and machen, or English father. During the Great Vowel Shift, it moved to more of an ‘eh’ vowel as in bed, and eventually to the ‘ay’ where it is today. But the words affected in this way continue to be spelled with the ‘a’ of father.
Words that ended up with an oo spelling generally used to be pronounced with a long ‘o’ sound. Moon and book both used to sound something like moan and boke; the two o’s, quite logically, represented a long ‘o’, before moving to an ‘u’ sound, as in June. However, sometimes the long vowel became a short vowel: eg, the more lax ‘u’ vowel, as in push. Moon (also goose, food, school) ended up with the June vowel, while book (foot, good, stood) with the push vowel. These changes happened at different times in different places. For some words (roof), the change hasn’t completely gone through, and still wavers (at least in my own Midwestern US dialect) between the two pronunciations. In some places in Scotland and the north of England, moon, book, goose and foot still have the same vowel.
The changes that came to be grouped under the Great Vowel Shift were gradual and went unnoticed as they were happening. When an English speaker sat down to write something at the end of the Middle Ages, the way they wrote it could depend on where they lived and what the dialectal pronunciation of vowels was there. It would also depend on what they had read and incorporated into their spelling habits. When a printer was setting type for that writing, they had their own pronunciation and spelling preferences. When a piece of writing was set in type and spread to other towns, it would be received by people of varying literacy levels, and that would influence how it was incorporated into their habits. In other words, there was tremendous variation at each of these waystations on the journey to being read. When a text was set in type and distributed, it had the effect of propagating the habit it represented, but how much it propagated depended on how widely it was distributed and where. Which specific aspects of the habit would stick and which fall away? The answer could be some or none. The result, ultimately, is a very irregular habit.
Writing attaches to language in the way that the fork is a technology that attaches to our eating habits
If English had been later to the technology of printing, further behind in the expansion of literacy, it might have been able to approach the development of its spelling system with a cleaner slate and a more stable idea of what was to be represented. But when a tool comes along, you don’t wait to figure out the optimal way to use it or worry about what the effects of using it might eventually be. Instead, you just start.
When a technology spreads, so does a habit of using it. Before we had printing, we had writing. Can we go back further? Isn’t human language itself a technology? This is arguable, a philosophical question. I would say no. In any case, language is much, much closer to our very natures as humans than is any invented or discovered tool passed along for practical problem-solving. Put a group of humans without a language together (as has happened in some cases with Deaf communities) and they will do language. A language will emerge from what they do.
But they won’t necessarily come up with writing. Writing is unquestionably a technology. It attaches to language in the way that the fork is a technology that attaches to our eating habits. Eating is undeniably a necessary part of our nature. The fork is a recent, unnecessary (no matter how useful) innovation. That analogy doesn’t go much further. There are very few things that capture the relation between language (the behaviour) and writing (the technology that represents the behaviour). It’s hard to find a good analogy. The point is that the eating happens whether we have the fork or not. Language happens whether we have writing or not.
When we first got the technology of writing, the people who used it represented a tiny fraction of the speaking population, in most cases for hundreds of years. Throughout the history of writing, most people have been illiterate. It was the technology of printing that made it possible to put writing into widespread use. The written word got cheaper and more plentiful. People had the access and exposure necessary to learn, practise and become literate. That access and exposure was created, in stages, by the competing and conflicting demands of history. That history and its lumps, bumps, silent letters and all, was pressed in with metal and ink.
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https://storylearning.com/blog/easiest-languages-to-learn
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13 Easiest Languages To Learn – StoryLearning
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2021-04-02T09:00:00+01:00
|
Ever wondered what the easiest languages to learn are? In this post, you'll discover the 13 easiest languages for native English speakers.
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en
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StoryLearning
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https://storylearning.com/blog/easiest-languages-to-learn
|
Have you ever wondered what the easiest languages to learn are?
As we enter the new decade, maybe you’ve decided it’s the perfect time to attempt one of your long-term goals and try to learn a foreign language.
Except you don’t want to be too ambitious. You’d prefer to start learning something that gives you a reasonable chance of success.
(Although if you're using the StoryLearning method, you can make a success of any language!)
If that sounds like something you’ve been mulling over, or even if you’re just curious, here’s my list of the easiest languages to learn – for English speakers.
Oh and stick with me till the end to find out how to make learning any language “easy”, even the so-called hardest ones.
If you're in a hurry, discover the 5 easiest languages to learn in the video below. Otherwise keep reading to discover all 13 languages.
#1 French
While anyone who has struggled with masculine and feminine or verb conjugations in French might disagree, this is a very easy language for English speakers to learn. And for one important reason – vocabulary.
For nearly 1,000 years, French has heavily influenced the English language. And it’s estimated that almost a third of English vocabulary comes from French, giving you a huge head start when you begin learning it.
English is now also sending plenty of words back the other way – “sandwich” and “weekend” are just two examples. So with this much shared vocabulary, learning French is about as simple as it gets.
Want to make your French learning journey as simple and smooth as possible? Check out French Uncovered, my beginner French course that will get you to intermediate level in the language through the power of story.
#2 Spanish
Spanish is a close relative of French. And although it shares fewer cognates with English (a fancy way of saying ‘words that are the same’), there are some other features that make it super-easy.
Spanish is simple to pronounce for English speakers. And it is extremely phonetic. So the way it’s written is the way it’s said.
Basic grammar is no problem, either. Although it does become a little more complicated at higher levels.
Since it’s so popular, there are plenty of resources to help you learn. And as one of the world’s most widely spoken languages, you shouldn’t have trouble finding native speakers to practise with.
If you're ready to get started with Spanish, then I recommend Spanish Uncovered, which teaches you Spanish through a fun and natural method that makes learning a pleasure, and grammar a breeze!
#3 Italian
Like French and Spanish, Italian belongs to the Romance family of languages. And it’s one of the easiest languages to learn for many of the same reasons.
There are very few unfamiliar sounds – the gli sound is probably the hardest – and it’s also written phonetically. So there are few traps once you know the rules.
If anything, Italian tenses are less complicated than in Spanish. And there’s not much other grammar that will cause you any bother. It’s also another very popular language, so there are plenty of resources to help you learn it.
Taken together, all this makes Italian another of the easiest languages for English speakers to learn.
So easy in fact, that I learned Italian in London in 3 months by consuming compelling content like blog posts, podcasts and books. And you can copy the method I used in Italian Uncovered, my course for beginner Italian learners where you learn though story.
Check out my Italian speaking skills after three months in the video below:
#4 Portuguese
Portuguese is the last of the ‘Big Four’ Romance languages. And like the others, it’s easy for English speakers to learn.
Written Portuguese looks similar to Spanish. But when you hear it, some say European Portuguese sounds more like Russian. However, the sounds are not particularly hard to master. And the grammar is no more difficult than in Spanish or Italian.
The difference between Brazilian and European Portuguese might be a sticking point since the two have diverged significantly. But as an important world language, there’s plenty of learning material. And it should be easy to find native speakers to practise with.
Struggling to choose between Spanish and Portuguese? I've put together this guide to help you pick the right language for you. And if you decide to go with Portuguese, hop on the waiting list for my new Portuguese course.
#5 Romanian
Romanian is closely related to French, Spanish, Italian and Portuguese. And like its sister languages, it’s not hard to master. It might seem superficially unfamiliar. But once you start studying it, you will soon see how similar to the others it really is.
Even if you know just a little of one of the others, you will quickly notice the parallels. To give just one example, “bread” in French, Spanish and Italian is pain, pan, and pane – and in Romanian, it’s pâine. Different, yes, but not so much.
Admittedly, if Romanian is your first foreign language, it might seem quite alien and exotic. But even if that’s the case, it’s objectively much easier than the languages of the countries surrounding Romania, which are counted among the most challenging in Europe.
#6 Dutch
Dutch and English belong to the West Germanic language family and are close cousins.
The two have much vocabulary in common. And since they share such ancient roots, the common words also tend to be some of the most basic – groen (green) and oud (old) for example.
Dutch grammar has gender, although it doesn’t affect sentences as much as in French. However, unlike German, it doesn’t have cases, making it an easier proposition.
There are one or two sounds that might need work. But word stress is similar to English. So on the whole, for English speakers, pronunciation is fairly intuitive.
This all means that, although you might not guess it, Dutch is among the very easiest languages for English speakers to learn.
The biggest struggle you’re likely to have with Dutch is that most Dutch people speak English. But they also like it when you speak Dutch because it’s not a very common language for foreigners to learn. So even more reason to give it a try!
By the way, my short story collection for beginners now also exists in Dutch. Click here to find out more.
#7 German
As another of the West Germanic languages, German is closely related to English – although not as closely as Dutch.
German is notorious for its tough grammar. And with three genders, four cases and some odd syntax, there’s no doubt it’s a tricky one to tackle.
However, there’s also a lot about German that makes it easy for English speakers. German and English share many cognates (for example, Mann and man). Or words that are easy enough to guess, like Stuhl (chair) Hund (dog).
Verb forms are not so hard. And German pronunciation is also relatively easy for English speakers. As one of Europe’s most important languages, it’s one that’s well worth the effort of learning.
And of course, if you want to learn German from scratch, without stressing over grammar, then German Uncovered will help you to learn to speak German through the power of story.
#8 Swedish
Swedish belongs to the North Germanic language family. So it’s more distant from English than Dutch or German. But it’s still quite close.
It has the same subject-verb-object sentence structure as English. And verbs don’t change much, making it easier than Romance languages in that respect. There are also lots of words that are similar enough to guess. So the vocab isn’t too bad, either.
Pronunciation is a special challenge in Swedish since it’s a ‘pitch-accent’ language. Words can have different meanings depending on the intonation, making Swedish about the closest thing in Europe to a tonal language.
Although it’s nowhere near as tough as true tonal languages like Chinese or Vietnamese.
Other than this, there are few major obstacles, making it perhaps the easiest of the Scandinavian languages to learn. Check out “Short stories in Swedish” to start learning Swedish through story.
#9 Danish
Danish is very close to Swedish, with similar vocabulary and grammar. And is another language that’s easy for speakers of English.
The main difficulty is connecting the writing to the spoken word because, at first glance, there seems to be little relationship between the two. However, this problem disappears with practice. And once you’ve nailed the way it’s written, you shouldn’t encounter many other major hurdles.
So Danish could be a possibility if you’re looking for a moderate challenge but nothing too taxing. And you can learn Danish by reading with my short story collection for beginners.
#10 Norwegian
Norwegian is similar to Swedish and Danish, although it’s arguably the trickiest of the three. One problem comes from the fact that there are actually two Norwegian languages to learn, written Norwegian (Bokmål) and New Norwegian (Nynorsk).
Like Swedish, it’s also a pitch-accent language, although not quite to the same extent. And for beginners, the pronunciation might not always be immediately obvious from the spelling either. But one very cool reason to learn Norwegian is this language has so many dialects and accents that you can get away with your own weird one!
As I said, there two written forms of the language, but no standard spoken form, which makes pronunciation NOT super strict. Hey, if you look the part and know a few good sentences, you can just say you’re from a different part of the country!
However, as with the other Scandinavian languages, the difficulties are far from insurmountable. And once you become used to the idiosyncrasies of Norwegian, you’ll find it another extremely easy language to pick up.
And Norwegians will even help you with that. In most Norwegian towns and cities, you'll find Språkkafe (language cafes). If you’re a traveler, you can hang out in a language café, just to practice speaking and listening in Norwegian.
They’re usually run by Norwegians who’d love to help you learn. So you’ll probably make some friends, adventure buddies and language partners, all in one go! Otherwise, you can immersion yourself in Norwegian from home with my short story book.
#11 Indonesian
Probably the easiest Asian language to learn, Indonesian is written in the Latin script, is completely phonetic, has no tones and has no difficult sounds to pronounce either. Yes, you read that right.
The grammar is endearingly simple. For example, words don’t change for plurals. And you can just repeat a noun to indicate more than one: anak is “child” but anak anak means “children”.
There are no tenses, and where necessary, time is expressed with time markers. “I eat” is saya makan, and you just add sudah (already) for the past: saya sudah makan (literally, “I already eat”).
If there’s one complication, it’s Indonesian affixes. For example, makan means “to eat”, but adding the suffix –an makes it a noun, so makanan is ‘food’. But this also helps build your vocabulary very quickly.
There are also several loan words from English and Dutch – like sekolah (school) – making it even easier.
So, if you want to learn something exotic but aren’t ready for anything as hard as Chinese or Thai, Indonesian could be the one to go for. And with around 200,000,000 speakers, it’s pretty useful too.
#12 Afrikaans
The language of Charlize Theron and Trevor Noah, well, one of Trevor’s languages anyway! Imagine making fun of politicians with Trevor in Afrikaans… that would be a laugh!
Now Afrikaans is one of the easiest languages for English speakers to learn, and a must if you plan to visit South Africa, or any of these cool countries:
Namibia
Botswana
Zimbabwe
Mozambique
You might have heard that Afrikaans is related to Dutch. It is, but they’re by no means identical twins! Afrikaans is its own language – and a lot easier to pick up than Dutch.
For one, there’s no grammatical gender. So just like we say “the” in English to talk about both singular and plural things, Afrikaans also has only one word: “die” (a lot easier than other Germanic languages, like German, where you have to choose between two or three versions of “the”.)
Then, verb conjugation is almost non-existent. And there are only three tenses! So there’s no need to differentiate between different past tenses.
For example:
“I sang” and “I had sung” is just one word in Afrikaans – gesing.
Same thing in the present tense:
“I walk” and “I am walking” are one phrase in Afrikaans – ek loop.
Music to the ears of anyone who’s struggled with verbs in French or Spanish.
But enough of grammar. Let’s check out the fun part: the words! Did you know Afrikaans has some really cool vocabulary? Yeah, it’s a highly descriptive language.
Take tuinslang (hose pipe), which literally means “garden snake”
And then verkleurmannetjie (chameleon) literally means “colour-changing little man”
And cameelperd (giraffe) is a “camel horse”
I mean come on words like this, you just can’t forget!
You may be surprised to hear that Afrikaans also borrowed from Malay, Portuguese and Bantu languages. But it shares many root words with English making the spelling rather intuitive. So don’t be surprised if you can read it before you can speak it!
So how does all of this help you as a language learner?
Well, let’s see…
You’ve got logical sentence structure, no inflection, and memorable words which means it’s possible to build up your own sentences even with little vocabulary, putting it right up there with easiest languages to learn.
Although you will need to watch out for some tricky pronunciation:
Like the “G”, which sounds like the CH in “Bach”
They also roll their R’s… which is always a pet hate for English speakers!
#13 Honourable Mention: Esperanto
There’s one language I haven’t included in my list that deserves an honourable mention – Esperanto.
If you don’t know about Esperanto, it’s an ‘artificial’ language that was created specifically to be as easy to learn as possible.
This means it doesn’t have any of the features found in ‘real’ languages – gender, case, irregular verbs, tricky pronunciation and so on – that most people find difficult.
In theory, then, Esperanto should be the easiest language to learn of them all!
So What Is The Easiest Language To Learn?
The truth is, there is no simple answer to the question of which language is easiest to learn since it is so subjective. Some people are naturally better at grammar while others have a talent for pronunciation – it depends on you as a learner!
I also stated at the beginning that this is a list of easy languages for speakers of English.
However, for speakers of Chinese or Russian, for example, the list would be completely different because proximity to your native language also has a significant effect on how easy any language is for you to learn.
That said, I'll finish by repeating something I often tell people – all languages are easy if you practise every day.
But even the languages on this list will be a big challenge to learn if you only study once a week.
However, if you want to try learning a language that won’t tie your brain in knots, any of the languages on this list would be a great place to start.
|
|||||
4519
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dbpedia
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0
| 0
|
https://english.stackexchange.com/questions/497453/what-does-two-bit-jerk-mean
|
en
|
What does “two-bit (jerk)” mean?
|
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2019-05-06T17:57:26
|
From subtitles for a Russian movie.
The source translated for two-bit was:
полный/последний/конченный
[English meaning totally, absolutely (something bad)] (Do you know russian word "dno"?)
|
en
|
https://cdn.sstatic.net/Sites/english/Img/favicon.ico?v=52ad6b0c151a
|
English Language & Usage Stack Exchange
|
https://english.stackexchange.com/questions/497453/what-does-two-bit-jerk-mean
|
"Two-bit" is an idiom meaning cheap or petty. It comes from a slang term for the American eighth of a dollar, a "bit." Even after the "bit" was phased out of the currency in 1792, the term "two-bit" persisted to refer to the quarter dollar.
A two-bit person isn't worth much. From the Oxford English Dictionary under "two, adj, n., and adv.":
1978 T. Willis Buckingham Palace Connection viii. 155 Some other two-bit General will try shooting us up.
When applied to people or things, unless it is used ironically, it is a put-down or insult, implying cheapness or low quality.
So "two-bit jerk" may mean that the character isn't of much importance and he's a jerk (i.e. he's rude or crass).
|
||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 93
|
https://forums.arcade-museum.com/threads/two-bits-abc-pac-man.112997/post-985076
|
en
|
Two Bits ABC Pac Man
|
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2009-11-30T18:33:17-08:00
|
I was going to bid on it but missed it 10.00 cheeper than his website. He Relisted It, So I sREASON WE SELL ON EBAY
http://www.Pac-man.com ...
|
en
|
Museum of the Game Forums
|
https://forums.arcade-museum.com/threads/two-bits-abc-pac-man.112997/
|
I was going to bid on it but missed it 10.00 cheeper than his website. He Relisted It, So I sREASON WE SELL ON EBAY
http://www.Pac-man.com . TWOBITS.com uses ebay as an advertising tool. We will routinely list an item from our inventory in order to expose the buying public to our catalog. People who search ebay for our niche products will quite often jump directly to our web page and buy the item rather than wait for the auction to end and risk being outbid. We try not to list the same items repeatedly, but to rotate through our most popular or newest products. If, as often happens, an auction winner wants to purchase additional items, they are invoiced at full price. Please feel free to browse our catalog by clicking the link below:
http://www.Pac-man.com
hot him a PM , I will Buy It Now For The Listed Price. It Never Sold On The Other Listing.
|
|||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 88
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https://elsaspeak.com/
|
en
|
The world’s best way to improve your English pronunciation
|
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[
"ELSA Corporation"
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Improve your English speaking skills. Pronounce English like an American through real-world conversations.
|
en
|
/assets/ico.ico/favicon.ico
|
https://elsaspeak.com/
|
I never thought I would be able to get rid of my strong Chinese accent... Then I discovered this app. It helped me identify issues with my pronunciation that I was not aware of... There’s already a vast improvement with my speech.
Guany
I love this app!! It helps me speak English fluently and fix my strong accent. I can see my improvement clearly after 3 months of use... when I try to speak in Google Translate, it is correct nearly 85% of the time, which is much more than before.
Joy
This app is great. I’m that person that NEVER writes reviews. It’s that good... Amazing easy interface for everyday use, and great discounts; I bought the full version for a year. God bless you developers ❤️
Dun
My English teacher recommended this app to me. I tried and it really works! My pronunciation was very bad. After using the app, I find that my speaking skill improves day by day. Thank you team!
My
ELSA feels 5 years ahead of the competition. I’ve been using it for months and made lots of progress on both my ability to perceive some nuances of the American accent I couldn’t quite grasp before, and of course in producing the sounds more natively.
Giovanni
The app is simply amazing. It has a lot of different tools to help you learn everything about the language. I almost didn’t believe when I saw how many lessons it has. It has a gorgeous layout, and the voice that helps you don’t seem like a robot.
Cauã
One of the few apps that I’ve ever bought. It’s really helpful, even the free version you can practice pronunciation with “Dictionary” or “Study Plans.” If you buy it, it tailors lessons for your needs.
Luciano
The best app I’ve ever used. I really improved my English with it. Not only pronunciation, fluency, intonation, word stress and listening. But also vocabulary and grammar in an active learning way that makes me feel better and more confident when I speak.
Brahim
|
|||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 32
|
https://www.busuu.com/en/languages/speak-english-fluently
|
en
|
How to Speak English Fluently: 10 Top Tips
|
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[] | null |
Find out how to speak English fluently with Busuu’s learning tips and complete English course. Put these tips to work and you’ll be on your way to English fluency!
|
en
|
Busuu
|
https://www.busuu.com/en/languages/speak-english-fluently
|
10 Tips on how to speak English fluently
These are our top tips for how to improve your English speaking fluency! No matter your level of English right now, if you put these tips to work, you should see your fluency in English improve over time.
1. Practice listening and speaking
When it comes to building English fluency, one of the most important things you can do is get practice actually using the language.
According to Oxford Languages, “fluency” is defined as the ability to speak and write with ease and accuracy. Many exercises in English courses focus on the written language, but it’s important to make the leap to listening and speaking without written text if you want to become more comfortable with the language, especially if you want to be able to use it in a work environment where you’d need to be able to listen and respond quickly.
That’s why, at Busuu, we use dialogues and speaking exercises to help you learn to listen and practice speaking out loud from the get-go.
2. Make a plan and stick to it
To reach true fluency is to be as proficient as possible in a language. Frankly, that takes work! One of the best things you can do to build your English fluency is to create a schedule for your learning and stick to it. At Busuu, our experts recommend making a habit out of learning by tying lessons to something you already do daily – for example, taking an English lesson with your morning coffee or doing one as part of your bedtime routine. If you can seamlessly integrate learning into your day, it’ll be easier to keep going and making progress.
When you learn English with Busuu, you can easily track your progress and create a Study Plan to make sure you stay on track to meet your goals. A Study Plan can help you figure out what you need to do to reach a level of fluency by a specific date and help remind you to keep showing up and getting the learning done.
And we’re not just telling you this because we’re Study Plan fans. Statistically, learners on Busuu who create Study Plans tend to learn more and faster than those who don’t!
3. Become pronunciation obsessed
While English grammar tends to be pretty flexible, English pronunciation is famously tricky. If you want to get your English fluency levels up, working on your pronunciation can help! A better grasp of English pronunciation can improve not just how much other people understand you, but also your ability to identify words when you hear them.
Since pronunciation is such a big part of building your fluency in English, Busuu has a dedicated set of lessons focusing solely on English pronunciation.
4. Learn from native English speakers
With any language, going from the version of the language you learn in lessons to the way people actually use the language in real life can be challenging. Pronunciation, grammar, intonation, and slang can all make it difficult to sound like a native speaker, even when your English is otherwise perfect.
Want to know how to develop English speaking fluency? Learn English with support from native speakers! Fortunately, when you learn with Busuu, you get tips and feedback on your writing and pronunciation from English speakers thanks to the Conversations feature.
And, if you need a little extra support, you can always get one-on-one tutoring from an experienced English tutor on Verbling.
5. Don’t be afraid to make mistakes
Studies show that we learn faster when we learn more like children, trying out our growing language skills with abandon and fumbling through our mistakes! Trial and error is part of figuring out how to actually use a language, so don’t be afraid to take a leap. That’s how to achieve fluency in English!
You could attend English-language events, practice with English speakers in your life, or even travel or move to an English-speaking place to learn through immersion.
In the meantime, be bold in your shared exercises on Busuu and our awesome community of native English speakers can help you learn from your mistakes! Plus, Smart Review will automatically capture vocabulary and grammar you’ve struggled with during lessons, so mistakes simply become quiz questions for later practice.
6. Put books (and audiobooks!) to work
For many language learners, one of the hurdles to fluency is learning to listen and understand without training wheels (like written versions of what’s being said).
One way to start building this skill is to alternate between reading and listening to a book. Listen as much as you can, then use the written text to support you when you hear something you don’t understand. There are books for every level of English reader, so you can put this technique to work at all English fluency levels. Don’t be afraid to start with books for younger audiences as you get started!
The news and podcasts can also be great for this – the more you can train yourself to understand spoken English in realtime, the closer you’ll get to fluency in English. And learning from unique sources can help you build vocabulary and learn to understand a range of English accents and dialects.
7. Sing your way to fluency
Who says language learning has to be boring? Another way to learn how to speak English fluently is by mimicking native speakers. You can repeat after your favorite TV show characters or listen to music and learn the lyrics to your favorite English language songs. You could work toward fluency at karaoke, how fun is that?
From Beyoncé to The Beatles, there are tons of great English musicians to love – just make sure you know what you’re saying (and what’s appropriate to say and in what context) before putting any new slang or phrases to use in the real world!
8. Keep learning in your downtime
Another way to build your English fluency quickly is to add more English media into your couch time. There’s a whole world of English language TV and movies out there for you to learn from!
To get a real boost, try rewatching a favorite show, turning subtitles on and off, in your native language and in English. Take notes on words and phrases you don’t recognize and look them up next time you’re studying. Repeat this until you can understand a whole episode or movie without help and you’ll be on your way to fluency!
As an added bonus, whether you’re studying one episode or binging a whole series, all that exposure to American or British accents will help you develop a better ear for your own spoken language. As with music, try repeating back what you hear – just choose wisely which characters you want to emulate! (Check out our article on learning a new language with Netflix and discover how it works!)
9. Practice English when you’re alone
Here’s another tip for how to improve English speaking fluency: talk to yourself (yes, really!).
Practice narrating what you’re doing, recapping your day, or thinking to yourself in English when you’re alone. When you get stuck, look up any words you’re missing or try to find ways around it – making yourself understood even when you forget a word is an important skill for fluency too!
You can even fake a phone call and practice talking to yourself out loud alone in public, if you’re brave enough.
10. Celebrate your successes!
Last but certainly not least, don’t forget to congratulate yourself when you finish a lesson or pass a milestone! Reaching English fluency is hard, and the effort you put in, no matter how far you get, is worth celebrating.
Many language learners fall off because it’s challenging and they lose heart and motivation. Remind yourself why you want to be fluent in English and keep showing up and you’ll have plenty to congratulate yourself on.
|
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4519
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dbpedia
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1
| 26
|
https://news.mit.edu/2024/mit-study-polyglots-brain-processing-native-language-0310
|
en
|
For people who speak many languages, there’s something special about their native tongue
|
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[
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[
"Anne Trafton",
"MIT News"
] |
2024-03-11T00:01:00+00:00
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An MIT study of polyglots found the brain’s language network responds more strongly when hearing languages a speaker is more proficient in — and much more weakly to the speaker’s native language.
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en
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/themes/mit/assets/img/favicon/favicon.ico
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MIT News | Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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https://news.mit.edu/2024/mit-study-polyglots-brain-processing-native-language-0310
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A new study of people who speak many languages has found that there is something special about how the brain processes their native language.
In the brains of these polyglots — people who speak five or more languages — the same language regions light up when they listen to any of the languages that they speak. In general, this network responds more strongly to languages in which the speaker is more proficient, with one notable exception: the speaker’s native language. When listening to one’s native language, language network activity drops off significantly.
The findings suggest there is something unique about the first language one acquires, which allows the brain to process it with minimal effort, the researchers say.
“Something makes it a little bit easier to process — maybe it’s that you’ve spent more time using that language — and you get a dip in activity for the native language compared to other languages that you speak proficiently,” says Evelina Fedorenko, an associate professor of neuroscience at MIT, a member of MIT’s McGovern Institute for Brain Research, and the senior author of the study.
Saima Malik-Moraleda, a graduate student in the Speech and Hearing Bioscience and Technology Program at Harvard University, and Olessia Jouravlev, a former MIT postdoc who is now an associate professor at Carleton University, are the lead authors of the paper, which appears today in the journal Cerebral Cortex.
Many languages, one network
The brain’s language processing network, located primarily in the left hemisphere, includes regions in the frontal and temporal lobes. In a 2021 study, Fedorenko’s lab found that in the brains of polyglots, the language network was less active when listening to their native language than the language networks of people who speak only one language.
In the new study, the researchers wanted to expand on that finding and explore what happens in the brains of polyglots as they listen to languages in which they have varying levels of proficiency. Studying polyglots can help researchers learn more about the functions of the language network, and how languages learned later in life might be represented differently than a native language or languages.
“With polyglots, you can do all of the comparisons within one person. You have languages that vary along a continuum, and you can try to see how the brain modulates responses as a function of proficiency,” Fedorenko says.
For the study, the researchers recruited 34 polyglots, each of whom had at least some degree of proficiency in five or more languages but were not bilingual or multilingual from infancy. Sixteen of the participants spoke 10 or more languages, including one who spoke 54 languages with at least some proficiency.
Each participant was scanned with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) as they listened to passages read in eight different languages. These included their native language, a language they were highly proficient in, a language they were moderately proficient in, and a language in which they described themselves as having low proficiency.
They were also scanned while listening to four languages they didn’t speak at all. Two of these were languages from the same family (such as Romance languages) as a language they could speak, and two were languages completely unrelated to any languages they spoke.
The passages used for the study came from two different sources, which the researchers had previously developed for other language studies. One was a set of Bible stories recorded in many different languages, and the other consisted of passages from “Alice in Wonderland” translated into many languages.
Brain scans revealed that the language network lit up the most when participants listened to languages in which they were the most proficient. However, that did not hold true for the participants’ native languages, which activated the language network much less than non-native languages in which they had similar proficiency. This suggests that people are so proficient in their native language that the language network doesn’t need to work very hard to interpret it.
“As you increase proficiency, you can engage linguistic computations to a greater extent, so you get these progressively stronger responses. But then if you compare a really high-proficiency language and a native language, it may be that the native language is just a little bit easier, possibly because you've had more experience with it,” Fedorenko says.
Brain engagement
The researchers saw a similar phenomenon when polyglots listened to languages that they don’t speak: Their language network was more engaged when listening to languages related to a language that they could understand, than compared to listening to completely unfamiliar languages.
“Here we’re getting a hint that the response in the language network scales up with how much you understand from the input,” Malik-Moraleda says. “We didn’t quantify the level of understanding here, but in the future we’re planning to evaluate how much people are truly understanding the passages that they're listening to, and then see how that relates to the activation.”
The researchers also found that a brain network known as the multiple demand network, which turns on whenever the brain is performing a cognitively demanding task, also becomes activated when listening to languages other than one’s native language.
“What we’re seeing here is that the language regions are engaged when we process all these languages, and then there’s this other network that comes in for non-native languages to help you out because it’s a harder task,” Malik-Moraleda says.
In this study, most of the polyglots began studying their non-native languages as teenagers or adults, but in future work, the researchers hope to study people who learned multiple languages from a very young age. They also plan to study people who learned one language from infancy but moved to the United States at a very young age and began speaking English as their dominant language, while becoming less proficient in their native language, to help disentangle the effects of proficiency versus age of acquisition on brain responses.
The research was funded by the McGovern Institute for Brain Research, MIT’s Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences, and the Simons Center for the Social Brain.
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https://apihtawikosisan.com/2012/03/language-culture-and-two-spirit-identity/
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en
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Language, culture, and Two-Spirit identity.
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2012-03-29T15:46:34+00:00
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I am a huge language geek. As in, I’m a little obsessed with language and how it relates to culture, to identity, to understanding the world around you. If you speak another language, or hav…
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en
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âpihtawikosisân
|
https://apihtawikosisan.com/2012/03/language-culture-and-two-spirit-identity/
|
I am a huge language geek. As in, I’m a little obsessed with language and how it relates to culture, to identity, to understanding the world around you.
If you speak another language, or have even tried to learn another language, you realize pretty early on that although you might be using a comparable term in one language as in another, the connotations involved can be radically different. When you translate a word, you don’t usually unpack those connotations. Without careful thought, you may simply switch from one context to the other, and not notice that you’re no longer discussing the same things.
Not sure what I mean? Consider the English term justice. Let that word roll around in your head. I bet you can think of all sorts of variations on that term in English: natural justice, vigilante justice, impartial justice, social justice, and so on. Each variation is shaded by another layer of connotations, all rooted within a particular sociopolitical structure that you have likely been raised slowly learning about (indirectly and directly).
The concept of what justice means varies depending on which sociopolitical context you’re in. It seems obvious when you think about it, but we don’t always actually consider it enough. When I say this word to you in English, I am pretty certain that you’ll have a somewhat comparable understanding of the term as I do (provided I’m thinking in English), though we may quibble on the details.
How I would choose to translate that word justice into another language would depend on what aspect of justice (in English) I was trying to convey. Unless there was an easy-peasy equivalent like justicia (Spanish) or justice (French). Of course, what justice means in different Spanish-speaking countries or in French speaking jurisdictions may (and does) also vary widely; be careful about those supposed equivalents.
There is no such easy equivalent I can think of in Cree, so I would have to be more specific. Would I mean kwayaskwâtisiwin? Connotations of straightness, of even-handed fairness. No connotations of a rigid procedure and notions of ‘innocent until proven guilty’, no images of a court-room with a judge. Getting someone to understand English common-law procedural norms of justice would take some serious explaining, Lucy. It would take translating cultural context. There is no single word-equivalent I could rely on, making it less likely I’ll fall into the trap of using a word that seems the same but is not.
It does not take a person long to figure these things out once they spend a bit of time considering it. Yet that moment when you first realise that an ‘equivalent’ or ‘translated’ term means something very different from the same term in English, is pretty amazing. Even if you do not fully understand those differences, just recognising that because of historical and cultural differences, the way people who speak that language percieve the term is not the same way you perceive it, means you’ve been given a very important insight.
Peace, baby!
The word pêyâhtakêyimowin (pay-yah-tu-kay-YI-moo-win) often gets translated into English as “peace”. If you’re hasty, then you might start using it in the same way you use ‘peace’ in English. To mean an end to hostilities perhaps. Except that’s not what it means.
pêyâhtakêyimowin refers to peace within yourself. I suppose ‘inner peace’ might be an okay equivalent. Within the word pêyâhtakêyimowin there are aspects of taking things slowly, being careful, being quiet, not getting riled up. There are further cultural connotations involved in concepts like ‘being careful’, and ‘being quiet’ and ‘going slowly’. At the very least, I have to provide you with at least four concepts in order to even begin to give you a sense of what this word actually means.
You might argue that ‘peace’ can be used in that same way in English, and you’re probably right…but the reverse is not true. I cannot use pêyâhtakêyimowin to mean an end to hostilities. It simply makes no sense. I’d have to use the word wîtaskîwin , and even then we would not necessarily think of what this means in the same way. (Fun fact for Albertans, wîtaskîwin = Wetaskawin.)
But if you and I are talking and I have to speak in English because you don’t understand Cree, then I’m probably going to default to the term ‘peace’. In my head, I have the idea of pêyâhtakêyimowin. In your head, you have your understanding of the term ‘peace’. Every time I use the word ‘peace’ it is going to trigger English-language cultural connotations. You might start thinking of me as a hippy new-age flake if I say it too often. I might start forgetting that it makes you think of a specific thing, mistakenly believing you and I are on the same page in terms of its meaning.
This kind of thing happens all the time when you try to translate concepts into other languages. We do it because it is necessary when dealing with people who do not speak your language, and we are pretty aware that misunderstandings can occur and we need to be careful.
I came here to read about Two-Spirit identity, why am I reading this language stuff?
Oh, right, sorry. I get carried away talking about language sometimes.
In my parent’s and grandparent’s time, the term berdache was used to refer to Indigenous transgender individuals, but also got used a fair amount to refer to Native homosexual men. It wasn’t the most positive term, and in 1990 during an inter-tribal Native American/First Nations gay and lesbian conference in Winnipeg, the term “Two-Spirit” was chosen to replace it.
Some say that the term was a translation from Anishinaabemowin (niizh manidoowag). The term was deliberately chosen to be an umbrella term, a specifically pan-Indian concept encompassing sexual, gender and/or spiritual identity.
I think it is a useful term because it is so broad, and that kind of terminology that acknowledged indigenous beliefs and traditions was absolutely needed.
However, like many pan-Indian concepts, it is sometimes overly broad. I also feel that because it is an English term, it becomes coloured by settler beliefs. For some historical context on how indigenous traditions regarding those we now call Two-Spirited were interpreted by settlers, this blog is excellent.
Nation specific terms
I have been trying to find Cree-specific terms for Two-Spirit identities for many years. It has become easier recently with groups like the Nêhiyawêwin (Cree) Word of the Day. A lot of the terms have been forgotten and are not known by many. Still, sometimes when you ask, you receive.
Learning the words is not enough, however. Digging deeper and trying to understand the way that native peoples viewed Two-Spirited individuals is also important. Without that, all we have are ‘equivalents’, words that we cannot help but think of in the context of their English counterparts. Like or not (NOT!) most of us have been educated within the Canadian system, and European notions of homosexuality, of gender and just sex in general have found their way into every nook and cranny of our minds. Decolonisation involves becoming aware of this and consciously trying to reclaim what existed before. It is no easy task.
Anyway, I wanted to share some of the terms shared by Cree speakers, with many thanks to those who have shared what information they do have. There is of course going to be disagreement on some of these terms, most certainly in the sense of what they actually mean, but also whether they are authentic terms. There have also been many cautions that these may simply be translations from English into Cree, as no one expressed a strong familiarity with traditional roles for these people. Yet I thought it was a good start.
I am not 100% certain of the pronunciation for these words, as I may miss where a macron is needed to alter the sound of a vowel, but I’ll give it a shot!
napêw iskwêwisêhot (nu-PAYO ihs-gwayo-WIH-say-hoht), a man who dresses as a woman
iskwêw ka napêwayat (ihs-GWAYO ga nu-PAYO-wuh-yut), a woman dressed as a man
ayahkwêw (U-yuh-gwayo), a man dressed/living/accepted as a woman. I have seen this word used to refer to a castrated animal, so I’m not sure how respectful it is. Some have suggested this word can actually be used as a third gender of sorts, applied to women and men.
înahpîkasoht (ee-nuh-PEE-gu-soot), a woman dressed/living/accepted as a man. (also translated as someone who fights everyone to prove they are the toughest? Interesting!)
iskwêhkân (IS-gwayh-gahn), one who acts/lives as a woman
napêhkân (NU-payh-gahn), one who acts/lives as a man
A number of people have indicated that these terms are offensive, while others disagree. Part of the problem, I think, is that if these terms have been used as slurs, it’s difficult and perhaps impossible to assert they were originally benign – can they be reclaimed?
A number of people have said that it is their understanding there were no terms in Cree, that people were not labelled in such ways and despite there being pan-Indian notions of ‘special roles’ for those now called Two-Spirited, that may not have been the case in Cree communities.
Yet in these discussions, one belief is very clearly shared by most, which is that there was acceptance of fluid genders/sexual orientations/etc.
Reclaiming our traditions is more than learning our languages, but our languages do give us a ‘way in’ that absolutely should be explored. Overcoming colonially imposed views of sex, sexuality, gender and identity is no small matter, particularly since indigenous peoples are still experiencing colonialism in a very real way. We are not living in post-colonial times, no matter what Canadian politicians wish to claim.
Ideas about tradition-specific approaches to those now called Two-Spirit have been emerging for some time and are becoming the subjects of indigenous scholarship. What inspires me about this scholarship is the empowering fact that our traditional approaches to gender, sexuality and spirituality are not rooted in the very recently formed western liberal notions of ‘equality’. We do not need to learn from settler cultures how to respect our women and our Two-Spirited relations…we already have those teachings. Reclaiming them and redefining them for the 21st century is a difficult, but beautiful undertaking.
And perhaps the words we use in our own languages will be new, if they did not exist before. Perhaps they will be new because we have lost the words. Perhaps we never lost them. Perhaps they are merely waiting for us to use them again, properly. Hopefully soon I will look at the Cree words that have been suggested, and settler connotations will no longer colour my view of these words.
This is not work non-natives can or should do for us. If you know of resources and scholarship done by indigenous people on this subject, please feel free to share them. If you know of words, or different definitions than those offered above, please feel free to dispute/suggest/discuss.
Many thanks.
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dbpedia
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https://www.colorincolorado.org/article/landmark-court-rulings-regarding-english-language-learners
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en
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Landmark Court Rulings Regarding English Language Learners
|
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2010-02-03T13:50:04-05:00
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https://www.colorincolorado.org/sites/all/themes/colorincolorado_zen/favicon.ico
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Colorín Colorado
|
https://www.colorincolorado.org/article/landmark-court-rulings-regarding-english-language-learners
|
Important Court Decisions and Legislation
Historical reluctance by many states throughout the country to provide equitable educational opportunities to ELL and other minority students and controversies over the use of languages other than English in public schools have sparked a large number of lawsuits that address these issues. The court decisions that grew out of these lawsuits have led to legislative changes that have helped to shape the policy climate of today. In this section we briefly review some of these cases and related legislation.
First, however, we must consider the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This amendment, ratified in 1868 after the Civil War, declares in part: "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Many of the cases discussed in this section are based on the due process and the equal protection clauses of the 14th Amendment.
Addressing Segregation
Plessy v. Ferguson and Brown v. Board of Education
In 1896 the U.S. Supreme Court issued its now infamous decision in Plessy v. Ferguson that "separate but equal" public facilities, including school systems, are constitutional. Although the decision was related to the segregation of African American students, in many parts of the country Native American, Asian, and Hispanic students were also routinely segregated. The Supreme Court unanimously reversed Plessy v. Ferguson 58 years later in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education.
Independent School District v. Salvatierra, Alvarez v. Lemon Grove, and Méndez v. Westminster School District
A few lesser known lower-level cases concerning the segregation of Hispanic student predate Brown. In Independent School District v. Salvatierra (1930), Mexican American parents in the small border town of Rio, Texas, brought suit against the school district over segregation. The court sided with the school district that argued the segregation was necessary to teach the students English. This argument did not hold, however, for two similar cases in California: Alvarez v. Lemon Grove (1931) and Méndez v. Westminster School District (1947). The judge in Alvarez noted that segregation was not beneficial for the students' English language development (Trujillo, 2008), and the success of the Méndez case helped set the stage for Brown.
Like Plessy, Brown v. Board of Education focused on the segregation of African American students. But by ruling that states are responsible for providing "equal educational opportunities" for all students, Brown made bilingual education for ELLs more feasible.
Guey Heung Lee v. Johnson and Johnson v. San Francisco Unified School District
In some instances, however, desegregation efforts made it more difficult. In San Francisco, for example, Chinese Americans fought a desegregation order that would force students out of neighborhood schools that provided bilingual English-Chinese programs for newcomer Chinese ELL students. The Chinese community took the case to court in 1971 in Guey Heung Lee v. Johnson, and it was appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in Johnson v. San Francisco Unified School District. In 1974, the court ruled against the Chinese community, declaring simply Brown applies to races.
Despite significant progress in the half century since Brown, the practice of segregation in public schools remains widespread (Kozol, 2005). School districts that provide bilingual education and ESL programs constantly struggle to balance the need for separate classes where the unique needs of ELL students can be addressed against the need to avoid prolonged segregation of ELLs from other students.
The Right of Communities to Teach Their Native Languages to Their Children
Meyers v. Nebraska
Three important cases have addressed the issue of private language-schooling for language-minority students. In the early 1900s, German communities typically ran their own private schools where students received instruction in both German and English. Then, in 1919, Nebraska passed the Siman Act, which made it illegal for any school, public or private, to provide any foreign language instruction to students below the 8th grade. Roman Catholic and Lutheran German parochial schools joined together to file suit against the act under the 14th Amendment.
The state court ruled that the act could not prevent schools from providing German language instruction outside of the hours of regular school study. In response, the parochial schools taught German during an extended recess period. Language restrictionist policymakers sought to close the loopholes in the law and fined Robert Meyers $25 fine for teaching Bible stories to 10-year-old children in German. The case, Meyers v. Nebraska (1923), went to Supreme Court, which consolidated this case with similar cases from Ohio and Idaho.
In a major victory for language-minority parents and communities, the Supreme Court struck down the states' restrictive legislation, ruling, in essence, that whereas state governments can legislate the language used for instruction in schools, states may not pass laws that attempt to prevent communities from offering private language classes outside of the regular school system.
Meyers is an important case because it makes clear that the 14th Amendment provides protection for language minorities. As the legal expert Sandra Del Valle (2003) points out, however, this decision did not give language minorities additional rights and privileges but simply ensured that "laws not be used as a rationale for denying them the same rights accorded others" (p. 39). Furthermore, because the focus of this case was on parochial schools, the decision was not an endorsement of bilingual education.
Farrington v. Tokushige
In a similar case handed down in Hawaii in 1927, Farrington v. Tokushige, the court offered further protections of after-school community language programs after attempts by education authorities to put restrictions on Japanese and Chinese heritage language programs.
In a similar case handed down in Hawaii in 1927, Farrington v. Tokushige, the court offered further protections of after-school community language programs after attempts by education authorities to put restrictions on Japanese and Chinese heritage language programs.
Despite these victories, as Del Valle observes, these cases were essentially about parents' rights rather than language rights. In addition, within the court's decision there were still signs of negative attitudes toward the "foreign population." Indeed, Hawaii tried yet again to limit private foreign language instruction. When the Chinese communities after World War II sought to restart their private language schools, the state passed the "Act Regulating the Teaching of Foreign Languages to Children." Part of the state's rationale was the need to "protect children from the harm of learning a foreign language" (Del Valle, 2003, p. 44).
Stainback v. Mo Hock Ke Kok Po
In Stainback v. Mo Hock Ke Kok Po (1947), the state court struck down the statute, rejecting the state's claim and arguing that, at least for "the brightest" students, study of a foreign language can be beneficial. The case was decided on the basis of Farrington and, once again, had more to do with parents' rights in directing the education of their children than with language rights.
Xenophobia toward German and Japanese Americans during World War I and World War II succeeded where attempts at language restrictive legislation failed. When Germany and later Japan became war enemies of the United States, the number of U.S. schools that provided instruction in these languages dropped dramatically, largely because of fears by members of these communities that such instruction would lead others to question their loyalty to the United States (Tamura, 1993; Wiley, 1998).
Nevertheless, the legacy of these cases, despite agreement in the courts about the need for states to Americanize minorities and their right to control the language used for instruction in public schools, is that minority communities have a clear right to offer private language classes in which their children can learn and maintain their home languages. Thus, the common practice of language-minority communities today in offering heritage language programs after school and on weekends is protected by the U.S. Constitution.
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Addressing the Linguistic and Educational Needs of ELL Students
Case law concerning the linguistic and educational needs of ELL students has had a major impact on federal and state policy for ELL students, their families, and their communities. Since the early 1970s, conflict and controversy have surrounded the issue of what constitutes an appropriate education for ELLs. Some rulings provide support for bilingual education; others erode that support. Some cases involve suits filed against bilingual education; others involve suits filed against anti-bilingual education voter initiatives.
Equal Educational Opportunities for ELLs
Lau v. Nichols
The 1974 Supreme Court case Lau v. Nichols resulted in perhaps the most important court decision regarding the education of language-minority students. This case was brought forward by Chinese American students in the San Francisco Unified School District who were placed in mainstream classrooms despite their lack of proficiency in English, and left to "sink or swim." The district had argued that it had done nothing wrong, and that the Chinese American students received treatment equal to that of other students. Justice William Douglass, in writing the court's opinion, strongly disagreed, arguing:
Under these state-imposed standards there is no equality of treatment merely by providing students with the same facilities, textbooks, teachers, and curriculum; for students who do not understand English are effectively foreclosed from any meaningful education…. We know that those who do not understand English are certain to find their classroom experiences wholly incomprehensible and in no way meaningful.
The influence of Lau on federal policy was substantial. After the court's decision, the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights created the Lau Remedies. Whereas Title VII Bilingual Education Act regulations applied only to funded programs, the Lau Remedies applied to all school districts and functioned as de facto compliance standards.
The Office of Civil Rights used the Lau decision to go after districts that, like San Francisco, were essentially ignoring the needs of its LEP students. Even though the court decision does not mandate any particular instructional approach, the Lau Remedies essentially require districts to implement bilingual education programs for LEP students. James Lyons (1995), former president of the National Association for Bilingual Education, explains further:
The Lau Remedies specified proper approaches, methods and procedures for (1) identifying and evaluating national-origin-minority students' English-language skills; (2) determining appropriate instructional treatments; (3) deciding when LEP students were ready for mainstream classes; and (4) determining the professional standards to be met by teachers of language-minority children. Under the Lau Remedies, elementary schools were generally required to provide LEP students special English-as-a-second-language instruction as well as academic subject-matter instruction through the students' strongest language until the student achieved proficiency in English sufficient to learn effectively in a monolingual English classroom. (pp. 4-5)
The essence of Lau was codified into federal law though the Equal Educational Opportunities Act of 1974 (EEOA), soon after the case was decided. Section 1703(f) of this act declares: "No state shall deny educational opportunities to an individual on account of his or her race, color, sex, or national origin by … (f) the failure of an educational agency to take appropriate action to overcome language barriers that impede equal participation by its students in its instructional programs."
At the time of its passage, this section of the EEOA was viewed as a declaration of the legal right for students to receive a bilingual education, under the assumption that this is what Lau essentially mandated (Del Valle, 2003). Although other legal actions have since made it clear that the Supreme Court never did mandate bilingual education, the EEOA remains in effect and several subsequent lawsuits have been based on this important legislation.
Rulings that Support Bilingual Education
United States v. Texas
United States v. Texas (1971, 1981) includes mandates that affect all Texas schools. The court ordered the district to create a plan and implement language programs that would help Mexican American students learn English and adjust to American culture and also help Anglo students learn Spanish. The court relied heavily on the testimony of José Cardenas and his theory of incompatibilities, which blames the educational failure of students on the inadequacies of school programs rather than on students themselves. (For a complete discussion of the theory, see Cardenas & Cardenas, 1977.)
Serna v. Portales
Serna v. Portales (1974) was the first case to raise the issue of bilingual education outside of the context of desegregation (Del Valle, 2003). The case dealt with a White-majority school in New Mexico that failed to meet the unique needs of "Spanish-surnamed students." It was argued under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of "race, color, or national origin" in any program that receives federal funding. The court found the school's program for these students to be inadequate. The judge declared, "It is incumbent on the school district to reassess and enlarge its program directed to the specialized needs of the Spanish-surnamed students" and to create bilingual programs at other schools where they are needed. This case was first decided in 1972. Later it was appealed to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals and decided in 1974 just six months after Lau. Like Lau, it makes clear that schools cannot ignore the unique language and educational needs of ELL students.
Aspira v. New York
Legal action taken by Puerto Rican parents and children in New York in Aspira v. New York (1975) resulted in the Aspira Consent Decree, which mandates transitional bilingual programs for Spanish-surnamed students found to be more proficient in Spanish than English. The Aspira Consent Decree is still in effect and has been a model for school districts across the country, though it is frequently under attack by opponents of bilingual education.
Rios v. Reed
Bilingual education in New York received a further boost a few years later in Rios v. Reed (1978). The case was argued under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act and the EEOA. Puerto Rican parents brought suit claiming that many so-called bilingual education programs were not bilingual but based mainly on ESL. The federal court found the district's bilingual programs to be woefully inadequate, pointing to the lack of trained bilingual teachers and the absence of a clearly defined curriculum, clear entrance and exit criteria, and firm guidelines about how much instruction should be in the native language of the students. Although the court issued no specific remedies, the federal Office of Civil Rights came in to ensure that the district made improvements. This case is significant because it made a strong case for offering bilingual education and for doing it right.
Rulings That Erode Support for Bilingual Education
San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez
Another Texas case, San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez (1973), although not directly related to bilingual education, had some serious implications for it. It dealt with inequalities in school funding, with the plaintiff charging that predominantly minority schools received less funding than schools that served predominantly White students. The case was argued under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment, but the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that there is no fundamental right to an education guaranteed by the Constitution. Indeed, if there is no constitutional right to an education under the 14th Amendment, as Del Valle (2003) points out, "there is clearly no constitutional right to a bilingual education" (p. 234, emphasis in original).
Flores v. Arizona and Williams v. California
Because of this case, all subsequent cases over inadequacies in school funding have had to be argued under state constitutions. Some of these cases, such as Flores v. Arizona (2000) and Williams v. California (settled in 2004), include or specifically address inadequacies related to the education of ELL students. But despite court orders in Flores to increase funding for ELL students, state legislators and educational leaders have used a wide variety of stall tactics and legal maneuvering to avoid fully complying with the court's order.
In 2009 the Arizona legislature and the state superintendent of public instruction appealed the case to the U.S. Supreme Court. The high court essentially agreed with the state leaders that the situation in Arizona for ELLs had changed substantially since the original lower court ruling, and thus the lower courts must take these changes into consideration. Although the ruling was disappointing to the plaintiffs, it nonetheless keeps the legal battle alive, with the attorney and advocates in the state gathering new evidence of the harm caused by recent state policies and the underfunding of ELLs' education. This case demonstrates that even when courts issue decisions with specific mandates, changes do not happen immediately and are often resisted by political figures who disagree with the decision.
Otero v. Mesa County Valley School District
In the 1980s, in the wake of Lau, support for bilingual education was eroded by the courts. For example, a case in Colorado, Otero v. Mesa County Valley School District (1980), failed in the plaintiffs' attempt to obtain a court order for bilingual education. The plaintiffs wanted a plan for its Mexican American students like the one based on the testimony of Cardenas that was recommended by the court in United States v. Texas (1971) even though they made up a small number of students in the district, and less than 3% could even speak or understand Spanish. As in United States v. Texas, the court's decision made it clear that despite Lau, there is no constitutional right to bilingual or bicultural education (Del Valle, 2003).
Keyes v. School District No. 1
In another Colorado case, Keyes v. School District No. 1 (1983), the court also rejected a Cardenas-like plan on the basis that Lau did not mandate bilingual education and that according to the decision in Rodriguez there is no constitutional right to education. The bilingual education component was just one part of this complicated desegregation case. Del Valle suggests that the court seemed content that the district was simply offering a "number of programs" for ELLs, without examining the adequacy of these programs. This issue of program adequacy, however, was addressed in subsequent lawsuits.
Castañeda v. Pickard
The right to bilingual education suffered a further blow in 1981 in Castañeda v. Pickard. The case originated in Texas, where plaintiffs charged that the Raymondville Independent School District was failing to address the needs of ELL students as mandated by the EEOA. The federal court ignored the old assumption that Lau and the EEOA mandated bilingual education. Nevertheless, it did find that Raymondville fell far short of meeting the requirements of the EEOA. A major outcome of this case is a three-pronged test to determine whether schools are taking "appropriate action" to address the needs of ELLs as required by the EEOA.
The Castañeda standard mandates that programs for language-minority students must be (1) based on a sound educational theory, (2) implemented effectively with sufficient resources and personnel, and (3) evaluated to determine whether they are effective in helping students overcome language barriers (Del Valle, 2003). Since the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Lau, two other lawsuits have been decided in the high court that, while not related to bilingual education, nonetheless undermine the original legal argument of Lau. [These two cases are Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978) and Alexander v. Sandoval (2001).] Thus, the Castañeda standard, which encapsulates the central feature of Lau — that schools do something to meet the needs of ELL students — has essentially become the law of the land in determining the adequacy of programs for ELLs.
Del Valle (2003), however, points out the shortcomings of the Castañeda test. Referring to prongs 1 and 2, she notes that nearly any program can be justified by an educational theory and that some approaches require very little in the way of staff or funding. Of even greater concern is that, under prong 3, a certain amount of time must pass before a determination can be made about the adequacy of the programs. Thus, many students may be harmed before inadequate programs are identified and rectified.
Gomez v. Illinois State Board of Education
Despite these shortcomings, a case 6 years after Castañeda — Gomez v. Illinois State Board of Education (1987) — demonstrated the value of the Castañeda test in legal efforts to rectify inadequate programs. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit relied heavily on Castañeda in its decision and gave state boards of education the power to enforce compliance with the EEOA. The court declared, in a ruling much like Lau, that school districts have a responsibility to serve ELL students and cannot allow children to just sit in classrooms where they cannot understand instruction. However, as in Lau, the court did not mandate any specific program models.
Recent Lawsuits
Between 1995 and 2001, opponents of bilingual education in a few communities filed lawsuits against their school districts (e.g., Bushwick Parents Organization v. Mills [1995] in New York). Del Valle (2003) suggests that through these cases opponents of bilingual education attempted to turn the original purpose of bilingual education on its head by charging that a program that was developed to ensure that ELL students have the same educational opportunities as all other students was actually preventing equal educational opportunities for ELL students.
These cases also illustrate that attacks on bilingual education are rarely grass-roots efforts by Latino parents but rather are orchestrated by powerful outsiders who mislead parents into joining their cause and in the process often create divisions within Latino communities. Although these legal attacks on bilingual education failed, opponents of bilingual education have scored major victories in the court of public opinion through the English for the Children voter initiatives described earlier.
These voter initiatives, however, have not gone uncontested. Five cases in California were based on challenges to Proposition 227: Quiroz v. State Board of Education (1997); Valerie G. v. Wilson (1998); McLaughlin v. State Board of Education (1999); Doe v. Los Angeles Unified School District (1999); California Teachers Association v. Davis (1999). At least two cases in Arizona were based on challenges to Proposition 203: Sotomayor and Gabaldon v. Burns (2000) and Morales v. Tucson Unified School District (2001). Although some of these resulted in small victories, none has succeeded in overturning the voter initiatives.
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Use of English by speakers with different native languages
Not to be confused with English as a lingua franca.
"ESL" redirects here. For other uses, see ESL (disambiguation).
For the Community episode, see English as a Second Language (Community). For the podcast, see English as a Second Language Podcast.
English as a second or foreign language refers to the use of English by individuals whose native language is different, commonly among students learning to speak and write English. Variably known as English as a foreign language (EFL), English as a second language (ESL), English for speakers of other languages (ESOL), English as an additional language (EAL), or English as a new language (ENL), these terms denote the study of English in environments where it is not the dominant language. Programs such as ESL are designed as academic courses to instruct non-native speakers in English proficiency, encompassing both learning in English-speaking nations and abroad.
Teaching methodologies include teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL) in non-English-speaking countries, teaching English as a second language (TESL) in English-speaking nations, and teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) worldwide. These terms, while distinct in scope, are often used interchangeably, reflecting the global spread and diversity of English language education. Critically, recent developments in terminology, such as English-language learner (ELL) and English Learners (EL), emphasize the cultural and linguistic diversity of students, promoting inclusive educational practices across different contexts.[citation needed]
Methods for teaching English encompass a broad spectrum, from traditional classroom settings to innovative self-directed study programs, integrating approaches that enhance language acquisition and cultural understanding. The efficacy of these methods hinges on adapting teaching strategies to students' proficiency levels and contextual needs, ensuring comprehensive language learning in today's interconnected world.
Definition and purposes
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The aspect in which EFL is taught is referred to as teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL), teaching English as a second language (TESL) or teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL). Technically, TEFL refers to English language teaching in a country where English is not the official language, TESL refers to teaching English to non-native English speakers in a native English-speaking country and TESOL covers both. In practice, however, each of these terms tends to be used more generically across the full field. TEFL is more widely used in the United Kingdom and TESL or TESOL in the United States.[1]
Usage
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The term "ESL" has been seen by some[who?] to indicate that English would be of subordinate importance; for example, where English is used as a lingua franca in a multilingual country. The term can be a misnomer for some students who have learned several languages before learning English. The terms "English language learners" (ELL), and, more recently, "English learners" (EL), have been used instead, and the students' native languages and cultures are considered important.[2]
Educational approach
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Methods of learning English are highly variable, depending on the student's level of English proficiency and the manner and setting in which they are taught, which can range from required classes in school to self-directed study at home, or a blended combination of both. Teaching technique plays an important role in the performance of English language acquisition as a foreign language.[3][4][5] In some programs, educational materials (including spoken lectures and written assignments) are provided in a mixture of English, and the student's native language. In other programs, educational materials are always in English, but the vocabulary, grammar, and context clues may be modified to be more easily understood by students with varying levels of comprehension. Adapting comprehension, insight-oriented repetitions, and recasts are some of the methods used in training. However, without proper cultural immersion (social learning grounds) the associated language habits and reference points (internal mechanisms) of the host country are not completely transferred through these programs.[2][6][7][8] The major engines that influence the language are the United States and the United Kingdom and they both have assimilated the language differently so they differ in expressions and usage. This is found to a great extent primarily in pronunciation and vocabulary. Variants of the English language also exist in both of these countries (e.g. African American Vernacular English).
Influence
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The English language has a great reach and influence, and English is taught all over the world. In countries where English is not usually a native language, there are two distinct models for teaching English: educational programs for students who want to move to English-speaking countries, and other programs for students who do not intend to move but who want to understand English content for the purposes of education, entertainment, employment or conducting international business. The differences between these two models of English language education have grown larger over time, and teachers focusing on each model have used different terminology, received different training, and formed separate professional associations. English is also taught as a second language for recent immigrants to English-speaking countries, which faces separate challenges because the students in one class may speak many different native languages.
Terminology and types
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The many acronyms and abbreviations used in the field of English teaching and learning may be confusing and the following technical definitions may have their currency contested upon various grounds. The precise usage, including the different use of the terms ESL and ESOL in different countries, is described below. These terms are most commonly used in relation to teaching and learning English as a second language, but they may also be used in relation to demographic information.[citation needed]
English language teaching (ELT) is a widely used teacher-centered term, as in the English language teaching divisions of large publishing houses, ELT training, etc. Teaching English as a second language (TESL), teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL), and teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL) are also used.[citation needed]
Other terms used in this field include English as an international language (EIL), English as a lingua franca (ELF), English for special purposes and English for specific purposes (ESP), and English for academic purposes (EAP). Those who are learning English are often referred to as English language learners (ELL). The learners of the English language are of two main groups. The first group includes the learners learning English as their second language i.e. the second language of their country and the second group includes those who learn English as a totally foreign language i.e. a language that is not spoken in any part of their county.
English outside English-speaking countries
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EFL, English as a foreign language, indicates the teaching of English in a non–English-speaking region. The study can occur either in the student's home country, as part of the normal school curriculum or otherwise, or, for the more privileged minority, in an anglophone country that they visit as a sort of educational tourist, particularly immediately before or after graduating from university. TEFL is the teaching of English as a foreign language;[9] note that this sort of instruction can take place in any country, English-speaking or not. Typically, EFL is learned either to pass exams as a necessary part of one's education or for career progression while one works for an organization or business with an international focus. EFL may be part of the state school curriculum in countries where English has no special status (what linguistic theorist Braj Kachru calls the "expanding circle countries"); it may also be supplemented by lessons paid for privately. Teachers of EFL generally assume that students are literate in their mother tongue. The Chinese EFL Journal[10] and Iranian EFL Journal[11] are examples of international journals dedicated to specifics of English language learning within countries where English is used as a foreign language.
English within English-speaking countries
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The other broad grouping is the use of English within the English-speaking world. In what Braj Kachru calls "the inner circle", i.e., countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States, this use of English is generally by refugees, immigrants, and their children. It also includes the use of English in "outer circle" countries, often former British colonies and the Philippines, where English is an official language even if it is not spoken as a mother tongue by a majority of the population.
In the US, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand this use of English is called ESL (English as a second language). This term has been criticized on the grounds that many learners already speak more than one language. A counter-argument says that the word "a" in the phrase "a second language" means there is no presumption that English is the second acquired language (see also Second language). TESL is the teaching of English as a second language. There are also other terms that it may be referred to in the US including ELL (English Language Learner) and CLD (Culturally and Linguistically Diverse).
In the UK and Ireland, the term ESL has been replaced by ESOL (English for speakers of other languages). In these countries TESOL (teaching English to speakers of other languages) is normally used to refer to teaching English only to this group. In the UK and Ireland, the term EAL (English as an additional language) is used, rather than ESOL, when talking about primary and secondary schools, in order to clarify that English is not the students' first language, but their second or third. The term ESOL is used to describe English language learners who are above statutory school age.
Other acronyms were created to describe the person rather than the language to be learned. The term Limited English proficiency (LEP) was first used in 1975 by the Lau Remedies following a decision of the U.S. Supreme Court. ELL (English Language Learner),[12] used by United States governments and school systems, was created by James Crawford of the Institute for Language and Education Policy in an effort to label learners positively, rather than ascribing a deficiency to them. Recently, some educators have shortened this to EL – English Learner.
Typically, a student learns this sort of English to function in the new host country, e.g., within the school system (if a child), to find and hold down a job (if an adult), or to perform the necessities of daily life (cooking, taking a cab/public transportation, or eating in a restaurant, etc.). The teaching of it does not presuppose literacy in the mother tongue. It is usually paid for by the host government to help newcomers settle into their adopted country, sometimes as part of an explicit citizenship program. It is technically possible for ESL to be taught not in the host country, but in, for example, a refugee camp, as part of a pre-departure program sponsored by the government soon to receive new potential citizens. In practice, however, this is extremely rare. Particularly in Canada and Australia, the term ESD (English as a second dialect) is used alongside ESL, usually in reference to programs for Aboriginal peoples in Canada or Australians. The term refers to the use of standard English by speakers of a creole or non-standard variety. It is often grouped with ESL as ESL/ESD. the
Umbrella terms
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All these ways of denoting the teaching of English can be bundled together into an umbrella term. Unfortunately, not all of the English teachers in the world would agree on just only a simple single term(s). The term TESOL (teaching English to speakers of other languages) is used in American English to include both TEFL and TESL. This is also the case in Canada as well as in Australia and New Zealand. British English uses ELT (English language teaching), because TESOL has a different, more specific meaning; see above.
Difficulties for learners
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Language teaching practice often assumes that most of the difficulties that learners face in the study of English are the consequence of the degree to which their native language differs from English (a contrastive analysis approach). A native speaker of Chinese, for example, may face many more difficulties than a native speaker of German, because German is more closely related to English than Chinese. This may be true for anyone of any mother tongue (also called the first language, normally abbreviated L1) setting out to learn any other language (called a target language, second language or L2). See also second-language acquisition (SLA) for mixed evidence from linguistic research.
Language learners often produce errors of syntax, vocabulary, and pronunciation thought to result from the influence of their L1, such as mapping its grammatical patterns inappropriately onto the L2, pronouncing certain sounds incorrectly or with difficulty, and confusing items of vocabulary known as false friends. This is known as L1 transfer or "language interference". However, these transfer effects are typically stronger for beginners' language production, and SLA research has highlighted many errors which cannot be attributed to the L1, as they are attested in learners of many language backgrounds (for example, failure to apply 3rd person present singular -s to verbs, as in 'he make' not 'he makes').
Some students may have problems due to certain words being usable, unchanged, as different parts of speech. For example, the word "suffering" in "I am suffering terribly" is a verb, but in "My suffering is terrible" is a noun — and confounding matters is the fact that both of these sentences express the same idea, using the same words. Other students might have problems due to the prescribing and proscribing nature of rules in the language formulated by amateur grammarians rather than ascribing to the functional and descriptive nature of languages evidenced from distribution. For example, a cleric, Robert Lowth, introduced the rule to never end a sentence with a preposition, inspired by Latin grammar, through his book A Short Introduction to English Grammar.[13] The inconsistencies brought from Latin language standardization of English language led to classifying and sub-classifying an otherwise simple language structure. Like many alphabetic writing systems, English also has incorporated the principle that graphemic units should correspond to the phonemic units; however, the fidelity to the principle is compromised, compared to an exemplar language like the Finnish language. This is evident in the Oxford English Dictionary; for many years it experimented with various spellings of 'SIGN' to attain a fidelity with the said principle, among which were SINE, SEGN, and SYNE, and through the diachronic mutations eventually settled on SIGN.[14] Cultural differences in communication styles and preferences are also significant. For example, a study among Chinese ESL students revealed that preference for not using the tense marking on verb present in the morphology of their mother tongue made it difficult for them to express time-related sentences in English.[15] Another study looked at Chinese ESL students and British teachers and found that the Chinese learners did not see classroom 'discussion and interaction' type of communication for learning as important but placed a heavy emphasis on teacher-directed lectures.[16]
Pronunciation
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This section contains phonetic transcriptions in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA. For the distinction between [ ], / / and ⟨ ⟩, see IPA § Brackets and transcription delimiters.
Main articles: Non-native pronunciations of English and Accent reduction
English contains a number of sounds and sound distinctions not present in some other languages. These sounds can include vowels and consonants, as well as diphthongs and other morphemes. Speakers of languages without these sounds may have problems both with hearing and pronouncing them. For example:
The interdentals, /θ/ ('three') and /ð/ ('thee'), both written as th, are relatively rare in other languages.
Phonemic contrast of /i/ with /ɪ/ (beat vs bit vowels), of /u/ with /ʊ/ (fool vs full vowels), and of /ɛ/ with /æ/ (bet vs bat vowels) is rare outside northwestern Europe, so unusual mergers or exotic pronunciations such as [bet] for bit may arise. Note that [bɪt] is a pronunciation often used in England and Wales for bet, and also in some dialects of American English.[17] See Northern cities vowel shift, and Pin-pen merger.
Native speakers of Japanese, Korean, and most Chinese dialects have difficulty distinguishing /r/ and /l/, as do speakers of certain Caribbean Spanish dialects when these sounds are at the ends of syllables, a phenomenon known as lambdacism, which is one form of lallation.
Native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese, Spanish or Galician, and Ukrainian may pronounce [h]-like sounds where a /r/, /s/, or /ɡ/, respectively, would be expected, as those sounds often or almost always follow this process in their native languages, what is known as debuccalization.
Native speakers of Arabic, Tagalog, Japanese, Korean, and important dialects of all current Iberian Romance languages (including most of Spanish) have difficulty distinguishing [b] and [v], what is known as betacism.
Native speakers of almost all of Brazilian Portuguese, of some African Portuguese registers, of Portuguese-derived creole languages, some dialects of Swiss German, and several pontual processes in several Slavic languages, such as Bulgarian and Ukrainian, and many dialects of other languages, have instances of /l/ or /ɫ/ always becoming [w] at the end of a syllable in a given context, so that milk may be variously pronounced as [mɪu̯k], [mɪʊ̯k], or [mɪo̯k]. This is present in some English registers — known as l-vocalization — but may be shunned as substandard or bring confusion in others.
Native speakers of many widely spoken languages (including Dutch and all the Romance ones) distinguish voiceless stop pairs /p/, /t/, /k/ from their voiced counterparts /b/, /d/, /ɡ/ merely by their sound (and in Iberian Romance languages, the latter trio does not even need to be stopped, so its native speakers unconsciously pronounce them as [β], [ð], and [ɣ ~ ɰ] — voiced fricatives or approximants in the very same mouth positions — instead much or most of the time, that native English speakers may erroneously interpret as the /v/ or /w/, /ð/ and /h/, /w/, or /r/ of their language). In English, German, Danish, and some other languages, though, the main distinguishing feature in the case of initial or stressed stopped voiceless consonants from their voiced counterparts is that they are aspirated [pʰ tʰ kʰ] (unless if immediately preceded or followed by /s/), while the voiced ones are not. As a result, much of the non-English /p/, /t/ and /k/ will sound to native English ears as /b/, /d/ and /ɡ/ instead (i.e. parking may sound more like barking).
Ukrainian, Turkish and Azeri speakers may have trouble distinguishing between /v/ and /w/ as both pronunciations are used interchangeably for the letter v in those languages.
Languages may also differ in syllable structure; English allows for a cluster of up to three consonants before the vowel and five after it (e.g. strengths, straw, desks, glimpsed, sixths). Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese, for example, broadly alternate consonant and vowel sounds so learners from Japan and Brazil often force vowels between the consonants (e.g. desks becomes [desukusu] or [dɛskis], and milk shake becomes [miɽukuɕeːku] or [miwki ɕejki], respectively). Similarly, in most Iberian dialects, while a word can begin with [s], and within a word [s] can be followed by a consonant, a word can never both begin with [s] and be immediately followed by a consonant, so learners whose mother tongue is in this language family often have a vowel in front of the word (e.g. school becomes [eskul], [iskuɫ ~ iskuw], [ɯskuɫ] or [əskuɫ] for native speakers of Spanish, Brazilian and European Portuguese, and Catalan, respectively).
Grammar
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Tense, aspect, and mood – English has a relatively large number of tense–aspect–mood forms with some quite subtle differences, such as the difference between the simple past "I ate" and the present perfect "I have eaten". Progressive and perfect progressive forms add complexity. (See English verbs.)
Functions of auxiliaries – Learners of English tend to find it difficult to manipulate the various ways in which English uses auxiliary verbs. These include negation (e.g. "He hasn't been drinking."), inversion with the subject to form a question (e.g. Has he been drinking?), short answers (e.g. Yes, he has.) and tag questions (has he?). A further complication is that the dummy auxiliary verb do/does/did is added to fulfil these functions in the simple present and simple past, but not to replace the verb to be (He drinks too much./Does he? but He is an addict/Is he?).
Modal verbs – English has several modal auxiliary verbs, each with a number of uses. These verbs convey a special sense or mood such as obligation, necessity, ability, probability, permission, possibility, prohibition, or intention. These include "must", "can", "have to", "need to", "will", "shall", "ought to", "will have to", "may", and "might".
For example, the opposite of "You must be here at 8" (obligation) is usually "You don't have to be here at 8" (lack of obligation, choice). "Must" in "You must not drink the water" (prohibition) has a different meaning from "must" in "You must have eaten the chocolate" (deduction). This complexity takes considerable work for most English language learners to master.
All these modal verbs or "modals" take the first form of the verb after them. These modals (most of them) do not have past or future inflection, i.e. they do not have past or future tense (exceptions being have to and need to).
Idiomatic usage – English is reputed to have a relatively high degree of idiomatic usage.[18] For example, the use of different main verb forms in such apparently parallel constructions as "try to learn", "help learn", and "avoid learning" poses difficulty for learners. Another example is the idiomatic distinction between "make" and "do": "make a mistake", not "do a mistake"; and "do a favor", not "make a favor".
Articles – English has two forms of article: the (the definite article) and a and an (the indefinite article). In addition, at times English nouns can or indeed must be used without an article; this is called the zero article. Some of the differences between definite, indefinite, and zero articles are fairly easy to learn, but others are not, particularly since a learner's native language may lack articles, have only one form, or use them differently from English. Although the information conveyed by articles is rarely essential for communication, English uses them frequently (several times in the average sentence) so that they require some effort from the learner.
Vocabulary
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Phrasal verbs – Phrasal verbs (also known as multiple-word verbs) in English can cause difficulties for many learners because of their syntactic pattern and because they often have several meanings. There are also a number of phrasal verb differences between American and British English.
Prepositions – As with many other languages, the correct use of prepositions in the English language is difficult to learn, and it can turn out to be quite a frustrating learning experience for ESL/EFL learners. For example, the prepositions on (rely on, fall on), of (think of, because of, in the vicinity of), and at (turn at, meet at, start at) are used in so many different ways and contexts, it is very difficult to remember the exact meaning for each one. Furthermore, the same words are often used as adverbs (come in, press on, listen in, step in) as part of a compound verb (make up, give up, get up, give in, turn in, put on), or in more than one way with different functions and meanings (look up, look on, give in) (He looked up her skirt/He looked up the spelling/Things are looking up/When you're in town, look me up!; He gave in his homework/First he refused but then he gave in; He got up at 6 o'clock/He got up the hill/He got up a nativity play). Also, for some languages, such as Spanish, there is/are one/some prepositions that can mean multiple English prepositions (i.e. en in Spanish can mean on, in, or at). When translating back to the ESL learners' respective L1, a particular preposition's translation may be correct in one instance, but when using the preposition in another sense, the meaning is sometimes quite different. "One of my friends" translates to (transliterated) wahed min isdiqa'i in Arabic. Min is the Arabic word for "from", so it means one "from" my friends. "I am on page 5" translates to ich bin auf Seite 5 in German just fine, but in Arabic it is Ana fee safha raqm 5 (I am "in" page 5).
Word formation – Word formation in English requires much rote learning. For example, an adjective can be negated by using the prefixes un- (e.g. unable), in- (e.g. inappropriate), dis- (e.g. dishonest), non- (non-standard) or a- (e.g. amoral), as well as several rarer prefixes.
Size of lexicon – The history of English has resulted in a very large vocabulary, including one stream from Old English and one from the Norman infusion of Latin-derived terms. (Schmitt & Marsden claim that English has one of the largest vocabularies of any known language.) One estimate of the lexicon puts English at around 250,000 unique words. This requires more work for a learner to master the language.
Collocations – Collocation in English is the tendency for words to occur together with others. For example, nouns and verbs that go together ("ride a bike" or "drive a car"). Native speakers tend to use chunks[clarification needed] of collocations and ESL learners make mistakes with collocations.
Slang and colloquialisms – In most native English-speaking countries, many slang and colloquial terms are used in everyday speech. Many learners may find that classroom based English is significantly different from how English is usually spoken in practice. This can often be difficult and confusing for learners with little experience of using English in Anglophone countries. Also, slang terms differ greatly between different regions and can change quickly in response to popular culture. Some phrases can become unintentionally rude if misused.
Silent letters - Within English, almost every letter has the 'opportunity' to be silent in a word, except F, J, Q, R, V, and Y.[19] The most common is e, usually at the end of the word and used to elongate the previous vowel(s). The common usage of silent letters can throw off how ESL learners interpret the language (especially those who are fluent in a Germanic language), since a common step to learning words in most languages is to pronounce them phonetically. Words such as queue, Colonel, knight and Wednesday tend to throw off the learner, since they contain large amounts of silent letters.
First-language literacy
[edit]
Learners who have had less than eight years of formal education in their first language are sometimes called adult ESL literacy learners. Usually, these learners have had their first-language education interrupted.[20] Many of these learners require a different level of support, teaching approaches and strategies, and a different curriculum from mainstream adult ESL learners. For example, these learners may lack study skills and transferable language skills,[20][21] and these learners may avoid reading or writing.[22] Often these learners do not start classroom tasks immediately, do not ask for help, and often assume the novice role when working with peers.[23] Generally, these learners may lack self-confidence.[24] For some, prior schooling is equated with status, cultured, civilized, high class, and they may experience shame among peers in their new ESL classes.[25][26]
Second-language literacy
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Learners who have not had extensive exposure to reading and writing in a second language, despite having acceptable spoken proficiency, may have difficulties with the reading and writing in their L2. Joann Crandall (1993)[27] has pointed out that most teacher training programs for TESOL instructors do not include sufficient, in most cases "no", training for the instruction in literacy. This is a gap that many scholars feel needs to be addressed.[citation needed]
Social and academic language acquisition
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Basic interpersonal communication skills (BICS) are language skills needed in social situations. These language skills usually develop within six months to two years.[citation needed]
Cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) refers to the language associated with formal content material and academic learning. These skills usually take from five to seven years to develop.[citation needed]
Importance of reading in ESL instruction
[edit]
According to some English professionals, reading for pleasure is an important component in the teaching of both native and foreign languages:[28]
"Studies that sought to improve writing by providing reading experiences in place of grammar study or additional writing practice found that these experiences were as beneficial as, or more beneficial than, grammar study or extra writing practice."[29]
Differences between spoken and written English
[edit]
For further discussion of English spelling patterns and rules, see Phonics.
As with most languages, written language tends to use a more formal register than spoken language.
Spelling and pronunciation: probably the biggest difficulty for non-native speakers, since the relation between English spelling and pronunciation does not follow the alphabetic principle consistently. Because of the many changes in pronunciation which have occurred since a written standard developed, the retention of many historical idiosyncrasies in spelling, and the large influx of foreign words (mainly from Norman French, Classical Latin and Greek) with different and overlapping spelling patterns,[30] English spelling and pronunciation are difficult even for native speakers to master. This difficulty is shown in such activities as spelling bees. The generalizations that exist are quite complex and there are many exceptions, leading to a considerable amount of rote learning. The spelling and pronunciation system causes problems in both directions: a learner may know a word by sound but be unable to write it correctly (or indeed find it in a dictionary) or they may see a word written but not know how to pronounce it or mislearn the pronunciation. However, despite the variety of spelling patterns in English, there are dozens of rules that are 75% or more reliable.[31]
There is also debate about "meaning-focused" learning and "correction-focused" learning. Supporters for the former think that using speech as the way to explain meaning is more important. However, supporters of the latter do not agree with that and instead think that grammar and correct habit is more important.[32]
Technology
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Technology plays an integral part in our lives and has become a major instrument in the field of education. Educational technologies make learning and teaching of English language more convenient and enable new opportunities. The video talks about the history of technology in education and its current integration in learning. Computers have made an entry into education in the past decades and have brought significant benefits to teachers and students alike. Computers help learners by making them more responsible for their own learning. Studies have shown that one of the best ways of improving one's learning ability is to use a computer where all the information one might need can be found. In today's developed world, a computer is one of a number of systems that help learners to improve their language. Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL) is a system which aids learners to improve and practice language skills. It provides a stress-free environment for learners and makes them more responsible. Computers can provide help to ESL learners in many different ways such as teaching students to learn a new language. The computer can be used to test students about the language they already learn. It can assist them in practicing certain tasks. The computer permits students to communicate easily with other students in different places. In recent years the increasing use of mobile technology, such as smartphones and tablet computers, has led to a growing usage application created to facilitate language learning, such as The Phrasal Verbs Machine from Cambridge. In terms of online materials, there are many forms of online materials such as blogs, wikis, webquests. For instance, blogs can allow English learners to voice their opinions, sharpen their writing skills, and build their confidence. However, some who are introverted may not feel comfortable sharing their ideas on the blog. Class wikis can be used to promote collaborative learning through sharing and co-constructing knowledge. On-line materials are still just materials and thus need to be subject to the same scrutiny of evaluation as any other language material or source.
Augmented reality (AR) is another emerging technology that has an important place in language education. It allows for merging of the virtual objects into the real world, as if they co-exist in the same time and place.[33] The research has shown 8 benefits of AR in the educational setting: 1. Collaboration; 2. Connectivity; 3. Student centred; 4.Community; 5. Exploration; 6. Shared knowledge; 7. Multisensory experience; 8. Authenticity.[34] Learners have mentioned that AR increased classroom engagement and student motivation.[33] Two applications that have been tested in the ESL setting are QuiverVision and JigSpace.[33] QuiverVision offers colouring pages that can be brought to life using Android or iOS devices. JigSpace can be a helpful resource in learning complex scientific, technical and historical concepts for ESL students.
Increasing social nature of internet opened up new opportunities for language learners and educators.[35] Videos, memes and chats are all sources of authentic language that are easily accessible via mobile devices or computers.[35] Additional benefit for English language learners is that non-textual representation can be more beneficial for students with various learning preferences.
Integration of games and gaming in language learning has recently received a surge of interest.[35] There are games that have been specifically designed for English language learning while there are others that can be adapted to this context. Games to Learn English includes multiple games that can be played to develop language skills. Trace Effects is a game developed by U.S. Department of State which helps learners not only increase their language knowledge but also explore American culture. The most important features of gaming are their collaborative and interactive nature[35] which makes learning engaging for learners.
The learning ability of language learners can be more reliable with the influence of a dictionary. Learners tend to carry or are required to have a dictionary which allows them to learn independently and become more responsible for their own work. In these modern days, education has upgraded its methods of teaching and learning with dictionaries where digital materials are being applied as tools. Electronic dictionaries are increasingly a more common choice for ESL students. Most of them contain native-language equivalents and explanations, as well as definitions and example sentences in English. They can speak the English word to the learner, and they are easy to carry around. However, they are expensive and easy to lose, so students are often instructed to put their names on them.
Varieties of English
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The English language in England (and other parts of the United Kingdom) exhibits significant differences by region and class, noticeable in structure (vocabulary and grammar), accent (pronunciation) and in dialect.
The numerous communities of English native speakers in countries all over the world also have some noticeable differences like Irish English, Australian English, Canadian English, Newfoundland English, etc. For instance, the following are words that only make meaning in originating culture: Toad in the hole, Gulab jamun, Spotted Dick, etc.
Attempts have been made to regulate English to an inclination of a class or to a specific style of a community by John Dryden and others. Auspiciously, English as a lingua franca is not racialized and has no proscribing organization that controls any prestige dialect for the language – unlike the French Academie de la langue française, Spain's Real Academia Española, or Esperanto's Akademio.
Teaching English, therefore, involves not only helping the student to use the form of English most suitable for their purposes, but also exposure to regional forms and cultural styles so that the student will be able to discern meaning even when the words, grammar, or pronunciation are different from the form of English they are being taught to speak. Some professionals in the field have recommended incorporating information about non-standard forms of English in ESL programs. For example, in advocating for classroom-based instruction in African-American English (also known as Ebonics), linguist Richard McDorman has argued, "Simply put, the ESL syllabus must break free of the longstanding intellectual imperiousness of the standard to embrace instruction that encompasses the many "Englishes" that learners will encounter and thereby achieve the culturally responsive pedagogy so often advocated by leaders in the field."[36]
Social challenges and benefits
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Class placement
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ESL students often suffer from the effects of tracking and ability grouping. Students are often placed into low ability groups based on scores on standardized tests in English and math.[37] There is also low mobility among these students from low to high performing groups, which can prevent them from achieving the same academic progress as native speakers.[37] Similar tests are also used to place ESL students in college-level courses. Students have voiced frustration that only non-native students have to prove their language skills, when being a native speaker in no way guarantees college-level academic literacy.[38] Studies have shown that these tests can cause different passing rates among linguistic groups regardless of high school preparation.[39]
Dropout rates
[edit]
Dropout rates for ESL students in multiple countries are much higher than dropout rates for native speakers. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) in the United States reported that the percentage of dropouts in the non-native born Hispanic youth population between the ages of 16 and 24 years old is 43.4%.[40] A study in Canada found that the high school dropout rate for all ESL students was 74%.[41] High dropout rates are thought to be due to difficulties ESL students have in keeping up in mainstream classes, the increasing number of ESL students who enter middle or high school with interrupted prior formal education, and accountability systems.[40]
The accountability system in the US is due to the No Child Left Behind Act. Schools that risk losing funding, closing, or having their principals fired if test scores are not high enough begin to view students that do not perform well on standardized tests as liabilities.[42] Because dropouts actually increase a school's performance, critics claim that administrators let poor performing students slip through the cracks. A study of Texas schools operating under No Child Left Behind found that 80% of ESL students did not graduate from high school in five years.[42]
Access to higher education
[edit]
ESL students face several barriers to higher education. Most colleges and universities require four years of English in high school. In addition, most colleges and universities only accept one year of ESL English.[38] It is difficult for ESL students that arrive in the United States relatively late to finish this requirement because they must spend a longer time in ESL English classes in high school, or they might not arrive early enough to complete four years of English in high school. This results in many ESL students not having the correct credits to apply for college, or enrolling in summer school to finish the required courses.[38]
ESL students can also face additional financial barriers to higher education because of their language skills. Those that don't place high enough on college placement exams often have to enroll in ESL courses at their universities. These courses can cost up to $1,000 extra, and can be offered without credit towards graduation.[38] This adds additional financial stress on ESL students that often come from families of lower socioeconomic status. The latest statistics show that the median household income for school-age ESL students is $36,691 while that of non-ESL students is $60,280.[failed verification][43] College tuition has risen sharply in the last decade, while family income has fallen. In addition, while many ESL students receive a Pell Grant, the maximum grant for the year 2011–2012 covered only about a third of the cost of college.[44]
Interaction with native speakers
[edit]
ESL students often have difficulty interacting with native speakers in school. Some ESL students avoid interactions with native speakers because of their frustration or embarrassment at their poor English. Immigrant students often also lack knowledge of popular culture, which limits their conversations with native speakers to academic topics.[45] In classroom group activities with native speakers, ESL students often do not participate, again because of embarrassment about their English, but also because of cultural differences: their native cultures may value silence and individual work at school in preference to social interaction and talking in class.[37]
These interactions have been found to extend to teacher-student interactions as well. In most mainstream classrooms, a teacher-led discussion is the most common form of lesson. In this setting, some ESL students will fail to participate, and often have difficulty understanding teachers because they talk too fast, do not use visual aids, or use native colloquialisms. ESL students also have trouble getting involved with extracurricular activities with native speakers for similar reasons. Students fail to join extra-curricular activities because of the language barrier, the cultural emphasis of academics over other activities, or failure to understand traditional pastimes in their new country.[45]
Social benefits
[edit]
Supporters of ESL programs claim they play an important role in the formation of peer networks and adjustment to school and society in their new homes. Having class among other students learning English as a second language relieves the pressure of making mistakes when speaking in class or to peers. ESL programs also allow students to be among others who appreciate their native language and culture, the expression of which is often not supported or encouraged in mainstream settings. ESL programs also allow students to meet and form friendships with other non-native speakers from different cultures, promoting racial tolerance and multiculturalism.[45]
Controversy over ethical administration of ESL programs
[edit]
ESL programs have been critiqued for focusing more on revenue-generation than on educating students.[46][47] This has led to controversy over how ESL programs can be managed in an ethical manner.
Professional and Technical Communication Advocacy
[edit]
The field of technical and professional communication has the potential to disrupt barriers that hinder ESL learners from entering the field, although it can just as easily perpetuate these issues. One study by Matsuda & Matsuda sought to evaluate introductory-level textbooks on the subject of technical communication. Among their research, they found that these textbooks perpetuated the "myth of linguistic homogeneity—the tacit and widespread acceptance of the dominant image of composition students as native speakers of a privileged variety of English."[48] While the textbooks were successful in referencing global and international perspectives, the portrayal of the intended audience, the you of the text, ultimately alienated any individual not belonging to a predominantly white background and culture. In constructing this guise, prospective ESL learners are collectively lumped into an "other" group that isolates and undermines their capacity to enter the field.
Furthermore, this alienation is exacerbated by the emergence of English as the pinnacle language for business and many professional realms. In Kwon & Klassen's research, they also identified and criticized a "single native-speaker recipe for linguistic success,"[49] which contributed to anxieties about entering the professional field for ESL technical communicators. These concerns about an English-dominated professional field indicate an affective filter that provides a further barrier to social justice for these ESL individuals. These misconceptions and anxieties point towards an issue of exclusivity that technical and professional communicators must address. This social justice concern becomes an ethical concern as well, with all individuals deserving usable, accessible, and inclusive information.
There is a major concern about the lack of accessibility to translation services and the amount of time and attention their English proficiency is given throughout their educational experiences. If a student lacks an understanding of the English language and still needs to participate in their coursework, they will turn to translations in order to aid their efforts. The issue is that many of these translations rarely carry the same meaning as the original text. The students in this study said that a translated text is "pretty outdated, covers only the basics or is terribly translated," and that "The technical vocabulary linked to programming can be complicated to assimilate, especially in the middle of explanatory sentences if you don't know the equivalent word in your native language."[50] Students can't be proficient in their given subjects if the language barrier is complicating the message. Researchers found that syntax, semantics, style, etc., scramble up the original messages.[citation needed] This disorientation of the text fogs up the message and makes it difficult for the student to decipher what they are supposed to be learning. This is where additional time and attention are needed to bridge the gap between native English speakers and ESL students. ESL students face difficulties in areas concerning lexico-grammatical aspects of technical writing., overall textual organization and comprehension, differentiation between genres of technical communication and the social hierarchies that concern the subject matter.[51] This inhibits their ability to comprehend complex messages from English texts, and it would be more beneficial for them to tackle these subjects individually. The primary issue with this is the accessibility to more instruction. ESL students need an individual analysis of their needs and this needs to revolve around the student's ability to communicate and interpret information in English.[52] Due to the civil rights decision of Lauv v. Nichols[53] school districts are required to provide this additional instruction based on the needs of students, but this requirement still needs to be acted on.
Many ESL students have issues in higher-level courses that hinder their academic performances due to the complicated language used in these courses being at a more complex level than what many ESL students were taught.[54] In many cases of ESL students learning Computer Programming, they struggle with the language used in instructional manuals. Writing media centers have caused ESL students issues with universities unable to provide proofreading in their writing media center programs. This causes many ESL students to have difficulties writing papers for high-level courses that require a more complex lexicon than what many of them were taught.[55] Fortunately, university tutors have had successes with teaching ESL students how to write a more technically complex language that ESL students need to know for their courses, but it raises the question of if ESL learners need to know a more complex version of the English language to succeed in their professional careers.[56]
Peer tutoring for ESL students
[edit]
Peer tutoring refers to an instructional method that pairs up low-achieving English readers, with ESL students that know minimal English and who are also approximately the same age and same grade level. The goal of this dynamic is to help both the tutor, in this case, the English speaker, and the tutee, the ESL student. Monolingual tutors are given the class material in order to provide tutoring to their assigned ESL tutee. Once the tutor has had the chance to help the student, classmates get to switch roles in order to give both peers an opportunity to learn from each other. In a study, which conducted a similar research, their results indicated that low-achieving readers that were chosen as tutors, made a lot of progress by using this procedure. In addition, ESL students were also able to improve their grades due to the fact that they increased their approach in reading acquisition skills.[57]
Importance
[edit]
Since there is not enough funding to afford tutors, and teachers find it hard to educate all students who have different learning abilities, it is highly important to implement peer-tutoring programs in schools. Students placed in ESL program learn together along with other non-English speakers; however, by using peer tutoring in a classroom it will avoid the separation between regular English classes and ESL classes. These programs will promote community between students that will be helping each other grow academically.[58] To further support this statement, a study researched the effectiveness of peer tutoring and explicit teaching in classrooms. It was found that students with learning disabilities and low performing students who are exposed to the explicit teaching and peer tutoring treatment in the classroom, have better academic performance than those students who do not receive this type of assistance. It was proven that peer tutoring is the most effective and no cost form of teaching[58]
Benefits
[edit]
It has been proven that peer-mediated tutoring is an effective tool to help ESL students succeed academically. Peer tutoring has been utilized across many different academic courses and the outcomes for those students that have different learning abilities are outstanding. Classmates who were actively involved with other peers in tutoring had better academic standing than those students who were not part of the tutoring program.[59] Based on their results, researchers found that all English student learners were able to maintain a high percentage of English academic words on weekly tests taught during a tutoring session. It was also found that the literature on the efficacy of peer tutoring service combined with regular classroom teaching, is the best methodology practice that is effective, that benefits students, teachers, and parents involved.[59]
Research on peer English immersion tutoring
[edit]
Similarly, a longitudinal study was conducted to examine the effects of the paired bilingual program and an English-only reading program with Spanish speaking English learners in order to increase students' English reading outcomes.[60] Students whose primary language was Spanish and were part of the ESL program were participants of this study. Three different approaches were the focus in which immersing students in English from the very beginning and teaching them reading only in that language; teaching students in Spanish first, followed by English; and teaching students to read in Spanish and English simultaneously. This occurs through a strategic approach such as structured English immersion or sheltered instruction.
Findings showed that the paired bilingual reading approach appeared to work as well as, or better than, the English-only reading approach in terms of reading growth and results. Researchers found differences in results, but they also varied based on several outcomes depending on the student's learning abilities and academic performance.[60]
ESL teachers' training
[edit]
Teachers in an ESL class are specifically trained in particular techniques and tools to help students learn English. Research says that the quality of their teaching methods is what matters the most when it comes to educating English learners. It was also mentioned[who?] how it is highly important for teachers to have the drive to help these students succeed and "feel personal responsibility."[61] It is important to highlight the idea that the school system needs to focus on school-wide interventions in order to make an impact and be able to help all English learners. There is a high need for comprehensive professional development for teachers in the ESL program.[62]
Effects of peer tutoring on the achievement gap
[edit]
Although peer tutoring has been proven to be an effective way of learning that engages and promotes academic achievement in students, does it have an effect on the achievement gap? It is an obvious fact that there is a large academic performance disparity between White, Black, and Latino students, and it continues to be an issue that has to be targeted.[63] In an article, it was mentioned that no one has been able to identify the true factors that cause this discrepancy. However it was mentioned that by developing effective peer tutoring programs in schools could be a factor that can potentially decrease the achievement gap in the United States.[63]
Exams for learners
[edit]
See also: Category:English language tests
Learners of English are often eager to get accreditation and a number of exams are known internationally:[64]
IELTS (International English Language Testing System) is the world's most popular English test for higher education and immigration. It is managed by the British Council, Cambridge Assessment English and IDP Education. It is offered in Academic, General and Life Skills versions. IELTS Academic is the normal test of English proficiency for entry into universities in the UK, Australia, Canada, and other British English countries. IELTS General is required for immigration into Australia and New Zealand. Both versions of IELTS are accepted for all classes of UK visa and immigration applications. IELTS Life Skills, was introduced in 2015 specifically to meet the requirements for some classes of UK visa application.[65][66]
CaMLA, a collaboration between the University of Michigan and Cambridge English Language Assessment offer a suite of American English tests, including the MET (Michigan English Test), the MTELP Series (Michigan Test of English Language Proficiency), MELAB (Michigan English Language Assessment Battery), CaMLA EPT (English Placement Test), YLTE (Young Learners Test of English), ECCE and ECPE.
TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language), an Educational Testing Service product, developed and used primarily for academic institutions in the US, and now widely accepted in tertiary institutions in Canada, New Zealand, Australia, the UK, Japan, South Korea, and Ireland. The current test is an Internet-based test and is thus known as the TOEFL iBT. Used as a proxy for English for Academic Purposes.
iTEP (International Test of English Proficiency), developed by former ELS Language Centers President Perry Akins' Boston Educational Services, and used by colleges and universities such as the California State University system. iTEP Business is used by companies, organizations, and governments, and iTEP SLATE (Secondary Level Assessment Test of English) is designed for middle and high school-age students.
PTE Academic (Pearson Test of English Academic), a Pearson product, measures reading, writing, speaking and listening as well as grammar, oral fluency, pronunciation, spelling, vocabulary and written discourse. The test is computer-based and is designed to reflect international English for academic admission into any university requiring English proficiency.
TOEIC (Test of English for International Communication), an Educational Testing Service product for Business English used by 10,000 organizations in 120 countries. Includes a listening and reading test as well as a speaking and writing test introduced in selected countries beginning in 2006.
Trinity College London ESOL offers the Integrated Skills in English (ISE) series of 5 exams which assesses reading, writing, speaking and listening and is accepted by academic institutions in the UK. They also offer Graded Examinations in Spoken English (GESE), a series of 12 exams, which assesses speaking and listening, and ESOL Skills for Life and ESOL for Work exams in the UK only.
Cambridge Assessment English offers a suite of globally available examinations including General English: Key English Test (KET), Preliminary English Test (PET), First Certificate in English (FCE), Certificate in Advanced English (CAE) and Certificate of Proficiency in English (CPE).
London Tests of English from Pearson Language Tests, a series of six exams each mapped to a level from the Common European Framework (CEFR) – see below.
Secondary Level English Proficiency test
MTELP (Michigan Test of English Language Proficiency), is a language certificate measuring a student's English ability as a second or foreign language. Its primary purpose is to assess a learner's English language ability at an academic or advanced business level.
Many countries also have their own exams. ESOL learners in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland usually take the national Skills for Life qualifications, which are offered by several exam boards. EFL learners in China may take the College English Test, the Test for English Majors (TEM), and/or the Public English Test System (PETS). People in Taiwan often take the General English Proficiency Test (GEPT). In Greece, English students may take the PALSO (PanHellenic Association of Language School Owners) exams.
The Common European Framework
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Between 1998 and 2000, the Council of Europe's language policy division developed its Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. The aim of this framework was to have a common system for foreign language testing and certification, to cover all European languages and countries.
The Common European Framework (CEF) divides language learners into three levels:
A. Basic User
B. Independent User
C. Proficient User
Each of these levels is divided into two sections, resulting in a total of six levels for testing (A1, A2, B1, etc.).
This table compares ELT exams according to the CEF levels:
CEF Level ALTE Level RQF Level PTE General Trinity College London ESOL GESE Trinity College London ESOL ISE UBELT exam IELTS Cambridge English Language Assessment BULATS Cambridge English Language Assessment BEC Cambridge English Language Assessment General Cambridge English Language Assessment YLE Cambridge English Language Assessment Skills for Life[67] CaMLA[68] C2 Level 5 Level 3 Level 5 Grade 12 ISE IV 4.0–5.0 8.5–9.0 90–100 n/a CPE n/a n/a ECPE C1 Level 4 Level 2 Level 4 Grade 10, 11 ISE III 3.0–3.5 7.0–8.0 75–89 Higher CAE n/a Level 2 MET, MELAB B2 Level 3 Level 1 Level 3 Grade 7, 8, 9 ISE II 2.0–2.5 5.5–6.5 60–74 Vantage FCE n/a Level 1 MET, MELAB, ECCE B1 Level 2 Entry 3 Level 2 Grade 5, 6 ISE I 1.5 4.0–5.0 40–59 Preliminary PET n/a Entry 3 MET, MELAB A2 Level 1 Entry 2 Level 1 Grades 3, 4 ISE 0 1.0 n/a 20–39 n/a KET Flyers Entry 2 MET, YLTE A1 Breakthrough Entry 1 Level A1 Grade 2 n/a <1.0 n/a 0-19 n/a n/a Movers Entry 1 YLTE
Qualifications for teachers
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Qualifications vary from one region or jurisdiction to the next. There are also different qualifications for those who manage or direct TESOL programs[69][70]
Non-native speakers
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Most people who teach English are in fact not native speakers[citation needed]. They are state school teachers in countries around the world, and as such, they hold the relevant teaching qualification of their country, usually with a specialization in teaching English. For example, teachers in Hong Kong hold the Language Proficiency Assessment for Teachers. Those who work in private language schools may, from commercial pressures, have the same qualifications as native speakers (see below). Widespread problems exist of minimal qualifications and poor quality providers of training, and as the industry becomes more professional, it is trying to self-regulate to eliminate these.[71]
Australian qualifications
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The Australian Skills Quality Authority[72] accredits vocational TESOL qualifications such as the 10695NAT Certificate IV in TESOL and the 10688NAT Diploma in TESOL. As ASQA is an Australian Government accreditation authority, these qualifications rank within the Australian Qualifications Framework.[73] And most graduates work in vocational colleges in Australia. These TESOL qualifications are also accepted internationally and recognized in countries such as Japan, South Korea, and China.
British qualifications
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Common, respected qualifications for teachers within the United Kingdom's sphere of influence include certificates and diplomas issued by Trinity College London ESOL and Cambridge English Language Assessment (henceforth Trinity and Cambridge).
A certificate course is usually undertaken before starting to teach. This is sufficient for most EFL jobs and for some ESOL ones. CertTESOL (Certificate in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages), issued by Trinity, and CELTA (Certificate in English Language Teaching to Adults), issued by Cambridge, are the most widely taken and accepted qualifications for new teacher trainees. Courses are offered in the UK and in many countries around the world. It is usually taught full-time over a one-month period or part-time over a period of up to a year.
Teachers with two or more years of teaching experience who want to stay in the profession and advance their career prospects (including school management and teacher training) can take a diploma course. Trinity offers the Trinity Licentiate Diploma in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (DipTESOL) and Cambridge offers the Diploma in English Language Teaching to Adults (DELTA). These diplomas are considered to be equivalent and are both accredited at level 7 of the revised National Qualifications Framework. Some teachers who stay in the profession go on to do an MA in a relevant discipline such as applied linguistics or ELT. Many UK master's degrees require considerable experience in the field before a candidate is accepted onto the course.
The above qualifications are well-respected within the UK EFL sector, including private language schools and higher education language provision. However, in England and Wales, in order to meet the government's criteria for being a qualified teacher of ESOL in the Learning and Skills Sector (i.e. post-compulsory or further education), teachers need to have the Certificate in Further Education Teaching Stage 3 at level 5 (of the revised NQF) and the Certificate for ESOL Subject Specialists at level 4. Recognised qualifications which confer one or both of these include a Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) in ESOL, the CELTA module 2, and City & Guilds 9488. Teachers of any subject within the British state sector are normally expected to hold a PGCE and may choose to specialise in ELT.
Canadian qualifications
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Teachers teaching adult ESL in Canada in the federally funded Language Instruction to Newcomers (LINC) program must be TESL certified. Most employers in Ontario encourage certification by TESL Ontario. Often this requires completing an eight-month graduate certificate program at an accredited university or college. See the TESL Ontario or TESL Canada websites for more information.
United States qualifications
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Some U.S. instructors at community colleges, private language schools and universities qualify to teach English to adult non-native speakers by completing a Master of Arts (MA) in TESOL. Other degrees may be a Master in Adult Education and Training or Applied Linguistics[74].[citation needed] This degree also qualifies them to teach in most EFL contexts. There are also a growing number of online programs offering TESOL degrees.[75] In fact, "the growth of Online Language Teacher Education (OLTE) programs from the mid-1990s to 2009 was from 20 to more than 120".[76]
In many areas of the United States, a growing number of K–12 public school teachers are involved in teaching ELLs (English Language Learners, that is, children who come to school speaking a home language other than English). The qualifications for these classroom teachers vary from state to state but always include a state-issued teaching certificate for public instruction. This state licensing requires substantial practical experience as well as course work. In some states, an additional specialization in ESL/ELL is required. This may be called an "endorsement". Endorsement programs may be part of a graduate program or maybe completed independently to add the endorsement to the initial teaching certificate
An MA in TESOL may or may not meet individual state requirements for K–12 public school teachers. It is important to determine if a graduate program is designed to prepare teachers for adult education or K–12 education.
The MA in TESOL typically includes second-language acquisition theory, linguistics, pedagogy, and an internship. A program will also likely have specific classes on skills such as reading, writing, pronunciation, and grammar. Admission requirements vary and may or may not require a background in education and/or language. Many graduate students also participate in teaching practica or clinicals, which provide the opportunity to gain experience in classrooms.[77]
In addition to traditional classroom teaching methods, speech pathologists, linguists, actors, and voice professionals are actively involved in teaching pronunciation of American English—called accent improvement, accent modification, and accent reduction—and serve as resources for other aspects of spoken English, such as word choice.
It is important to note that the issuance of a teaching certificate or license for K–12 teachers is not automatic following completion of degree requirements. All teachers must complete a battery of exams (typically the Praxis test or a specific state test subject and method exams or similar, state-sponsored exams) as well as supervised instruction as student teachers. Often, ESL certification can be obtained through extra college coursework. ESL certifications are usually only valid when paired with an already existing teaching certificate. Certification requirements for ESL teachers vary greatly from state to state; out-of-state teaching certificates are recognized if the two states have a reciprocity agreement.
The following document states the qualifications for an ESL certificate in the state of Pennsylvania.[78]
Chile qualifications
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Native speakers will often be able to find work as an English teacher in Chile without an ESL teaching certificate. However, many private institutes give preference to teachers with a TEFL, CELTA, or TESOL certificate. The Chilean Ministry of Education also sponsors the English Opens Doors program, which recruits native English speakers to come work as teaching assistants in Chilean public schools. English Opens Doors requires only a bachelor's degree in order to be considered for acceptance.
United Arab Emirates qualifications
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Native speakers must possess teacher certification in their home country in order to teach English as a foreign language in most institutions and schools in United Arab Emirates (UAE). Otherwise, CELTA/TESOL/TEFL/ Certificate or the like is required along with prior teaching experience.
Professional associations and unions
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TESOL International Association (TESOL) is a professional organization based in the United States. In addition, TESOL International Association has more than 100 statewide and regional affiliates in the United States and around the world, see below.
The International Association of Teachers of English as a Foreign Language (IATEFL) is a professional organization based in the United Kingdom.
Professional organizations for teachers of English exist at national levels. Many contain phrases in their title such as the Japan Association for Language Teaching (JALT), TESOL Greece in Greece, or the Society of Pakistan English Language Teachers (SPELT). Some of these organizations may be bigger in structure (supra-national, such as TESOL Arabia in the Gulf states), or smaller (limited to one city, state, or province, such as CATESOL in California). Some are affiliated with TESOL or IATEFL.
The National Association for Teaching English and other Community Languages to Adults (NATECLA) which focuses on teaching ESOL in the United Kingdom.
National Union of General Workers is a Japanese union which includes English teachers.
University and College Union is a British trade union which includes lecturers of ELT.
Acronyms and abbreviations
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See also: Language education
Note that some of the terms below may be restricted to one or more countries, or may be used with different meanings in different countries, particularly the US and UK. See further discussion is Terminology, and types above.
Types of English
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1-to-1 - One to one lesson
BE – Business English
EAL – English as an additional language
EAP – English for academic purposes
EFL – English as a foreign language
EE - Extramural English
EIL – English as an international language (see main article at International English)
ELF – English as a lingua franca, a common language that is not the mother tongue of any of the participants in a discussion
ELL – English language learner
ELT – English language teaching
ESL – English as a second language
ESOL – English for speakers of other languages
ESP – English for specific purposes, or English for special purposes (e.g. technical English, scientific English, English for medical professionals, English for waiters)
EST – English for science and technology (e.g. technical English, scientific English)
TEFL – Teaching English as a foreign language. This link is to a page about a subset of TEFL, namely travel-teaching. More generally, see the discussion in Terminology and types.
TESL – Teaching English as a second language
TESOL – Teaching English to speakers of other languages, or Teaching English as a second or other languages. Also the short name for TESOL International Association.
TYLE – Teaching Young Learners English. Note that "Young Learners" can mean under 18, or much younger.
Other abbreviations
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BULATS – Business Language Testing Services, a computer-based test of business English, produced by CambridgeEsol. The test also exists for French, German, and Spanish.
CELT – Certificate in English Language Teaching, certified by the National Qualifications Authority of Ireland (ACELS).
CELTA – Certificate in English Language Teaching to Adults
CELTYL – Certificate in English Language Teaching to Young Learners
Delta – Diploma in English Language Teaching to Adults
ECPE – Examination for the Certificate of Proficiency in English
IELTS – International English Language Testing System
LTE – London Tests of English by Pearson Language Tests
OLTE – Online Language Teacher Education
TOEFL – Test of English as a Foreign Language
TOEIC – Test of English for International Communication
UCLES – University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate, an exam board
ELICOS – English Language Intensive Courses for Overseas Students, commonly used in Australia
See also
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Education portal
Language portal
Spanish as a second or foreign language
Language terminology
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Foreign language
Glossary of language teaching terms and ideas
Second language
Basic English
General language teaching and learning
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Applied linguistics
Contrastive rhetoric
Language education
Second-language acquisition
English language teaching and learning
[edit]
Assistant Language Teacher
Academic English
Non-native pronunciations of English
Structured English Immersion, a framework for teaching English language learners in public schools
Teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL)
Translanguaging
Contemporary English
[edit]
Comparison of American and British English
English language
English studies
International English
Dictionaries and resources
[edit]
Advanced learner's dictionary
Foreign language writing aid
Statistics
[edit]
EF English Proficiency Index
References and notes
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Further reading
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9 reasons why English is a difficult language to learn
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Many students find that learning the English language is not easy. English language learners may struggle to pronounce English, to learn English grammar, to memorize the meanings of English words, or to use the right metaphors or idioms. In this article, we’ll talk about some of the specific features of English that language learners often struggle to master, and explain why those specific language skills are so difficult to learn. English is the most studied language in the world, with over a billion second-language speakers worldwide. The English language, which was born in England, is now spoken globally, and in many places it functions as a “lingua franca” (or shared language) between people from different language backgrounds. As a result, many students today are learning English so they can work for international businesses, engage in international politics, travel the world, or just watch their favorite movies and TV shows. Interested in learning about some of the challenges that English learners face? Read on!
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Many students find that learning the English language is not easy. English language learners may struggle to pronounce English, to learn English grammar, to memorize the meanings of English words, or to use the right metaphors or idioms. In this article, we’ll talk about some of the specific features of English that language learners often struggle to master, and explain why those specific language skills are so difficult to learn. English is the most studied language in the world, with over a billion second-language speakers worldwide. The English language, which was born in England, is now spoken globally, and in many places it functions as a “lingua franca” (or shared language) between people from different language backgrounds. As a result, many students today are learning English so they can work for international businesses, engage in international politics, travel the world, or just watch their favorite movies and TV shows. Interested in learning about some of the challenges that English learners face? Read on!
1. English is not similar to your native language
Learning English will be most difficult for students whose native language is very different from English. The more different your native language is from English, the more you will have to learn in terms of vocabulary, grammar, pronunciation, and cultural knowledge.
English belongs to a large group of languages called the “Indo-European Languages,” which includes most languages of Europe and some from the Middle East and the Indian Subcontinent as well. In general, speakers of Indo-European languages will have an easier time learning English because they will recognize familiar vocabulary and grammar. However, some Indo-European languages (e.g., German, French, Norwegian) are closer to English than others (e.g., Persian, Hindi, Kurdish), so this isn’t a guarantee.
But if your native language is not an Indo-European language, then you’re probably going to struggle a lot more to learn English words, grammar, and pronunciation. The next several list items will outline aspects of English grammar that require a lot of memorization or which are unusual in the world’s languages, and so can present difficulties for learners from a wide range of backgrounds.
2. English verb tenses take practice
Learning when to use different English verb tenses is notoriously difficult for English language students. The reason English verb tenses are so tricky is that they carry a lot of information about when and how something happened. It’s more complicated than just past, present, and future!
Let’s look at some examples:
Emily had cried when Patrick walked into the room.
Emily was crying when Patrick walked into the room.
Emily had been crying when Patrick walked into the room.
Emily had cried when Patrick walked into the room.
In all four sentences above, Emily cried at some point in the past, so the verb to cry appears in the “past tense” in all four sentences. However, did you notice that in each verb looks a little different and in each sentence, there is a slightly different relationship between the timing of the two different past events?
In the first three sentences, Emily started crying before Patrick entered, while in the final sentence, the two things happened at the same time.
In sentences 2 and 3, Emily was finished crying by the time Patrick walked in, but there’s a difference between these two as well!
In the second sentence, we’re focusing more on the fact Emily cried for a period of time.
In the third sentence, we’re more focused on the simple fact that she cried.
Can you see how it might be tricky to learn all the nuances of these differences? To use the correct English verb tense, you need to keep in mind both the tense of the verb (when it happened compared to now: past/present/future) and the “aspect” of the verb (which describes how that event overlapped with other events or times under discussion).
This is a lot to keep in your head all at once, so it’s no wonder that picking the right tense can be very confusing for students who are just starting out!
3. Choosing when to use which article is difficult
Deciding when and how to use articles in English (a, an, the) is usually challenging for English learners. Articles are difficult for English learners because using them correctly requires you to get inside the mind of the person that you’re talking to. What does this mean?
Most English teachers and learners will tell you to use a(n) for something that isn’t specific and the for something that is specific. But the story is actually more complicated than that. Let’s look at an example:
The mailman came into the shop today and bought an iced vanilla latte.
A mailman came into the shop today and bought an iced vanilla latte.
In both of these sentences, a specific person came into the shop. The difference is that in the first example (“The mailman…”), the speaker is assuming that the person being addressed will know the mailman in question. Maybe he’s the mailman who regularly delivers mail to the coffee shop! But in the second example (“A mailman…”), we can assume that the person being addressed does not know the mailman in question.
In order to use the correct article, therefore, you need to know how much information someone has about a given situation, and adjust your language accordingly. If your listener can pick out the specific person or item you are referring to, then you use the. If your listener can’t or doesn’t need to pick it out, you use a(n). This may sound simple, but using articles correctly can be a challenge, especially for learners whose native languages don’t require a choice between “specific” and “not specific”.
There are other things to learn when it comes to articles. Some proper nouns must always be accompanied by articles (ex: the Bahamas, the Miami Heat) while others cannot have them (ex: Charles, New Hampshire). Sometimes we leave out articles after prepositions (ex: at school, in prison, after lunch), while some types of nouns, like mass nouns (milk, knowledge, grass), can’t occur with a(n). These exceptions must simply be memorized, and learning these rules can be tricky!
4. Phrasal verbs are unpredictable
Phrasal verbs are verbs made up of more than one word, usually a classic verb (ex: put, kick, move) and a preposition (ex: out, over, up). English is packed with phrasal verbs, and learning how to use them correctly requires a lot of practice. There are two main reasons why learning phrasal verbs can be tricky.
Reason 1: Most phrasal verbs are idioms, meaning you cannot reliably guess the meaning of a phrasal verb just from the meaning of its parts. Let’s look at some of the phrasal verbs based on the verb “to pick.” Notice that while you might be able to predict a few of these meanings based on the meaning of the preposition (ex: pick up, pick apart), most of them have meanings that need to be memorized.
Reason 2: Different phrasal verbs follow different grammar rules. As you can see in the examples below, some phrasal verbs can be split apart while others cannot. Learners simply have to memorize which phrasal verbs belong to each group. Let’s look at some examples:
These phrasal verbs can be split apart:
These phrasal verbs cannot be split apart:
Because phrasal verbs require a lot of memorization, both in terms of what they mean and how they’re used, these types of verbs are often a hurdle for language learners.
5. Negative sentences and questions are challenging
English questions (What does Ken like?) and negative sentences (Ken does not like cheese) are usually challenging for language learners. Questions and negative sentences in English are so difficult because they can have a different word order and sometimes involve changing the form of a verb.
We can see this when we compare the word order of a question to the regular sentence you would use to answer it. Have a look at these examples:
Is Ken eating cheese?
Ken is eating cheese.
What is Ken eating?
Ken is eating cheese.
Who is eating cheese?
Ken is eating cheese.
Did Ken eat cheese?
Ken ate cheese.
What did Ken eat?
Ken ate cheese.
We can also see this when we compare the negative form of a sentence with the positive form:
Ken is eating cheese.
Ken is not eating cheese.
Ken ate cheese.
Ken did not eat cheese.
If you want to correctly form English questions and negative sentences, you need to learn the rules for changing verbs and word order! These rules take a lot of practice, especially for learners coming from languages which may not alter the word order or verb forms at all in order to form these types of sentences.
6. English spelling is confusing
English spelling is one of the most difficult things for English language learners to master. English speakers like to think that we spell things the way they sound, but there are a lot of exceptions. There are places where the same sound is spelled differently in different words (ex: bread and bed), or the same spelling has different pronunciations in different words (ex: fig and sigh). There are lots of silent letters (ex: who, ride, psychology) and sometimes groups of letters have unpredictable pronunciations (ex: gh in rough, ch in chemistry).
Learning to spell and to pronounce words can take a lot of work (even for native English speakers), and is especially tough if you’re just starting out!
Here’s an example of how confusing English spelling can be:
Did you know that, if you wanted to, you could spell the word fish as ghoti? Seems a little ridiculous, right? But let me show you how:
The word “enough” ends with an f sound, so gh can be pronounced f.
The o in the word “women” is pronounced more like an i, so let’s use o next!
In words like “ignition,” the ti sounds like an sh, so we’ll use that at the end.
Put that all together, and we get: gh+o+ti → fish!
You can see why English spelling might be hard to learn!
There are several reasons why English spelling is a bit of a mess:
Depending on the dialect someone speaks, English uses between 16 and 25 different vowel sounds, but we only have 5-6 letters to use to write them (a, e, i, o, u, (y)). This means that we have to get creative about showing which sound each vowel represents! Can you hear all the different vowels in: beat, bit, bait, bet, bat, bot, boot, boat, bite, but, and bought?
English borrows words from a lot of different languages, and sometimes uses their original spellings, even when those other languages follow different spelling rules. Just think about words like faux or psychology!
English words are usually spelled the way they were pronounced in the mid-1500s, since that was when we decided on the “correct spelling.” Often, silent letters represent sounds that used to be pronounced (e.g., knife used to be pronounced “kuh-neef-uh!”)
English spelling is fun for those of us who like to study the history of languages, but it can be quite a bummer for people who are learning to spell English!
7. English idioms are everywhere
Learning how to use and understand English idioms is crucial if you want to use English in the real world. Idioms are set phrases whose meaning you cannot usually predict, even if you know the meanings of each word in the phrase. Because the meanings of idiomatic phrases must be memorized separately from the meanings of words, idioms can be a fly in the ointment for people trying to learn English!
Did you see that? I used an idiom! The English phrase “a fly in the ointment” can be used to describe any annoying circumstance that causes problems in an otherwise good plan (just like idioms can cause problems for your plan to learn English!) It is an idiom because it doesn’t refer to actual flies getting stuck in actual ointment!
English learners need to learn idioms because idioms are everywhere in English. Have a look at the sort of “pep talk” a coach might give his losing basketball team:
“Here’s the deal, team. I know you all expected winning this game to be a piece of cake, but now, here we are, 30 points down in the second half. So I’m going to need you all to step up and chip in so we can win this game! We haven’t missed the boat on winning this tournament yet! Come on, guys, let’s blow them out of the water!”
Let’s look at the meanings of all those idioms!
English courses often focus on teaching students how to assemble literal sentences (sentences that mean what you’d expect them to mean). As a result, many English language learners are left to learn to use non-literal language, like idioms, outside the classroom, through conversations with native speakers, watching movies, or reading books. This can mean that even learners who do very well in a classroom setting will struggle with things like idioms when they start using English in the real world.
One of the best ways to learn to use any language naturally is to consume media in the language you’re trying to learn. So if you’re trying to learn English idioms, try reading a book, listening to a podcast, watching TV shows or movies, or even just spending time on English-language social media!
8. English has irregular verbs and plurals can surprise you
Learning to use irregular verbs and irregular plurals is difficult for most English language learners because it requires a lot of memorization. Irregular words are those that do not follow “conventional” grammar rules.
For example:
Sing is an irregular verb because the past tense is sang and not singed
Mouse has an irregular plural form because the plural of mouse is mice, not mouses
Learning to use regular verbs and plurals is quite easy. Once you’ve learned the pluralization rule (add -s or -es) and the past tense rule (add -ed), all you need to do is plug new words into each rule. You know that the plurals of fox, cup, and table are foxes, cups, and tables, and that the past tenses of walk, meow, and toss, are walked, meowed, and tossed.
But you cannot do the same thing with irregular verbs and plurals. With irregular words, each word must be memorized on its own. You just have to memorize that the plural forms of man, loaf, and fish, are men, loaves, and fish, and you just have to memorize that the past tense forms of is, bring, and have are was, brought, and had! There are some tips and tricks you can use to learn English irregular plurals and irregular verbs, but even if you learn these tricks, you’ll probably need to spend some time with your flashcards!
All languages have irregular words and English doesn’t have any more than is normal. But learning them for the first time still requires a lot of memorization, which can be quite a hurdle!
9. English has a large and diverse vocabulary
Most linguists would tell you that English has a larger and more diverse vocabulary than most other grammatically similar languages. The size and diversity of the vocabulary of English presents several different challenges to English language learners.
The 1989 full edition of the Oxford English Dictionary contains over 250,000 individual entries. This means that there are at least a quarter-million words in English. That’s a lot of words!
Now, most English learners don’t need to learn anywhere close to 250,000 words in order to function on a day-to-day basis. Researchers estimate that most native English speakers can only actively use somewhere between 15,000 and 60,000 words. But even that is a lot to learn. Because English has so many words, memorizing enough vocabulary to sound fluent takes a long time.
English is spoken all over the world, and it has long been spoken by people from a wide variety of language backgrounds. Before English started spreading all over the world, it already had its own complete vocabulary. But as English has acquired new speakers, it has also acquired new words from all of those new speakers’ native languages. The result is that, today, words of English origin make up less than 25% of our modern vocabulary!
The diversity of English’s vocabulary not only means that English language students have more words to learn; students must also learn a lot of grammar and spelling exceptions that are associated with borrowed words. Words that come from non-English languages often follow slightly different rules from words that are native to English.
For example, if a noun is borrowed from Latin or Greek, we usually don’t follow the normal English pluralization rule (add an -s), and instead follow these rules:
The size and diversity of the English vocabulary therefore not only presents challenges to learners’ ability to memorize words, but also to their ability to remember grammatical and spelling exceptions.
What are some tips for learning English easily?
The best way to learn English is to find the type of course or learning materials that fit your lifestyle. You can learn English with a face-to-face course, from a good series of recorded lessons, by reading books or online articles, or by using an app like Mango! If you are just starting out, try to find a course taught in your native language.
Learning English with Mango? We offer English courses taught in a variety of languages, including:
Bengali
Hatian Creole
Hmong
Chinese (Mandarin, Cantonese)
Arabic (MSA, Egyptian)
Armenian
French
German
Greek
Italian
Japanese
Korean
Polish
Portuguese
Russian
Somali
Spanish
Turkish
Vietnamese
Learning English requires the same skills as learning any other language. So if you follow all the methods for learning English that we discussed in our Comprehensive Guide to Learning a Language, you’ll be all ready to learn English as easily as possible!
How hard is it to study English?
While some things about learning English are hard, the good news is that it is easy to find opportunities to study English. English is the most studied second language in the world (with over a billion second-language speakers worldwide!), so you should be able to easily find courses, books, apps, online lessons, and many other resources wherever you are.
You’ll still have to work hard if you want to learn English, but at least you won’t need to struggle to find materials and courses to help you along the way!
What is the most challenging part of learning English?
Most English language learners will find it challenging to learn English verb tenses, phrasal verbs, articles, spelling, pronunciation, and idioms. This is because these are features of English that are very different from most other languages in the world, or which simply require a lot of memorization.
Keep in mind that the languages you already speak affect what about English is difficult for you. The things that will be most difficult for you are the things that English does very differently from your native language.
For example, in Persian, there is only one pronoun for humans, ,او [ oo ](he/she) which can be applied to both men and women. If Persian is your native language, then you might have to work hard to remember to use he and she appropriately, because it’s not something you have had to think about doing before. However, speakers of Spanish would not struggle with this at all, as Spanish also has a distinction between masculine and feminine pronouns ( él(he)/ ella(she)), and so this feature of English seems only natural.
Because speakers of different languages will run into different sorts of challenges when learning English, it can be helpful to find an English course that is designed specifically for learners who speak your native language. This is why Mango’s English courses, designed specifically for speakers of Spanish, or Mandarin, or German, or Somali (etc.), are the best sorts of courses to take!
What is the average length of time it takes to learn English?
According to ALTE (Association of Language Testers in Europe), it takes 500-600 hours of study to learn English to an upper intermediate level (B2) and up to 1,200 hours of study to gain proficiency (C2). The ALTE estimates of how long it takes for a total beginner to achieve various levels of English mastery are given below:
CEFR Level
CEFR Level Name
Hours of Study
A1
Beginner
90-100 hours
A2
Elementary
180-200 hours
B1
Intermediate
350-400 hours
B2
Upper Intermediate
500-600 hours
C1
Advanced
700-800 hours
C2
Proficient
1,000-1,200 hours
The proficiency levels above are determined according to the Common European Framework of language Reference (CEFR). This is the most common language proficiency ranking system applied to most European languages.
Just like any language, the amount of time it will take one particular person to learn English can vary. The speed at which one person can learn English depends on many factors. If you want to learn more about how to speed up the process of learning a language, check out one of these articles:
Summing it all up!
There are lots of things about English that can make it difficult to learn, like verb tenses, articles, and idioms – to name a few.
We hope that this overview has been helpful and that the tips we’ve given you point you in the right direction. Be sure to check out some of our other articles for some tricks and strategies that can help you or your friends to learn English (or any other language) quickly!
Start Learning
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6 Types of Language Learner: Which Group Are You In? – Speak to learn English
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https://howdoyou.do/6-types-of-language-learner-which-group-are-you-in/
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Hey, you there!
Yeah, YOU. Reading this article.
Who are you?
Or rather, what kind of language learner are you?
“Kinds? There are kinds?” you may ask.
Oh, sure. Many kinds. In the age of the Internet, language learning as both a hobby and a professional pursuit is more widespread than ever before. With more language learners, have come more distinctions between those same learners, with a wider range of skill levels and interests.
If you’re new to the language learning community, sorting out exactly who’s who and what’s what with regard to these types of “language people” can be a bit of a headache.
On any given language blog, course, or YouTube channel, you’ll see terms like these:
Language learner, language nerd, language lover, language enthusiast, language fanatic, language nut, language hacker, language buff, linguaphile, polyglot, polyNot, superpolyglot, hyperglot, hyperpolyglot, monolingual, bilingual, trilingual, quadrilingual, pentalingual, (etc.); multilingual, and linguist.
Some of these words share the exact same meaning. Others have completely different meanings. To make matters worse, several of these words have meanings that can change drastically depending on who you are speaking to and the context in which they are being used.
It’s about time that we sort out all the terminology for types of foreign language learners once and for all.
Luckily, all of the terms above can fit neatly into six types of language learners.
In this two-part series, we’re going to take a look at each type, going from least amount of language learning experience to most (at least theoretically).
Once you understand these terms, you’ll be able to orient yourself and know exactly which group (or groups) you currently fit into within the language learning community.
The 6 Types of Language Learner
The 6 types of language learner we will discuss here are as follows:
Language Enthusiast
Language Learner
Bilingual (also Monolingual, Trilingual, Quadrilingual, etc.)
Linguist
Polyglot
Hyperpolyglot
What is a Language Enthusiast?
According to the Oxford Dictionary of Current English, an enthusiast is “a person who is highly interested in a particular activity or subject”. Since our subject of choice is language learning, that gives us this definition:
A person who is highly interested in learning a language.
Quite literally all types of language learners, by definition, are language enthusiasts. You can’t learn a language without having some kind of focused interest in it, after all. So that means everyone, from the kid who thinks languages are kinda cool, to the veteran hyperpolyglot with a linguistic repertoire forty languages deep, is a language enthusiast.
The important differentiator between a language enthusiast and any of the learners in the other categories is that a language enthusiast is not necessarily a language learner.
Just because someone has an interest in something doesn’t mean they actually do it themselves.
Think about it. There are a lot of sports fans in the world, but a very small percentage of sports fans actually play those sports themselves. The same logic applies here.
So, in effect, the true language enthusiasts are people who like the idea of languages or language learning, but have yet to take the step of actually learning one. Essentially, they are non-language learners.
Maybe they know how to count to ten in Farsi, Fijian, French, and Faroese, but otherwise cannot use those languages. Perhaps they know a few odd greetings or salutations in Chinese and Cherokee, but can’t yet string a sentence together.
For these people, the enthusiasm is there, but the true learning has yet to begin.
Associated Terms
Under the umbrella of terms that specifically connote a general enthusiasm for languages that does not require language learning experience, I would place the following:
Language Nerd
Language Lover
Language Fan (or Fanatic)
Language Nut
Language Buff
Linguaphile
What is a Language Learner?
A language learner is, quite simply:
A person who is learning a language.
Unlike true language enthusiasts, the language learner is an individual who has made the jump from wanting to learn a language to actually learning languages.
Though it may seem like an obvious distinction, you’ll find that there are many more language enthusiasts in the world than there are dedicated language learners.
In many cultures, having knowledge of foreign languages is seen as impressive, or otherwise cool. However, learning a language also has a reputation for being a difficult task, so although many people are interested in languages, less actually undertake the challenge with any seriousness.
That being said, if you find yourself in this group, you’re already way ahead of most people — particularly if you live in a monolingual country.
Aside from the non-language learners described above, all groups described in this article are language learners, regardless of their individual experience.
Formal Education vs. Informal Education
All of the world’s language learners fall along a spectrum according to the manner in which their target languages were acquired.
Language learners are either formally educated in foreign languages, informally educated in foreign languages, or some combination of the two.
Formal education is where most people are first introduced to the concept of foreign language learning. Outside the native-speaking anglophone world, this education takes the form of instruction in the English language, which begins at a very young age. Within the anglophone world, language instruction generally begins somewhat later, typically in major European languages like French, German, and Spanish.
In the majority of cases, a language learner’s formal language education will be overseen by certified language teachers.
These teachers will guide instruction in a wide variety of settings. These range from classrooms in public and private primary and secondary schools, to lecture halls in colleges and universities. Certain learners may also receive private one-on-one tutoring from professional tutors both online and in-person.
Informal education lies at the other end of the language learning spectrum.
Unlike its formal counterpart, informal education does not require that a learner be educated by a teacher. Instead, the informally educated learner seeks to educate himself.
According to the Oxford definition, when a learner is “educated largely through one’s own efforts, rather than by formal instruction” he or she can be described as self-educated, self-taught, or as an autodidact.
Take note that the above definition says that the self-taught person is educated “largely” through one’s own efforts, and not “entirely”. This distinction is important, because it is practically impossible to educate yourself without some input from outside sources.
In fact, even if you’re not relying on a professional teacher or tutor to learn from, you will certainly have to refer to a range of language learning resources to grow your skills. This means that, in some sense, you will always have a “teacher”—whether it be a textbook, a course, or even a native-speaking language partner!
So, the point of self-driven, informal education is not that you’re learning without a teacher, but that you—and no one else—are the one deciding what to learn, and when and how to learn it.
Associated Terms
In addition to all of the terms in the Language Enthusiast section of this post, I want to add a single term that is used to describe a specific type of language learner: the language hacker.
This is a a term popularized by language blogger Benny Lewis, that is used to refer to someone who engages in Language Hacking, his particular style of language learning.
According to Benny, Language Hacking is the use of “shortcuts that get you fluent faster” and “get you speaking right from day one”.
Ok, so we’ve described groups of people who haven’t started learning a language (language enthusiasts) and those who have (language learners).
With our next term, bilingual, is where things get a bit more complicated.
What Does it Mean to Be Bilingual?
We’ve reached our first term with several radically different definitions. This is where a lot of confusion begins, so let’s examine the terms carefully.
Oxford tells us that a bilingual person is one who “[speaks] two languages fluently.”
For a dictionary definition, this is surprisingly unhelpful, as any real understanding of this definition would rely on a common, universal understanding of what the word “fluently” (or fluency) means—an understanding which, as I’ve argued elsewhere, does not exist.
Since fluency means vastly different things to different people, the common usage of the term bilingual has three separate definitions:
1. Someone who speaks two languages – This is the undisputed general definition that all uses of bilingual have in common. This is because bilingual is an adjective that comes from Latin “bi” (meaning “two”) and “lingua” (meaning “tongue”, or “language”).
2. Someone who speaks two languages well – If you take fluency to simply mean “with ease, or facility”, anyone who speaks a single foreign language reasonably well can be said to be bilingual in this way.
3. Someone who speaks two languages natively – This definition does not imply any mastery of a foreign language, but instead that a given individual has two mother tongues, two native languages, or two “first languages” (L1s). According to this definition, if you did not acquire two native languages as a child (or before the Critical Period, as some claim), you cannot become bilingual. For example, almost anything written about bilingual children is using this definition of the term.
Anytime you see the word bilingual used or mentioned, seek out clarification in order to identify which of these three definitions are being implied.
A Note on Multilingualism
As I mentioned above (in definition #1) , the word bilingual is simply a word that refers to the number of languages that one speaks (in this case, two.)
Following the same morphological patterns, you may often see references to a whole host of other “-linguals”, including:
Monolingual (Speaks 1 language)
Bilingual (Speaks 2 languages)
Trilingual (Speaks 3 Languages)
Quadrilingual (Speaks 4 Languages)
Pentalingual (Speaks 5 Languages)
The above pattern can be continued indefinitely (any centilinguals out there?), but typically anything past trilingual is pretty rarely used, even among language learners.
Another similar term is multilingual, which means someone who speaks many languages.
For any term ending in “-lingual”, the meanings can range from simply being able to use those languages to being a native speaker of them, and anywhere in between. As above, if you see these terms used in writing or speech, be sure to double-check which of these meanings is intended.
Coming Up Next
By now, you should have a good grasp of our first three types of language learner: the language enthusiast, the language learner, and the bilingual person.
Which do you belong to? Just one? Two? All three?
Remember: wherever you fall within these groups, you can always progress in your skills and join the others, too. It’s just a matter of time, effort, and dedication, but you will get there.
Stay tuned for our next post, in which we explore the remaining three types of language learner—the linguist, the polyglot, and the hyperpolyglot!
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Kids store 1.5 megabytes of information to master their native language
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New research from UC Berkeley suggests that language acquisition between birth and 18 is a remarkable feat of cognition, rather than something humans are just hardwired to do.
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https://vcresearch.berkeley.edu/news/kids-store-15-megabytes-information-master-their-native-language
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Learning one’s native language may seem effortless. One minute, we’re babbling babies. The next we’re in school reciting Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech or Robert Frost’s poem “Fire and Ice.”
But new research from UC Berkeley suggests that language acquisition between birth and 18 is a remarkable feat of cognition, rather than something humans are just hardwired to do.
Researchers calculated that, from infancy to young adulthood, learners absorb approximately 12.5 million bits of information about language — about two bits per minute — to fully acquire linguistic knowledge. If converted into binary code, the data would fill a 1.5 MB floppy disk, the study found.
The findings, published today in the Royal Society Open Science journal, challenge assumptions that human language acquisition happens effortlessly, and that robots would have an easy time mastering it.
“Ours is the first study to put a number on the amount you have to learn to acquire language,” said study senior author Steven Piantadosi, an assistant professor of psychology at UC Berkeley. “It highlights that children and teens are remarkable learners, absorbing upwards of 1,000 bits of information each day.”
For example, when presented with the word “turkey,” a young learner typically gathers bits of information by asking, “Is a turkey a bird? Yes, or no? Does a turkey fly? Yes, or no?” and so on, until grasping the full meaning of the word “turkey.”
A bit, or binary digit, is a basic unit of data in computing, and computers store information and calculate using only zeroes and ones. The study uses the standard definition of eight bits to a byte.
“When you think about a child having to remember millions of zeroes and ones (in language), that says they must have really pretty impressive learning mechanisms,” Piantadosi said.
Piantadosi and study lead author Frank Mollica, a Ph.D. candidate in cognitive science at the University of Rochester, sought to gauge the amounts and different kinds of information that English speakers need to learn their native language.
They arrived at their results by running various calculations about language semantics and syntax through computational models. Notably, the study found that linguistic knowledge focuses mostly on the meaning of words, as opposed to the grammar of language.
“A lot of research on language learning focuses on syntax, like word order,” Piantadosi said. “But our study shows that syntax represents just a tiny piece of language learning, and that the main difficulty has got to be in learning what so many words mean.”
That focus on semantics versus syntax distinguishes humans from robots, including voice-controlled digital helpers such as Alexa, Siri and Google Assistant.
“This really highlights a difference between machine learners and human learners,” Piantadosi said. “Machines know what words go together and where they go in sentences, but know very little about the meaning of words.”
As for the question of whether bilingual people must store twice as many bits of information, Piantadosi said this is unlikely in the case of word meanings, many of which are shared across languages.
“The meanings of many common nouns like ‘mother’ will be similar across languages, and so you won’t need to learn all of the bits of information about their meanings twice,” he said.
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https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/5502-aphasia
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Aphasia: Types, Causes, Symptoms & Treatment
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https://my.clevelandclinic.org/-/scassets/images/org/health/articles/5502-aphasia
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https://my.clevelandclinic.org/-/scassets/images/org/health/articles/5502-aphasia
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Aphasia is a brain disorder that disrupts how you speak or understand others talking. This happens because of other conditions, especially brain damage from stroke.
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https://my.clevelandclinic.org/assets/imgs/favicon.ico
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Cleveland Clinic
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https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/5502-aphasia
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What is aphasia?
Aphasia is a disorder where you have problems speaking or understanding what other people say. It usually happens because of damage to part of your brain but can also happen with conditions that disrupt how your brain works. There are also multiple types of aphasia. The location of the damage in your brain determines the type of aphasia you have.
This condition is almost always a symptom of another problem, such as a stroke or traumatic brain injury. It can also happen as a temporary effect of conditions like migraines. Aphasia is often treatable, especially when the underlying condition is treatable or can heal on its own.
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What is the difference between aphasia vs. dysarthria, dysphasia or apraxia?
Aphasia is a condition that has a connection or an overlap with several other speech-related disorders and problems, such as dysarthria, dysphasia and apraxia.
Aphasia: This is the overall term for a brain-connected problem with language abilities, including speaking or understanding other people speaking. Experts use this term for full or partial loss of language abilities.
Dysphasia (dis-fay-zh-ah): This is an outdated term for partial loss of language abilities from a brain-related problem. Use of this term isn't common in most places. A major part of why it fell out of use is the risk of confusion with the term “dysphagia” (see below).
Dysphagia (dis-fay-gee-uh): This is the medical term for a problem with swallowing. The ability to swallow relies on specific muscles to push food, liquid, medication, etc. down your throat. Dysphagia can happen with brain or nerve disorders or problems with the muscles themselves.
Dysarthria: This is when you have trouble speaking because you can’t fully control parts of your mouth, face and upper respiratory system. This can make you speak too loudly or softly, at uneven speeds, mispronounce words, or have unusual changes in pitch (changing between high- or deep-sounding voices).
Apraxia: This is a problem where you can’t do something even though you have learned how to do it or have done it before. An example would be suddenly not knowing how to use a key to open a locked door, even though you have no problem describing the action and still know how a lock and key work. People with apraxia often have trouble saying words correctly.
Who does it affect?
Aphasia can affect anyone who has damage to the areas of the brain that control your ability to speak or understand other people speaking. It’s more common in middle-aged and older adults — especially because of conditions like stroke — but it can also happen at any age.
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How common is this condition?
Aphasia is uncommon, with about 2 million people in the United States having this condition and about 180,000 more developing it each year. It does happen very commonly with certain conditions. An example of this is stroke, where nearly one-third of people with that condition also have some form of aphasia.
How does this condition affect my body?
Because this affects your ability to communicate, people with this condition often feel it's hard for others to understand them. This can cause a range of problems. Some are just minor annoyances, like not being able to ask for a glass of water. Others could become life-threatening misunderstandings, like not being able to tell someone that you’re having symptoms of a stroke.
What are the symptoms of aphasia?
There are multiple types of aphasia and aphasia-like conditions. While the symptoms of aphasia have many similarities, there are still some important differences. To understand how aphasia works, it helps to understand a little bit about two specific parts of the brain that work together when you talk:
Broca’s area: This part of the brain gets its name from the French physician who discovered it controls the muscles you use to speak. It’s part of your frontal lobe, usually on the left side just forward of your temple.
Wernicke’s area: This part of the brain gets its name from the German neurologist who discovered that it controls your ability to understand and select the right words to use when you talk. It’s part of your temporal lobe, also usually on your left side just above your ear.
These two areas of the brain work together to help you speak. Wernicke’s area processes your understanding of words and picks which ones you use, and then it sends signals to Broca's area. Once Broca’s area knows what words to use, it sends the signals to the muscles you use when you speak.
The main types of aphasia
There are eight main types of aphasia, and experts consider three main factors when determining which kind a person has. Those factors are:
Fluency. Do they speak smoothly and easily? Does their speech have the right pace, pitch, pronunciation and grammar? Can they also write without difficulty?
Understanding. Does the person understand what other people are saying? Do they say phrases and sentences that make sense? Can they also read and understand written words?
Repetition. Does the person have any trouble repeating words, phrases or complete sentences?
Broca’s aphasia
Also known as “non-fluent aphasia” or “expressive aphasia,” this is one of the more common forms of this condition. People with Broca’s aphasia usually have the following:
Loss of fluency. People with Broca’s aphasia struggle to form words. They may repeat words or simple phrases over and over (but struggle to or can’t repeat back something you say to them). People with the most severe cases can’t make any sounds (mutism) or can only make a single sound at a time.
Understanding is not affected. People with Broca’s aphasia can’t speak, but they can still understand what other people are saying. They also can tell that something is wrong with their ability to speak.
Struggle with repetition. Broca’s aphasia affects repetition, meaning a person with it might have trouble repeating back words or phrases you say to them.
Other symptoms: Damage to Broca’s area, especially from strokes, often also affects a nearby part of the brain that controls muscles for movement. Because of that, people with Broca’s aphasia are more likely to have at least some paralysis on one side of their body.
Wernicke’s aphasia
Also known as “fluent aphasia” or “receptive aphasia,” this is also a relatively common form of aphasia. People with Wernicke’s aphasia usually have the following:
Fluent speech. This means that they don’t have any trouble with the physical act of speaking. However, what they say is often confusing or doesn’t make sense. People with this may use the wrong words or make up words. Experts sometimes call this “word salad.”
Problems with understanding. People with this struggle to understand what others are saying. They might understand very simple sentences, but the more complex the sentence or phrase, the harder it is to understand.
Struggle with repetition. Wernicke’s aphasia affects repetition, meaning a person with it might struggle to repeat back words or phrases you say to them.
Other symptoms. Wernicke’s area of the brain is near parts of the brain that affect your sight, so people with this kind of aphasia often have vision problems, too. People with Wernicke’s aphasia also often have anosognosia (an-oh-sog-no-zh-uh), a condition where your brain can’t recognize or process signs of a medical problem you have. That means people with this often don’t know or can’t understand that they have this kind of aphasia.
Global aphasia
This is the most severe form of aphasia. It usually involves the following features.
Loss of fluency. People with global aphasia struggle with the physical act of speaking. People with the most severe forms of this might only make small or isolated sounds, or they might not make any sounds at all (mutism). They also may repeat words or simple phrases over and over (this is a problem with fluency, as they’ll still have trouble repeating back words or phrases you say to them).
Problems with understanding. People with this struggle to understand what others are saying. They might understand very simple sentences, but the more complex the sentence or phrase, the harder it is to understand.
Struggle with repetition. Global aphasia affects repetition, meaning a person with it might struggle to repeat back words or phrases you say to them.
Other symptoms: This kind of aphasia happens with conditions that cause severe brain damage, such as major strokes or head injuries. The damage is usually severe and affects multiple parts of the brain, causing other serious symptoms like one-sided paralysis, blindness and more.
Other forms of aphasia
Transcortical motor aphasia: This is similar to Broca's aphasia but usually not as severe. A key difference is that people with this don't have a problem repeating back phrases or sentences you say to them.
Transcortical sensory aphasia: This type is similar to Wernicke's aphasia but usually not as severe. Like with transcortical motor aphasia above, people with this type don't have a problem repeating back what you say. This type of aphasia is common with degenerative brain conditions like Alzheimer’s disease.
Conduction aphasia: This type of aphasia affects fluency but not understanding. People with this struggle to pronounce words, especially when trying to repeat something you say to them.
Mixed transcortical aphasia: This aphasia is like global aphasia, except that people with this can still repeat what people say to them.
Anomic aphasia: People with this kind of aphasia struggle to find words, especially names of objects or words that describe actions. To get around this problem, they often use several words to explain what they mean or non-specific words like "thing" instead.
Other conditions that involve or look like aphasia
Progressive primary aphasia (PPA). Though it has “aphasia” in the name, this is actually a degenerative brain disorder. People with this condition gradually lose the ability to speak, write, read or understand what others are saying. This is different from injury- or stroke-related aphasia, which doesn’t get worse over time. Different forms of PPA happen with diseases like frontotemporal dementia and Alzheimer’s disease.
Alexia (word blindness) and agraphia (inability to write). Damage to the parts of your brain that control your ability to speak can also affect your reading and writing abilities. People with alexia can see words but can't recognize or read them. People with agraphia lose the ability to write. These can happen at the same time, but in rare cases, people can have alexia without agraphia, meaning they can write words but then can't read what they wrote.
Auditory verbal agnosia. This is a condition where a person can hear people speaking but can't recognize that what they hear is other people talking. It happens when there's a disruption in an area of the brain that processes sound or spoken language.
What causes aphasia?
Aphasia can happen with any condition that damages the brain. It can also happen with problems that disrupt your brain’s functions. Possible causes for this include:
Alzheimer’s disease.
Aneurysms.
Brain surgery.
Brain tumors (including cancer).
Cerebral hypoxia (brain damage from lack of oxygen).
Concussion and traumatic brain injury.
Dementia and frontotemporal dementia.
Developmental disorders and congenital problems (conditions that you have when you’re born because of a problem during fetal development).
Epilepsy or seizures (especially if these cause permanent brain damage).
Genetic disorders (conditions you have at birth that you inherited from one or both parents, such as Wilson’s disease).
Inflammation of your brain (encephalitis) from viral or bacterial infections, or autoimmune conditions).
Migraines (this effect is temporary).
Radiation therapy or chemotherapy.
Toxins and poisons (such as carbon monoxide poisoning or heavy metal poisoning).
Strokes or transient ischemic attacks (TIAs).
Is it contagious?
Aphasia is not contagious. It can happen with some contagious conditions, but none of these will definitely cause aphasia.
How is aphasia treated, and is there a cure?
Unfortunately, there’s no direct cure for aphasia. However, it’s usually treatable in some way. The first step in treating aphasia is usually treating the condition that causes it. With conditions like stroke, quickly restoring blood flow to the affected area of the brain can sometimes limit or prevent permanent damage.
In cases where aphasia happens because of a temporary problem, such as from a concussion, migraine, seizure or some kind of infection, aphasia is often temporary, too. The aphasia usually gets better or goes away entirely as you recover and your brain heals with time and treatment.
For people who have long-term or permanent brain damage, like what happens with severe strokes, speech therapy can sometimes help a person's language abilities. These therapy options can also help a person with improving their understanding of others, and how to compensate for their aphasia. Speech therapy can also involve caregivers and loved ones, so they know how best to communicate with and help you.
What medications or treatments are used?
The medications or treatments for conditions that cause aphasia can vary widely. Because of that, your healthcare provider is the best source of information on the possible treatments that will help you. They can tailor the treatment options to your needs and circumstances. They'll also consider any underlying health conditions or preferences that might impact your care.
Complications or side effects of the treatment
The possible side effects or complications that can happen depend on what caused this condition in the first place and the specific treatments used. Your healthcare provider can explain the potential side effects or complications most likely in your specific case. You can also ask them more about what you can do to limit or even prevent side effects.
How to take care of myself or manage the symptoms?
Aphasia is a sign of damage or serious disruptions in your brain. Most conditions that cause aphasia are severe, and some are life-threatening medical emergencies. Because of that, you shouldn't try to self-diagnose aphasia. If you or someone you're with have aphasia-like symptoms, you should call 911 (or your local emergency services number) to get medical attention immediately.
How soon after treatment will I feel better?
The time it takes to recover from aphasia depends on what caused it, how long it’s likely to last and the treatments involved. Your healthcare provider is the best person to tell you more about the timeline for you to feel better and recover.
How do I take care of myself?
There are many ways that people with aphasia can help themselves or work around the effects of this condition.
People who have aphasia can also do the following to take care of themselves:
See your healthcare provider as recommended. Follow-up care can help monitor your condition and try to limit the effects.
Follow your provider’s treatment guidance. Examples include taking your medication as prescribed and going to speech therapy (if your provider recommends it).
Seek out support groups when possible. These kinds of support communities, either in-person or online, can help you learn from others with aphasia. Aphasia is also a communication problem, so people with it often feel isolated or alone. These groups can help you feel connected to others who understand your situation and struggles.
Look for alternate ways to communicate. For many people with aphasia — especially Broca’s aphasia —communicating through writing is helpful because it relies on parts of the brain that are usually unaffected.
Technology can help. Mobile devices like smartphones and tablets can help people with aphasia, offering them other ways to communicate without speaking aloud. There are even apps for those devices specifically designed to help people with aphasia (the National Aphasia Association has a "helpful materials" page, including a regularly updated list of recommended apps and devices).
Carry something that tells others that you have aphasia. An “aphasia ID” or informational card can help make communication easier in situations involving people who don’t know you or that you have this condition.
What can I do to help a loved one who has aphasia?
There are several tips for people who have a loved one with aphasia. Some of these tips can help make your loved one's life easier and help them connect and communicate. Others can encourage their recovery or improve how they adapt to their condition. Some things you can do include:
Be patient and understanding. If a loved one has aphasia, empower them by giving them time to communicate. Help them feel safe and encouraged. Let them make mistakes without correcting them, and give them time to finish speaking without interrupting or finishing their sentences. Help them if they ask for it but at first, let them try on their own.
Find ways to connect. Aphasia disrupts the ability to communicate, which often leads to feelings of severe isolation and loneliness. You can make a huge difference if you communicate with your loved one in ways that are easier and more comfortable for them.
Make it easier for them to communicate. Get their attention before you start talking, maintain eye contact and give them your full attention, and reduce background noise (like turning down the TV) if possible. Offer them alternate ways to communicate like writing, drawing, hand gestures or with smart devices if they prefer, and if doing so helps them.
Treat them with respect and dignity. People with aphasia can feel embarrassed or ashamed of their struggles with communicating. Treating them with respect and dignity can help with that. If they struggle to understand, you can talk to them using easier-to-understand words or sentences or by using yes/no questions (if that's what they prefer). You should avoid talking down to them or speaking so slowly that it’s insulting or hurtful. You should also avoid talking louder unless they ask you to do that.
When should I seek care?
If you gradually notice you have symptoms of aphasia, you should talk to a healthcare provider as soon as possible. You should also talk to your healthcare provider if you have aphasia symptoms that get worse over time. This is a sign of a degenerative brain disease rather than an injury or damage from conditions like stroke.
When should I go to the ER?
If aphasia symptoms appear suddenly, you should get emergency medical attention. When aphasia symptoms happen quickly or without warning, it can be a sign of stroke or another dangerous condition, so you should call 911 (or your local emergency services number) to get medical attention immediately.
You should also get help if you notice any of the symptoms of stroke (regardless of whether or not they happen along with symptoms of aphasia) in yourself or someone near you. Those symptoms include:
Weakness, numbness or paralysis on one side of the body.
Slurred or garbled speech.
Droop on one side of the face or vision loss in one eye.
Trouble swallowing.
Confusion, irritability or agitation.
Trouble focusing, thinking or remembering.
Sudden headache that is severe or keeps you from going about your usual activities.
A note from Cleveland Clinic
Aphasia is a condition that affects a person’s ability to communicate with others, making it hard for them to speak or to understand what other people are saying. Because of that, people with it commonly feel lonely, isolated or afraid. While aphasia might go away on its own (especially with treatment of the underlying problems), it’s sometimes a permanent condition. However, people with aphasia can learn to adapt to the condition with the help of speech therapy. Technology also offers new ways to help people with aphasia communicate. That means people living with aphasia can still build connections and communicate with those around them, which means people with this condition can still find ways to communicate and feel understood.
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https://southafrica-info.com/arts-culture/11-languages-south-africa/
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The 11 languages of South Africa
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2023-10-22T10:59:01+00:00
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South Africa has 11 official languages, and a multilingual population. IsiZulu and isiXhosa are the largest languages. English is spoken at home by 10% of the population.
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en
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South Africa Gateway
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https://southafrica-info.com/arts-culture/11-languages-south-africa/
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South Africa has 11 official languages and a multilingual population fluent in at least two. IsiZulu and isiXhosa are the largest languages, while English is spoken at home by only one in 10 people – most of them not white.
South Africa’s constitution recognises 11 official languages: Sepedi (also known as Sesotho sa Leboa), Sesotho, Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda, Xitsonga, Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu.
For centuries South Africa’s official languages were European – Dutch, English, Afrikaans. African languages, spoken by at least 80% of the people, were ignored. In 1996 South Africa’s new constitution gave official protection to all of the country’s major languages.
South Africa has about 34 historically established languages. Thirty are living languages, and four extinct Khoesan languages.
Jump to:
Overview of South Africa’s languages
IsiZulu is South Africa’s biggest language, spoken by almost a quarter (23%) of the population. Our other official languages are isiXhosa (spoken by 16%), Afrikaans (13.5%), English (10%), Sesotho sa Leboa (9%), Setswana and Sesotho (both 8%), Xitsonga (4.5%), siSwati and Tshivenda (both 2.5%), and isiNdebele (2%).
English is an urban language of public life, widely used in the media, business and government. Out of the 4.9-million South Africans who speak English as a first language, a third (33%) are white, a quarter (24%) are black, 22% are Indian and 19% are coloured South Africans. English is widely used as a second language and common language of communication, mainly in the cities.
Afrikaans is a version of Dutch that evolved out of a South Holland dialect brought here in the 1600s. Over the centuries it has picked up many influences from African languages, as well as from European colonial languages such as English, French and German. More than half (50.2%) of Afrikaans speakers are coloured, 40% are white, 9% black and just 1% Indian.
South Africa’s nine African official languages all fall into the Southern Bantu-Makua subfamily, part of the broad and branching Niger-Congo family of languages. The languages arrived here during the great expansion of Bantu-speaking people from West Africa eastwards and southwards into the rest of the continent. The expansion began in around 3000 BCE and was largely complete by 1000 CE.
Like all languages in the Niger-Congo family they are tonal languages, in which either a high or low tone gives a word a different meaning.
The nine African languages can be broadly divided in two:
Nguni-Tsonga languages: isiNdebele, isiXhosa, isiZulu, siSwati, Xitsonga
Sotho-Makua-Venda languages: Sesotho, Sesotho sa Leboa, Setswana, Tshivenda
Within the first group Xitsonga alone falls into the Tswa-Ronga subfamily, while isiZulu, isiXhosa, isNdebele and siSwati are Nguni languages.
Similarly, Sesotho, Sesotho sa Leboa and Setswana are closely related Sotho languages, and Tshivenda something of a standalone in the Sotho-Makua-Venda subfamily.
Multilingual South Africa
South Africans are more than bilingual. A rough estimate based on Census 2001 first-language data and a 2002 study of second-languages speakers is that the average South African – man, woman and child – uses 2.84 languages. Obviously, many people are limited to one, and many others able to speak three, four or more languages.
English- and Afrikaans-speaking people (mostly coloured, Indian and white South Africans) tend not to have much ability in African languages, but are fairly fluent in each other’s language. Multilingualism is common among black South Africans.
For this reason, South African censuses ask people which two languages they speak. The question in the 2011 Census was:
Which two languages does (member of household) speak most often in this household?
Thirteen options were given: South Africa’s 11 official languages, plus Sign Language, and “Other”. If a person did not speak a second language, that too was recorded.
The contrast between first language and second language is shown in the maps at right. While the geographical pattern of dominant first languages neatly conforms to the facts of history and urbanisation, the picture of second languages is more complicated, more of a mess.
The second map reveals a couple of things. The first is how few South Africans speak just one language. The second is that while English is the dominant first language only in the cities – Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban – it is widely used as a second language across the country. English is spread by the media and used as a common language of communication.
But many South Africans are compelled to learn English, and often Afrikaans as well, simply to get a job and to work. These are often poorer people denied an adequate education. Elsewhere in the world the ability to speak many languages is a sign of sophistication. In South Africa, multilingualism – a complex undertaking, especially in languages from very different families – is a common achievement of the poor.
Code-switching South Africa
Language is fluid, especially in South Africa. Our languages are and have been for centuries in a constant swirl, mixed by work, migration, education, urbanisation, the places we live, friendship and marriage.
Because of this, South Africans are a code-switching people. “Code switching” simply means using more than one language in a single conversation. Every adult South African does this at some time, even if they aren’t aware of it.
Here’s an example overheard at a football match. IsiZulu is in regular type, Afrikaans in bold and English in italics:
“I-Chiefs isidle nge-referee’s ngabe ihambe sleg.
Maar why benga stopi this system ye-injury time?”
A rough translation:
“Chiefs [the football club] have won because the referee favoured them. Otherwise, they would have lost.
But why is this system of injury time not stopped?”
Influenced by the other languages spoken around them, all of South Africa’s languages change and grow all the time.
Who speaks what?
Watch:
South Africa’s most recent census was in 2011. The following table gives a breakdown of first-language speakers, as recorded by the census.
South Africa’s 11 official languages
Language Subfamily 1st language share 1st language users 2nd language users All users Afrikaans Low Franconian 13.5% 6.9 million 10.3 million 17.2 million English West Germanic 9.6% 4.9 million 11.0 million 15.9 million isiNdebele Nguni 2.1% 1.1 million 1.4 million 2.5 million isiXhosa Nguni 16% 8.1 million 11.0 million 19.1 million isiZulu Nguni 22.7% 11.6 million 15.7 million 27.3 million Sesotho Sotho-Tswana 7.6% 3.8 million 7.9 million 11.8 million Sesotho sa Leboa (Sepedi) Sotho-Tswana 9.1% 4.6 million 9.1 million 13.8 million Setswana Sotho-Tswana 8% 4.1 million 7.7 million 11.8 million siSwati Nguni 2.5% 1.3 million 2.4 million 3.7 million Tshivenda Sotho-Makua-Venda 2.4% 1.2 million 1.7 million 2.9 million Xitsonga Tswa-Ronga 4.5% 2.3 million 3.4-million 5.7 million Source: Constitution Source: Glottolog Source: Census 2011 Source: Census 2011 Source: Webb 2002 Estimate
The languages of the provinces
The languages you hear in South Africa depend on where you are in the country.
In the Eastern Cape isiXhosa is spoken by 80% of the population. IsiZulu is the largest language in both KwaZulu-Natal, where 78% speak it, and Gauteng, where it makes up 20% of languages. Sesotho is the language of the Free State, spoken by 64% people there. And so on …
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The main languages of each province are:
Eastern Cape – isiXhosa (78.8%), Afrikaans (10.6%)
Free State – Sesotho (64.2%), Afrikaans (12.7%)
Gauteng – isiZulu (19.8%), English (13.3%), Afrikaans (12.4%), Sesotho (11.6%)
KwaZulu-Natal – isiZulu (77.8%), English (13.2%)
Limpopo – Sesotho sa Leboa (52.9%), Xitsonga (17%), Tshivenda (16.7%)
Mpumalanga – siSwati (27.7%), isiZulu (24.1%), Xitsonga (10.4%), isiNdebele (10.1%)
Northern Cape – Afrikaans (53.8%), Setswana (33.1%)
North West – Setswana (63.4%), Afrikaans (9%)
Western Cape – Afrikaans (49.7%), isiXhosa (24.7%), English (20.3%)
The languages
Unless otherwise indicated, all figures below are from Census 2011 and refer only to first language – the language spoken at home.
Afrikaans
Also known as: isiBhuru (isiNdebele), isiBhulu (isiXhosa), isiBhunu (isiZulu), siBhunu (siSwati), Seburu (Sesotho sa Leboa), Xibunu (Xitsonga)
First-language users: 6,855,082 (13.5% of South Africans)
Second-language users: 10,300,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 17,155,082 (estimate)
Afrikaans evolved out of a 17th-century Dutch dialect introduced to South Africa in 1652 when the Dutch first colonised the Cape of Good Hope. Today it is the majority language of the Northern Cape.
Afrikaans became an official language in South Africa with the Official Languages of the Union Act of 1925, which retroactively dated the language’s official status to 1910.
The 6,855,082 South Africans who speak Afrikaans as a first language make up 13.5% of the country’s total population. More than half (50.2%) of these Afrikaans speakers are coloured, 39.5% white, 8.8% black, 0.9% Indian or Asian, and 0.6% other.
More than three-quarters (75.8%) of coloured South Africans speak Afrikaans, as do almost two-thirds (60.8%) of whites. It is the home language of 4.6% of Indian or Asian people, and of 1.5% of black South Africans.
Afrikaans and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 41,000,938 4,615,401 1,286,930 4,586,838 280,454 51,770,560 Afrikaans speakers 602,166 3,442,164 58,700 2,710,461 41,591 6,855,082 Share of population 1.5% 75.8% 4.6% 60.8% 15.2% 13.5%
Most Afrikaans speakers (41%) live in the Western Cape, and 21% in Gauteng. Ten percent of all Afrikaans speakers live in the Eastern Cape, 8.8% in the Northern Cape, and 5% in the Free State.
Within the provinces, Afrikaans is the majority language in the Northern Cape (53.8%) and the Western Cape (49.7%). It makes up 12.7% of languages spoken in the Free State, 12.4% of Gauteng’s languages, 10.6% of languages in the Eastern Cape, 9% in North West, 7.2% in Mpumalanga, 2.6% in Limpopo and 1.6% in KwaZulu-Natal.
English
Also known as: Engels (Afrikaans), isiNgisi (isiNdebele and isiZulu), isiNgesi (isiXhosa), Senyesemane (Sesotho), Seisemane (Sesotho sa Leboa), siNgisi (siSwati), Xinghezi (Xitsonga)
First-language users: 4,892,623 (9.6% of South Africans)
Second-language users: 11,000,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 15,892,623 (estimate)
English is a prominent language in South African public life, widely used in government, business and the media. As a first language it is mainly confined to the cities.
In 1910 English and Dutch were declared the official languages of the new Union of South Africa. English has retained this official status ever since.
The 4,892,623 South Africans who speak English as a first language make up 9.6% of the country’s total population. Among first-language English speakers, 32.8% are white, 23.9% black, 22.4% Indian and 19.3% coloured.
The majority (86.1%) of Indian South Africans speak English as their home language, as do over a third (35.9%) of whites. It is the first language of 20.8% of coloured people, and of 2.9% of black South Africans.
English and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 English speakers 1,167,913 945,847 1,094,317 1,603,575 80,971 4,892,623 Share of population 2.9% 20.8% 86.1% 35.9% 29.5% 9.6%
The largest number of English speakers are in Gauteng – 1.6-million people, or a third (32.8%) of all English-speaking South Africans. Over a quarter (27.3%) live in KwaZulu-Natal, 23.5% in the Western Cape, and 7.4% in the Eastern Cape.
English is a minority language within all nine provinces.
It is the second-largest language in both the Western Cape (after Afrikaans) and Gauteng (after isiZulu). In the Western Cape it is spoken by 20.2% of the population, and in Gauteng by 13.3%. English is minimally spoken in the other provinces.
Read more: The online dictionary of South African English
isiNdebele
Also known as: Ndebele, Southern Ndebele, Ndzundza, isiKhethu
First-language users: 1,090,233 (2.1% of South Africans)
Second-language users: 1,400,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 2,490,233 (estimate)
IsiNdebele is the least spoken of South Africa’s 11 official languages, and confined mainly to Mpumalanga and Gauteng. It is an Nguni language, like isiZulu, isiXhosa and siSwati. Also called Southern Ndebele, it is not to be confused with Northern Ndebele, more commonly known as Matabele, which is closer to isiZulu and an official language of Zimbabwe.
The 1,090,223 South Africans who speak isiNdebele as a first language make up just 2.1% of the country’s total population. Among first-language isiNdebele speakers, 97% are black, 0.9% Indian or Asian, 0.8% coloured, 0.8% white and 0.5% other.
IsiNdebele is spoken by 2.6% of black South Africans – fewer than the 2.9% who speak English at home. It is barely spoken by other population groups, being the home language of 0.2% of both the coloured and white population, and 0.8% of Indian or Asian people. It is also spoken by 2.1% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
IsiNdebele and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 IsiNdebele speakers 1,057,781 8,225 9,815 8,611 5,791 1,090,223 Share of population 2.6% 0.2% 0.8% 0.2% 2.1% 2.1%
Most isiNdebele speakers (37%) live in Mpumalanga, followed by Gauteng (34.9%), KwaZulu-Natal (10.2%), Limpopo (9.6%) and North West (4%).
IsiNdebele is a minority language in all the provinces. It is spoken by 10.1% of the population of Mpumalanga and 3.2% of Gautengers.
isiXhosa
Also known as: Xhosa
First-language users: 8,154,258
Second-language users: 11,000,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 19,154,258 (estimate)
The dominant language of the Eastern Cape, isiXhosa is also the second-largest language in South Africa after isiZulu. It is an Nguni language, like isiNdebele, isiZulu and siSwati, but also shows some influence from the Khoekhoe languages.
The 8,154,258 South Africans who speak isiXhosa as a first language make up 16% of the country’s total population. Among first-language isiXhosa speakers, 99.4% are black, 0.3% coloured, 0.2% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
Among the population groups, isiXhosa is spoken by 20.1% of black South Africans, the second-largest share after isiZulu. It is the home language of 0.6% of coloured people, 0.4% of Indians, 0.3% of whites and 1.9% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
IsiXhosa and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 IsiXhosa speakers 8,104,752 25,340 5,342 13,641 5,182 8,154,258 Share of population 20.1% 0.6% 0.4% 0.3% 1.9% 16%
Close to two-thirds (62.4%) of first-language isiXhosa speakers live in the Eastern Cape, and 17.2% in the Western Cape. About a tenth (9.8%) of all isiXhosa speakers live in Gauteng.
Within the provinces, isiXhosa is the majority language in the Eastern Cape, where its 5,092,152 first-language users make up 78.8% of the population. In the Western Cape a quarter (24.7%) of the population speaks isiXhosa. IsiXhosa is spoken by 7.5% of people in the Free State, 6.6% in Gauteng, 5.5% in North West, and 5.3% in the Northern Cape.
isiZulu
Also known as: Zulu
First-language users: 11,587,374 (22.7% of the population)
Second-language users: 15,700,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 27,300,000 (estimate)
IsiZulu is the most widely spoken language in South Africa, the first language of close to a quarter of the population. It is the dominant language of KwaZulu-Natal. Like isiNdebele, isiXhosa and siSwati, isiZulu is an Nguni language.
The 11,587,374 South Africans who speak isiZulu as their home language make up 22.7% of the country’s total population. A full 99.4% of first-language isiZulu speakers are black, 0.2% coloured, 0.1% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
IsiZulu is spoken by 28.5% of black South Africans, more than any other language. It is the home language of 1.3% of Indian or Asian people, 0.5% of coloureds, 0.4% of whites and 4.1% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
IsiZulu and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 IsiZulu speakers 11,519,234 23,797 16,699 16,458 11,186 11,587,374 Share of population 28.5% 0.5% 1.3% 0.4% 4.1% 22.7%
Over two-thirds (68.2%) of isiZulu-speaking South Africans live in KwaZulu-Natal, and more than a fifth (20.6% in Gauteng). Some 8.3% of all isiZulu speakers live in Mpumalanga, which borders KwaZulu-Natal to the northwest. The rest are thinly spread across the other provinces.
Within the provinces, isiZulu is spoken by over three-quarters (77.8%) of the population of KwaZulu-Natal, and nearly a quarter (24.1%) of the people of Mpumalanga. Almost a fifth (19.8%) of Gautengers speak isiZulu. It is a small minority language in the rest of the provinces.
Sesotho
Also known as: Southern Sotho
First-language users: 3,798,915 (7.6% of the population)
Second-language users: 7,900,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 11,698,915 (estimate)
Sesotho is the language of the Free State, and the first language of 3,798,915 South Africans, or 7.6% of the total population. It is one of the three Sotho languages, with Sesotho sa Leboa and Setswana.
A full 98.7% of first-language Sesotho speakers are black, 0.6% coloured, 0.5% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
Sesotho is spoken by just under a tenth (9.4%) of black South Africans. It is the home language of 0.5% of coloured people, of 0.4% of both white and Indian/Asian people, and of 1.7% of the people who describe themselves as “other”.
Sesotho and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All South Africa’s population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 Sesotho speakers 3,798,915 23,230 5,269 17,491 4,657 3,849,563 Share of population 9.4% 0.5% 0.4% 0.4% 1.7% 7.6%
Most (44.6%) Sesotho speakers live in the Free State. The inner curve of this bean-shaped province fits around the northwest border of Lesotho, a country where Sesotho and English are the official languages. Over a third (36.2%) of all Sesotho-speaking South Africans live in Gauteng. Some 5.2% live in North West.
Within the provinces, Sesotho is spoken by close to two-thirds (64.2%) of the population of the Free State, over a tenth (11.6%) of Gauteng, and by 5.8% of people living in North West.
Sesotho sa Leboa (Sepedi)
Also known as: Northern Sotho
First-language users: 4,618,576 (9.1% of the population)
Second-language users: 9,100,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 13,518,576 (estimate)
Sesotho sa Leboa or Sepedi?
The 1993 interim Constitution named the language Sesotho sa Leboa. It was then changed to Sepedi in the final Constitution of 1996. Debate on the right name continues. Most language experts, as well as speakers of the language, consider Sesotho sa Leboa to be the correct name, and Sepedi to be a dialect. In a study of the language policy of six South African universities, five used Sesotho sa Leboa and one Sepedi. But both the Department of Basic Education and Statistics South Africa use Sepedi as the language’s name.
Sesotho sa Leboa is South Africa’s third-largest African language (after isiZulu and isiXhosa), and mainly spoken in Limpopo. Like Sesotho and Setswana, it is a Sotho language.
Sesotho sa Leboa is the first language of 4,618,576 people, or 9.1% of the total population. A full 99.7% of first-language Sesotho sa Leboa speakers are black, 0.1% coloured, 0.1% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
Sesotho sa Leboa is spoken by 11.4% of black South Africans. It is the home language of just 0.2% of Indians, 0.1% of coloureds, 0.1% of whites and 0.6% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
Sesotho sa Leboa and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 Sesotho sa Leboa speakers 4,602,459 5,642 2,943 5,917 1,616 4,618,576 Share of population 11.4% 0.1% 0.2% 0.1% 0.6% 9.1%
Nearly two-thirds of (61.2%) of all Sesotho sa Leboa speakers live in Limpopo, over a quarter (27.8%) in Gauteng and 8.1% in Mpumalanga. The rest of the language’s speakers are scattered around the country.
Within the provinces, Sesotho sa Leboa is spoken by more than half (52.9%) the people of Limpopo, 10.6% of those in Gauteng, and 9.3% of Mpumalanga’s population.
Setswana
Also known as: Tswana, Sechuana, Chuana
First-language users: 4,067,248 (8% of the population)
Second-language users: 7,700,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 11,767,248 (estimate)
The language of North West and its neighbouring country of Botswana, Setswana is the Tswanaic language in the Sotho-Tswana subfamily, which it shares with Sesotho and Sesotho sa Leboa. Its 3,996,951 speakers make up 8% of South Africa’s population.
Some 98.3% of Setswana speakers are black, 1% coloured, 0.1% Indian or Asian and 0.1% white.
Setswana is spoken by 9.9% of black South Africans, making it the third-largest language in the population group. It is the first language of 0.9% of coloured people, 0.4% of both Indians and whites, and 2.4% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
Setswana and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 Setswana speakers 3,996,951 40,351 4,917 18,358 6,671 4,067,248 Share of population 9.9% 0.9% 0.4% 0.4% 2.4% 8.0%
Over a half (52.9%) of Setswana speakers live in North West, a quarter (26.9%) in Gauteng, and close on a tenth (9.2%) in the Northern Cape. Both North West and the Northern Cape lie on the border of Botswana, where 79% of the population speak Setswana.
Within the provinces, Setswana is spoken by nearly two-thirds (63.4%) of the population of North West, a third (33.1%) of the Northern Cape’s people, by 9.1% of Gauteng’s population and 5.2% of the Free State’s.
siSwati
Also known as: Swati, Swazi
First-language users: 1,297,046 (2.5% of the population)
Second-language users: 2,400,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 3,697,046 (estimate)
SiSwati is mostly spoken in Mpumalanga, which along its curved eastern border almost encircles the country of Swaziland. SiSwati is an Nguni language, like isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu.
The 1,297,046 people who speak siSwati are just 2.5% of South Africa’s population, making it the country’s third-smallest language. Among first-language siSwati speakers, 99.3% are black, 0.3% coloured, 0.2% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
In the population as a whole, siSwati is spoken by 3.2% of black South Africans, by around 0.1% of the other population groups, and by 0.5% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
SiSwati and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 SiSwati speakers 1,288,156 4,056 1,217 2,299 1,320 234,655 Share of population 3.2% 0.1% 0.1% 0.1% 0.5% 2.5%
Most siSwati speakers live in Mpumalanga – 85.3% of its total users and the highest provincial concentration of any language. Another tenth (10.5%) live in Gauteng, and the rest are scattered mainly over the northern parts of the country.
Within the provinces, sisSwati is spoken by 27.7% of the total population of Mpumalanga, and just 1.1% of Gautengers.
Tshivenda
Also known as: Venda, Chivenda
First-language users: 1,209,388 (2.4% of the population)
Second-language users: 1,700,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 2,909,388 (estimate)
Tshivenda is something of a standalone among South Africa’s major African languages, falling into the broader Sotho-Makua-Venda subfamily but not part of the Sotho group. It is mostly spoken in the far northeast of Limpopo.
The 1,209,388 South Africans who speak Tshivenda are just 2.4% of the country’s population, making it the second-smallest language after isiNdebele. A full 99.4% of first-language Tshivenda speakers are black, 0.2% coloured, 0.2% white and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
Tshivenda is spoken by 3% of black South Africans, by just 0.1% of the other population groups, and by 0.5% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
Tshivenda and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 Tshivenda speakers 1,201,588 2,847 810 2,889 1,254 1,297,046 Share of population 3.0% 0.1% 0.1% 0.1% 0.5% 2.4
Three quarters (73.8%) of Tshivenda speakers live in Limpopo, giving the language the second-highest provincial concentration after siSwati. A further 22.5% of Tshivenda speakers live in Gauteng.
Within the provinces, Tshivenda is spoken by 16.7% of the population of Limpopo, and 2.3% of the population of Gauteng.
Xitsonga
Also known as: Tsonga, Shangaan, Shangana, Vatsonga
First-language users: 2,277,148 (4.5% of the population)
Second-language users: 3,400,000 (2002 estimate)
All users: 5,677,148 (estimate)
Xitsonga is a minority language concentrated along South Africa’s northeast border with the country of Mozambique, where it is also spoken. Within the broader Nguni-Tsonga language subfamily which it shares with isiNdebele, isiXhosa, isiZulu and siSwati, it alone falls into the Tswa-Ronga group, while the other languages are Nguni.
The 2,277,148 South Africans who speak Xitsonga as their home language make up 4.5% of the country’s total population. A full 99.1% of first-language Xitsonga speakers are black, 0.2% white, 0.1% coloured and 0.1% Indian or Asian.
Xitsonga is spoken by 5.6% of black South Africans, 0.2% of Indians, 0.1% of whites, 0.05% of coloureds and 3.9% of people who describe themselves as “other”.
Xitsonga and South Africa’s population groups
Black Coloured Indian or Asian White Other All Total population 40,413,408 4,541,358 1,271,158 4,461,409 274,111 50,961,443 Xitsonga speakers 2,257,771 2,268 2,506 3,987 10,616 1,209,388 Share of population 5.6% 0.05% 0.2% 0.09% 3.9% 4.5%
Nearly two-fifths (39.8%) of Xitsonga-speaking South Africans live in Limpopo, over a third (35%) in Gauteng, 18.3% in Mpumalanga and 5.6% in North West.
Within the provinces, Xitsonga is spoken by 17% of the population of Limpopo, 10.4% of Mpumalanga and 6.6% of the people in Gauteng.
Sources and notes
Glottolog – Comprehensive reference information for the world’s languages, especially the lesser known languages.
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996
Statistics South Africa Census 2011
Adrian Frith: Census 2011
Ethnologue: Languages of South Africa, 20th edition data (2017)
Pharos South African Multilingual Dictionary (2014) ISBN 9781868901975
Language in South Africa: The role of language in national transformation, reconstruction and development (2002) by Victor Webb. ISBN 9789027297631
“The twelve modern Khoisan languages” (2013) by Matthias Bretzinger. In Khoisan languages and linguistics, Proceedings of the 3rd international symposium. ISBN 9783896458735
Researched, written and designed by Mary Alexander.
Updated 22 October 2023.
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com
The graphics on this page are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence.
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[
""
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[
"Marianne Stenger"
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2024-07-01T00:00:00+00:00
|
What languages do you have the best chance of mastering quickly? We've used data to rank the top 17 easiest languages to learn if you're fluent in English.
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en
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/favicon-32x32.png?v=32787f3e93fa4493cd296c28e4bda513
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Berlitz
|
https://www.berlitz.com/blog/easiest-languages-to-learn-for-english-speakers
|
Learning a new language can open up a whole world of exciting new experiences and opportunities, from connecting with a variety of people and cultures to advancing your career to studying and working abroad.
But with so many different languages to choose from, how do you decide which one to spend your time mastering?
Although every foreign language comes with its own unique set of challenges, the reality is that some languages will simply be easier for fluent English speakers to become proficient in.
Why? Languages that are more closely related to English share certain qualities and characteristics that make them easier for English speakers to pick up. This includes things like sentence structure, vocabulary, tones and sounds, and writing system.
So, how easy or difficult a language might be for you to learn will depend not only on the language itself, but also on which languages youâre already fluent in, or at least familiar with. Remember, how long it will take you to learn a language is influenced by many different factors.
Want to know which languages you have the best chance of mastering quickly?
Here are 17 of the easiest languages for English speakers to learn. However, you can use this as a general guide. Weâve used data from the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) to rank them from the easier to the somewhat more challenging.
1. Frisian
Frisian is thought to be one of the languages most closely related to English, and therefore also the easiest for English-speakers to pick up. Frisian was once the primary language of what during the Middle Ages was known as Frisia. Although Frisia no longer exists, Frisian, which actually consists of three main dialects, is still in use in parts of the Netherlands and Germany.
English and Frisian share many similarities in terms of sentence structure and vocabulary. For instance, âGood morning,â translates to âGoeie moarnâ in the West Frisian dialect.
Unfortunately, since Frisian is only spoken and understood by about 500,000 people, thereâs little reason to learn it, unless you intend to relocate to the Dutch province of Friesland or Germanyâs Saterland or North Frisia regions.
2. Dutch
Dutch, like Frisian, is closely related to English. It shares many similarities with English, especially when it comes to vocabulary. For instance, words like âplastic,â âwaterâ and âlampâ are identical in both Dutch and English. The most challenging aspect of this language for English speakers will likely be the pronunciation.
In Belgium, Flemish, which is the dialect spoken in the Flanders region, is actually identical to Dutch. Although there are differences when it comes to pronunciation, vocabulary and idioms, Dutch speakers can quite easily understand Flemish, and vice-versa.
Dutch is spoken by around 24 million people worldwide, and is worth learning if you have plans to live and work in the Netherlands, or one of the other countries where itâs an official language, such as Suriname, Aruba or the Dutch Antilles.
3. Norwegian
Like English, Norwegian or âNorskâ is a Germanic language, which makes it easier for English-speakers to learn. It shares quite a bit of vocabulary with English, and unlike some Germanic languages, the pronunciation of most Norwegian words is fairly straightforward.
For the most part, the sentence structure is also quite comparable to English, although not identical. For instance, âHe comes from Norwayâ translates to âHan kommer fra Norge.â
Norwegian is spoken by around 5 million people, primarily in Norway. With its roots in Old Norse, it can be a fascinating language to study, and fluency in Norwegian will give you greater access to the countryâs rich literary culture and mythology.
4. Spanish
Although Spanish is a Romance language rather than a Germanic language, itâs fairly easy for English speakers to learn because many English words stem from Latin. Spanish also uses the same alphabet as English, and many of the words are pronounced just as they are spelled.
Another benefit of Spanish for English speakers is that the sentence structure is not only similar to English, but itâs also not as strict as it is in English, which means there are often multiple ways a sentence can be put together.
If youâre looking to learn a language that will enhance your travel experiences and boost your employability, learning Spanish online is a great choice. Itâs one of the most widely spoken languages in the world and the second most spoken language in America, with around 534 million speakers scattered all around the globe. Download our free Spanish essentials eBook to help you get started.
5. Portuguese
Portuguese is spoken by around 234 million people around the world. Itâs the official language of both Portugal and Brazil, as well as six African countries, including Angola, Cape Verde and Mozambique, making it an extremely useful second language to have under your belt.
Like Spanish, Portuguese stems from Latin and uses the same alphabet as the English language, which gives English speakers a slight advantage when learning it.
One thing to keep in mind is that there are some distinct differences between European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese. In fact, everything from the pronunciation to the vocabulary may vary, depending on which type of Portuguese you are learning. Which one you should focus on, of course, depends on where and how you intend to use it.
6. Italian
Italian is another Romance language that English-speakers can pick up without too much difficulty. In fact, Italian vocabulary is widely used in English, and youâre probably already familiar with more Italian words than you may realise, from those relating to food, such as âgelatoâ and âpaniniâ to others like âdiva,â âsolo,â âfinaleâ or âfiasco.â
Italian and English use a similar sentence structure in most cases, and fortunately, the pronunciation is quite logical. This means youâll be able to read and pronounce most words correctly once you have learned a few ground rules. Download our easy, visual Italian essentials eBook and get a head start.
Italian is the primary language for around 64 million people, and although itâs not as widely used as Spanish or Portuguese, itâs still spoken in many countries outside of Italy, including in Switzerland, Croatia, Slovenia, and even Argentina.
7. French
French is one of the most widely spoken languages in the world, with around 77 million first-language speakers and 203 million second-language speakers. Itâs also an official language of 29 countries, including Switzerland, Luxembourg, Seychelles and Rwanda.
Due to its somewhat tricky pronunciation, French can be slightly more challenging to learn than other Romance languages like Spanish and Italian. For instance, âEt tois?â (And you?) is pronounced as âAy twahâ and âPouvez-vous?â (Can you?) is pronounced as âPoo vay vooâ.
Even so, French does share many similarities with English, especially when it comes to the vocabulary. This means that once English speakers have had a chance to learn some basic rules, theyâre usually able to pick it up quite quickly. Download our free French essentials eBook to accompany your studies.
8. Swedish
Swedish is spoken by somewhere around 10 million people, and while most of them live in Sweden, a small minority can be found in Finland, where Swedish is also a national language.
Swedish is on the easier side for English speakers to learn, because again, itâs a Germanic language. Although the pronunciation may take some time to master, Swedish grammar rules and sentence structure are not overly complicated.
There are, of course, a few trickier aspects to learning this Scandinavian language, such as getting used to its three extra vowels. Youâll also need to familiarise yourself with unfamiliar compound words like âjordnötter,â which means peanuts, but translates to âdirt nuts,â or âkofÃ¥ngare,â which means bumper, but translates to âcow catcher.â
9. Romanian
Romanian is a language you might not have expected to see on this list. But although the country is surrounded by Slavic-speaking countries, Romanian is actually a Romance language and uses much of the same vocabulary as Italian, Spanish and French.
For example,âLa revedere,â which is used for saying goodbye, is similar to the Italian âArrividerci,â and the apology âScuzÄ-mÄâ is similar to the French âExcusez-moi.â Itâs also a phonetic language, which means most words are spelled the same way they are pronounced.
Of course, there are a few trickier aspects to this language, including grammatical differences and letters with âdiacritics.â But, overall, Romanian, which is spoken by around 30 million people, primarily in Romania and Moldova, is a surprisingly easy language to learn.
10. Danish
Danish is a Germanic language spoken by around 6 million people, most of whom live in Denmark. Like Norwegian and Swedish, it has fairly straightforward grammar rules and a lot of vocabulary that will be familiar to English speakers.
For example, âGode tidendeâ sounds a lot like âGood tidings,â and the word âdyre,â which means âexpensive,â is similar to the word âdear,â which is used in English when something is considered too pricey. Because of its more challenging pronunciation, however, Danish isnât the easiest Scandinavian language to learn.
Even so, if you plan to stay in Denmark for a longer period of time, learning the local language is simply the best way to fully immerse yourself in the countryâs unique culture and form deeper connections.
11. German
German is, as the name suggests, a Germanic language. It shares many similarities with English, including a common alphabet, comparable sentence structure and familiar vocabulary. For example, everyday German words like âWasser,â (water) âApfel,â (apple) and âFischâ (fish) are very similar to their English equivalents. Download our free German essentials eBook to see the similarities.
One aspect of German that English-speakers do tend to struggle with is the pronunciation, especially when it comes to longer compound words like âFremdschämenâ (cringe) or ââVerschlimmbessernâ (to worsen or exacerbate).
But while German might not be quite as easy for English-speakers to grasp as Dutch or Norwegian, it is an extremely useful language to learn, as itâs spoken by more than 100 million people throughout Central Europe, including in Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg.
12. Indonesian
Indonesian is one of the most widely spoken languages in the world, with over 40 million native speakers and more than 150 million non-native speakers. As an Austronesian language, Indonesian does differ quite a bit from the Germanic and Romance languages on this list, but itâs actually surprisingly straightforward for English-speakers to learn.
This is partly down to the fact that Indonesian is a phonetic language, which means words are spelled as they sound. Indonesian sentence structure is also similar to English and its grammatical rules are fairly simple.
For instance, to change a singular word to plural, all you have to do is repeat the word or add an extra one. So âchildâ is âanakâ and âchildrenâ is âanak-anak.â Easy right?
13. Malay
Malay is spoken by more than 200 million people throughout Southeast Asia. Like Indonesian, itâs an Austronesian language. In fact, it shares many similarities with Indonesian due to the fact that a similar variety of the language is used in Indonesia, Brunei and Singapore.
But, although Malay and Indonesian speakers can generally understand each other, there are some differences in terms of spelling, pronunciation, and vocabulary, with Malay based more on loanwords from English, and Indonesian having more loanwords from Dutch.
Malay is widely considered to be one of the easiest Asian languages to learn, because its grammatical rules are simple and itâs easy to pronounce. Of course, as with any language, there will be lots of new vocabulary to learn, but if you need to spend any amount of time in Southeast Asia, itâs an excellent second language to have under your belt.
14. Swahili
Swahili is a Bantu language and another very useful second language to have, as itâs widely used in East Africa, including in Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania. Although estimates vary greatly, Swahili is thought to be spoken as a native language by around 16 million people, and as a second language by up to 80 million people.
In fact, if youâve watched the Disney classic âThe Lion Kingâ youâll already be familiar with a number of Swahili words such as ârafikiâ (friend) and âsimbaâ (lion). âThe pronunciation of most Swahili words is fairly easy, and many are very similar to their English equivalent. For instance, âpolisiâ is âpoliceâ and âbaiskeliâ is âbicycle.â
There are also some key differences, of course, but if youâre looking to gain fluency in one or more African languages, Swahili is an excellent one to start with.
15. Filipino Tagalog
Filipino Tagalog is one of the official languages of the Philippines and another Austronesian language. On one hand, itâs not an overly complicated language to learn, as the pronunciation isnât difficult, and much of its vocabulary is borrowed from other languages, including English, Spanish and Malay.
On the other hand, the sentence structure and verb focus of Tagalog is quite different to that of English, which makes it the most challenging language on this list. But, as with many foreign languages, itâs often simply a matter of getting some practice in.
With Tagalog spoken as a native language by around 45 million people, learning it or at least some of the basics, will make your stay in the Philippines a lot easier.
So there you have it, the 17 easiest languages for English speakers to learn. If youâre thinking of investing some time into learning a new language, why not take a look at some of the language courses offered by Berlitz?
16. Afrikaans
Afrikaans is relatively easy for English speakers because itâs packed with familiar words and straightforward grammar. Its vocabulary draws heavily from Dutch â also in this ranking of the easiest languages to learn for English speakers â which shares many common roots with English. This means that many words are instantly recognizable. Besides, Afrikaans is very logical, without complex verb conjugations nor gendered nouns. Its syntax is simple and intuitive, much like English, making sentence construction a breeze. With a phonetic spelling system, what you see is what you get, so pronunciation is easier too. Itâs a perfect language for diving in and picking up quickly.
Learning Afrikaans is not just easy, but also incredibly interesting and useful. It opens doors to understanding South African culture, complex history, and its diverse people. Whether you're traveling, doing business, or simply exploring new linguistic horizons, Afrikaans offers a unique glimpse into a vibrant part of the world.
17. Esperanto
Esperanto is a constructed language, born from a wonderful initiative aimed at facilitating international communication. Check out our article on How to create a language here! Itâs easy to learn for English speakers, because it was designed with simplicity in mind. Its grammar is straightforward and regular â no exceptions to memorize (right, French language?), and verbs always conjugate the same way. The vocabulary is a blend of words from various European languages, many of which will look and sound familiar to you. With phonetic spelling, pronunciation is intuitive and easy to master.
Learning Esperanto is not just simple; itâs also intriguing and practical. This con language serves as a bridge to a global network of speakers who value cultural exchange and international friendship. Whether you're interested in travel, meeting new people, or exploring new cultures, Esperanto provides a unique and enriching experience. By learning Esperanto, you can engage in vibrant communities, attend international meetups, and even access literature and media in the language. If youâre willing to give it a try, you'll be part of a worldwide conversation in no time!
Worth citing, maybe in honorable mentions like for the hardest languages to learn?: Haitian Creole, Welsh, Russian
Too easy for you and looking for something more challenging? Don't worry, we've got you covered with our top 17 hardest languages to learn for English speakers.
Expand your knowledge of languages
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https://www.lingoda.com/blog/en/can-dutch-german-understand-each-other/
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Can Dutch and German speakers understand each other?
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[
"Anne Walther"
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2022-09-30T06:42:13+00:00
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How different are the Dutch and German languages from one another, and can speakers understand each other? Let’s take a closer look!
|
en
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Lingoda
|
https://www.lingoda.com/blog/en/can-dutch-german-understand-each-other/
|
Given how close both Dutch and German are geographically, it is a common assumption that speakers of both languages understand each other. After all, many European languages are so similar that native speakers in some countries can understand their neighbors’ languages as well – think of Spanish and Portuguese, or Danish and Swedish. Even looking at the name of the Dutch language feels almost like a giveaway: German is translated as Deutsch, almost the same word as Dutch. But are Dutch and German essentially the same language, or are there differences? Let’s take a closer look.
Do Dutch and German have the same roots?
How are Dutch and German different?
What do Dutch and German have in common?
Do Dutch and German have the same roots?
Dutch and German both are considered West Germanic languages and share some historical background. Both languages have developed throughout the centuries from different dialects in Europe and were once mutually intelligible. As a result, some basic words such as “yes” or “no”, for example, are almost the same in both languages. With Germany being a much larger country than the Netherlands and a direct neighbor, many Dutch people speak basic German due to the historical and economic ties between the two countries. However, the Dutch language has some phonological differences from German, likely stemming from the Franks who lived in what is now the Netherlands in the 9th century.
How are Dutch and German different?
The main difference between both languages is their pronunciation. Dutch is famous for its rough pronunciation of the g, while German is known for its harsh pronunciation of the s. Please note that Belgian Dutch speakers don’t have the rough g, though!
In addition, German grammar is much more complex than that of the Dutch language. For example, a commonly known feature of the German language is the use of compound words, making the language hard to understand for beginners or foreigners. The difference in grammar between both languages may also cause some confusion: Both languages have slightly different sentence structures, making the meaning of a sentence hard to understand. Lastly, a big source of confusion is the German Umlaute ä, ö and ü, which are used in both languages, but in a completely different way: In German, the Umlaute changes the pronunciation of certain letters, while in Dutch it simply means you have to pronounce the letter even stronger.
What do Dutch and German have in common?
While the languages have many differences, there are also a lot of similarities between them. For example, the shared historic roots mean that many words in both languages are very similar, either in their spelling or pronunciation or both. This means that while it can be hard to understand one another, speakers often still can catch the topic of a conversation by picking up a few words. In addition, both countries have many different regional dialects, which are often a bit more similar to the languages of neighboring countries. Frisian dialect speakers in Germany for example may, as a result, understand some Dutch.
So if I speak German – will I understand Dutch?
Although Dutch and German are related, it is very difficult for speakers of the two languages to understand each other. Unlike for example Slavic or Scandinavian languages, which are often so similar that native speakers understand one another, the differences in pronunciation make it extremely difficult to know what the other person is saying. However, many Dutch people learn German in school and understand some of the language as a result. Vice versa, Germans who live close to the Dutch border often speak some basic Dutch, as well.
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Foreign language skills statistics
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EU statistics provide information on the number of foreign languages known and the levels of command/proficiency by age, sex, level of educational attainment, labour status and occupation.
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https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Foreign_language_skills_statistics
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Number of foreign languages known
Around two thirds of working-aged adults in the EU knew at least one foreign language
In 2016, over one third (35.4 %) of the working-age adults (defined here as 25–64 year-olds) in the EU-28 reported that they did not know any foreign languages. A similar proportion (35.2 %) reported that they knew one foreign language, while just over one fifth (21.0 %) knew two foreign languages, and fewer than one tenth (8.4 %) of all working-age adults knew three or more foreign languages.
An analysis by sex reveals that there was almost no gender gap in relation to foreign language skills. In 2016, a slightly higher share of men did not know any foreign languages or knew only one foreign language (both 36.1 %) compared with the corresponding share for women (34.8 % and 34.3 % respectively). However, the share of women who knew two foreign languages (22.1 %) was 2.2 percentage points higher than that for men, and the share of women who knew three or more foreign languages (8.9 %) was also higher than that recorded for men (7.9 %).
What constitutes a foreign language?
Interest in foreign language skills centres on the ability of Europeans to communicate in an efficient way: with information collected in relation to the most commonly used languages and levels of language competence/skill. When conducting the adult education survey (AES) respondents are asked to name the language(s) they use as their mother tongue. They are subsequently asked to provide information on other languages that they may know.
A ‘mother tongue’ is understood to mean the first language learned at home in childhood and still understood by the individual at the time of the adult education survey (AES). In bilingual homes, the language of either the father or of the mother could be the most dominant, in the sense that it is used for in-house communication, or it could be that both the languages of the mother and father are used, in which case the respondent has more than one ‘mother tongue’.
Note there are cases among the EU Member States where there is more than one ‘official language’ — for example, in Belgium there are three (German, French and Dutch). However, it is not necessarily the case that these official languages coincide with the ‘mother tongue(s)’ of the respondent and if they only speak one of these at home, then the others are considered (for the purpose of this article) as foreign languages.
In a similar vein, a relatively large proportion of people living in the EU were not born in the Member State where they are resident. Many of these people may well have a different mother tongue from the official language(s) where they are resident, for example, a person who has Russian as their mother tongue living in the United Kingdom. When the survey is conducted this person should reply that Russian is their ‘mother tongue’, while (for the purpose of this article) English would be considered as a foreign language (given the respondent had some knowledge of the English language).
It is important to note that — in spite of the existence of these rules to be applied when collecting the AES data — countries may also implement national preferences when building their questionnaires. The following specificity in particular has been reported to Eurostat about the national collection of foreign languages: Slovakian was not considered as a foreign language in the Czech survey up to the AES 2011, while Czech is considered as a foreign language in all waves of the Slovakian survey.
More than half of the adult working-age population in Luxembourg knew three or more foreign languages
The extent of multilingualism differed considerably between the EU Member States. The share of the adult working-age population who reported that they knew three or more foreign languages peaked at 51.2 % in Luxembourg, while the next highest shares were recorded in Finland (44.9 %) and Slovenia (37.7 %). In contrast, less than 3.0 % of the adult working-age populations of Greece, Hungary, Poland and Romania reported that they knew three or more foreign languages.
In 2016, more than half of the adult working-age populations of Bulgaria (50.5 %), Hungary (57.6 %), Romania (64.2 %) and the United Kingdom (65.4 %) reported that they did not know any foreign language. In contrast, there were eight EU Member States in 2016 where less than 10.0 % of the population reported that they knew no foreign languages. Among these, the lowest share was recorded in Sweden, where less than 4.0 % reported that they did not know any foreign language.
Upwards of 9 out of every 10 individuals of working-age knew at least one foreign language in the Nordic Member States and the Baltic Member States as well as in Luxembourg and Malta
In 16 EU Member States, more than three quarters of the adult working-age population reported that they knew at least one foreign language in 2016. At least 9 out of every 10 adults of working-age reported that they knew at least one foreign language in Sweden (96.6 %), Latvia (95.7 %), Denmark (95.7 %), Lithuania (95.6 %), Luxembourg (94.5 %), Finland (92.1 %), Malta (91.8 %) and Estonia (91.2 %).
Figure 1 provides an analysis of the extent of multilingualism in the EU Member States. The very high proportion of working-age adults in Luxembourg who reported speaking at least three foreign languages may, at least in part, reflect the local administrative (where there are three official languages) and education systems (where most pupils receive instruction in Luxembourgish, German and French at a primary level of education, with English and other languages being introduced at secondary level). Luxembourg also has a high share of foreign nationals working in an international environment: in 2016, some 57.7 % of the resident population aged 25–64 was born in a foreign country.
Some of the other EU Member States that displayed high degrees of multilingualism in 2016 are characterised by their geographical and linguistic proximity. For example, it is relatively common for people from some of the Nordic, Baltic, and eastern EU Member States to understand the languages of some of their neighbours. Some Member States have more than one official language: for example, there are three in Belgium (German, French and Dutch) and two in Finland (Finnish and Swedish), while minority languages exist in others, for example, in Slovenia the official language is Slovenian, with Italian and Hungarian considered as co-official languages.
Analysis of those knowing one or more foreign languages
There appears to be a clear generation gap favouring younger people in relation to self-reported foreign language skills. Figure 2 presents information related to those people who reported they knew at least one foreign language with an analysis by age group.
Younger people tended to report greater foreign language skills …
In 2016, about three quarters (73.3 %) of the EU’s population aged 25–34 reported that they knew at least one foreign language. This share fell for each successive age group, with the lowest proportion recorded among those aged 55–64. Nevertheless, more than half (55.1 %) of the age group 55–64 declared that they knew at least one foreign language.
This gap between the generations was most pronounced among those EU Member States that reported a relatively low share of their adult working-age populations knowing at least one foreign language. In Greece, 86.6 % of the population who were aged 25–34 reported that they knew at least one foreign language, compared to 40.4 % among those aged 55–64 — a difference of 46.2 percentage points. Based on the same comparison (between the youngest and oldest age groups), there were also considerable generation gaps (33–39 percentage points difference) in foreign language skills in Croatia, Hungary, Portugal and Romania.
In contrast, this gap between the generations was relatively small in those EU Member States where a high proportion of the adult working-age population knew at least one foreign language. Lithuania was the only EU Member State where the share of the older generation (those aged 55–64) who knew at least one foreign language was higher than the corresponding share for the youngest age group (those aged 25–34), with a gap of 0.3 percentage points. In Lithuania and Latvia (and Estonia to a lesser degree), the relatively high proportion of older persons who speak at least one foreign language may reflect the fact that the older generations learnt Russian, whereas the younger generations learnt English.
… as did those with a tertiary level of education …
Aside from a generational gap, there also appears to be an educational gap in relation to foreign language skills as shown for the adult working-age population (25–64 years-old) in Figure 3. In 2016, more than 8 out of 10 (82.5 %) people in the EU who had completed a tertiary level of education (ISCED 2011 levels 5 to 8) reported that they knew at least one foreign language. The corresponding share among those with an intermediate level of education (ISCED levels 3 and 4) was approximately two thirds (63.1 %), falling to 41.7 % among those with a low level of education (ISCED levels 0 to 2).
In 2016, more than 90 % of the adult working-age population with a tertiary level of education knew at least one foreign language in the majority of the EU Member States. Some 75–87 % of those with a tertiary level of education knew at least one foreign language in all but two of the remaining Member States. In the United Kingdom less than half (45.9 %) of this subgroup knew at least one foreign language, and in Ireland it was less than two thirds (64.8 %).
In 2016, there were seven EU Member States where at least three quarters of the adult working-age population with a low level of education reported that they knew at least one foreign language. In contrast, there were 13 Member States where less than half of the population with a low level of education knew at least one foreign language, a share that fell to less than 10 % in Romania and Hungary.
As for the analysis by age, the gap in foreign language skills between the different levels of education was most pronounced for those EU Member States which had a relatively low share of their adult working-age populations knowing at least one foreign language. This was particularly true in Greece, Croatia, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, where the share of the population with a tertiary level of education who reported they knew at least one foreign language was 63–78 percentage points higher than the corresponding share among those with a low level of education.
… and those who were in employment
Figure 4 provides an analysis with a breakdown according to labour status. In 2016, 68.0 % of the EU’s adult working-age population who were employed reported that they knew at least one foreign language. This proportion fell among those who were unemployed to 58.6 %, while the corresponding share among inactive persons — those outside of the labour force — was 54.9 %. These figures may support the view that, at least for some jobs, employers are keen to engage people who have some foreign language skills, or to promote the learning of foreign languages as part of a training strategy for their staff.
The gap in foreign language skills between people in different labour market situations was most pronounced for those EU Member States which had a relatively low share of their adult working-age populations (aged 25–64) knowing at least one foreign language. In 2016, more than four fifths of the inactive people in Romania did not know any foreign language, while there were ten other EU Member States where more than half of the inactive population reported no foreign language skills. Just over half of the unemployed persons in Spain did not know a foreign language, while in Hungary this share rose to around three quarters of the unemployed.
The United Kingdom, Romania and Hungary were the only EU Member States to report that less than half of those in employment (aged 25–64) knew at least one foreign language. By contrast, there were ten EU Member States where more than 9 out of 10 employed persons knew at least one foreign language, with this share passing above 95 % in Luxembourg, Denmark, Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden.
A high proportion of managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals declared that they knew at least one foreign language
The final analysis presented in this section relates to the proportion of people aged 25–64 who reported they knew at least one foreign language, broken down by occupation. In 2016, 79.3 % of all managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals in the EU-28 knew at least one foreign language. Corresponding shares were also relatively high among clerical support, service and sales workers (66.7 %), whereas approximately half of those employed as skilled manual workers (53.4 %) or in elementary occupations (48.7 %) knew at least one foreign language; the latter group covers those providing domestic help, cleaners, refuse collectors, as well as those who manually assemble components, sort, pack or deliver goods.
A majority of the managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals working in each of the EU Member States reported that they knew at least one foreign language. In contrast, there were eight EU Member States where more than half of the skilled manual workers did not know any foreign language (the highest share being in Romania, at 76.4 %), and there were nine EU Member States where more than half of those with an elementary occupation did not know any foreign language (the highest share was in Romania, at 85.4 %). The biggest gaps in foreign language skills between occupations tended to be observed in those EU Member States which had a relatively low share of their adult working-age populations knowing at least one foreign language.
Level of command of best known foreign language
The following section examines the level of command, or proficiency, of foreign language skills within the EU. Note that the data presented refers to self-reported proficiency for those who knew at least one foreign language. Furthermore, the measure of proficiency is given only in relation to the best-known foreign language in those cases where a person knows more than one foreign language.
The share of those declaring they were proficient in their best-known foreign language increased between 2007 and 2016 …
In the EU, almost one quarter (24.8 %) of working-age adults who knew at least one foreign language reported that they knew their best-known foreign language at a proficient level. Table 2 presents the level of foreign language skills among adults of working-age in 2007, 2011 and 2016. Within the EU, the share who declared that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language rose by 3.4 and 1.1 percentage points respectively over the two periods under consideration, from 20.3 % in 2007.
There was a larger increase between 2007 and 2011 in the proportion of people in the EU who declared they were good at their best-known foreign language, as this share rose from approximately one quarter (24.3 %) to one third (32.4 %) but this share decreased between 2011 and 2016 by 2.1 percentage points. In contrast, the proportion of working-age adults who declared they were basic in their best-known foreign language fell from 51.3 % to 43.4 % between 2007 and 2011 and rose again to 44.6 % in 2016.
… but the situation is quite different from one country to another …
Between 2007 and 2016 the share of working-age adults who declared that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language fell in 5 out of the 23 EU Member States for which data are available (see Table 2 for coverage); the largest reductions were recorded in Latvia and Slovakia. In contrast, there was a relatively fast increase in the share of individuals who declared that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language in Sweden (note there is a break in series; see ‘Data sources and availability’ for more details), Bulgaria and Finland.
In 2016, almost three quarters (65.5 %) of the population in Luxembourg declared that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language (see Figure 6). Sweden (59.7 %) and Malta (50.9 %) were the only other EU Member States to report that more than half of their working-age populations declared they were proficient in their best-known foreign language.
In contrast, there were five EU Member States in 2016 where fewer than one fifth of the individuals who knew at least one foreign language declared that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language: France, Poland, Romania, Czechia and Italy (where the lowest share was recorded, at 10.8 %).
Analysis of those who consider themselves proficient in their best known foreign language
Figure 7, on the one hand, provides an overview for the EU of the different analyses of foreign language proficiency. Figures 8–12, on the other, provide information for the EU Member States.
Focusing on those individuals aged 25–64 in the EU who spoke at least one foreign language in 2016, the highest degrees of foreign language proficiency by sex, age, level of education, labour market status, occupation and degree of urbanisation were recorded for those who were male, young (25–34 years-old), tertiary-educated, employed, occupied as a manager, professional, technician or associate professional and living in a city.
A higher proportion of people aged 25–34 were proficient in their best-known foreign language …
In 2016, the share of individuals who reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language was generally higher among younger age groups. For the whole of the EU, more than one quarter (30.1 %) of the population aged 25–34 reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language, compared with only 18.7 % of the population aged 55–64.
This pattern was repeated across most of the EU Member States. The highest share of foreign language proficiency was recorded for those aged 25–34 in all but six of the EU Member States. The exceptions were Slovenia, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, Lithuania and Latvia.
At the other end of the range, those aged 55–64 recorded the lowest shares of foreign language proficiency in all but two of the EU Member States; the only exceptions were Greece and Lithuania.
… a pattern that was repeated for those with a tertiary level of education …
Across the EU there was a clear link between foreign language proficiency and levels of educational attainment. This may, at least in part, be explained by some tertiary students improving their foreign language proficiency as a result of having to continue their foreign language studies during tertiary education, while others may choose or be required to follow courses whose instruction is given in a foreign language.
In 2016, more than one third (35.4 %) of the EU’s working-age population with a tertiary level of education reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language. This was almost twice as high as the share of proficient linguists recorded among those with an intermediate level of education or with a low level of education (17.8 % and 17.1 % respectively).
An analysis across the EU Member States shows that the share of individuals who reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language was consistently higher among those with a tertiary level of education, irrespective of whether a comparison was made against those with an intermediate or even lower level of education. This pattern held across each of the EU Member States. This educational gap was particularly evident in Malta where the share of individuals who reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language was more than 40 percentage points higher for those with a tertiary level of education than for those with a low level of education. The largest differences in linguistic proficiency between those with a tertiary and an intermediate level of education were recorded in Greece, Austria and Cyprus.
… those who were employed ...
Figure 10 shows that employed persons tended to have a higher level of foreign language proficiency. In 2016, one quarter (25.7 %) of those aged 25–64 in the EU who were employed and who knew at least one foreign language reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language. The corresponding shares recorded for unemployed persons and inactive persons (22.2 % each) were somewhat lower.
In a majority of the EU Member States, it was common to find that employed persons had the highest level of foreign language proficiency when compared with the shares recorded among unemployed and inactive persons of the same age.
In 2016, the gap in levels of foreign language proficiency between people with different labour market status was most pronounced for those EU Member States which had the highest levels of proficiency. This was particularly true in Luxembourg, Malta, Cyprus, Latvia and Lithuania, where the share of employed individuals who reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language was 15–26 percentage points higher than the lowest share (recorded either for the unemployed or for inactive persons). There were however some exceptions to this general pattern, as there were six EU Member States where a higher share of unemployed people (rather than employed people) reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language; this was the case in Portugal, the Netherlands, Denmark, France, Ireland and the United Kingdom. In a similar vein, more than one quarter (29.3 %) of the inactive persons in Germany reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign-language, which was 2.0 percentage points higher than the share recorded among employed persons.
Figure 11 presents information relating to the share of working-age adults who reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language, with an analysis by occupation. In 2016, the highest share (31.8 %) of foreign language proficiency in the EU was recorded for managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals. This was considerably higher than for the other three groups of occupations shown in Figure 11, as around one fifth of those employed in elementary occupations (20.2 %) and clerical support, service and sales (20.6 %) reported that they were proficient in their best-known foreign language, while this share fell to 15.6 % among skilled manual workers.
… and those who lived in cities
Figure 12 shows that persons living in cities reported a higher share of being proficient in their best-known foreign language that those living in towns and suburbs and in rural areas (30.1 %, 22.7 % and 17.0 % respectively) in the EU in 2016.
The same pattern (highest in cities and lowest in rural areas) was found in 22 EU Member States. Ireland, Luxembourg and the United Kingdom have highest shares in cities but lowest shares in towns and suburbs while Malta and Latvia recorded their highest shares in towns and suburbs. Lastly, Spain is the only Member State with the highest share in rural areas. In 2016, the gap in levels of foreign language proficiency between people living in areas with different degrees of urbanisation was more pronounced in Lithuania, Denmark, Cyprus and Finland (from 20 to 24 percentage points), and peaking at 33.8 percentage points in Austria.
Source data for tables and graphs
Foreign language skills: tables and figures
Data sources
Key concepts
Within the adult education survey (AES) of 2011, three levels of foreign language knowledge were identified:
Basic — “I can understand and use the most common everyday expressions. I use the language in relation to familiar things and situations”;
Good — “I can understand the essential of clear language and produce simple text. I can describe experiences and events and communicate fairly fluently”;
Proficient — “I can understand a wide range of demanding texts and use the language flexibly. I master the language almost completely”.
Note that the AES of 2007 and 2016 had a fourth level of foreign language knowledge:
Very basic — “I only understand and can use a few words”.
In order to facilitate comparisons between 2007/2016 and 2011 the information collected for this fourth category in 2007 and 2016 has been added to the category covering ‘basic’.
Data source
The adult education survey (AES) is the source of all information in this article. Among others, the AES provides information on self-reported foreign language skills, in contrast to foreign language qualifications that may be obtained within the formal education system or from specialist language schools. The AES focuses on people aged 25–64.
Three waves of the AES have been implemented so far, in 2007, 2011 and 2016. The 2007 AES was a pilot exercise and was carried out on a voluntary basis, while the 2011 and 2016 AES were underpinned by a legal act (Commission Regulation (EU) No 823/2010 and Commission Regulation (EU) No 1175/2014).
Specific breaks in series related to self-reported language skills: two countries in particular reported a methodological break between the 2007 AES and the 2011 AES.
Belgium: the 2007 AES was a stand-alone self-completion survey and people that have participated in education and training activities were more inclined to answer the questionnaire (non-participants would more easily tend to not send any response). Therefore the profile of the respondents was slightly specific ('active learners') which could have led to a bias in the share of people knowing foreign languages. In the 2011 AES, the intervention of interviewers explaining the purpose of the questionnaire before self-completion lead to a better representativeness of the whole population which can account for a lower share for people being able to speak foreign languages. 2016 AES was again implemented as a stand-alone survey.
Czechia: up to the 2011 AES, Slovakian was not considered as a foreign language in the Czech survey. On the other hand Czech is considered as a foreign language in the Slovakian survey in all waves.
Note on symbols used in tables
The colon (‘:’) is used to show where data are not available.
Context
The modern world is increasingly characterised by interactions that extend well beyond the confines of national borders. Within the EU, this development can be seen for example in the single market and the free movement of individuals. On a wider scale, globalisation, economic growth in developing economies, and improved transport infrastructure have resulted, among others, in a considerable shift in world trading patterns and a higher proportion of the world’s population being able to visit other countries, whether for business, pleasure or other reasons.
Language and cultural barriers are two aspects which restrict the level of geographic mobility within the EU. By contrast, foreign language skills have the potential to increase the mobility, employability and personal development of Europeans. Indeed, they can give individuals a competitive advantage in labour markets: this is particularly true for those working in senior management, multinational firms or sales and marketing.
English language skills are well-established as an important (business) skill, and English is by far the most widely-spoken foreign language in the EU. Alongside the importance of English, in a world of increasing international exchanges, the ability to speak other foreign languages is of particular importance in large markets where there is relatively little English spoken — for example, in China, Brazil or Russia.
In September 2008, the European Commission adopted a Communication titled ‘Multilingualism: an asset for Europe and a shared commitment’ (COM(2008) 566 final), which was followed in November 2008 by a Council Resolution on a European strategy for multilingualism (2008/C 320/01). These addressed languages in the wider context of social cohesion and prosperity and focused on actions to encourage and assist citizens in acquiring language skills. The Resolution invited the EU Member States and the European Commission to:
promote multilingualism with a view to strengthening social cohesion, intercultural dialogue and European construction;
strengthen lifelong language learning;
promote (better) multilingualism as a factor in the European economy’s competitiveness and people’s mobility and employability;
promote linguistic diversity and intercultural dialogue by increasing assistance for translation, in order to encourage the circulation of works and the dissemination of ideas and knowledge in Europe and across the world;
promote EU languages across the world.
The strategic framework for European cooperation in education and training (ET 2020) provides a common set of objectives for EU Member States and seeks to:
enable citizens to communicate in two languages in addition to their mother tongue;
promote language teaching in vocational education and training (VET) and for adult learners;
give migrants the opportunity to learn the language of their host country.
‘Rethinking education: investing in skills for better socio-economic outcomes’ (COM(2012) 0669 final) was adopted by the European Commission in 2012. It promotes a range of ideas, including that the ability to speak a foreign language:
is an important factor for competitiveness;
is an important attribute for those seeking work;
may remove an obstacle to free movement.
The Communication also called on several EU Member States to improve their capacity for providing adequate teaching resources for basic skills (that include numeracy, literacy and foreign languages). A European Commission staff working document titled Language competences for employability, mobility and growth (SWD(2012) 372 final) accompanied the release of the ‘Rethinking education’ Communication. One section of the document looked at foreign language skills as a means for enhancing employability, mobility and growth. It emphasised the importance of raising the general level of foreign language skills, broadening the range of foreign languages taught, and re-orienting teaching content towards professional purposes.
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https://www.folger.edu/explore/shakespeares-works/macbeth/reading-shakespeares-language-macbeth/
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Reading Shakespeare’s Language: Macbeth
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Folger Shakespeare Library is the world's largest Shakespeare collection, the ultimate resource for exploring Shakespeare and his world. Shakespeare belongs to you. His world is vast. Come explore. Join us online, on the road, or in Washington, DC.
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https://www.folger.edu/explore/shakespeares-works/macbeth/reading-shakespeares-language-macbeth/
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For many people today, reading Shakespeare’s language can be a problem—but it is a problem that can be solved. Those who have studied Latin (or even French or German or Spanish) and those who are used to reading poetry will have little difficulty understanding the language of poetic drama. Others, however, need to develop the skills of untangling unusual sentence structures and of recognizing and understanding poetic compressions, omissions, and wordplay. And even those skilled in reading unusual sentence structures may have occasional trouble with Shakespeare’s words. More than four hundred years of “static”— caused by changes in language and in life—intervene between his speaking and our hearing. Most of his vocabulary is still in use, but a few of his words are no longer used, and many of his words now have meanings quite different from those they had in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In the theater, most of these difficulties are solved for us by actors who study the language and articulate it for us so that the essential meaning is heard—or, when combined with stage action, is at least felt. When we are reading on our own, we must do what each actor does: go over the lines (often with a dictionary close at hand) until the puzzles are solved and the lines yield up their poetry and the characters speak in words and phrases that are, suddenly, rewarding and wonderfully memorable.
Shakespeare’s Words
As you begin to read the opening scenes of a Shakespeare play, you may notice occasional unfamiliar words. Some are unfamiliar simply because we no longer use them. In the opening scenes of Macbeth, for example, you will find the words aroint thee (begone), coign (corner), anon (immediately), alarum (a call to arms), sewer (butler), and hautboy (a very loud wind instrument designed for outdoor ceremonials, the forerunner of the orchestral oboe). Words of this kind will become familiar the more Shakespeare plays you read.
In Macbeth, as in all of Shakespeare’s writing, more problematic are the words that are still in use but that now have different meanings. In the second scene of Macbeth we find the words composition (meaning “terms of peace”) and present (meaning “immediate”); in the third scene, choppy is used where we would use “chapped” or “wrinkled,” addition where we would use “title”; in the seventh scene, receipt is used to mean “container.” Such words, too, will become familiar as you continue to read Shakespeare’s language.
Some words are strange not because of the “static” introduced by changes in language over the past centuries but because these are words that Shakespeare is using to build a dramatic world that has its own space, time, and history. Macbeth, for example, builds, in its opening scenes, a location and a past history by references to “the Western Isles,” to “thanes,” “Sinel,” “Glamis,” and “Cawdor,” to “kerns and gallowglasses,” to “the Weïrd Sisters,” to “Norweyan ranks,” to “Inverness” and “Saint Colme’s Inch.” These “local” references build the Scotland that Macbeth and Lady Macbeth inhabit and will become increasingly familiar to you as you get further into the play.
Shakespeare’s Sentences
In an English sentence, meaning is quite dependent on the place given each word. “The dog bit the boy” and “The boy bit the dog” mean very different things, even though the individual words are the same. Because English places such importance on the positions of words in sentences, on the way words are arranged, unusual arrangements can puzzle a reader. Shakespeare frequently shifts his sentences away from “normal” English arrangements—often in order to create the rhythm he seeks, sometimes to use a line’s poetic rhythm to emphasize a particular word, sometimes to give a character his or her own speech patterns or to allow the character to speak in a special way. When we attend a good performance of the play, the actors will have worked out the sentence structures and will articulate the sentences so that the meaning is clear. When reading the play, we need to do as the actor does: that is, when puzzled by a character’s speech, check to see if the words are being presented in an unusual sequence.
Often Shakespeare rearranges subjects and verbs (i.e., instead of “He goes,” we find “Goes he”). In the opening scenes of Macbeth, when Ross says (1.3.101–2) “As thick as tale / Came post with post,” and when the witch says (1.3.24) “Shall he dwindle, peak, and pine,” they are using constructions that place the subject and verb in unusual positions. The “normal” order would be “Post with post came as thick as tale” and “He shall dwindle. . . .” Shakespeare also frequently places the object before the subject and verb (i.e., instead of “I hit him,” we might find “Him I hit”). Banquo’s statement to the Weïrd Sisters at 1.3.57–58, “My noble partner / You greet with present grace and great prediction,” is an example of such an inversion. (The normal order would be “You greet my noble partner with present grace and great prediction.”) Lady Macbeth uses such an inverted structure in 1.7.73–74 when she says to Macbeth, “his two chamberlains / Will I with wine and wassail . . . convince” (where the “normal” structure would be “I will convince [i.e., overpower] his two chamberlains with wine and wassail”).
In some plays Shakespeare makes systematic use of inversions (Julius Caesar is one such play). In Macbeth, he more often uses a different kind of unusual sentence structure, one that depends on the separation of words that would normally appear together. (Again, this is often done to create a particular rhythm or to stress a particular word.) Malcolm’s “This is the sergeant / Who, like a good and hardy soldier, fought / ’Gainst my captivity” (1.2.4–6) separates the subject and verb (“who fought”); the Captain’s “No sooner justice had, with valor armed, / Compelled these skipping kerns to trust their heels” (1.2.32–33) interrupts the two parts of the verb “had compelled” (at the same time that it inverts the subject and verb; the normal order would be “No sooner had justice compelled . . .”); a few lines later, the Captain’s “the Norweyan lord, surveying vantage, / With furbished arms and new supplies of men, / Began a fresh assault” (1.2.34–36) separates the subject and verb (“lord began”) with, first, a participial phrase and then a lengthy prepositional phrase. In order to create for yourself sentences that seem more like the English of everyday speech, you may wish to rearrange the words, putting together the word clusters and placing the remaining words in their more familiar order. You will usually find that the sentences will gain in clarity but will lose their rhythm or shift their emphases.
Locating and, if necessary, rearranging words that “belong together” is especially necessary in passages that separate subjects from verbs and verbs from objects by long delaying or expanding interruptions—a structure that is used frequently in Macbeth. For example, when the Captain, at 1.2.11–25, tells the story of Macbeth’s fight against the rebel Macdonwald, he uses a series of such interrupted constructions:
The merciless Macdonwald
(Worthy to be a rebel, for to that
The multiplying villainies of nature
Do swarm upon him) from the Western Isles
Of kerns and gallowglasses is supplied. . . .
. . .
But all’s too weak;
For brave Macbeth (well he deserves that name),
Disdaining Fortune, with his brandished steel,
Which smoked with bloody execution,
Like Valor’s minion, carved out his passage . . .
Here the interruptions provide details that catch the audience up in the Captain’s story. The separation of the basic sentence elements “the merciless Macdonwald is supplied” forces the audience to attend to supporting details (of why he is worthy to be called a villain, of how he has been supplied with soldiers from the Western Isles) while waiting for the basic sentence elements to come together. A similar effect is created when “brave Macbeth carved out his passage” is interrupted by a clause commenting on the word “brave” (“well he deserves that name”), by a phrase that describes Macbeth’s mood (“Disdaining Fortune”), and by two further phrases, one of them the complex “with his brandished steel / Which smoked with bloody execution,” and one of them—“Like Valor’s minion”—simple in structure but a richly rhetorical figure that makes Macbeth the chosen darling of Valor.
Occasionally, rather than separating basic sentence elements, Shakespeare simply holds them back, delaying them until much subordinate material has already been given. Lady Macbeth uses an inverted structure that provides this kind of delay when she says, at 1.6.22–24, “For those of old, / And the late dignities heaped up to them, / We rest your hermits” (where a “normally” constructed English sentence would have begun with the basic sentence elements “We rest your hermits”); Macbeth, in his famous soliloquy at 1.7.1–28, uses a delayed construction when he says (lines 2–7), “If th’ assassination / Could trammel up the consequence and catch / With his surcease success, that but this blow / Might be the be-all and the end-all here, / But here, upon this bank and shoal of time, / We’d jump the life to come” (where the basic sentence elements “We’d jump the life to come” are delayed to the end of the very long sentence).
Shakespeare’s sentences are sometimes complicated not because of unusual structures or interruptions or delays but because he omits words and parts of words that English sentences normally require. (In conversation, we, too, often omit words. We say, “Heard from him yet?” and our hearer supplies the missing “Have you.” Frequent reading of Shakespeare—and of other poets—trains us to supply such missing words.) In Macbeth, Shakespeare uses omissions to great dramatic effect. At 1.3.105–8, Angus says to Macbeth, “We are sent / To give thee from our royal master thanks, / [We are sent] Only to herald thee into his sight, / Not [to] pay thee” (the omitted words, shown in brackets, add clarity but slow the speech). At 1.4.48–49, Duncan’s cryptic “From hence to Inverness / And bind us further to you” would read, if the missing words were supplied, “Let us go from hence to Inverness, and may this visit bind us further to you.” Lady Macbeth’s soliloquy, at 1.5.18–20, would read, with the omitted subjects and verbs in place, “Thou wouldst be great, / [Thou] Art not without ambition, but [thou art] without / The illness [that] should attend it.” Later in the scene, at 1.5.51–54, she again omits words in saying, “Stop up th’ access and passage to remorse, / [So] That no compunctious visitings of nature / [Will] Shake my fell purpose, nor keep peace between / Th’ effect and it,” and again at 1.7.80–82, where she asks Macbeth, “What [can]not [you and I] put upon / His spongy officers, who shall bear the guilt / Of our great quell?” In reading Macbeth one should stay alert for omitted words, since Shakespeare so often uses this device to build compression and speed in the language of this play.
Shakespearean Wordplay
Shakespeare plays with language so often and so variously that books are written on the topic. Here we will mention only two kinds of wordplay, puns and metaphors. A pun is a play on words that sound the same but have different meanings. In many plays (Romeo and Juliet is a good example) Shakespeare uses puns frequently; in Macbeth they are rarely found (except in such serious “punning” as Macbeth’s “If it were done when ’tis done . . .” [1.7.1–2]). More such serious punning occurs in the exchange between Donalbain and Macbeth just after Duncan’s murder. To Donalbain’s request for information, “What is amiss?” (i.e., what’s wrong?), Macbeth responds, “You are,” punning on amiss as “damaged” (2.3.113–14). Perhaps the play’s most famous (and the most shocking) pun is Lady Macbeth’s “If he do bleed, / I’ll gild the faces of the grooms withal, / For it must seem their guilt” (2.2.71–73), where she seems to be playing with the double meaning of guilt/gilt. Such wordplay is rare in Macbeth.
Metaphor, though, fills the play. A metaphor is a play on words in which one object or idea is expressed as if it were something else, something with which it is said to share common features. For instance, when Lady Macbeth says (1.5.28–29) “Hie thee hither, / That I may pour my spirits in thine ear,” she is using metaphoric language: the words that she wants to say to Macbeth are compared to a liquid that can be poured in the ear. Metaphors are often used when the idea being conveyed is hard to express; through metaphor, the speaker is given language that helps to carry the idea or the feeling to his or her listener—and to the audience. Lady Macbeth uses metaphor to convey her contempt for Macbeth’s cowardice (1.7.39–42): “Was the hope drunk / Wherein you dressed yourself? Hath it slept since? / And wakes it now, to look so green and pale / At what it did so freely?” And Macbeth expresses his own lack of valid motivation before the murder through a complex metaphor in which his “intent” is a horse and ambition is the knight preparing to ride the horse (1.7.25–27): “I have no spur / To prick the sides of my intent, but only / Vaulting ambition, which o’erleaps itself. . . .”
Macbeth’s Language
Each of Shakespeare’s plays has its own characteristic language. The range of registers in Macbeth’s language, along with the denseness of its poetry, has attracted considerable critical attention. (See, e.g., “ ‘What do you mean?’: The Languages of Macbeth,” in A. R. Braunmuller’s New Cambridge edition of the play [updated edition, 2008, pages 43–55].) We would note here in particular the deliberate imprecision of some of the play’s words. Macbeth’s lines (1.7.1–2) “If it were done when ’tis done, then ’twere well / It were done quickly” not only play with the imprecise verb “done” but also refer to some unnamed “it.” In the next sentence, we learn that “it” is “th’ assassination” (a word that Shakespeare invents for this play)—but the imprecision is characteristic of Macbeth’s language. We hear it again in Lady Macbeth’s “Wouldst thou have that / Which thou esteem’st the ornament of life / And live a coward in thine own esteem . . . ?” (1.7.45–47), where “that which thou esteem’st the ornament of life” is, perhaps, the crown—or, perhaps, the kingship. The sense is clear, but the language seems deliberately vague, deliberately flowery, as if designed to cover over the serpent under it. Macbeth’s prayer (3.2.52–56) that night use its “bloody and invisible hand” to “cancel and tear to pieces that great bond / Which keeps me pale” is a precisely relevant example of the kind of resonant imprecision that characterizes this play.
Implied Stage Action
Finally, in reading Shakespeare’s plays we should always remember that what we are reading is a performance script. The dialogue is written to be spoken by actors who, at the same time, are moving, gesturing, picking up objects, weeping, shaking their fists. Some stage action is described in what are called “stage directions”; some is suggested within the dialogue itself. We must learn to be alert to such signals as we stage the play in our imaginations. When, in the third scene of Macbeth, Banquo says (1.3.44–47), “You seem to understand me / By each at once her choppy finger laying / Upon her skinny lips,” the stage action is obvious. Again, his words to Macbeth (1.3.54–55), “Good sir, why do you start and seem to fear / Things that do sound so fair?,” indicate that the actor playing Macbeth gestures in a fairly obvious way. It is less easy later in the scene to imagine exactly what is to take place just before Banquo says (1.3.82–83), “The earth hath bubbles, as the water has, / And these are of them. Whither are they vanished?” The director and the actors (and the reader, in imagination) must decide just how the witches melt “Like breath into the wind.” The battle scenes in the fifth act of the play present a different kind of challenge to the reader’s imagination, as Malcolm’s army becomes a marching forest, and as Macbeth arms for battle, hears the ominous cry of women, kills young Siward, and then goes to meet his fate on the sword of Macduff. Learning to read the language of stage action repays one many times over when one reaches a crucial scene like that of the banquet and its appearing and disappearing ghost (3.4) or that of the final duel in 5.8—scenes in which implied stage action vitally affects our response to the play.
It is immensely rewarding to work carefully with Shakespeare’s language so that the words, the sentences, the wordplay, and the implied stage action all become clear—as readers for the past four centuries have discovered. It may be more pleasurable to attend a good performance of a play—though not everyone has thought so. But the joy of being able to stage one of Shakespeare’s plays in one’s imagination, to return to passages that continue to yield further meanings (or further questions) the more one reads them—these are pleasures that, for many, rival (or at least augment) those of the performed text, and certainly make it worth considerable effort to “break the code” of Elizabethan poetic drama and let free the remarkable language that makes up a Shakespeare text.
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Politics and the English Language
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"Political language... is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind."
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The Orwell Foundation
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https://www.orwellfoundation.com/the-orwell-foundation/orwell/essays-and-other-works/politics-and-the-english-language/
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This material remains under copyright in some jurisdictions, including the US, and is reproduced here with the permission of the Orwell Estate. If you value these resources, please consider making a donation or joining us as a Friend to help maintain them for readers everywhere.
Most people who bother with the matter at all would admit that the English language is in a bad way, but it is generally assumed that we cannot by conscious action do anything about it. Our civilization is decadent and our language – so the argument runs – must inevitably share in the general collapse. It follows that any struggle against the abuse of language is a sentimental archaism, like preferring candles to electric light or hansom cabs to aeroplanes. Underneath this lies the half-conscious belief that language is a natural growth and not an instrument which we shape for our own purposes.
Now, it is clear that the decline of a language must ultimately have political and economic causes: it is not due simply to the bad influence of this or that individual writer. But an effect can become a cause, reinforcing the original cause and producing the same effect in an intensified form, and so on indefinitely. A man may take to drink because he feels himself to be a failure, and then fail all the more completely because he drinks. It is rather the same thing that is happening to the English language. It becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts. The point is that the process is reversible. Modern English, especially written English, is full of bad habits which spread by imitation and which can be avoided if one is willing to take the necessary trouble. If one gets rid of these habits one can think more clearly, and to think clearly is a necessary first step toward political regeneration: so that the fight against bad English is not frivolous and is not the exclusive concern of professional writers. I will come back to this presently, and I hope that by that time the meaning of what I have said here will have become clearer. Meanwhile, here are five specimens of the English language as it is now habitually written.
These five passages have not been picked out because they are especially bad – I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen – but because they illustrate various of the mental vices from which we now suffer. They are a little below the average, but are fairly representative examples. I number them so that I can refer back to them when necessary:
1. I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien (sic) to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate.
Professor Harold Laski (Essay in Freedom of Expression).
2. Above all, we cannot play ducks and drakes with a native battery of idioms which prescribes egregious collocations of vocables as the Basic put up with for tolerate, or put at a loss for bewilder.
Professor Lancelot Hogben (Interglossia).
3. On the one side we have the free personality: by definition it is not neurotic, for it has neither conflict nor dream. Its desires, such as they are, are transparent, for they are just what institutional approval keeps in the forefront of consciousness; another institutional pattern would alter their number and intensity; there is little in them that is natural, irreducible, or culturally dangerous. But on the other side, the social bond itself is nothing but the mutual reflection of these self-secure integrities. Recall the definition of love. Is not this the very picture of a small academic? Where is there a place in this hall of mirrors for either personality or fraternity?
Essay on psychology in Politics (New York).
4. All the ‘best people’ from the gentlemen’s clubs, and all the frantic Fascist captains, united in common hatred of Socialism and bestial horror at the rising tide of the mass revolutionary movement, have turned to acts of provocation, to foul incendiarism, to medieval legends of poisoned wells, to legalize their own destruction of proletarian organizations, and rouse the agitated petty-bourgeoise to chauvinistic fervor on behalf of the fight against the revolutionary way out of the crisis.
Communist pamphlet.
5. If a new spirit is to be infused into this old country, there is one thorny and contentious reform which must be tackled, and that is the humanization and galvanization of the B.B.C. Timidity here will bespeak canker and atrophy of the soul. The heart of Britain may be sound and of strong beat, for instance, but the British lion’s roar at present is like that of Bottom in Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream – as gentle as any sucking dove. A virile new Britain cannot continue indefinitely to be traduced in the eyes or rather ears, of the world by the effete languors of Langham Place, brazenly masquerading as ‘standard English’. When the Voice of Britain is heard at nine o’clock, better far and infinitely less ludicrous to hear aitches honestly dropped than the present priggish, inflated, inhibited, school-ma’amish arch braying of blameless bashful mewing maidens!
Letter in Tribune.
Each of these passages has faults of its own, but, quite apart from avoidable ugliness, two qualities are common to all of them. The first is staleness of imagery; the other is lack of precision. The writer either has a meaning and cannot express it, or he inadvertently says something else, or he is almost indifferent as to whether his words mean anything or not. This mixture of vagueness and sheer incompetence is the most marked characteristic of modern English prose, and especially of any kind of political writing. As soon as certain topics are raised, the concrete melts into the abstract and no one seems able to think of turns of speech that are not hackneyed: prose consists less and less of words chosen for the sake of their meaning, and more and more of phrases tacked together like the sections of a prefabricated hen-house. I list below, with notes and examples, various of the tricks by means of which the work of prose-construction is habitually dodged.
Dying metaphors. A newly invented metaphor assists thought by evoking a visual image, while on the other hand a metaphor which is technically ‘dead’ (e. g. iron resolution) has in effect reverted to being an ordinary word and can generally be used without loss of vividness. But in between these two classes there is a huge dump of worn-out metaphors which have lost all evocative power and are merely used because they save people the trouble of inventing phrases for themselves. Examples are: Ring the changes on, take up the cudgels for, toe the line, ride roughshod over, stand shoulder to shoulder with, play into the hands of, no axe to grind, grist to the mill, fishing in troubled waters, on the order of the day, Achilles’ heel, swan song, hotbed. Many of these are used without knowledge of their meaning (what is a ‘rift’, for instance?), and incompatible metaphors are frequently mixed, a sure sign that the writer is not interested in what he is saying. Some metaphors now current have been twisted out of their original meaning without those who use them even being aware of the fact. For example, toe the line is sometimes written as tow the line. Another example is the hammer and the anvil, now always used with the implication that the anvil gets the worst of it. In real life it is always the anvil that breaks the hammer, never the other way about: a writer who stopped to think what he was saying would avoid perverting the original phrase.
Operators, or verbal false limbs. These save the trouble of picking out appropriate verbs and nouns, and at the same time pad each sentence with extra syllables which give it an appearance of symmetry. Characteristic phrases are: render inoperative, militate against, prove unacceptable, make contact with, be subject to, give rise to, give grounds for, have the effect of, play a leading part (role) in, make itself felt, take effect, exhibit a tendency to, serve the purpose of, etc. etc. The keynote is the elimination of simple verbs. Instead of being a single word, such as break, stop, spoil, mend, kill, a verb becomes a phrase, made up of a noun or adjective tacked on to some general-purposes verb such as prove, serve, form, play, render. In addition, the passive voice is wherever possible used in preference to the active, and noun constructions are used instead of gerunds (by examination of instead of by examining). The range of verbs is further cut down by means of the -ize and de- formations, and banal statements are given an appearance of profundity by means of the not un- formation. Simple conjunctions and prepositions are replaced by such phrases as with respect to, having regard to, the fact that, by dint of, in view of, in the interests of, on the hypothesis that; and the ends of sentences are saved from anticlimax by such resounding commonplaces as greatly to be desired, cannot be left out of account, a development to be expected in the near future, deserving of serious consideration, brought to a satisfactory conclusion, and so on and so forth.
Pretentious diction. Words like phenomenon, element, individual (as noun), objective, categorical, effective, virtual, basic, primary, promote, constitute, exhibit, exploit, utilize, eliminate, liquidate, are used to dress up simple statements and give an air of scientific impartiality to biassed judgements. Adjectives like epoch-making, epic, historic, unforgettable, triumphant, age-old, inevitable, inexorable, veritable, are used to dignify the sordid processes of international politics, while writing that aims at glorifying war usually takes on an archaic colour, its characteristic words being: realm, throne, chariot, mailed fist, trident, sword, shield, buckler, banner, jackboot, clarion. Foreign words and expressions such as cul de sac, ancien régime, deus ex machina, mutatis mutandis, status quo, Gleichschaltung, Weltanschauung, are used to give an air of culture and elegance. Except for the useful abbreviations i.e., e.g., and etc., there is no real need for any of the hundreds of foreign phrases now current in English. Bad writers, and especially scientific, political and sociological writers, are nearly always haunted by the notion that Latin or Greek words are grander than Saxon ones, and unnecessary words like expedite, ameliorate, predict, extraneous, deracinated, clandestine, sub-aqueous and hundreds of others constantly gain ground from their Anglo-Saxon opposite numbers[1]. The jargon peculiar to Marxist writing (hyena, hangman, cannibal, petty bourgeois, these gentry, lackey, flunkey, mad dog, White Guard, etc.) consists largely of words translated from Russian, German, or French; but the normal way of coining a new word is to use a Latin or Greek root with the appropriate affix and, where necessary, the -ize formation. It is often easier to make up words of this kind (deregionalize, impermissible, extramarital, non-fragmentatory and so forth) than to think up the English words that will cover one’s meaning. The result, in general, is an increase in slovenliness and vagueness.
Meaningless words. In certain kinds of writing, particularly in art criticism and literary criticism, it is normal to come across long passages which are almost completely lacking in meaning[2]. Words like romantic, plastic, values, human, dead, sentimental, natural, vitality, as used in art criticism, are strictly meaningless, in the sense that they not only do not point to any discoverable object, but are hardly even expected to do so by the reader. When one critic writes, ‘The outstanding feature of Mr. X’s work is its living quality’, while another writes, ‘The immediately striking thing about Mr. X’s work is its peculiar deadness’, the reader accepts this as a simple difference of opinion. If words like black and white were involved, instead of the jargon words dead and living, he would see at once that language was being used in an improper way. Many political words are similarly abused. The word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies ‘something not desirable’. The words democracy, socialism, freedom, patriotic, realistic, justice, have each of them several different meanings which cannot be reconciled with one another. In the case of a word like democracy, not only is there no agreed definition, but the attempt to make one is resisted from all sides. It is almost universally felt that when we call a country democratic we are praising it: consequently the defenders of every kind of régime claim that it is a democracy, and fear that they might have to stop using that word if it were tied down to any one meaning. Words of this kind are often used in a consciously dishonest way. That is, the person who uses them has his own private definition, but allows his hearer to think he means something quite different. Statements like Marshal Pétain was a true patriot, The Soviet press is the freest in the world, The Catholic Church is opposed to persecution, are almost always made with intent to deceive. Other words used in variable meanings, in most cases more or less dishonestly, are: class, totalitarian, science, progressive, reactionary, bourgeois, equality.
Now that I have made this catalogue of swindles and perversions, let me give another example of the kind of writing that they lead to. This time it must of its nature be an imaginary one. I am going to translate a passage of good English into modern English of the worst sort. Here is a well-known verse from Ecclesiastes:
I returned and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all.
Here it is in modern English:
Objective consideration of contemporary phenomena compels the conclusion that success or failure in competitive activities exhibits no tendency to be commensurate with innate capacity, but that a considerable element of the unpredictable must invariably be taken into account.
This is a parody, but not a very gross one. Exhibit 3 above, for instance, contains several patches of the same kind of English. It will be seen that I have not made a full translation. The beginning and ending of the sentence follow the original meaning fairly closely, but in the middle the concrete illustrations – race, battle, bread – dissolve into the vague phrase ‘success or failure in competitive activities’. This had to be so, because no modern writer of the kind I am discussing – no one capable of using phrases like ‘objective’ consideration of contemporary phenomena’ – would ever tabulate his thoughts in that precise and detailed way. The whole tendency of modern prose is away from concreteness. Now analyse these two sentences a little more closely. The first contains 49 words but only 60 syllables, and all its words are those of everyday life. The second contains 38 words of 90 syllables: 18 of its words are from Latin roots, and one from Greek. The first sentence contains six vivid images, and only one phrase (‘time and chance’) that could be called vague. The second contains not a single fresh, arresting phrase, and in spite of its 90 syllables it gives only a shortened version of the meaning contained in the first. Yet without a doubt it is the second kind of sentence that is gaining ground in modern English. I do not want to exaggerate. This kind of writing is not yet universal, and outcrops of simplicity will occur here and there in the worst-written page. Still if you or I were told to write a few lines on the uncertainty of human fortunes, we should probably come much nearer to my imaginary sentence than to the one from Ecclesiastes.
As I have tried to show, modern writing at its worst does not consist in picking out words for the sake of their meaning and inventing images in order to make the meaning clearer. It consists in gumming together long strips of words which have already been set in order by someone else, and making the results presentable by sheer humbug. The attraction of this way of writing is that it is easy. It is easier – even quicker, once you have the habit – to say In my opinion it is not an unjustifiable assumption that than to say I think. If you use ready-made phrases, you not only don’t have to hunt about for the words; you also don’t have to bother with the rhythms of your sentences, since these phrases are generally so arranged as to be more or less euphonious. When you are composing in a hurry – when you are dictating to a stenographer, for instance, or making a public speech – it is natural to fall into a pretentious, latinized style. Tags like a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind or a conclusion to which all of us would readily assent will save many a sentence from coming down with a bump. By using stale metaphors, similes and idioms, you save much mental effort, at the cost of leaving your meaning vague, not only for your reader but for yourself. This is the significance of mixed metaphors. The sole aim of a metaphor is to call up a visual image. When these images clash – as in The Fascist octopus has sung its swan song, the jackboot is thrown into the melting pot – it can be taken as certain that the writer is not seeing a mental image of the objects he is naming; in other words he is not really thinking. Look again at the examples I gave at the beginning of this essay. Professor Laski (1) uses five negatives in 53 words. One of these is superfluous, making nonsense of the whole passage, and in addition there is the slip alien for akin, making further nonsense, and several avoidable pieces of clumsiness which increase the general vagueness. Professor Hogben (2) plays ducks and drakes with a battery which is able to write prescriptions, and, while disapproving of the everyday phrase put up with, is unwilling to look egregious up in the dictionary and see what it means. (3), if one takes an uncharitable attitude towards it, is simply meaningless: probably one could work out its intended meaning by reading the whole of the article in which it occurs. In (4) the writer knows more or less what he wants to say, but an accumulation of stale phrases chokes him like tea-leaves blocking a sink. In (5) words and meaning have almost parted company. People who write in this manner usually have a general emotional meaning – they dislike one thing and want to express solidarity with another – but they are not interested in the detail of what they are saying. A scrupulous writer, in every sentence that he writes, will ask himself at least four questions, thus: What am I trying to say? What words will express it? What image or idiom will make it clearer? Is this image fresh enough to have an effect? And he will probably ask himself two more: Could I put it more shortly? Have I said anything that is avoidably ugly? But you are not obliged to go to all this trouble. You can shirk it by simply throwing your mind open and letting the ready-made phrases come crowding in. They will construct your sentences for you – even think your thoughts for you, to a certain extent – and at need they will perform the important service of partially concealing your meaning even from yourself. It is at this point that the special connection between politics and the debasement of language becomes clear.
In our time it is broadly true that political writing is bad writing. Where it is not true, it will generally be found that the writer is some kind of rebel, expressing his private opinions, and not a ‘party line’. Orthodoxy, of whatever colour, seems to demand a lifeless, imitative style. The political dialects to be found in pamphlets, leading articles, manifestos, White Papers and the speeches of Under-Secretaries do, of course, vary from party to party, but they are all alike in that one almost never finds in them a fresh, vivid, home-made turn of speech. When one watches some tired hack on the platform mechanically repeating the familiar phrases – bestial atrocities, iron heel, blood-stained tyranny, free peoples of the world, stand shoulder to shoulder – one often has a curious feeling that one is not watching a live human being but some kind of dummy: a feeling which suddenly becomes stronger at moments when the light catches the speaker’s spectacles and turns them into blank discs which seem to have no eyes behind them. And this is not altogether fanciful. A speaker who uses that kind of phraseology has gone some distance toward turning himself into a machine. The appropriate noises are coming out of his larynx, but his brain is not involved as it would be if he were choosing his words for himself. If the speech he is making is one that he is accustomed to make over and over again, he may be almost unconscious of what he is saying, as one is when one utters the responses in church. And this reduced state of consciousness, if not indispensable, is at any rate favourable to political conformity.
In our time, political speech and writing are largely the defence of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India, the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan, can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for most people to face, and which do not square with the professed aims of political parties. Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness. Defenceless villages are bombarded from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside, the cattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is called pacification. Millions of peasants are robbed of their farms and sent trudging along the roads with no more than they can carry: this is called transfer of population or rectification of frontiers. People are imprisoned for years without trial, or shot in the back of the neck or sent to die of scurvy in Arctic lumber camps: this is called elimination of unreliable elements. Such phraseology is needed if one wants to name things without calling up mental pictures of them. Consider for instance some comfortable English professor defending Russian totalitarianism. He cannot say outright, ‘I believe in killing off your opponents when you can get good results by doing so’. Probably, therefore, he will say something like this:
While freely conceding that the Soviet régime exhibits certain features which the humanitarian may be inclined to deplore, we must, I think, agree that a certain curtailment of the right to political opposition is an unavoidable concomitant of transitional periods, and that the rigours which the Russian people have been called upon to undergo have been amply justified in the sphere of concrete achievement.
The inflated style is itself a kind of euphemism. A mass of Latin words falls upon the facts like soft snow, blurring the outlines and covering up all the details. The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between one’s real and one’s declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted idioms, like a cuttlefish spurting out ink. In our age there is no such thing as ‘keeping out of politics’. All issues are political issues, and politics itself is a mass of lies, evasions, folly, hatred and schizophrenia. When the general atmosphere is bad, language must suffer. I should expect to find – this is a guess which I have not sufficient knowledge to verify – that the German, Russian and Italian languages have all deteriorated in the last ten or fifteen years, as a result of dictatorship.
But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought. A bad usage can spread by tradition and imitation, even among people who should and do know better. The debased language that I have been discussing is in some ways very convenient. Phrases like a not unjustifiable assumption, leaves much to be desired, would serve no good purpose, a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind, are a continuous temptation, a packet of aspirins always at one’s elbow. Look back through this essay, and for certain you will find that I have again and again committed the very faults I am protesting against. By this morning’s post I have received a pamphlet dealing with conditions in Germany. The author tells me that he ‘felt impelled’ to write it. I open it at random, and here is almost the first sentence that I see: ‘(The Allies) have an opportunity not only of achieving a radical transformation of Germany’s social and political structure in such a way as to avoid a nationalistic reaction in Germany itself, but at the same time of laying the foundations of a co-operative and unified Europe.’ You see, he ‘feels impelled’ to write – feels, presumably, that he has something new to say – and yet his words, like cavalry horses answering the bugle, group themselves automatically into the familiar dreary pattern. This invasion of one’s mind by ready-made phrases (lay the foundations, achieve a radical transformation) can only be prevented if one is constantly on guard against them, and every such phrase anaesthetizes a portion of one’s brain.
I said earlier that the decadence of our language is probably curable. Those who deny this would argue, if they produced an argument at all, that language merely reflects existing social conditions, and that we cannot influence its development by any direct tinkering with words and constructions. So far as the general tone or spirit of a language goes, this may be true, but it is not true in detail. Silly words and expressions have often disappeared, not through any evolutionary process but owing to the conscious action of a minority. Two recent examples were explore every avenue and leave no stone unturned, which were killed by the jeers of a few journalists. There is a long list of fly-blown metaphors which could similarly be got rid of if enough people would interest themselves in the job; and it should also be possible to laugh the not un- formation out of existence[3], to reduce the amount of Latin and Greek in the average sentence, to drive out foreign phrases and strayed scientific words, and, in general, to make pretentiousness unfashionable. But all these are minor points. The defence of the English language implies more than this, and perhaps it is best to start by saying what it does not imply.
To begin with it has nothing to do with archaism, with the salvaging of obsolete words and turns of speech, or with the setting up of a ‘standard English’ which must never be departed from. On the contrary, it is especially concerned with the scrapping of every word or idiom which has outworn its usefulness. It has nothing to do with correct grammar and syntax, which are of no importance so long as one makes one’s meaning clear or with the avoidance of Americanisms, or with having what is called a ‘good prose style’. On the other hand it is not concerned with fake simplicity and the attempt to make written English colloquial. Nor does it even imply in every case preferring the Saxon word to the Latin one, though it does imply using the fewest and shortest words that will cover one’s meaning. What is above all needed is to let the meaning choose the word, and not the other way about. In prose, the worst thing one can do with words is to surrender to them. When you think of a concrete object, you think wordlessly, and then, if you want to describe the thing you have been visualising, you probably hunt about till you find the exact words that seem to fit it. When you think of something abstract you are more inclined to use words from the start, and unless you make a conscious effort to prevent it, the existing dialect will come rushing in and do the job for you, at the expense of blurring or even changing your meaning. Probably it is better to put off using words as long as possible and get one’s meanings as clear as one can through pictures and sensations. Afterward one can choose – not simply accept – the phrases that will best cover the meaning, and then switch round and decide what impression one’s words are likely to make on another person. This last effort of the mind cuts out all stale or mixed images, all prefabricated phrases, needless repetitions, and humbug and vagueness generally. But one can often be in doubt about the effect of a word or a phrase, and one needs rules that one can rely on when instinct fails. I think the following rules will cover most cases:
i. Never use a metaphor, simile or other figure of speech which you are used to seeing in print.
ii. Never use a long word where a short one will do.
iii. If it is possible to cut a word out, always cut it out.
iv. Never use the passive where you can use the active.
v. Never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word or a jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent.
vi. Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous.
These rules sound elementary, and so they are, but they demand a deep change of attitude in anyone who has grown used to writing in the style now fashionable. One could keep all of them and still write bad English, but one could not write the kind of stuff that I quoted in those five specimens at the beginning of this article.
I have not here been considering the literary use of language, but merely language as an instrument for expressing and not for concealing or preventing thought. Stuart Chase and others have come near to claiming that all abstract words are meaningless, and have used this as a pretext for advocating a kind of political quietism. Since you don’t know what Fascism is, how can you struggle against Fascism? One need not swallow such absurdities as this, but one ought to recognize that the present political chaos is connected with the decay of language, and that one can probably bring about some improvement by starting at the verbal end. If you simplify your English, you are freed from the worst follies of orthodoxy. You cannot speak any of the necessary dialects, and when you make a stupid remark its stupidity will be obvious, even to yourself. Political language – and with variations this is true of all political parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists – is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind. One cannot change this all in a moment, but one can at least change one’s own habits, and from time to time one can even, if one jeers loudly enough, send some worn-out and useless phrase – some jackboot, Achilles’ heel, hotbed, melting pot, acid test, veritable inferno or other lump of verbal refuse – into the dustbin where it belongs.
[1] An interesting illustration of this is the way in which the English flower names which were in use till very recently are being ousted by Greek ones, snapdragon becoming antirrhinum, forget-me-not becoming myosotis, etc. It is hard to see any practical reason for this change of fashion: it is probably due to an instinctive turning-away from the more homely word and a vague feeling that the Greek word is scientific. [2] Example: ‘Comfort’s catholicity of perception and image, strangely Whitmanesque in range, almost the exact opposite in aesthetic compulsion, continues to evoke that trembling atmospheric accumulative hinting at a cruel, an inexorably serene timelessness… Wrey Gardiner scores by aiming at simple bullseyes with precision. Only they are not so simple, and through this contented sadness runs more than the surface bitter-sweet of resignation’. (Poetry Quarterly.) [3] One can cure oneself of the not un- formation by memorizing this sentence: A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across a not ungreen field.
Horizon, April 1946
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Commonly Confused Words: A Couple, A Few, Some, Several, or Many? – Marquette University Law School Faculty Blog
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""
] | null |
[
"Lisa A. Mazzie"
] |
2016-04-16T17:11:39-05:00
|
en
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https://law.marquette.edu/facultyblog/2014/07/commonly-confused-words-a-couple-a-few-some-several-or-many/comment-page-1/#comments
|
In three previous posts (here, here, and here), I’ve addressed some commonly confused words and how to choose the one that expresses what you really mean. Talking about those posts with some friends prompted this one: what’s the difference between a couple, few, some, several, or many? For example, if someone tells you have a few options, how many do you have? Three? Four? More?
A couple: Everyone seems to agree that “a couple” means two. If you have a couple of options, you can safely assume that you will have to choose between A and B, and only A and B.
A Few: Here’s where things tend to get confusing. I’ve asked different people how many they thought the words “a few” referred to. Their answers varied. Some insisted “a few” meant three and only three. Some said it meant three or four. Or maybe more. The answer is that there is no hard-and-fast answer. What “a few” means to me might be different than what “a few” means to you. So, if you tell someone you’ll be there “in a few minutes,” the two of you might understand that to mean, say, less than five minutes, but one of you might mean something slightly longer. And someone who wants to borrow “a few dollars” from you may really only want three or four bucks. But maybe not.
As well, depending on the context, “few” (without the “a” preceding it) could mean little to none. For example, maybe you have few options.
Some/Several: Again, there is no hard-and-fast rule here. “Some” might be the same as “a few” or it might be more, inching up to “several.” You might have “several dollars” in your pocket, or you might have “some cash” in your wallet, and those amounts could vary considerably in both your mind and your listener’s/reader’s minds.
Many: It seems generally accepted, though, that “many,” while having no precise number attached to it, is the greatest in quantity in this list. You might many choices, and that suggests far more than choosing between solely A, B, and C.
So, the bottom line seems to be this: “a couple” is typically interpreted with some precision to mean “two.” “Many” is the most, but an indeterminate amount. If you’re striving for precision, you might want to specifically list a number. For example, there are five reasons why the trial court decision must be overturned. That’s pretty clear. However, if you want some wiggle room, you can use “a few,” “some,” or “several,” but realize you and your listener or reader may have different understandings of what those terms mean.
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https://support.microsoft.com/en-us/office/translate-text-into-a-different-language-287380e4-a56c-48a1-9977-f2dca89ce93f
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en
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Translate text into a different language
|
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Translate all or part of your document into another language.
|
en
|
/apple-touch-icon.png
|
https://support.microsoft.com/en-us/office/translate-text-into-a-different-language-287380e4-a56c-48a1-9977-f2dca89ce93f
|
Translate an email in Outlook
In Outlook, you can translate words, phrases, and full messages when you need them. You can also set Outlook to automatically translate messages you receive in other languages.
When you receive an email in another language, you'll see a prompt at the top of the message asking if you'd like Outlook to translate it into your preferred language.
When you receive an email in another language, you can respond in two different ways:
In the message, select Translate message. Outlook replaces the message text with translated text.
After you've translated the message, you can select Show original to see the message in the original language or Turn on automatic translation to always translate messages to your preferred language.
In the message, select Never translate. Outlook won't ask you if you'd like to translate messages from that language in the future.
If, for some reason, Outlook doesn't offer these options, select the Translate button from the ribbon, or right-click on the message and select Translate, then Translate Message.
On the Home tab, select Translate > Translate Message.
To change your translation preferences, go to Home > Translate > Translation Preferences.
Here you can set your preferred language.
Translate part of an email
To translate just a bit of text from a message, select that text and right-click. Outlook will show you the translation right there in the context menu that appears.
You can also select text and right-click to translate to your preferred language when you're composing an email. When you click the translated text, you can insert it into the message you're writing.
To learn more see Announcing new translation features in Outlook.
Note: Automatic translation and intelligent translation suggestions are only available for Exchange Online mailboxes.
Translate a whole file in Word
Select Review > Translate > Translate Document.
Select your language to see the translation.
Select Translate. A copy of the translated document will be opened in a separate window.
Select OK in the original window to close translator.
Available in:
This feature is available to Microsoft 365 subscribers and Office 2021 or 2019 customers using Version 1710 or higher of Word. You must also be connected to the internet, and have Office connected experiences enabled to use Translator.
Users with Office 2016, but without a subscription, will have the same translation features that are available in Office 2013 and earlier.
Subscribers get new features and improvements monthly.
Not sure what version of Office you're running? See What version of Office am I using?
Change translation language
If you later want to change the To language for document translation, or if you need to translate a document to more than one language, you can do so, by selecting Set Document Translation Language...from the Translate menu.
Translate a whole document
Word for the web makes it easy to translate an entire document. When you open a document that is in a language other than your default language, Word for the web will automatically offer to create a machine-translated copy for you.
If you'd prefer to initiate the translation manually, you can still do that with these steps:
Select Review > Translate > Translate Document.
Select your language to see the translation.
Select Translate. A copy of the translated document will be opened in a separate window.
Available in:
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https://www.ef.edu/blog/language/a-short-history-of-the-english-language/
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en
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A short history of the English language â¹ GO Blog
|
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/assetscdn/go706j5dozw8p0p3r573/assets/images/icons/favicon-48.ico
|
GO Blog | EF United States
|
https://www.ef.edu/blog/language/a-short-history-of-the-english-language/
|
Ever wondered how English â with 1.5 billion speakers in all corners of the world and approximately 750,000 words  â came to be the wonderfully expressive and multifaceted language it is today?
Unlike languages that developed within the boundaries of one country (or one distinct geographical region), English, since its beginnings 1,600 or so years ago, evolved by crossing boundaries and through invasions, picking up bits and pieces of other languages along the way and changing with the spread of the language across the globe.
The Anglo-Saxon connection
The origins of the English language lie â surprise, surprise â in todayâs England and the arrival of Anglo-Saxon tribes from Central Europe to the British Isles in 400 AD. Their language, now known as âOld Englishâ, was soon adopted as the common language of this relatively remote corner of Europe. Although you and I would find it hard to understand Old English, it provided a solid foundation for the language we speak today and gave us many essential words like âbeâ, âstrongâ and âwaterâ.
Run from the Viking with a knife!
With the Viking invasions (Vikings were a tribe of Nordic people that ransacked their way through Northern and Northwestern Europe 1,000-1,200 years ago), Old English got mixed up with Old Norse, the language of the Viking tribes. Old Norse ended up giving English more than 2,000 new words, including âgiveâ and âtakeâ, âeggâ, âknifeâ, âhusbandâ, ârunâ and âvikingâ.
Bring on the French
Although English was spoken widely on the British Isles by 1,000 AD, the Norman invasion established French as the language of royals and of power. Old English was left to the peasants, and despite its less glamorous status, it continued to develop and grow by adopting a whole host of Latin and French words in 1,000-1,400 AD, including everyday words such as  âbeerâ,âcityâ, âfruitâ and âpeopleâ, as well as half of the months of the year. By adopting and adapting French words, the English language also became more sophisticated through the inclusion of concepts and words like âlibertyâ and âjusticeâ.
The alligator ate my puppy dog, Mr Shakespeare
In the 14th-15th century, following the Hundred Years War with France that ended French rule of the British Isles, English became the language of power and influence once again. It got a further boost through the development of English literature and English culture, spearheaded by William Shakespeare, perhaps the most celebrated poet/playwright of all time. Shakespeareâs influence on the development of the English language and its unique and rich culture is hard to grasp;Â the man is said to have invented â yes, INVENTED â at least 1,700 words, including âalligatorâ, âpuppy dogâ, and âfashionableâ, in addition to penning classics like Romeo & Juliet and Hamlet!
The science of new words
If Shakespeare established English as a culturally significant, rich language, the rapidly developing world of science started changing the English language in the 17th-18th centuries, necessitating the invention of new words, including âgravityâ, âacidâ and âelectricityâ. And as the English-speaking world was at the center of a lot of scientific progress, scientific advances went hand-in-hand with the evolution of the language.
English goes global
But it wasnât until Britain became the colonial master of the (known) universe â or Planet Earth anyway â that the spread of English really picked up pace. By the early 20th century Britain had established imperial control over more than a quarter of the world â from Asia to Africa â and more than 400 million (newly) British subjects. In addition to spreading the English language far and wide, this resulted in the development of dozens of local versions and dialects of English and brought with it â yes, you guessed it â more new words! The word âbarbequeâ, for example, was picked up from the Caribbean while âzombieâ was adopted from Africa.
AÂ dictionary to the rescue
The rapid spread of the language resulted in a problem: how do you make sure that the language remains intelligible across borders? The language bible known as the Oxford English Dictionary, first published in 1884, standardized spelling and ensured that English speakers all over the world could understand each other (or at least try to). Currently at 20 volumes (thatâs more than 21,000 pages of dictionary definitions!), each new edition of the Oxford English Dictionary takes decades to compile, although new words are added to the online version several times a year.
OMG, food baby and other 21st century gems
And on that note: the most amazing thing about English is that itâs STILL evolving. From the development of local dialects and slang in countries as far apart as the US, South Africa and New Zealand, and in cities as different as New York, Oxford and Singapore, to the incorporation of tech vocabulary into everyday English (weâre looking at you, 2013 Word of the Year, âselfieâ!), English is in a constant state of flux.
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https://germanic.illinois.edu/academics/scandinavian/scandinavian-languages
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en
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Department of Germanic Languages & Literatures
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https://germanic.illinois.edu/
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https://germanic.illinois.edu/
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""
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en
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/themes/contrib/illinois_framework_theme/favicon.ico
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https://germanic.illinois.edu/academics/scandinavian/scandinavian-languages
|
The Scandinavian languages include Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic (and Old Norse), and Faroese. Like English and German, they belong to the group of languages called Germanic that share a linguistic ancestor and many everyday words. Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian in their standard forms are mutually intelligible; that is, a person who knows one of the languages can read and understand the others with little difficulty. Language students benefit from this fact since with just a bit of extra effort they can acquire (at least passively) two more languages "for free."
The Scandinavian languages are ideal for learning as a foreign language. They all have quite simple grammatical structures; verbs, for example, do not change their form within a given tense. The comparatively uncomplicated grammar, combined with word recognition carry-over from English, enables students to make rapid progress and attain fluency. Those with previous exposure to German have a further advantage since there are many additional cognates.
The Scandinavian program offers two languages on a regular basis. Swedish is taught in the sequence SCAN 101-104 (beginning to intermediate) and SCAN 494 (advanced). SCAN 101, 103, and 494 are offered in fall semesters, with 102 and 104 in spring. The program tries to offer 101 and 102 regularly during the first part of summer sessions as well.
The program also offers Old Norse—the language of Icelandic Vikings—in the SCAN 505-506 sequence for graduate students and advanced undergraduates.
Some students enrolled in Swedish classes have chosen to study the language because their ancestors emigrated from Scandinavia and they wish to explore their ethnic heritage. Others learn the language as part of a Study Abroad experience, have traveled in Scandinavia, or have some other personal connection to Sweden. Students interested in medieval culture may find Old Norse particularly rewarding. Students of German sometimes elect to study Swedish because of the close linguistic relation. Still, other students want to have access to the rich national literature of the Scandinavian countries or are interested in Scandinavian design or Scandinavian politics and social policy.
There are many opportunities for students to study a Scandinavian language abroad or during the summer.
Scandinavian Language Courses taught at the University of Illinois
SCAN 101 (First semester Swedish, fall) Beginning Scandinavian I
SCAN 102 (Second semester Swedish, spring) Beginning Scandinavian II
SCAN 103 (Third semester Swedish, fall) Intermediate Scandinavian I
SCAN 104 (Fourth semester Swedish, spring) Intermediate Scandinavian II
SCAN 494 (Advanced Swedish) Topics in Scan Languages
SCAN 505 (Beginning Old Norse) Old Norse-Icelandic I
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https://blog.rosettastone.com/the-complete-list-of-language-difficulty-rankings/
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en
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The Complete List of Language Difficulty Rankings
|
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[
"Madeleine Lee"
] |
2022-05-13T21:59:53-05:00
|
Ready to learn a new language? Check out the language difficulty ranking for the world’s most widely spoken languages.
|
en
|
Rosetta Stone
|
https://blog.rosettastone.com/the-complete-list-of-language-difficulty-rankings/
|
222.6K
You know that friend you have who speaks three languages fluently—effortlessly even? They probably also get eight hours of sleep every night, never misplace their keys, and hit the gym without fail every morning at 5 a.m., but that’s besides the point.
It’s okay to not be that person! For most people, language learning is deeply fulfilling, fun, and a bit challenging. It takes time, discipline, and a well of motivation that you’ll need to refill. That’s why knowing the language difficulty ranking in relation to your native tongue can be useful.
Language difficulty rankings exist so you can set the fluency goal posts at a realistic distance. In this guide, we’ll take a look at the easiest languages and hardest languages to learn, the factors that determine language difficulty, and a complete ranking of the world’s most widely spoken languages—including how long they take to learn.
Most widely-spoken languages by category
With over 7,000 languages spoken across the globe, it’s difficult to rank them all. The below language difficulty charts capture languages spoken by the majority of the world’s population.
The Foreign Service Institute includes time estimates alongside difficulty rankings, but it’s important to note that everyone’s language goals are different. The time estimates here reflect how long it would take the average person to reach a Level 3 proficiency level, which is pretty fluent by most standards.
If your goals align more with a Level 1 or 2 proficiency, you may be able to learn a language even faster.
Category I languages
It takes approximately 24-30 weeks (600-750 hours of practice) to reach professional working proficiency in these languages. They are very closely related to English, so many of the same grammar rules and similar vocabulary apply.
Danish
Dutch
French
Italian
Norwegian
Portuguese
Romanian
Spanish (Latin America or Spain)
Swedish
Category II languages
It takes approximately 36 weeks (900 hours of practice) to obtain professional working proficiency in these five languages. Though German is in the same family as English, its nuanced pronunciation gives it a higher difficulty level than other Germanic languages.
German
Haitian Creole
Indonesian
Malay
Swahili
Category III languages
Approximately 44 weeks (1,100 hours of practice) is what you need to reach professional working proficiency in these languages. You’ll notice that many languages in the below language difficulty chart do not use the Latin alphabet.
Category IV languages
You’ll need approximately 88 weeks (2,200 hours of practice) to reach professional working proficiency in the below languages. These hardest languages to learn are ranked as such because they’re deeply nuanced, with complex grammar and pronunciation rules. Don’t let their place on this list deter you from diving right in, though—we’ve built courses to help you learn quickly and effectively!
Arabic
Chinese (Cantonese)
Chinese (Mandarin)
Japanese
Korean
How is language difficulty ranking determined?
Determining language difficulty requires a bird’s eye view of how languages relate to each other. The Foreign Service Institute is a reliable industry expert here. With over 70 years of experience teaching languages to US government employees, it has compiled a comprehensive and widely accepted list of language rankings.
The criteria is largely tied to the average length of time it takes a student to learn a language, along with several other components that affect difficulty levels.
Linguistic distance
In French, “the flower” translates to “la fleur.” In Spanish, it’s “la flor,” and in Italian, it’s “il fiore.” Coincidence? Hardly.
When we talk about linguistic distance, we’re referring to the fundamental differences between languages and how or where they’ve evolved from. Spanish, French, and Italian are all descendants of Latin and have many similarities. To see languages that are closely related, it helps to dive into the world of language families, or groups of languages that all share the same mother language.
In contrast to the similarities between the Romance languages listed above, German and Mandarin—two languages of different families with entirely unique writing systems—couldn’t be more linguistically distant.
The takeaway here is that the farther your native language is from the language you’re learning, the more challenging you may find your new language to learn.
Grammar
In English, it’s acceptable to say that you “bought five books.” But to translate that same statement into Mandarin, you’ll need a measure word. Like a pack of wolves or a tank of gas, “books” in Mandarin requires the word běn to indicate a unit of five books. This is just one example of unique grammar rules that don’t exist in other languages.
Grammar can be tricky, even in your native language. If you’re looking for ease of learning, finding a language with familiar or easy-to-master grammar rules can help you tone down the language difficulty level.
Pronunciation
Schlittschuhlaufen. That’s German for “ice skating.” German is often known for its hard-to-master accent and enthusiastically long vocabulary. It’s also ranked as one of the easier languages to master, as you’ll see in the list below. What’s the logic there?
German and English belong to the same Germanic language family, so their linguistic closeness wins out. And while mastering a German accent can be tricky, most speakers will understand what you’re saying through the missteps.
When it comes to pronunciation, the real difficulty factor comes into play for tonal languages. These languages, which include Vietnamese and Mandarin, require correct pronunciation and inflection to create meaning for each word. Mandarin’s four distinct tones give the same word ma four very different meanings.
Writing system
As an English speaker, you’ll encounter three types of writing systems:
Languages that use the same Latin alphabet as English
Languages that have their own unique alphabets
Languages based on unique writing systems
Languages that fall in the first category are often the easiest languages to learn. Because you’re already familiar with the alphabet, you have an understanding of characters and most letter sounds. If that’s the case, strengthening your reading and writing skills in that language takes far less time.
The languages in the second category are moderately challenging. You’ll need to learn an entirely new alphabet, and memorize their corresponding letter sounds.
Still, some languages lack traditional alphabets. Mandarin, for example, has a logosyllabic writing system in which characters match distinct syllables in each word. These are the most difficult to learn, as new learners will find that learning through listening is much more accessible than learning through text (though Pinyin is changing the way learners approach the language).
Using language difficulty ranking for language learning
There’s no set timeline for how long it takes to learn a language, but language difficulty rankings serve as guides on your journey.
Learning a language is a marathon, not a sprint. It’s the last thing an eager language learner wants to hear, but it’s also incredibly valuable information. Knowing this makes it easier to stay motivated and disciplined and keep your eye on the prize—your personal language goals—at all times.
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https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/two-bits
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en
|
two bits
|
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2024-08-14T00:00:00
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TWO BITS definition: 1. 25 cents 2. 25 cents. Learn more.
|
en
|
https://dictionary.cambridge.org/external/images/favicon.ico?version=6.0.31
|
https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/two-bits
|
noun [ plural ]
US informal uk
Your browser doesn't support HTML5 audio
/ˌtuː ˈbɪts/ us
Your browser doesn't support HTML5 audio
/ˌtuː ˈbɪts/
(Definition of two bits from the Cambridge Advanced Learner's Dictionary & Thesaurus © Cambridge University Press)
Examples of two bits
two bits
For example, a computer with two bits can encode information in only one of four possible combinations: 00, 01, 10, or 11.
Lass, there be two bits in it for you if me jar always be foamy.?
We have two bits of feedback from listeners that sort of show the enormous range of roles that hashtags can play.
My two bits: it will improve health care and education, especially for those who can least afford it, and make the world a more humanitarian place.
Amid all the bad news about that (scientists report a massive gap between what we're planning and what needs to be done) there are two bits of good news.
The next three bits stand for a temporal resolution, while the last two bits represent a quality level.
Two bits are changed in this example.
Only a quarter—25 cents—two bits—to see the big show!
The senior officer of the vessel took from his pocket the cross, with its two bits of chain still dangling from it.
He thought that two bits a day might do very well, but that was as much as could be afforded.
Surround them with mold, and then tying together the two bits of wood, plant the whole in a pot filled with earth, properly prepared.
If either of you men were hurt by one of my family, my life wouldn't be worth two bits.
You gave the waiter a tip of fifteen cents or "two bits" as you felt liberal, and he was satisfied.
You see he lacked "two bits" of getting cost for the bird.
I reckon any of them would cut a throat or down a man for two bits in lead money.
These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.
Translations of two bits
in Chinese (Traditional)
25美分…
in Chinese (Simplified)
25美分…
Need a translator?
Get a quick, free translation!
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Word of the Day
left-click
UK
Your browser doesn't support HTML5 audio
/ˈleftˌklɪk/
US
Your browser doesn't support HTML5 audio
/ˈleftˌklɪk/
to press the button on the left of a computer mouse in order to make the computer do something
About this
Blog
Simply the best! (Ways to describe the best)
August 14, 2024
New Words
quishing
August 12, 2024
More new words
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https://infosys.beckhoff.com/content/1033/tc3_plc_intro/2529343371.html
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en
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Bit Access to Variables
|
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With an index access you can address individual bits in integer variables...
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| null |
Index access to bits in integer variables
It is possible to address individual bits in integer variables. To do this, append the index of the bit to be addressed to the variable, separated by a dot. The bit index can be specified by any constant. Indexing is 0-based.
Syntax:
<integer variable name> . <index>
<integer data typ> = BYTE | WORD | DWORD | LWORD | SINT | USINT | INT | UINT | DINT | UDINT | LINT | ULINT
If the type of the variable is not allowed, TwinCAT issues the following error message: Invalid data type <type> for direct indexing. If the index is larger than the bit width of the variable, TwinCAT issues the following error: Index <n> out of valid range for variable <name>.
Sample index access:
In the program the third bit of the variable nVarA is set to the value of the variable nVarB.
PROGRAM MAIN
VAR
    nVarA : WORD := 16#FFFF;
bVarBÂ : BOOL := 0;
END_VAR
// Index access in an integer variable
nVarA.2 := bVarB;
Result: nVarA = 2#1111_1111_1111_1011 = 16#FFFB
Sample constant as index:
The constant cEnable acts as an index to access the third bit of the variable nVar.
// GVL declaration
VAR_GLOBALÂ CONSTANT
    cEnable : USINT := 2;
END_VAR
PROGRAM MAIN
VAR
    nVar    : INT   := 0;
END_VAR
// Constant as index
nVar.cEnable := TRUE; // Third bit in nVar is set TRUE
Result: nVar = 4
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https://lingopie.com/blog/bilingual-celebrities-15-celebrities-you-wont-believe-speak-multiple-languages/
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Bilingual Celebrities: 15 Celebrities You Won't Believe Speak Multiple Languages
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2022-12-20T15:00:13+00:00
|
Many popular celebrities are fluent in multiple languages. Check out our list to be surprised by how skilled these famous stars truly are.
|
en
|
The blog for language lovers | Lingopie.com
|
https://lingopie.com/blog/bilingual-celebrities-15-celebrities-you-wont-believe-speak-multiple-languages/
|
Have you ever wondered if celebrities lead interesting lives outside of the big screen? You will be surprised to find out that many popular celebrities speak other languages besides English. Some have multiple native languages while others learned the new skill in adulthood.
You can even sometimes see some on the red carpet or at a press conference speaking another language with foreign interviewers.
In this post, we will see just how many famous people speak at least two (or even more) languages.
See also: 7 Main Benefits of Language Learning
Viggo Mortensen, a Man of Many Languages
One of the most talented actors of the early 2000s, Viggo Mortensen had a very interesting upbringing that resulted in his knowledge of more than three languages.
Due to his role in the popular Lord of the Rings trilogy, many may think that he speaks Elvish, but unfortunately, that is not one of the multiple languages that he speaks in real life.
He grew up in Argentina, speaking Spanish and English with his family. He was also raised speaking Danish because he has a Danish father and an American mother. When he was 11, he moved to upstate New York where he picked up Canadian French as well!
Check also our youtube video on the topic:
Sandra Bullock Has a Parent Who is a German Opera Singer
One of the most beloved actresses in Hollywood and the star of movies like The Blind Side, Sandra Bullock speaks not only English but also fluent German. Although she was born in the U.S., her mother is a German opera singer.
Her father was an American army employee stationed in Nuremberg when he met her German mother and they got married. As a result of this, German is Bullock's native language just as much as English because she was raised hearing both in her household.
Bradley Cooper Moved Abroad to Learn French
This beloved actor, known most recently for his emotional performance in A Star is Born alongside singer and actress Lady Gaga, speaks French.
This came as a surprise a few years ago when a video was released of him speaking French for a press tour.
Bradley learned the language after watching the classic film Chariots of Fire and hearing French being spoken for the first time on screen. He was inspired and took classes in school. He also studied abroad in France for six months in order to immerse himself in French culture.
Natalie Portman Knows More than Five Languages
Natalie Portman is a very famous actress who started acting when she was young. What many people don't know about her is that she was born in Jerusalem and Hebrew is her native language as well as English.
She has spoken in many interviews about her dual citizenship and her ability to speak Hebrew. She also speaks Spanish, French, Japanese, German, and Arabic, meaning she knows five languages other than English and Hebrew.
As an actress, Natalie Portman has traveled the world to film movies and this has inspired her to learn languages and her passion for diplomacy.
Check out: The 9 Best Jobs for Polyglots Today
Colin Firth Learned Italian for Love
Colin Firth is a well-known British actor and one of the many celebrities who has portrayed characters of many different nationalities.
Last year he portrayed the American author turned accused murderer, Michael Peterson, in the TV miniseries The Staircase, where he got to show off an American accent. But his language skills go beyond the screen as he also speaks fluent Italian.
He didn't learn his second language until he was an adult, but that didn't stop the actor from becoming fluent in Italian. It all started when he met his now ex-wife, Livia Giuggioli, who is from Italy. When he met her, he decided he should learn the language of his wife and start speaking Italian.
Jodie Foster Went to a French School
Unlike many on this list, Jodie Foster speaks a second language that is not a native tongue, but one that she was taught as a child. The actress speaks fluent French thanks to the fact that her parents put her in a French school in Los Angeles when she was young.
Speaking French has opened up many doors for the actress, allowing her to not only dub her own English films in French but also to also star in French films like Un Long Dimanche de Fiançailles.
Anya Taylor-Joy Grew Up Speaking Spanish
The Queen's Gambit actress has lived a very intercontinental life that allowed her to learn Spanish before even learning English.
She was born in Miami and raised in Buenos Aires, Argentina until the age of 6. After that, her family moved to England, where she began to speak English, but still preferred her first language.
Nowadays, she often does interviews in Spanish for movie promotions or magazines. Search on Youtube and you will find plenty of videos of her using her Spanish flawlessly!
Mark Zuckerberg Learned Mandarin to Make Better Business Deals
The tech giant has impressed many around the world with his knowledge and fluency in Mandarin Chinese.
This is a notoriously difficult language to learn, but Mark Zuckerberg is known for his academic achievements and it came as no surprise that he chose it as he continuously communicates with China in order to make business deals.
Since he revealed his Mandarin skills during a speech in 2014, he has inspired many to pick up the language in order to further their careers in business.
Charlize Theron has a Rare Native Tongue
Although Charlize Theron is an expert at changing her accent in her movies, if you see her in an interview or watch her give an acceptance speech, you will hear that she has a South African accent.
Charlize Theron grew up in South Africa and her mother tongue is Afrikaans, which she spoke until she was a young adult. In interviews, she says that she didn't learn to speak English until she was 19 and living in the United States.
Gwyneth Paltrow Speaks Spanish
The famous actress and CEO of Goop learned to speak Spanish when she was 15 while living in a small town in Spain for a year.
Gwyneth Paltrow is a big advocate for learning a second language and has made it a point to teach her own children Spanish as well.
Rita Ora Stuck to Her Roots
Rita Ora has become famous across the globe for her music, but did you know that she is also fluent in a very specific language?
She grew up in England, but she was born in Kosovo and speaks Albanian. She moved to England when she was just a toddler, but has spoken Albanian with her family throughout her life.
Maybe one day we will get to hear some Albanian in her music!
Leonardo DiCaprio Uses His Language Skills for Good
As a talented actor, Leonardo DiCaprio has acquired many skills over his decades-long career and has spanned his influence into the international sphere with his environmental activism and philanthropic efforts.
But the Hollywood star has always had an international influence that started in his young life. His father is half German and half Italian and he learned how to speak German from his German grandparents, who he visited in Germany quite frequently as a child.
As he grew a bit older, he took a special interest in Italian as well and studied it. He is at least conversational in both Italian and German and has been caught on film using both languages to speak at press conferences and even to the Pope!
Tom Hiddleston Loves to Learn New Languages
Loki himself speaks Italian, Spanish and French languages fluently. He also learned Ancient Greek while studying Classics at Cambridge. He also knows some Russian, Latin, German, Mandarin Chinese, and Korean.
The British actor took a liking to languages at an early age and continues to study and learn new ones as much as possible. He tries to pick up at least a few words when he visits a new country so that he can connect with fans.
Timothée Chalamet Loves to Show Off His French
At this point, many people know that Timothée Chalamet speaks French because he frequently does interviews for French media sites whenever he is promoting a movie.
His last name also indicates that he has roots in France. His father is from France and he spent many summers with his grandparents in their small village outside of Lyon, France. He also has dual U.S. and French citizenship.
Mila Kunis Has a Surprising Native Language
Most known for her role in That 70's Show, Mila Kunis speaks fluent Russian. She was born outside of Kyiv, Ukraine, and moved with her family to the U.S. when she was just seven years old. Russian is her first language and when she came to America, she knew no English.
Much has changed since then and she doesn't even have a hint of a Russian accent. However, she still uses her native tongue with her parents and when she is traveling the world to promote films like Friends with Benefits with Justin Timberlake.
Summing Up: Many Celebrities Speak More than One Language Fluently
In this post, we have given you a list of many bilingual celebrities, but there are so many more out there. Many of them say it has been extremely beneficial to know how to speak more than one language and they encourage others to do the same.
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https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/two-bit
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en
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Wiktionary, the free dictionary
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https://en.wiktionary.org/static/favicon/wiktionary/en.ico
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https://www.historytoday.com/archive/language-roman-empire
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en
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The Language of the Roman Empire
|
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What language did the Romans speak? Latin was used throughout the Roman Empire, but it shared space with a host of other languages and dialects...
|
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/sites/default/files/favicon.png
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https://www.historytoday.com/archive/language-roman-empire
|
Latin may be the language that we associate with the Roman Empire, but the question of whether the Romans spoke Latin does not have a simple answer. Rome grew from a tiny community in the middle of a culturally diverse peninsula into an empire that reached from Britain to Syria. As Rome’s power spread, Romans interacted with speakers of dozens of other languages – and made them into fellow citizens. The Romans’ love of Greek culture meant that the Greek language also had a central place in Roman society, while Rome itself was a city of immigrants and slaves, many of whom brought their languages with them.
Rome and Italy
Rome started life as just one of many small urban communities in the Italian peninsula. Latium, the region on the west coast of Italy which contains the city of Rome, gave its name to the local language: Latin. But Italy was host to many other languages, some closely related to Latin. Faliscan, for example, was spoken in cities very close to Rome and some linguists consider it to be a dialect of Latin rather than a separate language. Other related languages belonging to the ‘Italic’ family include the widely spoken Oscan (central and southern Italy) and Umbrian (central Italy). Greek, a more distantly related language, was spoken in cities all along the coastline. Another prestigious neighbouring language, Etruscan, was not related to Latin at all: it is a non-Indo-European language and may not be related to any other known language.
We know that speakers of Latin interacted with speakers of these other languages and that some Roman citizens were multilingual. This is partly due to archaeological evidence; it would be extremely unlikely that the trade, exchange and adaptation of goods that we see taking place across Italy could exist without at least a few bilingual individuals. Even the Roman alphabet was adapted from the Etruscan one, which could not have happened without some kind of conversation between Etruscan- and Latin-speakers.
Contact between languages also had a lasting impact on Latin itself. We can tell that some Latin words were originally borrowings from other languages. In the same way that we can tell from their sound and spelling that karaoke and déjà-vu are unlikely to be words of English origin, even though they are now fully integrated into the vocabulary of English-speakers, there are words in Latin that show telltale signs of being loan words.
It is not surprising that a lot of these borrowed words are relevant to domains such as farming, the countryside and trade, all areas of life where contact between speakers of different languages would have been common. For example, the Latin word lupus ‘wolf’, from which we get the flower name lupin, has a p sound in a place where Latin would usually have a k sound (generally spelled with a c). The b of the word bos ‘cow’, from which we get bovine, would also be an exception to the sound laws of Latin. These words must be borrowed from a nearby language, probably one similar to Oscan or Umbrian.
We do not always know the source language for loan words. The unit of volume litra, from which the modern measurement litre is derived, has its origins in an unknown non-Latin language, probably a Sicilian one, which has left few other traces behind.
Latin was especially prone to borrowing colour names, probably because of the frequent trade in furs or fabrics with its neighbours. Sometimes the borrowing results in a ‘doublet’, or two words of the same etymological origin which have come into Latin via different routes. For example, ruber and rufus both mean ‘red’ or ‘reddish’ and both come from the same Indo-European word. But the former is the ‘native’ Latin term and the latter is borrowed from a neighbouring language. The English name Rufus is a direct result of the Romans’ early multilingualism.
Borrowings in Latin are not all to do with country life. An early form of Roman theatre called ‘Atellan farce’, mentioned by the Roman authors Suetonius, Cicero and Tacitus, was based on earlier drama written in Oscan; Roman authors show us that some Oscan was retained in Roman productions. The name Casnar, for example, means ‘old man’ in Oscan and is the name given to the bumbling ‘old man’ stock character. It is possible that these Punch and Judy-style slapstick shows were even performed in Oscan at Rome, though the audience may not have needed to understand much of the dialogue to get the joke. Latin took other theatre-related terms from Etruscan, such as persona – ‘theatrical mask’ – from Etruscan phersu, giving us our words persona and person; and from Greek, such as scaena ‘stage’ from skene, giving us the word scene.
Language death
These other languages – Etruscan, Oscan, Umbrian, Faliscan and many more – were spoken and written in Italy for centuries. Most seem to have survived into the first century BC, well into the period when Rome had already started to expand its territories overseas.
As long as the communities of Italy were ‘allies’ of Rome, rather than being run directly as part of the Roman state, their languages tended to survive. Some cities that were independent from Rome started using Latin by choice. Livy tells us, for example, that the city of Cumae, the first Greek colony in southern Italy, which had started using Oscan as its main language around the fourth century BC, petitioned Rome in 180 BC to be allowed to adopt Latin as its official written language, flagging up the switch from Oscan to attract the notice of their increasingly powerful Roman neighbours.
For other communities, linguistic change was less peaceful. In the early first century BC, the Italian allies went to war with Rome, setting up an alternative state called ‘Italia’. This conflict is known as the ‘Social War’, because it was a war against allies, or socii. It is an ongoing matter of debate whether the allies were fighting for full Roman citizenship and voting rights, or whether they wanted to end their ties with Rome once and for all after decades of tension. Probably both of these motivations – and others – existed among the tens of thousands of soldiers, who came from all across Italy.
Some historians have interpreted the allies’ use of the Oscan language as a defiant statement of non-Roman identity, particularly when taken alongside the imagery of the Italian bull trampling the Roman wolf on their official coinage. But we cannot ignore that the majority of Italia’s coinage was bilingual, suggesting that Latin was already the lingua franca among its multilingual forces.
The Social War affected the landscape of some of Italy’s most famous cities, including Pompeii. Some of the most evocative and most frequently ignored dipinti (painted inscriptions) at Pompeii are the scattering of Oscan messages painted at key points on the main roads, known as the eítuns inscriptions (after their first word). These bright red texts functioned as a set of safety instructions, telling the men of the town where to gather and to whom they should report in the event of a Roman invasion. They suggest that some of the men of Pompeii would not struggle to read Oscan in a high-pressure situation.
These messages were written not during the early history of the Roman republic, but while a teenage Cicero was doing his military service. They were written by the last generation of the city who could read and write Oscan: after the Social War, Latin-speaking Roman colonists were sent to settle in Pompeii and many of the other towns of Italy to prevent future rebellions. The texts survive because they were plastered over or hidden behind shop awnings and because the distinctive right-to-left Oscan alphabet would not have meant much to the later occupants of the town.
Domination
All the languages of Italy other than Latin (and Greek) died out. Language death can occur when all the speakers of a language die or are killed or, more commonly, when speakers stop passing on their language to their children. Once language death is underway, it can be quick: it typically takes just three generations for all knowledge of a language to be lost. In Italy, the disruption and population movement caused by the Social War and the Civil Wars meant that communities lost cohesion and had to abandon their former languages.
Etruscan had a slightly longer life than Oscan or Umbrian because of its prestige as a traditional language of divination and fortune-telling in Rome. The last Roman to speak Etruscan was the emperor Claudius, who wrote a 20-volume history of Etruria and, the historian Tacitus tells us, was keen to keep Etruscan traditions alive at Rome. But even Claudius was learning Etruscan to access historical sources, not to speak to his subjects. By the turn of the first century AD, the economic advantages and practicality of learning Latin ultimately outweighed any lingering feelings of linguistic identity or tradition and meant that other languages were not transmitted to the next generation. Latin now dominated the Italian peninsula.
Both our languages
Latin was not the only language of the Roman Empire, nor even the only language of Italy. As Rome expanded its control to both east and west, it encountered many other languages. Most significantly, it inherited a pre-existing Greek administrative system in the areas which became the eastern half of the Roman Empire.
There was no need for the Romans to overhaul this system and replace it with Latin. Brought up on an educational diet of Greek philosophy, rhetoric and drama, Roman men were usually fluent in Greek from a young age. Using Greek was convenient for the Roman elite and the use of Greek continued in the eastern half of the Empire throughout the period of Roman rule.
Because fluency in Greek and knowledge of Greek culture was shared by all Roman elite men, using Greek was often a sign of intimacy and closeness. In Cicero’s letters, which were gathered for publication after his death by his secretary Tiro, he uses Greek sentences, phrases and words, particularly with his close friend Atticus. They even make bilingual puns to each other and discuss how certain words should be translated. Letters between the emperor Augustus and his step-son Tiberius, as recorded by later historians, also show this ‘code-switching’ between Latin and Greek.
Although Shakespeare records Julius Caesar’s last message to Brutus as ‘Et tu, Brute?’ (‘You too, Brutus?’), Suetonius reports the famous final words as the Greek kai su teknon (‘you too, child?’). Interpretations differ on whether Caesar was questioning Brutus’ motives, claiming paternity or issuing a threat (‘you’re next, young man!’). Suetonius claims not to believe that Caesar spoke any last words at all. But the idea that Caesar would reach for Greek, not Latin, to express himself in a moment of high emotion and pain shows just how embedded Greek was in Roman life.
Dealing with bureaucracy in Greek, therefore, was no big deal at all to the Roman aristocracy and the overwhelming majority of the Roman official material we find in the east is in Greek. This linguistic split between east and west made Rome a fully bilingual empire. Suetonius reports that the emperor Claudius joked that Greek and Latin were ‘both our languages’ and that bilingualism is found everywhere in Roman life.
It was not just the Roman elite who spoke Greek. People from all professions and walks of life spoke and wrote in Greek, although it is impossible for us to know much about the languages used by the illiterate majority. Tradesmen, craftsmen and soldiers are all well-represented in our sources, though, and show how ordinary people throughout the Roman Empire used both Latin and Greek. In a museum in the Sicilian capital Palermo an inscription written in both Greek and Latin shows how bilingualism could be a marketable skill. The inscription is an advertisement from outside a stone-cutter’s shop and reads something like: ‘Get your public and private inscriptions made here.’ The inscription is bilingual, not just to attract a wider audience, but also to demonstrate the craftsman’s skill in carving both alphabets. Linguists have suggested that the slightly unusual phrasing in both halves might mean that the stone-cutter was not a native speaker of either Latin or Greek: his mother tongue might have been Punic, a Semitic language spoken in North Africa. But whatever the native language of the stone-cutter, this sign declares him competent enough to carve an elaborate inscription in either of Rome’s languages.
Letters home from soldiers show another side of how the Romans used Greek. Like letters written by elite Roman men, letters from soldiers show ‘code-switching’ between Latin and Greek, suggesting that they and their families could read both languages, or at least understand them if a scribe read the letter aloud. The most famous military letter writer is Claudius Terentianus, a soldier stationed in Egypt in the second century AD. We have a small collection of surviving letters from Terentianus to his father Claudius Tiberianus, an army veteran.
The letters use both Latin and Greek and it is not clear why Terentianus switches between the two. Various suggestions have been made. It may be, for example, that Latin-speaking scribes were not always available and so Terentianus – who would have followed the normal Roman practice of dictating to a scribe rather than writing letters by hand – made use of whatever language was available. An alternative explanation is that he wrote in Greek mainly when he wanted to include his mother and sisters in the letter and wrote in Latin to discuss military matters with his father. This explanation relies on the idea that the father and son were the bilingual members of the family as a result of their military service. Another alternative is that Greek was used for more personal topics and Latin for more formal or impersonal content. None of these explanations covers everything and it is likely that Terentianus was comfortable using both languages for a range of topics.
The other major Greek-speaking group in the Roman Empire was slaves. Over the course of Roman history, hundreds of thousands of people were trafficked into Italy. They were taken from all parts of the Empire, but the majority appear to have come from Greek-speaking areas in the East. Many of these slaves probably had another mother tongue but could speak Greek as a second or third language. Most would also have had no choice but to learn Latin if they were taken to the West. Roman literature shows that native Latin-speakers made fun of slaves and freedmen, whose Latin was peppered with Greek words and expressions. In Petronius’ novel Satyricon, written in the first century AD, the ‘uncultured’ freed slaves are the butt of the narrator’s jokes. Their use of Greek swear words and idioms is supposed to demonstrate their lack of education, alongside nouveau riche displays of wealth. In the Roman imagination, Greek was the language of slaves as well as the language of high culture.
Language of power
Romans therefore had an ambivalent relationship with the Greek language. They admired the Greeks who had lived centuries before them and envied the Attic dialect in which figures such as Plato, Demosthenes and Sophocles had written. Roman writers of the first centuries BC and AD bemoaned the poverty of Latin and apologised (maybe protesting too much) for trying to write poetry, technical treatises or philosophy in such an uncooperative tongue. But the contemporary Greek language, which was usually Koiné Greek rather than Attic, did not have such lofty associations. To the Romans, Koiné Greek was a practical language of administration and the language of conquered peoples.
The Romans’ attitude was that, despite the prestige or practicality of Greek for some purposes, there were times when Latin was the only appropriate language. Cicero’s personal letters may switch between Greek and Latin, but in his professional capacity as a lawyer and politician he wrote only in Latin. His political speeches avoid even using Latin words borrowed from Greek. Cicero tells us that he once used Greek to give a speech in Sicily, where Greek was the majority language, and he was criticised by his fellow citizens for this linguistic faux-pas. Even though the elite was bilingual, there were social consequences to seeming too Greek, especially when acting in an official capacity.
This matches evidence found in Egyptian papyri. While most Roman administrative records were kept in Greek, some key phrases and formulae had to be in Latin. For example, records of court cases usually give all the witness statements and lawyers’ arguments in Greek, but the court’s final decision is recorded in Latin. For this reason, linguists have sometimes categorised Latin in the Greek east as a ‘super-High’ language, used to confer legality on official proclamations of the state.
Some documents were only legal and binding if written in Latin. Wills, for example, had to include specific formulae in Latin to be considered valid, until the law was changed in the third century AD. Greek-speaking Roman citizens who wanted to take advantage of their legal right to make a will would need to employ a specialist to make sure that the document was binding. Mixed-language wills, which include Greek lists of possessions alongside the Latin legal phrases, show that getting the language of these texts right was sometimes a challenge.
There were, therefore, clear legal and economic advantages to being able to speak Latin. We have plenty of evidence that Greek-speaking citizens and non-citizens of the Roman Empire wanted to learn Latin and that both schoolchildren and adults sought out language-learning resources. Eleanor Dickey’s recent book, Learning Latin the Ancient Way, gives an accessible introduction to these texts, most of which have been found on papyri from ancient Egypt. Unlike modern students of foreign languages, who generally learn sentences or phrases, ancient school pupils learned whole Latin paragraphs or stories off by heart, with side-by-side translation in Greek to assist them.
There is also evidence of helpful phrase books and word lists for travellers, guiding speakers through a range of common situations. Many Roman citizens wanted to learn Latin for day-to-day practical reasons, not for reading poetry, and so they were more interested in speaking Latin than reading it. Rather than dealing with an unfamiliar script, they bought phrase books, where the Latin was transliterated into the Greek alphabet, much as an Arabic phrase book for English-speakers might look today.
A growing empire
As the Empire grew, Roman citizens came from further and further afield. The wealthy citizens were pulled towards the city of Rome by the promise of power and political engagement and they brought with them a range of languages. There was a prominent Palmyrene-speaking community in Rome for centuries, made up of migrants from Syria and their descendants.
The use of Latin also continued to spread, particularly in the western half of the Empire. Just as Etruscan and Oscan had influenced the vocabulary of Latin many centuries earlier, other languages now borrowed from Latin. We can see the legacy of this in, for example, the large number of Latin borrowings found in Welsh. Words like caws ‘cheese’ and llaeth ‘milk’ were borrowed directly from Latin caseus and lac. The influence of Latin on Celtic in Britain is so strong that even common words, such as the names of body parts, were borrowed. Welsh boch ‘cheek’ is, for example, a loan word from Latin bucca.
The empire was also getting big enough that regional varieties of Latin started to develop. As a result, Latin did not sound the same everywhere. By the second century AD, even some of the emperors were from outside Italy and they noticeably did not sound the same as the aristocracy in Rome. The emperor Hadrian had a strong ‘Spanish’ accent, though sources are vague about exactly how it sounded. He spoke Latin fluently, but sounded unsophisticated to his contemporaries. Septimus Severus was a native speaker of Punic, the language of North Africa, and never managed to shed his African accent. According to the Historia Augusta, his sister could scarcely speak Latin at all and was sent back to Africa in disgrace. Without the literary education given to their brothers, wealthy Roman women sometimes struggled to pick up enough Latin to pass muster in high society.
We do not know whether multilingualism in the provinces caused these regional changes to the Latin language. In general, the larger a language grows, the more likely it is to develop separate dialects and regional forms, so it is likely that Spanish Latin would have sounded different from African Latin, even if no other languages had been spoken in those areas. We do not know enough about the languages on the edges of the Roman Empire to be certain of the effects they might have had on Latin.
Whatever the cause of the regional changes to Latin, it is probable that in the imperial period we can see the seeds of the regional differences that would turn Latin into French, Spanish and Italian. The Romans of the western half of the empire never stopped speaking Latin, but Latin diverged, eventually becoming the Romance languages of today.
So what language did the Romans speak? Some of them spoke Latin. Some spoke Greek, Punic or Oscan. Some spoke two or more languages. Some learned Latin at school, or in their free time. Multilingualism was a part of daily life in the Roman Empire and it affected everyone, from the imperial family to their soldiers, from senators to their slaves.
Katherine McDonald is Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History at the University of Exeter and the author of Oscan in Southern Italy and Sicily (Cambridge, 2015).
This article was originally published in the November 2017 issue of History Today under the title 'Latin Lesson'.
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Distinct written and spoken languages
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Are there any human cultures, past or present, which have developed completely (or largely) distinct spoken and written languages?
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About Ask MetaFilter
Ask MetaFilter is a question and answer site that covers nearly any question on earth, where members help each other solve problems. Ask MetaFilter is where thousands of life's little questions are answered.
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NYS Seal of Biliteracy
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New York State Education Department
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The NYSSB recognizes high school graduates who have attained a high level of proficiency in English and one or more world languages. The intent of the NYSSB is to encourage the study of languages, to identify high school graduates with language and biliteracy skills for employers, to provide universities with additional information about applicants seeking admission and placement, to prepare students with twenty-first century skills, to recognize the value of language instruction, and to affirm the value of diversity in a multilingual society. Successful candidates will earn three points in English and three points in each world language from a points matrix, which includes course grades, national and state exams, transcripts, and culminating projects. The NYSSB takes the form of a Seal on the student's diploma and a medallion worn at graduation.
History of the NYSSB
New York State boasts a rich linguistic and cultural heritage, with students speaking over 200 languages. Understanding the importance of multilingualism and multiliteracy, the New York State Legislature established the New York State Seal of Biliteracy in 2012, with the first set of graduates earning the Seal in the 2015-2016 academic year. The NYSSB is an award given by a high school, school district or county office of education that formally recognizes students who have attained a high level of proficiency in two or more world languages (one of which must be English) by high school graduation. The NYSSB is awarded by the Commissioner to students who meet the criteria established by the Board of Regents and who attend schools that voluntarily agree to participate in the program. The NYSSB is affixed to the student’s high school diploma and transcript and must be made available to students at no cost.
The NYSSB acknowledges the importance of being biliterate in today’s global society. It highlights the hard work and achievement of students, and encourages them to pursue language study while in school, including the continued development of one’s home language. The recognition of attaining biliteracy is also a statement of accomplishment for future employers and for college admission.
In January 2014, the NYS Board of Regents approved the implementation of a NYSSB pilot program. This pilot program afforded self-selected districts the opportunity to develop innovative ways of measuring and creating an approved path to the attainment of the NYSSB. The pilot gave districts and schools the opportunity to inform policy development statewide and share best practices. Six districts and 20 public schools volunteered to participate in the pilot program. As a result of this yearlong program, it was recommended that students have the flexibility to demonstrate proficiency in English and one or more world languages using a variety of methods, including nationally recognized assessments, coursework, projects, and prior coursework completed in a country outside of the U.S.
In 2015-16, when the NYSSB was first piloted by 20 schools, a total of 284 students earned the NYSSB. Since then, this distinction has been awarded to over 17,800 students from hundreds of New York State schools, including public, charter, and non-public high schools.
Q: What is the New York State Seal of Biliteracy?
A: The New York State Seal of Biliteracy (NYSSB) was established to recognize high school graduates who have attained a high level of proficiency in the three modes of communication (Interpretive, Interpersonal, Presentational) in English and one or more world languages. These modes are inclusive of the skills of listening, speaking, reading, and writing, all of which have been updated with the adoption of the NYS Learning Standards for World Languages (2021).
Q: What is the intent of the NYSSB?
A: The intent of the NYSSB is to:
affirm the value of diversity in a multilingual society;
encourage the study of languages;
identify high school graduates with language and biliteracy skills for employers;
provide universities with additional information about applicants seeking admission;
prepare students with twenty-first century skills; and
recognize the value of world and home language instruction.
These goals are consistent with the Regents Reform Agenda of ensuring that all New York State students graduate college-, career-, and civic-ready.
Q: Why should districts implement a NYSSB program?
A: The NYSSB acknowledges the importance of being bilingual in today’s global society. It highlights the hard work and achievement of students, and encourages them to pursue language study while in school. The recognition of attaining biliteracy becomes part of the high school transcript and diploma for these students and is a statement of accomplishment for future employers and for college admission. The NYSSB promotes and strengthens robust English and World Language programs. In addition, the NYSSB positively contributes to the school's “College, Career, and Civic Readiness (CCCR)” score in the same way as Advanced Placement (AP) and International Baccalaureate (IB) courses and the Regents Diploma with Advanced Designation.
Q: What is the College, Career, and Civic Readiness (CCCR) level score?
A: According to Understanding the New York State Accountability System under the Every Student Succeeds Acts (ESSA), “The College, Career, and Civic Readiness indicator uses diplomas, credentials, advanced course credits and enrollment, Career and Technical Education (CTE) certifications, and indicators such as a Seal of Biliteracy or participation in a Smart Scholars program to determine how a school is preparing its students to be ready for college, a career, and civic engagement once the students leave the school. For each accountability subgroup, a CCCR Index, which ranges from 0 to 200, is calculated by awarding extra credit for students who demonstrate higher levels of readiness as well as partial credit for students who complete a High School Equivalency certificate. The formula for computing the CCCR Index is as follows:
Denominator: The number of students in the 4-year cohort as of June 30th of the reporting year + the number of ELL students not in the 4-year cohort who earned a Regents diploma with a Seal of Biliteracy in the current reporting year.
Numerator: The sum of the number of students in the denominator demonstrating success on each of the specific readiness measures multiplied by the weighting assigned to each of these measures in accordance with the table below. Note that students receiving a High School Equivalency (HSE) diploma in the reporting year are included in the numerator but not the denominator.
Q: Which schools can offer the NYSSB?
A: All public and charter high schools that offer 12th grade may have a NYSSB program. In addition, non-public high schools that are registered with the State Office of Religious and Independent Schools (SORIS) of NYSED to award the NYS Regents Diploma may have a NYSSB program. In order to award the NYSSB, a school must offer the NYS Regents Diploma, which is a foundational requirement to earn the NYSSB. Schools that do not offer the NYS Regents Diploma may explore the option of the Global Seal of Biliteracy as an alternative pathway. Click here for more information on the Global Seal.
Q: Who can receive the NYSSB?
A: The NYSSB may be granted to any graduating student who attends a district that offers the NYSSB and meets the criteria for the award set forth by NYSED by the end of the academic year (August) in which they graduate.
Q: When can the NYSSB be awarded?
A: While students may begin working toward the NYSSB prior to the year in which they will graduate, the NYSSB can only be awarded upon graduation. For instance, a student could earn points in English and/or a world language in grades 9 through 11, however the student would only be awarded the NYSSB in the year in which they graduate. Students who receive exam scores necessary for points toward the NYSSB after June graduation are able to receive the Seal through August of their graduating year. Students who graduate in August are eligible to earn the NYSSB if all points are accrued by graduation.
Q: Who awards the NYSSB to students?
A: The NYSSB is an award given by the Commissioner through a participating school, district, or county office of education that formally recognizes students who have attained a high level of proficiency in English and one or more world languages by high school graduation.
Q: In which languages can a student earn the NYSSB?
A: The NYSSB is intended for all students who can demonstrate a high level of proficiency in both English and any other world language. Any human language in which a student can demonstrate the required proficiency qualifies towards the NYSSB. This includes languages taught in schools, as well home languages that may or may not be taught in schools. Any version of English may be used to satisfy the English requirements of the NYSSB when combined with another world language. Students can earn the NYSSB in multiple languages. For example, a student can earn the NYSSB in English and in both Spanish and Catalan, since these last two are distinct languages.
Q: Are there costs to districts or students related to the NYSSB?
A: NYSED provides the seals and medallions free of charge to all participating schools for the number of verified NYSSB candidates who are graduating. All costs other than the seal and medallion are borne by the district (e.g., approved Checkpoint C assessments other than AP and IB exams, interpreters/translators) and may not be passed on to the student. If a student chooses to take one of the approved assessments for criterion 1D or 2D, that cost is borne by the district the student attends. AP and IB exams are not covered under this statement as they apply to both coursework and an exam and often permit the student to earn college credit based on their score. Seal Coordinators should identify potential NYSSB candidates as early as possible prior to their graduating year so as to be able to put together a budget for exams needed to earn the NYSSB. Districts may choose to incur discretionary costs to offer the NYSSB including additional graduation regalia (e.g., honor cords) and costs related to awards ceremonies.
Q: Who provides the physical seal and any graduation regalia to the students?
A: NYSED provides the official seal to be placed directly on student diplomas as well as the medallions for students to wear at graduation at no cost to participating districts. In addition, a certificate template is provided to schools to print for all Seal earners.
Q: What do the Seals and the medallions look like?
A: The Seal is one-inch in diameter with the image of the official New York State Seal of Biliteracy and must be placed on the student's diploma. The medallion is one-inch in diameter, mounted on a brushed gold metal disc with a yellow ribbon. The medallion may be worn by students at their official graduation ceremony or other recognition events.
Q: Can a student earn the NYSSB if the district the student attends does not offer the NYSSB?
A: No. In order to earn the NYSSB, a student must attend a district that offers the NYSSB. Students who attend districts that do not offer the NYSSB should speak to their school counselor or language teacher to inquire about the possibility of starting such a program. If that is not a possibility, students can look into earning the Global Seal of Biliteracy.
Q: To get more information on and/or to ask questions about the NYSSB, which office do I contact?
A: For more information on the NYSSB:
Contact the Office of Bilingual Education and World Languages (OBEWL) at NYSED [obewl@nysed.gov; (518) 473-7505].
The NYSSB Guidance Toolkit is a series of informational modules that guide districts through the process of implementing and expanding their NYSSB programs. Click here to access the modules.
Each Regional Bilingual Education Resource Network (RBERN) has a Resource Specialist designated to support districts who are offering or wish to offer the NYSSB.
Capital District RBERN at Questar III BOCES
Hudson Valley RBERN at SW BOCES
Long Island RBERN at ES BOCES
Mid-State RBERN at OCM BOCES
Mid-West RBERN at Monroe 2 – Orleans BOCES
NYC Regional RBERN at Fordham University
NYS Language RBERN at New York University
RBERN West at Erie I BOCES
Culminating Projects, Presentations & Rubrics
Students may demonstrate the required level of proficiency for the Seal in English and/or a world language by completing and presenting a Culminating Project, which can take the form of project, a scholarly essay, or a portfolio. The Culminating Project, when successfully completed and presented, may earn the student 2 points for criterion 1E and/or 2E of the NYSSB. To satisfy the Culminating Project criteria, a student must demonstrate the required level of proficiency based on the language in which the student is seeking the points.
For English and category 1-2 modern languages (those that use a Roman-based alphabet such as Spanish, French, Italian, German), the required proficiency level is Intermediate High.
For category 3-4 modern languages (Indigenous languages such as Seneca and Tuscarora, those that use a non-Roman-based alphabet such as Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, and Russian, and those that are character-based such as Japanese, Korean, Mandarin, and Vietnamese), the required proficiency level is Intermediate Mid.
For classical languages (those from an earlier time in human history that have no living native speakers such as Latin and ancient Greek), the required proficiency level is Intermediate High for Interpretive Reading.
Culminating Projects are presented by the student in the language being assessed to a panel of at least two qualified adult speakers of the language. Panelists may include classroom teachers, other faculty and staff, and community members. Students present their projects and then the panel interviews the students in the language being assessed.
Projects are evaluated using a rubric that is aligned with ACTFL proficiency levels. NYSED has created sample rubrics for each of the language categories that schools may use to evaluate student work.
Rubric for category 1-2 modern languages (those that use a Roman-based alphabet such as Spanish, French, Italian, German): Full-size rubric (multiple pages), Condensed rubric (one page)
Rubric for category 3-4 modern languages (indigenous languages such as Seneca and Tuscarora; those that use a non-Roman-based alphabet such as Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, and Russian; those that are character-based such as Japanese, Korean, Mandarin, and Vietnamese): Full-size rubric (multiple pages), Condensed rubric (one page)
Sample rubric for classical languages (those from an earlier time in human history that have no living native speakers such as Latin and ancient Greek): Full-size rubric (multiple pages), Condensed rubric (one page)
Alternatively, schools may develop their own rubrics, which must be submitted to NYSED for approval with the NYSSB School Notification Form in December of each year. In order to be approved, school-based rubrics must meet the criteria established by NYSED based on the following essential questions:
Is proficiency in the language being assessed the only aspect that is assessed on the school’s Culminating Project rubric?
Are the column headings of the school’s Culminating Project rubric labeled with ACTFL proficiency levels?
Are the performance descriptors in the school’s Culminating Project rubric aligned to ACTFL proficiency levels?
Does the school’s Culminating Project rubric indicate the proficiency level required to earn the NYSSB?
Does the school’s Culminating Project rubric separately address all three modes of communication (interpretive, interpersonal, presentational)?
Rubric used by NYSED to evaluate school-based rubrics
School Visits
Each year, the Office of Bilingual Education and World Languages (OBEWL) will schedule visits with a small sample of schools offering the NYSSB for two purposes: (1) to observe and participate in Culminating Project Presentations and (2) to provide feedback and support to schools in this process. The Culminating Project Notification form is used to notify the New York State Education Department (NYSED) of the date(s), time(s), location(s), and language(s) of these presentations so that a visit may be scheduled. Click here to access the form that will be used to provide feedback and support to schools following the visit.
Only schools that have been notified by NYSED of their selection for a visit should complete this form. Notification of selection will take place no later than September 30th. This form can be submitted as soon as a school is notified of their selection for a visit, but must be submitted at least four weeks prior to dates of the student presentations.
Click here to access the online NYSSB Culminating Project Notification Form.
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Dialect vs. Accent: What’s the difference?
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[
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2022-02-23T13:00:00+00:00
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Learn the difference between a dialect and an accent, and how both evolve over time!
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Duolingo Blog
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https://blog.duolingo.com/dialect-vs-accent-definition/
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We're back with another edition of Dear Duolingo, a biweekly advice column just for language learners! (Normally we're here every other Tuesday, but we made an exception this week.) Today, Dr. Cindy Blanco, a senior learning scientist at Duolingo, is answering a question about dialects and accents. Read past installments on fluency and the most popular language in the U.S.
Let's check out today's topic:
Dear Duolingo,
This might be a basic question, but I’ve been wondering: What's the difference between accents and dialects? And how do people develop such different pronunciations or words or grammar rules for one language? (It’s fun, but… help!)
Looking forward to learning more!
Sounding Board
This is a great question! It affects every person, in every language, whether it's the one you grew up using or a new one you're studying.
Everyone has at least one accent and one dialect—yes, even you!—and it's also possible to have more than one. Accents and dialects can represent the region you're from, your ethnicity or race, your age, your religious group, and many other dimensions—even your college experience, as Dr. Jessi Grieser explained at Duocon 2021! It's also common for people to switch their accents or dialects, either unintentionally or deliberately, as they move through the world, depending on who they're talking to, where they are, and what they want to convey about their identity. (Is this someone I want to show closeness to and so sound more like? Or do I want to show that I'm not a part of this group and so I want to sound less similar?)
And this is just thinking about the language you grew up using—but these layers are likely present in your second, third, and fourth languages, too. You can also have a "foreign" accent in one language that reflects the other languages you know. (In fact, the line between "native" and "foreign" accents can be really blurry!)
Today let's focus on accents and dialects in the language you grew up using. Think of this as an introduction, and in future weeks, we can answer more accent and dialect questions! (But only if you email us and let us know what those questions are!)
What's the difference between an accent and a dialect?
Alright, Sounding Board, the short answer:
Accent refers to pronunciation
Dialect refers to a whole group of language features, including pronunciation, but also differences in vocabulary, grammar, and how the language gets used (like the rules of what counts as polite)
So if you and I speak different dialects of English, we probably have some differences in what words we use (maybe I say zucchini and you say courgette), some grammatical rules (maybe I say Do you have any tea? instead of Have you any tea?), and how we use those words (some English dialects say Pardon? and I could too… but more natural for me is Excuse me?).
If you and I have different accents in English, we very probably have other differences too, like the ones mentioned above, but if we're specifically mentioning our accents, we mean only the pronunciation differences.
Communities that use a particular dialect or accent can range in size; some dialects include millions of people, and others only a hundred (and some probably even fewer!). For example, North American English refers to the dialect of English used in much of the U.S. and Canada by hundreds of millions of people—but within that enormous super-region are lots of smaller dialects of varying sizes, including African American English, Pittsburgh English, and Southern English.
How accents and dialects work
If you use language, you have an accent. And if you use language, you are using a dialect of the language. That includes everyone!
It's not uncommon for people to feel that they don't have an accent, particularly if most people around them speak the same way, and especially if the people in power around them speak similarly to them. Instead, a language can be thought of as a collection of dialects, all more or less understandable to each other. Or, as internet linguist and 2021 Duocon speaker Gretchen McCulloch recently tweeted, "A language is just some dialects in a trenchcoat."
Ok, so where do they come from, all these accents and dialects? First, it's useful to remember that language is one of many parts of shared culture and traditions that we have as humans, and so people use language in ways that match their communities and identities. Our clothes, interests, gestures, hair styles, and aspirations are shaped by our surroundings (even when those surroundings lead us to want to rebel against them and leave our community behind!). And as for language, we're creatures that like to sound like people we perceive as similar to us, or who we want to be more similar to.
The second thing to know is that accents and dialects typically evolve gradually, so any drastic differences you notice today probably started as smaller differences or were only used by a part of the community before they spread. Remember that game Telephone, where someone whispers a word to you, and you have to whisper it to the next person? Typically, after a word gets through the whole group, it's turned into another word entirely! You can think of language and dialects like a large-scale game of Telephone: two neighboring communities might have a small difference in a word, and the next two communities might have a different small difference in that word, and the next two have yet another difference, etc. And if that can happen for every single word, imagine how different dialects can get when you account for phrases, grammar, conversation rules, and–yes–accents!
Over time, dialects can become so divergent, or different from one another, that they stop being easily understood by each group. This often coincides with other changes, culturally and politically, and you might end up calling them different languages. In fact, Romance languages started as just different dialects of Latin!
Four unbelievable facts about accents and dialects
1. No accent is inherently easier to pronounce or understand than any other
Of course, some accents are definitely easier for you to pronounce or understand, but it's all about your personal language experience! Your brain is best at understanding what it has been exposed to, no matter the actual sounds involved or what other people may think of the accent or its speakers. The same is true for pronouncing an accent: If you didn't grow up pronouncing a word a certain way, does that make the different pronunciation actually inherently hard or is it hard for you, given your language experiences?
2. Your accent is always changing, even if just a little bit
We are constantly tweaking our accents, in ways we probably don't even notice. That's because our accents (and really, lots of features of our language!) are very susceptible to peer pressure: Our brains track tons of details of the language around us (how exactly a vowel is pronounced, how often a particular word or phrase is heard, who uses which new words), and we often can't help but subtly change our own accents in response to what's commonly used around us. One really interesting example of this is Queen Elizabeth's speech: linguists have analyzed her yearly Christmas broadcasts and tracked over time how her vowels have become more like those of regular people in southern Britain!
3. "Standard" accents and dialects are kind of a myth
Which accent or dialect gets treated as "standard" has everything to do with the people who use it, and nothing to do with the linguistic features of the language. You might sometimes hear people explain why the "standard" makes more sense or does something more logically, but the real rationale actually goes the other way: Whatever pronunciation, word, phrase, or grammar the people in power use, there ends up being an explanation why that is a better way of speaking. But there isn't some neutral or inherently "better" sound/word/phrase/grammar. And it's no accident that many "standard" varieties happen to coincide with whatever region or city ends up being politically powerful, like the capital of a country.
4. Accents can work differently in different languages
Accents have the same underlying principles in all languages, but the result can look different depending on the language! In English, the biggest difference between one accent and another is typically in how people pronounce the vowels. Can you think of any English examples? "Potato" has a whole song about its different pronunciations, where the consonants P-T-T are basically the same, but British and American speakers make the vowels differently. (Note that this is a huge generalization about a global language spoken in dozens of countries around the world, and there are definitely lots of consonant differences across the globe, too!)
On the other hand, many dialects of Spanish have pretty consistent vowels, and it's the consonants that can sound really different. In Spain, most dialects of Spanish have a "th" sound (like in English "think") wherever you see "z," "ce," and "ci" written, so casa (house) and caza (he or she hunts) sound different. "R" is also pronounced differently depending on the accent, so in the Caribbean the "r" sound will be more like an "l" or even an "h," depending on the word and what accent the speaker has (Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, etc). And the Argentinian and Uruguayan accents typically have a "sh" sound, making words like calle (street) sound like "cashe"! (Same caveat here: There definitely can be vowel differences across Spanish dialects! This is a generalization for sure.)
Spoken languages aren't the only ones that have accents. People who use signed languages, like American Sign Language (ASL), also have accents! Signs can be described by the shape the hand(s) are in, the movement of the hand(s), which way the hand(s) are facing, the location of the hand(s), and other features of the body and face when producing the sign. So an accent in a signed language is when one of these features is a little different for one signer versus another. So just like I said for English that the vowels in potato/potahto can differ, in ASL one user might have a slightly different shape of the hand than another.
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Other Post - English Spoken Here...American Understood.
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2004-06-24T06:03:39+01:00
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So, I'm told, read a shoppe sign in London.
With all us Yanks coming into these forums during the last couple months, we've already experienced a few...
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So, I'm told, read a shoppe sign in London.
With all us Yanks coming into these forums during the last couple months, we've already experienced a few differences in our "common" language, and I'll be quick to add that those differences have been dealt with most graciously by all of us which is as it should be.
So, since we all have the best possible attitude about this, I thought I would open a thread for us to discuss the differences in "our" common language, and any other cultural differences that are separated by the Atlantic Ocean.
One of the things that I like about UK English (I don't know how else to differentiate here) is spelling...the reversal of the letters "e" and "r" in some words, such as THEATER and THEATRE. I think that's classy. What are some other er/re words?
I also like the adding of "u" following "o" in many words, such as COLOUR, ARMOUR, and LABOUR.
We also have differences in terminology (I think). You UK folks help me out here.
In America a hand-held battery operated illuminating device is a FLASHLIGHT.
In the US, when I leave my car's headlights on all night the battery goes DEAD. It's a DEAD battery.
When I do periodic maintenance on my car, I open the HOOD and check the oil, water, and other fluids. I clean the WINDSHIELD, and make sure I have GAS in the tank.
Two people communicate with each other using hand-held radios called WALKIE TALKIES.
Lastly, I gotta ask a question I've wondered about for decades...
What, exactly, is a crumpet?
I welcome any questions anyone has about this side of the pond.
for Shoppe Read shop, no one i mean no one writes Shoppe any more, that way of spelling went out in the middle ages.
In Britain a hand-held battery operated illuminating device is a TORCH.
In the UK, when I leave my car's headlights on all night the battery goes FLAT. It's a FLAT battery.
When I do periodic maintenance on my car, I open the BONNET and check the oil, water, and other fluids. I clean the WINDSCREEN, and make sure I have PETROL in the tank, and a spare tyre in the BOOT.
we drive on roads and walk on pavement.
Two people communicate with each other using hand-held radios called TWO WAY RADIO.
Lastly, I gotta ask a question I've wondered about for decades...
What, exactly, is a crumpet? a round bread product flat on one side, lots of holes on the other eaten toasted with lots of butter.
My turn,
Do not be offended if someone in Britain offers you a FAG, you smoke it.
We use a Mobile phone, not a Cell phone.
we do not sit on our FANNY's. it's a physical imposable for a WOMAN to do
Lastly, I gotta ask a question I've wondered about for decades...
Why do McDonald's sell English Muffins, I had never heard of a Muffin until i eat at McDonald's in Anaheim California.
P.S. Core blimey love, :roll: we do not all talk like Dick Van Dyke in Mary Poppins. :roll:
Interesting.If your batteries go flat...what do you call what happens to your tyres(tires)when they get a hole in 'em?Do they go dead?
Muffins:
Do y'all have cupcakes?The muffins I'm framiliar with are made in the same kind of pan used to make cupcakes except,instead of cake mix,a grain meal is used.I am also mystified about "English Muffins".Not only do they not resemble any muffin I've ever seen,but now they turn out not to be English.
For a good ole Southern boy,being refered to as "Yank" takes some gettin used to.We had a bit a trouble with them critters awhile back.
I concur with Droneys diagnosis of our dialect however I would also add that Crumpet could also be 1/ sex e.g "Im gonna get some crumpet" 2/ a nice girl e.g "Wow look at that bit of crumpet".
Yes we do have some differences I mean you say Tomayto and I say Tomarto, you say Potayto and I say Potarto. Hee Hee :mrgreen:
Hey Doc I understand your point about the word "Yanks" however us brits are sometimes called "Limeys", now I have never worked on a sail ship and needed to suck limes to prevent scurvy. :mrgreen:
Ps a flat tyre is also a flat tyre :roll:
Well, now...I've learned something!
Always wondered where the term "Limey" came from. Thanks, Webbie!
Droney...you mean you people don't walk around wearing bowlers and carrying closed umbrellas and saying, "Cheerio", "Pip-Pip", and "I say, old man!"?? What a let-down! I'm disappointed!
English muffins are not English? I'm not surprised to hear it. I've been told that Danish pastries are not Danish, and that spaghetti is not Italian. Go figure! :?
Didn't realize we "Yanks" were sensitive to that term. It's never bothered me any. I've always thought that term was what you Brits called us "rebels" during the Revolution. I could be wrong.
We don't use the spelling "shoppe" in every-day use, but you sometimes see it in a business name. We have a "Coffee Shoppe" here locally where I go regularly. The waitress is a bit of crumpet. :mrgreen:
What is a "quid"? a "farthing"? I think farthing has something to do with money, as I've always heard it as "not worth a farthing".
In WW2 the American GIs called the Germans "Krauts"...I assume that comes from sauerkraut. What about the Brit term for a German soldier..."Jerry"? And the German term for a Brit soldier..."Tommy"?
And I would guess from your post that the BOOT of a car is what we call the TRUNK?
a quid = money 1 british pound sterling.
a farthing = money 960 to the quid this is old money we stopped using the farthing in 1959?
Lesson old english money
starting with the lowest
a farthing = 1/4 of a penny
a half penny = 1/2 of a penny
a penny
then we use multiples
3 Penny's = threepenny bit
6 Penny's = sixpence (a tanner)
12 Penny's = a shilling (sometimes called a BOB)
24 Penny's = Two Shillings (two bob)
30 Penny's = Half a crown (or 2 and six ie: two shillings and sixpence)
120 Penny's = 10 shillings (or a ten bob note)
240 Penny's= 1 pound (a quid)
simple see.
Then in the 70's we scraped the lot and went decimalised
.05 of a penny
1 penny
2.5 pence
5 pence
10 pence
20 pence
50 pence
100 pence a pound (quid)
derogatory names
for a german during WWII
Kraut from sauerkraut ( pickled cabbage )
Box head from the old WWI steel helmet the one with two lug's on the side
with the armour plate hanging From the lugs, from a distance it looked like the german was wearing a box on his head.
Jerry i thing this comes from the 20Lt fuel/water cans (jerry cans)
Hun from the race of people that populated the germanic plains.
Tommy from the poem Tommy Atkins by Rudyard Kipling
(i don't condone using these derogatory terms i have posted them as an
example of how the enemy is de humanised during conflicts)
Well, now. That British monetary system is truly a hat full. I swear.
For a while, I would be poking a handful of money at merchants and praying that they take the right amount! :?
Up until 1965 US paper money was backed by precious metals...either gold or silver. They were silver certificates or gold certificates (pre-1934).
Then they took that away, and even took the silver out of our coins.
The result was what we called Lyndon Johnson's "play money".
Back in the 19th century the US had some unusual denominations of coins. We had half-cent, a two-cent, a three-cent, and a twenty-cent coins.
The nickel 5-cent coin came into use in 1866, replacing the half-dime (eighteenth century spelling was "half-disme").
I, too, do not know why derogatory names are created for enemy soldiers. I hate to think it, but I guess de-humanizing human beings makes it easier to kill them.
"Kraut" is obviously derogatory, as is "towel head", and "camel jockey" referring to middle-easterners.
I never thought of "Tommy" and "Jerry" as being derogatory, probably because here in the States those are common first names.
But...hey, I wasn't there, so I don't know what context they were used in.
Did the German soldiers in WW1 and WW2 have a name for American GIs? Only one I've ever heard of is "Amis". French, I think.
A farthing equals one fourth of a penny. 960 farthings to a pound. Well, if the farthing was a coin, then you could be listing 40 degrees to starboard and still have not much money in your pocket, eh? :mrgreen:
Droney,
Thanks much for the hyperlink to the English coins! I was a coin collector when I was in my early teens, so that web page was MOST interesting!
Your comments on current British paper money was interesting, because when US paper money was backed by silver (or gold) the notes said almost exactly the same thing..."will pay to the bearer on demand".
The US one dollar note stated that the US Government "will pay to the bearer on demand ONE SILVER DOLLAR". And we could, in fact, walk in to any US Federal Reserve building and demand payment (and receive) one silver dollar.
I noted that most of the coins bore the image of King George VI.
So, here comes more questions! LOL! I just like learning new things about your country!
King George VI was the father of Queen Elizabeth II (current queen)...is that right? And his wife was the Queen Mum who recently passed on? And his brother was Edward VIII, who abdicated the throne to marry the American woman? I can't remember her name. And their father was KIng George V who was the reigning monarch during WW1? And all the monarchs I have mentioned thus far are known as the House of Windsor"? And the House of Windsor began with which monarch?
The longest reigning monarch thus far is Queen Victoria? Is Queen Elizabeth close to this record at all? Queen Elizabeth has a sister...Margaret? The throne went to Elizabeth because she is the oldest?
Hope you don't mind the questions. And you others besides Droney please join in the discussion if you want.
House of Normandy
1066-1087 William I
1087-1100 William II
1100-1135 Henry I
1135-1154 Stephen
House of Plantagenet
1154-1189 Henry II
1189-1199 Richard I
1199-1216 John
1216-1272 Henry III
1272-1307 Edward I
1307-1327 Edward II
1327-1377 Edward III
1377-1399 Richard II
House of Lancaster
1399-1413 Henry IV
1413-1422 Henry V
1422-1461 Henry VI
House of York
1461-1483 Edward IV
1483 Edward V
1483-1485 Richard III
House of Tudor
1485-1509 Henry VII
1509-1547 Henry VIII
1547-1553 Edward VI
1553-1558 Mary I
1558-1603 Elizabeth I
House of Stuart
1603-1625 James I
1625-1649 Charles I
1649-1653 Commonwealth/protectorate
1653-1658 Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell
1658-1659 Protectorate of Richard Cromwell
House of Stuart restored
1660-1685 Charles II
1685-1688 James II
1689-1694 William and Mary (jointly)
House of Orange
1694-1702 William III (sole ruler)
1702-1714 Anne
House of Hanover
1714-1727 George I
1727-1760 George II
1760-1820 George III
1820-1830 George IV
1830-1837 William IV
1837-1901 Victoria *
House of Saxe-Coburg
1901-1910 Edward VII
House of Windsor
1910-1936 George V (a Saxe-Coburg until 1917) Note see below
1936 Edward VIII (abdicated and married Mrs. Wallace Simpson)
1936-1952 George VI
1952- Elizabeth II *
*Queen Victoria = 64 years
*Queen Elizabeth = 51 Years
the name Saxe-Coburg was changed because we were at war with Germany and the name Saxe-Coburg is German so to seem patriotic the name was changed to Windsor (after the great park at Windsor).
Hope this helps Steve.
Ps
Hope you don't mind the questions.
No Not at all
Great info! Thanks!
Looks like the Queen has about 13 years to go to equal Victoria's reign. That will make her...what...about 91 years old?
LONG LIVE THE QUEEN!
Looks like good old George III was the second longest reign...60 years.
A couple more questions about money, please...
British pound and British pound (sterling). Two kinds of pounds? Does "sterling" refer to sterling silver?
The symbol used to indicate pounds...I dont have that symbol on my keyboard. Does it have a particular meaning? It looks kind of like a fancy "L".
The "dollar sign" for US money was derived from the image on the Spanish Milled Dollar or "Pillar" dollar. The reverse design has two pillars with ribbons entwined around them which is where the dollar sign came from. Its designated value was 8 Reales.
It circulated widely in the colonies up until as late as 1850. It was often cut into 8 wedges, called "bits" (like cutting a pie), each wedge having a value of about 12.5 cents.
Like your nickname for a shilling is "bob", our slang term for a US quarter dollar is "two bits", for a half dollar "four bits".
Here is an image of a Spanish Milled Dollar:
http://www.coincollecting.ch/catalog/prodimg/cat76/lot845.jpg
Rigger, I understand that one particular English expression which always causes problems, having no equivalent in the U.S. is 'fortnight', to us in the U.K., this means two weeks (fourteen nights, the usual length of a U.K. annual holiday).
Just to confuse you further, in the U.K., we still (for now), have a unit of weight called a pound, shown lbs., 2240 to a ton. Maybe this is why what you were looking at mentioned £ Sterling, the monetary unit.
When we Brits set out to confuse, we don't do it by halves!!!!
Derrick.
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dbpedia
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3
| 0
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https://johnaugust.com/2006/mixing-in-bits-of-other-languages
|
en
|
Mixing in bits of other languages
|
[
"http://johnaugust.com/img/questionmarks/little_red_question.png",
"https://johnaugust.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/Inneresting-2022@2x-e1657652401610.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
"formatting",
"qanda"
] | null |
[] |
2006-07-27T16:17:59-07:00
|
Your characters won't always be speaking English. Here's how to handle that.
|
en
|
John August
|
https://johnaugust.com/2006/mixing-in-bits-of-other-languages
|
I’m writing a script at the moment which at various points throughout requires characters to speak in different languages other than English. I was just wondering if there is a strict code for writing small moments of French or Italian in an English speaking script?
For example, do I write the foreign language as a regular piece of dialogue underneath the character name in block capitals as normal and write the English in brackets underneath? Or do I write the dialogue in English and indicate in the stage directions it should be spoken in Italian or whatever?
— Garreth
London, England
There are no hard-and-fast rules. My best advice is that if the word or phrase is short, and easily understandable in context, use the foreign language. So, the Frenchman says, “Bonjour.”
If it’s serious dialogue you’re talking about, put it in English. Here’s a few snippets from the Ops pilot Jordan Mechner and I wrote, which shows a few ways of doing it.
MCGINTY (IN ARABIC)
Hospital! Where is hospital?
The old man scurries inside.
MCGINTY (CONT’D)
Friendly.
As you can see, we didn’t always format things the same way. In this case, I think consistency is less important than clarity.
If a significant chunk of your dialogue is going to be in a specific non-English language — for instance, if an entire scene is two characters speaking in Farsi — save your readers some bother and drop the “(in Farsi, subtitled)” parentheticals. Just say it’s in Farsi in the scene description. It’s your choice whether to leave it in italics.
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https://howdoyou.do/what-are-l1-and-l2-in-language-learning/
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en
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What are L1 and L2 in Language Learning? – Speak to learn English
|
[
"https://howdoyou.do/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/cropped-UNIGLO-1-1.png",
"https://howdoyou.do/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/my-banner-800.jpg"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2020-05-26T16:18:43+00:00
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en
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https://howdoyou.do/what-are-l1-and-l2-in-language-learning/
|
“I’m no good at learning languages”
If you’re reading this blog — and have a pulse — you’ve had that thought before.
Languages take a lot of time, effort, and energy to learn. Every single language learner, from the earliest enthusiast to the hardened hyperpolyglot, has struggled with learning at some point or another. That’s a fact.
However, not a single one of those learners had the same struggles in learning their first language, acquired as children.
These first languages are all acquired effortlessly, naturally, and essentially perfectly. It’s the second, third, and fourth languages (and so on) that give us the trouble.
Why is this?
What makes one learned language different from another?
There are various factors, all of which are tied to the circumstances under which a given language is learned.
Languages learned under different circumstances have been given a variety of names:
First language, mother tongue, native tongue, native language, L1, second language, non-native language, foreign language, L2, third language, L3, L4, L5, among others.
Knowing how to use these terms will help you communicate the differences between each language you know. To keep everything neat and organized, we’ll divide all terms among three classes of languages: L1, L2, and L3.
L1 or First Language
What Does L1 mean?
An L1 is your first language, your native language, or your mother tongue.
You are a native speaker of that language.
Every developmentally healthy human being has a first language. Often (but not always) this is the language that was learned during childhood—before puberty—and is the language that is most used and most comfortable for a given person.
First languages are generally maintained for life, with little overt effort on the part of the speaker. This is because first languages are often woven into the personal and sociocultural identities of the native speaker, and he or she uses the language to think and to interact with family and other members of their cultural or ethnic group.
How Are L1s Learned?
L1s are learned through a process known as first language acquisition, or FLA.
This is a complex biological process which is still not yet entirely understood by the scientific community.
Though the intricacies of first language acquisition are beyond the scope of this article, the most commonly agreed-upon aspects of FLA are as follows:
First Language Acquisition is the process of gaining the capacity to use human language, where previously no such capacities existed.
L1s are acquired automatically, without conscious effort.
L1s are learned before puberty, typically during infancy.
An acquired L1 is known at native proficiency. According to J. Joseph Lee’s Article The Native Speaker, An Achievable Model?, published in the Asian EFL journal, native speaker have proficiency represented by an “internalized knowledge” of several areas of language, including:
Appropriate use of idiomatic expressions
Correctness of language form
Natural pronunciation
Cultural context including “response cries”, swear words, and interjections
Above average sized vocabulary, collocations and other phraseological items
Metaphors
Frozen syntax, such as binomials or bi-verbials
Nonverbal cultural features
Despite the fact that one’s “native language” are referred to as his or her “first language”, it is possible to have several “first languages”, so long as they are learned prior to puberty. For example, children who grow up in households where two languages are spoken (typically in the case of parents of different linguistic backgrounds) may acquire each of those languages natively. These people are referred to as bilingual.
L2 or Second Language
What Does L2 mean?
An L2 is a second language, a foreign language, a target language, or a foreign tongue.
If you have an L2, you are a non-native speaker of that language.
Unlike L1s, not everyone has an L2. If you have learned or are learning a new language, that language is your L2.
How Are L2s Learned?
L2s are learned through a process known as second language acquisition, or SLA.
Like first language acquisition, second language acquisition is a complex field of linguistics. Though many of its theories and facets are constantly under debate, the general commonalities of SLA are:
Second language acquisition is the process of acquiring language capacity after another language (or languages) have already been learned natively.
Learning an L2 requires conscious effort.
L2s are not learned during infancy, and most often after puberty.
Theoretically, an acquired L2 can only be known at non-native proficiencies. Exactly how proficient a language learner can become in a second language can range widely, but the general scientific consensus is that an L2 cannot be mastered to the same level as an L1. Highly advanced L2 learners are often called near-native speakers.
Though capacity in both L1s and L2s can deteriorate from lack of use (through a process called attrition), L2 capacity is considered to decrease faster from misuse than their L1 counterparts.
As with the term L1 above, the use of the number two in “L2” or “second language” does not necessarily refer to the exact numerical order in which a language is acquired, but only that the language was learned non-natively. In nearly all cases, L2 can be used to refer to any number of languages learned after puberty.
Together, L1 and L2 are the major language categories by acquisition. In the large majority of situations, L1 will refer to native languages, while L2 will refer to non-native or target languages, regardless of the numbers of each.
L3 or Third Language
What Does L3 Mean?
An L3 is a third language, or a second foreign or non-native language.
According to researcher Jasone Cenoz, a third language is “a language that is different from the first and the second and is acquired after them.” (Cenoz 2013, p. 3)
Considering a given L3 only has to be different from an L1 and the first chronologically learned L2, any L3 can also be referred to as Ln, with n representing the numerical order in which that language is acquired (i.e. L4, L5, L6, etc.)
Note that terms like L3, L4, L5, and beyond are rarely used, as these languages are most often referred to as additional L2s.
How Are L3s Learned?
L3s are learned through a process known as Third Language Acquisition, or TLA.
TLA is a young field of research that can be considered a subdomain of SLA. The field itself aims to examine the differences between acquiring a first foreign language and any subsequent foreign languages thereafter.
TLA researcher Jason Cenoz differentiates third language acquisition from second language acquisition in the following way:
“TLA shares many of the characteristics of SLA, but there are also important differences because third language learners already have at least two languages in their linguistic repertoire. Third language learners can use this broader linguistic repertoire when learning a third language. For example, they can relate new structures, new vocabulary or new ways of expressing communicative functions to the two languages they already know, not just to one of them, as in the case of monolinguals.” (Cenoz 2013, p. 4)
According to TLA research, the knowledge of an L3 has a positive effect on the acquisition of an L2 “in most cases”, for many of the reasons cited above (Cenoz 2013, p.9)
Conclusion
No two languages are learned in exactly the same way. The way you learned your first language is fundamentally different from the way you learn any additional language after that. Furthermore, each new language after your first non-native language adds a different reference point within your linguistic repertoire, benefiting and bolstering the acquisition of future languages.
No matter how far you go in your language learning, keep in mind that if you’re reading this article, you’re good enough at language learning to already have a perfectly-acquired L1 under your belt. That means that, with a bit of effort, you have everything it takes to acquire an L2, an L3, and so on. The exact number is up to you.
You just need to make it happen.
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https://esolangs.org/wiki/2_Bits,_1_Byte
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en
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2 Bits, 1 Byte
|
https://esolangs.org/favicon.ico
|
https://esolangs.org/favicon.ico
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en
|
/favicon.ico
|
https://esolangs.org/wiki/2_Bits,_1_Byte
|
2 Bits, 1 Byte is an assembly language for a 2-bit CPU, made by User:Gilbert189. With 1 byte of memory, this machine could store at least 2 instructions.
Operations
The following are instructions of 2 Bits, 1 Byte:
Code Name Description 00 DON DO Nothing. 01 ACT ACTion. Given value in memory, change the value according to the following table:
From To 00 11 01 10 10 00 11 01
10 JMP JuMP. Jump (unconditionally) to address specified. 11 END END. Print the entire memory as character and end the program.
The instruction pointer can wrap around, thus allowing more "complicated" programs.
Programs
Since the memory is one byte, you can represent the entire program with just one character.
For example:
I
becomes:
01001001
which, when disassembled, becomes:
ACT 00b JMP 01b
Example codes
Endless loop
'
Disassembled:
DON JMP 01b END ; lol
Output 'm'
a
Try it online
Disassembled:
ACT 10b DON ; becomes END
Alternative
]
Quine
Any digit outputs itself. For example:
7
Try it online
Each ASCII digit starts with 0011 in binary, so the first two instructions are DON END.
Also, any character with ASCII value not less than 0xC0 is a quine, because the first instruction is END.
Another Quine
?
Output "|"
~
Output "{"
t
Truth-machine
nn 01 01 11
Where nn is replaced with the two-bit representation of the input: 00b or 01b. In line with truth-machines with limited IO, the memory location to monitor is the first two bits, and can be "read" every time the IP = 1. The final memory dump is not relevant under this convention. The zero input program is \x17 and the one input is W.
All examples
\x00 → Does not terminate \x01 → Does not terminate \x02 → Does not terminate \x03 → \x03 \x04 → \xC4 \x05 → 5 \x06 → Does not terminate \x07 → 5 \x08 → Does not terminate \x09 → Does not terminate \x0A → Does not terminate \x0B → \x0B \x0C → \x0C \x0D → \x0D \x0E → \x0E \x0F → \x0F \x10 → \xD0 \x11 → Does not terminate \x12 → Does not terminate \x13 → \xD3 \x14 → Does not terminate \x15 → Does not terminate \x16 → Does not terminate \x17 → ' \x18 → \xD0 \x19 → m \x1A → Does not terminate \x1B → \x13 \x1C → \x1F \x1D → \x1F \x1E → \x1F \x1F → Does not terminate \x20 → Does not terminate ! → Does not terminate " → Does not terminate # → Does not terminate $ → Does not terminate % → Does not terminate & → Does not terminate ' → Does not terminate ( → Does not terminate ) → Does not terminate * → Does not terminate + → + , → Does not terminate - → Does not terminate . → Does not terminate / → / 0 → 0 1 → 1 2 → 2 3 → 3 4 → 4 5 → 5 6 → 6 7 → 7 8 → 8 9 → 9 : → : ; → ; < → < = → = > → > ? → ? @ → Does not terminate A → \x8D B → Does not terminate C → \x83 D → \xC4 E → \xB9 F → Does not terminate G → Does not terminate H → Does not terminate I → Does not terminate J → Does not terminate K → \x8B L → \x8C M → \x8D N → \x8E O → \x8F P → l Q → q R → n S → c T → Does not terminate U → \xB9 V → n W → Does not terminate X → l Y → Does not terminate Z → Does not terminate [ → k \ → l ] → m ^ → n _ → o ` → l a → m b → n c → o d → l e → Does not terminate f → Does not terminate g → k h → l i → q j → n k → c l → Does not terminate m → \xB9 n → n o → Does not terminate p → s q → r r → s s → \x9E t → { u → { v → Does not terminate w → \xB9 x → { y → Does not terminate z → { { → y | → \x7F } → ~ ~ → | \x7F → } \x80 → Does not terminate \x81 → Does not terminate \x82 → Does not terminate \x83 → Does not terminate \x84 → Does not terminate \x85 → Does not terminate \x86 → Does not terminate \x87 → Does not terminate \x88 → Does not terminate \x89 → Does not terminate \x8A → Does not terminate \x8B → Does not terminate \x8C → Does not terminate \x8D → Does not terminate \x8E → Does not terminate \x8F → Does not terminate \x90 → \xD0 \x91 → m \x92 → Does not terminate \x93 → \x13 \x94 → Does not terminate \x95 → Does not terminate \x96 → Does not terminate \x97 → \xA7 \x98 → \xD0 \x99 → \x9E \x9A → Does not terminate \x9B → \x93 \x9C → \x9F \x9D → \x9E \x9E → \x9F \x9F → Does not terminate \xA0 → Does not terminate \xA1 → Does not terminate \xA2 → Does not terminate \xA3 → \xA3 \xA4 → Does not terminate \xA5 → Does not terminate \xA6 → Does not terminate \xA7 → Does not terminate \xA8 → Does not terminate \xA9 → Does not terminate \xAA → Does not terminate \xAB → \xAB \xAC → \xAC \xAD → \xAD \xAE → \xAE \xAF → \xAF \xB0 → Does not terminate \xB1 → \xBD \xB2 → Does not terminate \xB3 → \xB3 \xB4 → Does not terminate \xB5 → \xB9 \xB6 → Does not terminate \xB7 → \xB7 \xB8 → Does not terminate \xB9 → \xB1 \xBA → Does not terminate \xBB → \xBB \xBC → Does not terminate \xBD → \xB5 \xBE → \xBE \xBF → \xBF \xC0 → \xC0 \xC1 → \xC1 \xC2 → \xC2 \xC3 → \xC3 \xC4 → \xC4 \xC5 → \xC5 \xC6 → \xC6 \xC7 → \xC7 \xC8 → \xC8 \xC9 → \xC9 \xCA → \xCA \xCB → \xCB \xCC → \xCC \xCD → \xCD \xCE → \xCE \xCF → \xCF \xD0 → \xD0 \xD1 → \xD1 \xD2 → \xD2 \xD3 → \xD3 \xD4 → \xD4 \xD5 → \xD5 \xD6 → \xD6 \xD7 → \xD7 \xD8 → \xD8 \xD9 → \xD9 \xDA → \xDA \xDB → \xDB \xDC → \xDC \xDD → \xDD \xDE → \xDE \xDF → \xDF \xE0 → \xE0 \xE1 → \xE1 \xE2 → \xE2 \xE3 → \xE3 \xE4 → \xE4 \xE5 → \xE5 \xE6 → \xE6 \xE7 → \xE7 \xE8 → \xE8 \xE9 → \xE9 \xEA → \xEA \xEB → \xEB \xEC → \xEC \xED → \xED \xEE → \xEE \xEF → \xEF \xF0 → \xF0 \xF1 → \xF1 \xF2 → \xF2 \xF3 → \xF3 \xF4 → \xF4 \xF5 → \xF5 \xF6 → \xF6 \xF7 → \xF7 \xF8 → \xF8 \xF9 → \xF9 \xFA → \xFA \xFB → \xFB \xFC → \xFC \xFD → \xFD \xFE → \xFE \xFF → \xFF
Interpreters
JavaScript interpreter by User:Hakerh400
x86 assembly interpreter by User:Bangyen
Interpreter in Snap!
C++ interpreter by User:None1
Haskell interpreter by User:Hakerh400
See also
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||||
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| 22
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https://www.facebook.com/swissinfo/videos/switzerland-and-its-four-languages/960529644686236/
|
en
|
The Swiss are known for their multilingualism. Over two-thirds of the adult population regularly use more than one language. They need these skills to...
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
The Swiss are known for their multilingualism. Over two-thirds of the adult population regularly use more than one language. They need these skills to...
|
de
|
https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yT/r/aGT3gskzWBf.ico
|
https://www.facebook.com/swissinfo/videos/switzerland-and-its-four-languages/960529644686236/
| ||||||
4519
|
dbpedia
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2
| 81
|
https://housinganywhere.com/France/language-barrier-in-france
|
en
|
Do French people speak English or should expats learn French?
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
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[] | null |
If you're wondering whether French people speak English or can you live with only English, read to learn about breaking the language barrier in France.
|
en
|
HousingAnywhere
|
https://housinganywhere.com/France/language-barrier-in-france
|
When expats move to France for work, education, or retirement, they naturally wonder about the language barrier. Do you need to speak French? Or can you live in France by speaking English only?
The truth is that English proficiency in France is one of the lowest in Western Europe. So while you may come across some French people who know basic or good English, the number of French people who know and are willing to talk in English and the areas where you’ll hear English are limited. So if you want to integrate into French society easily, it’s better to speak French or at least try.
Do French speak English?
Yes, people do speak English in France. While English is indeed spoken in France, the true answer to this question is more nuanced.
There’s a stereotype about the French people that they either don’t know or don’t like speaking in English. This is partially true: the older generation and people from smaller towns don’t know English well, and those who do, are reluctant to talk. But the younger generation and people in touristy cities speak English to some degree, even if they aren’t fluent.
How well they speak English also changes depending on the region. Higher number of people speak English in more international areas of France such as Paris Île-de-France, Pays-de-la-Loire, and Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes. While the northmost region of France The Hauts-de-France has the lowest number of English speakers.
In general, France has barely made it to the high proficiency English list this year, falling behind other Western European countries like The Netherlands and Germany and ranks in 31st place globally. To give context, Spain ranks 33rd on this list, another country where the number of people speaking English is known to be limited.
Can I live in France without speaking French?
Realistically speaking, you should learn French if you’re considering living here for a long time. It will help you not feel lost or excluded when talking to French people who don’t know or don’t like to speak in English.
But, if you live in bigger cities like Paris, work in an international company where the business language is English, or study in an English-taught program, you can live in France without speaking French. Especially those who’ll live in France for a short time won’t struggle.
Why you should learn French when living in France
Are you wondering why are the French so reluctant to learn English and frankly aren't the best at it? Here’re 3 reasons why:
The French education system isn’t the best when it comes to learning English. In fact, only 39% of the population in France say that they can speak English. The older generation didn’t need to learn English at school and the newer generation is rather self-conscious as teachers are strict and focus more on grammar than speaking. So once students leave school, they lose touch with what they have learned.
There’s little exposure to English as foreign content is dubbed. Given that French is the 5th most spoken language in the world and is the official language of 29 countries, including Canada, Belgium, and Switzerland, there’s a high demand for entertainment to be dubbed.
The French are just too proud of their language and go to extreme lengths to protect it. In fact, the Académie Française puts a lot of effort in preventing the Anglicization of the French language. For instance, they’ve tried to change the popular wifi to L'accès sans fil a internet, but that didn’t become popular with the population.
So naturally, your life will become much easier in France if you learn French. Here’re some reasons how learning French will improve your life in France:
It’s a requirement for some resident permits
Learning French to at least A2 level is an important requirement for getting your French resident card (Carte de Résident). So if you plan to stay here a while, better start learning!
Integrating into society and making local friends
One of the main reasons you should learn French when living in France is to integrate into society and make friends with locals. French people value it when foreigners try to speak their language and see it as a sign of respect. They’ll appreciate your desire to learn, and you’ll feel more welcome and at home in France.
Benefiting from low tuition fees
Tuition is low in public higher education institutions in France where most programs are in French. So by speaking French, you can not only study at top-notch universities at lower prices but also pick from much more courses.
Saving money
If you know a bit of French, you can save money when you bargain at shops or need something to be fixed. After all, it’ll be hard for someone to think you’re a tourist and trick you into the hefty price tags.
Finding a job easier and making more money
There’re some job opportunities for English-speaking expats in big cities like Paris. But make no mistake, it still isn't easy to find a job in France without French. Many companies prefer people who speak at least conversational French. And because you'll have more job opportunities and choices if you speak French, chances are, companies will be willing to pay you more to lure you in.
Administrative things will be easier
In France, there’re laws stating that all administrative processes, important communications, and commercial contracts must be in French, from filing tax and opening a bank account to finding a health insurance company and understanding your rental contract. By speaking French, you’ll get things done faster and easier and avoid the cost of hiring a translator.
The 9 ways to break the language barrier in France
Greeting upon entry into a shop or restaurant
It’s very common in France to greet and say bye to people when you enter or leave somewhere. So you can get the sympathy of locals by learning a few greetings like saying Bonjour or Bonne nuit.
Always try to open with some French
It can be as basic as, “Excusez-moi. Bonjour, Parlez- vous anglais?” (Excuse me, Hello, can you speak English?)
Practice conversational sentences
One of the most common mistakes everyone makes when learning a new language is trying to form complex sentences. But Rome wasn’t built in a day: learning a language takes time. So start with basics and learn a few conversational sentences to motivate yourself.
Make local friends
While learning French is beneficial for making local friends, making local friends is excellent for learning French. So they’re two sides of the same coin. Having a local friend is a great way to practice your French and overcome the language barrier.
Dive deep into French culture
Researching and finding exciting books, shows, and movies will increase your interest and motivate you to learn French even more. You can watch movies with subtitles, translate books and listen to French music. Also, giving a reference from something French people are very familiar with is a great conversation starter.
Sign up for language courses
Signing up for language classes is a popular way to learn a new language and overcome the language barrier. You’ll find many language courses, from low effort to intensive French classes. And if you don’t want to commit fully to language courses yet, just start with free YouTube videos teaching French.
Just attempt to speak French
There’s a saying: say it enough, and they'll believe it. It’s a bit like the illusory truth effect; the French hear so many times that they can’t speak English, that even those who do are very shy to talk in English. Because they're afraid of making mistakes or looking foolish, they avoid speaking in English, to begin with.
Be patient
Don’t talk louder if they don’t understand you the first time. Repeat clearly and slowly but quietly.
Don’t just assume they must speak English
As we said, the French are very proud of their language. And they won’t like it if you assume everyone must speak English. They’ll be more welcoming and helpful if you show your respect by being polite and saying a few words in French.
Bonne chance!
Please reach out to content@housinganywhere.com if you have any suggestions or inquiries about the content on this page.
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How Much Information is in a Message?
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2019-04-05T11:51:30+00:00
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"How much information is in a message?" Huh??? That sentence, in the context of typical use of those words (information & message), doesn't immediately make sense to most people. Well, I know it didn't make sense to me, at least. So let me try asking it in a seemingly more complicated but different way: "If
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en
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IT Dojo | Certification and Skills Based Instructor-Led Training
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https://www.itdojo.com/how-much-information-is-in-a-message/
|
Huh???
That sentence, in the context of typical use of those words (information & message), doesn’t immediately make sense to most people. Well, I know it didn’t make sense to me, at least.
So let me try asking it in a seemingly more complicated but different way:
“If you wanted to communicate to me one of a range of possible values and you wanted to do it using only binary bits, how many binary bits would you have to use to be able to communicate any of the possible values?”
For example, let us suppose you want to communicate one of three (3) possible values:
Yes
No
Maybe
We could agree on the following ‘meaning’-to-binary mappings:
Yes: 00
No: 01
Maybe: 10
<unused>: 11
If you want to say “Yes” in response to something I ask you, you can communicate “00” to me. If you want to say “No”, you communicate “01” and a “Maybe” is communicated by you sending me a “10”. If you were to send you a “11”, it would not mean anything to me (unless we agreed later on that it now meant something (i.e. the ’11’ was information rather than being undefined)).
So, the MINIMUM number of binary bits we would have to use to communicate the different meanings is 2, with one bit combination (11) not used for anything.
Using 2 binary bits you can communicate 3 different meanings (Four, really. But we have only defined three meanings in our example).
Now let’s say that instead of using two binary bits to communicate Yes|No|Maybe we decide to instead use the characters “Y”, “N”, and “B” instead. In a computer each ASCII character is represented using an 8-bit value. For simplicity, let’s say that these are our mappings (Note: in real life they are different):
Y = 00000000 N = 00000001 B - 00000010
Now when I want to say ‘Yes’, ‘No’ or ‘Maybe’ to you I will have to communicate 8 bits rather than the original two bits. Here’s one point to take away from this (so far): I am using MORE bits but my message DOES NOT contain any more information. I still have only 3 possible meanings (Yes, No, and Maybe).
Imagine what would happen if I wanted to actually communicate the actual words, “Yes”, “No”, or “Maybe”. The longest word is 5 ASCII characters so the field we would have to use for all three would be 5 bytes (40 bits) long.
Here are the binary encodings of the words "YES", "NO", and "MAYBE": ------------------------------------------------ YES = 0000000000000000010110010100010101010011 NO = 0000000000000000000000000100111001001111 MAYBE = 0100110101000001010110010100001001000101
In those 40 bits that are used, only 3 options are defined (only 3 ‘meanings’). That means there are 1,099,511,627,773 other combinations of 0 and 1 that are not used (i.e. 240)
The “amount of information in each of these message options is the same: a little less than 2 bits (because “11” doesn’t mean anything in our example).”
The word used to describe the amount of information contained in a message (M) is “ENTROPY” and is represented in math as an “H”. So, mathematically, this is written as: H(M)
(Note: The word entropy is used in a lot of situations (cryptography, thermodynamics, physics, etc.) to describe different, yet still closely related things.)
You calculate the entropy by doing log2 n, where ‘n‘ is the number of possible meanings in the message.
In our example, there are 3 meanings so log2 3 = 1.58496
Note: This is the same as 21.58496 = 3
Let’s create some more meanings that we might want to communicate. Now let us assume you want to communicate your emotions and the only way you can do so is using binary bits across a copper cable. Here are the emotions you want to communicate:
- Happy - Sad - Mad - Scared - Envious - Disgusted - Surprised - Confused
Then the entropy of a message would be:
log2 8 = 3
So you can say, “I can communicate eight different meanings with 3 binary bits.”
This means it would take no less than 3 bits to communicate your meaning. Like this:
Meaning | Bit pattern ------------|--------------- - Happy | 000 - Sad | 001 - Mad | 010 - Scared | 011 - Envious | 100 - Disgusted | 101 - Surprised | 110 - Confused | 111
This entropy value of 3 is also considered a measure of UNCERTAINTY. Put more plainly that is effectively answering the question, “How many questions would I have to ask you in order to figure out your meaning?”
The answer is: 3
But let’s look at why:
For me to determine your meaning I would start by asking:
Question #1:
“Is your meaning in the range [Happy, Sad, Mad, Scared] or [Envious, Disgusted, Surprised, Confused]?”
If you say it is in range [Happy, Sad, Mad, Scared] I will then ask:
Question #2:
“Is your meaning in the range [Happy, Sad] or [Mad, Scared]?”
If you answer that it is in range [Mad, Scared] I will then ask:
Question #3:
“Is your meaning ‘Mad'”?
If you answer ‘yes’, I have determined your meaning and if you say ‘no’ I have also determined your meaning because only ‘Scared’ would be left. When you have only 8 meanings it will never take me more than 3 guesses/questions (bits) to figure out which meaning it is.
So when you have 8 possible meanings we say that the ENTROPY of your message is 3 bits; you can communicate your 8 possible meanings using a minimum of 3 bits.
The is also a measure of UNCERTAINTY because it also means that I would have to figure out/recover 3 bits in order to determine your message.
Look back at the table of meanings (emotions) and their binary mappings for a moment. Question #1 as written above isn’t really what I was asking you. What I really asked you was, “Is the leftmost bit a zero (0)?” If you answered ‘yes’ I knew your word must be one of [Happy, Sad, Mad, Scared] because the leftmost bit for each of those is a zero. Similarly, if the leftmost bit is not a zero then it must be a one (1). That would mean that your meaning must be one of [Envious, Disgusted, Surprised, Confused] because each of those has a leftmost bit of one (1).
Question #2 was really asking you if the middle bit was a one (1) or a zero (0).
Question #3 was really asking you if the rightmost bit was a one (1) or a zero (0).
But let’s suppose for a moment that you use a 1 byte value to store your meaning in a database.
Meaning | Bit pattern (1 byte) --------------|--------------------- - Happy | 00000000 - Sad | 00000001 - Mad | 00000010 - Scared | 00000011 - Envious | 00000100 - Disgusted | 00000101 - Surprised | 00000110 - Confused | 00000111
In this situation there are now 256 possible bit patterns (00000000 –> 11111111) but you are only using 8 of them. The first 5 bits (from left to right) of your possible meanings is always 00000. No point in my trying to figure those out; I already know what they are.
The 6th bit, being a 0 tells me your meaning is in the range [Happy, Sad, Mad, Scared] (000000xx), and the 6th bit being a 1 tells me your meaning is in the range [Envious, Disgusted, Surprised, Confused] (000001xx).
If I then recover the 7th bit I will know you are in the range:
[Happy, Sad] (0000000x)
[Mad, Scared] (0000001x)
[Envious, Disgusted] (0000010x)
[Surprised, Confused] (0000011x)
Now all I need to do is recover one more bit to determine your actual meaning (your emotion). Notice how it still only took me 3 guesses (or the recovery of 3 bits) to learn your message. From a security perspective, the first 5 bits did not contribute to your security so they did not increase the entropy. If you had 256 possible meanings defined then your entropy would be 8.0 (log2 256 = 8) rather than 3.0 (log2 8 = 3).
Because you never use the first 5 bits it dramatically reduces the number of bits I would have to recover to figure out your message. In other words, there is less UNCERTAINTY in your message (i.e. it has lower ENTROPY)
Let’s build on that idea some more…
The English language uses a 26 letter alphabet. If you do the math to calculate the ENTROPY it would be log2 26 = 4.700.
What does this mean? A few things:
If you wanted to represent each of the 26 letters using binary bits you would need a MINIMUM of 5 bits (4.7 has to be rounded up to 5.0 because you can’t have 0.7 of a bit in practice; a bit has to be a 1 or a 0. There is no 0.7th of a bit). If you have 5 bits you actually have 32 possible values (25 = 32) but you would only use 26 of them. You could actually use the remaining bit patterns to represent things like punctuation (for example: a space, a period, exclamation point, etc.)
It also means that if I wanted to guess a letter I would have to make, on average, 4.7 guesses to figure out your letter. This would be done by breaking the alphabet into groups.Let’s say your letter is “H”. I would ask:
Question 1. Is your letter in the range A-M?
You answer ‘yes’ so I know that it is not in the range N-Z.
Question 2. Is your letter in the range A-G?
You answer ‘no’ so I know the letter is in the range H-M.
Question 3. Is your letter in the range H-J?
You answer ‘yes’ so I know the letter is not in the range K-M.
Question 4. Is your letter H?
You answer ‘yes’. 4 guesses.
Let’s do this again but this time your letter is “G”. I would ask:
Question 1. Is your letter in the range A-M?
You answer ‘yes’ so I know that it is not in the range N-Z.
Question 2. Is your letter in the range A-G?
You answer ‘yes’ so I know the letter is not in the range H-M.
Question 3. Is your letter in the range A-D?
You answer ‘no’ so I know the letter is in the range E-G.
Question 4. Is your letter E?
You answer ‘no’ so I know the letter is in the range F-G.
Question 5. Is your letter F?
You answer ‘no’ so I know your letter is G.
5 guesses.
Regardless of the letter it will always take a minimum of 4 but never more than 5 guesses to correctly guess your letter. When you do the math on this you will see that, on average, it will take 4.7 guesses to correctly guess your letter (i.e. repeat this 26 times, using a different letter each time and average the number of guesses).
This means that if I am trying to recover your message I will have to recover, on average, 4.7 bits to determine your meaning.
However, this assumes that you are just as likely to choose the letter ‘Z’ as you are the letter ‘E’ or ‘I’. And when it comes to use in everyday language, this IS NOT TRUE. Some letters get used more than others. It’s a function of our language and how we communicate. This means that STATISTICALLY there is a greater likelihood that your letter will be ‘E’ or ‘I’ before it will be ‘Z’
In math the term ABSOLUTE RATE of a language is log2 n were ‘n’ is the total number of letters in the language. So, for English and its 26 letter alphabet it would be log2 26 = 4.7, which I have already written about above. But this calculation assumes that each letter in our language is equally likely to be used and anyone who communicates in English knows that just is not true.
Because letters like R, S, T, L, N and E are used more often than letters like Z, X and Q and because some letters have a tendency to follow other letters (like H after T and U after Q) we can even further increase the likelihood that we can guess a letter in fewer guesses. This also means that you can communicate a letter with fewer bits than expected.
To a cryptanalyst, this means that if they can determine one particular bit (or bits) in a message they can infer/guess what the meaning will be. They don’t have to recover all the bits, they just have to get a particular bit (or bits) and can infer/guess the rest of the bits.
The term used to describe this characteristic that, in language, some letters are more likely to be used than others is REDUNDANCY. The math calculation for it is:
Redundancy (D) = Absolute Rate of a Language (R) – Practical Language Rate (r)
D = R - r
Claude Shannon suggested that the practical language rate (entropy) of English was closer to 2.3 than 4.7 and others have since suggested that it can be even lower, with 1.3 being a commonly referenced value.
So, using the lower value:
D = 4.7 - 1.3 = 3.4
This equation says that the English language carries 3.4 bits of redundant information (on average).
According to Bruce Schneier (in his book, Applied Cryptography):
If English (ASCII, a-z only, 1-byte values) has 1.3 bits of information per byte (an entropy of 1.3) then there are 6.7 bits of redundant information in each byte (8 bits – 1.3 bits = 6.7). This means that the redundancy of a single bit is .84 (6.7s bit of information / 8 bits). This means the entropy of a single bit is .16 (1 bit – .84).
Now I need to put all of that into words that I can understand. What does all of that mean in practical application?
Redundancies in data mean that information can often be communicated by using less than what the information entropy suggests. This is the basis for compression algorithms (removing redundant bits) and can also be the basis for being able to guess/recover a value in fewer than anticipated guesses. It can also serve as as tool for cryptanalysts.
So when it comes to security (encryption) we need to try to get rid of redundancies as much as possible so that attackers have a harder time using them against us. In other words, we have to obscure the redundancies.
How?
Confusion & Diffusion
CONFUSION
CONFUSION obscures the relationship between the plaintext and the ciphertext. This makes taking advantage of redundancies more difficult for an attacker.
How do you create ‘confusion’? Answer: Substitution.
With substitution, plaintext bits are substituted for ciphertext bits. How the confusion mechanism works in an algorithm will change for each bit in the plaintext or the key.
STREAM CIPHERS depend almost exclusively on CONFUSION for their security.
Note: A stream cipher using ‘cipher feedback mode’ is also adding DIFFUSION so it’s not safe to say that STREAM CIPHERS ONLY use CONFUSION.
DIFFUSION
DIFFUSION “dissapates the redundancy of the plaintext” by spreading it out over the ciphertext, making them more difficult to find by cryptanalysis.
How do you create ‘diffusion’? Answer: Transpositon (also called Permutation).
Diffusion by itself is fairly easy to crack/unravel. This is true because, by itself, all it does is rearrange the plaintext characters. A a simple example.
If I take the plaintext word:
FANTASTIC
I can transpose the letters like so:
NTATFSIAC
With a length of 9 and a character set of 7 (fantsic), my MacBook can try every possible combination in less than 2 seconds.
Note: There are 79 combinations (40,353,607). Using a tool like crunch can make generating them very easy.
Ex:
crunch 9 9 fantsic
BLOCK CIPHERS use BOTH CONFUSION and DIFFUSION to achieve security.
Cheers,
Colin Weaver
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https://www.ef.com/wwen/blog/language/how-to-speak-english-better/
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How to speak English better in 10 easy steps â¹ EF GO Blog
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The path to speaking English confidently doesn't have to be long and hard. Here's how to speak English better in 10 easy steps you can put to use today.
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EF GO Blog | EF Global Site (English)
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https://www.ef.com/wwen/blog/language/how-to-speak-english-better/
|
Learning how to speak English confidently is incredibly important for anyone studying the language. There is simply no substitute for using your language skills to communicate in real-time and in real life â and there is nothing more fun. Regardless of your level, hereâs how to speak English better in 10 easy steps:
1. Imitate away
When most people think about learning English, they think about piles of books, memorizing lists and studying with cards. All of these are helpful in their own way and shouldnât be ignored. However, many people forget â or shy away from â the active side of language learning â exploring, playing, listening, and repeating.
Studies show that imitation is one of the best ways to improve your language skills. Listening to others and repeating what they say and how they say it â even intonation, emotion and choice of words â is one of the most powerful and fun ways to make progress.
2. Avoid learning word by word
Are you tired of memorizing lists of verbs and feeling like you still canât speak confidently? Itâs time to change your strategy. This time, learn full expressions â this is called chunk-based learning.
Think of new expressions as a unit that you canât separate. Listen and repeat. For a moment, allow yourself to forget about grammar or the meaning of each word until the expression starts to feel natural.
Be practical and âcopy pasteâ what you hear without creating unnecessary obstacles. This would mean learning an expression like âI need waterâ as a whole, rather than translating word by word and learning how to conjugate the verb âto needâ before you do it.
3. Use what youâve learned immediately
If there is one thing your brain enjoys, it is feeling useful. Our brains dislike wasting time with information we donât use. (Maybe thatâs why you keep forgetting the English words you tried learning yesterday!)
Hereâs a tip: even if you are alone in the room, the first thing you should do when you see a new expression or phrase in front of you is reading it out loud immediately. Repeat it several times until youâre able to say it without looking at the paper. If you write down three sentences using that new word, even better. This is the moment when you stop memorizing and start using English!
4. Be an actor
Actors have one mission: to study a text and then make people believe that text is real. They do that by using emotion, exaggeration, repetition and practice. So why not be inspired by your favorite actors and do the same?
Hereâs a game. When you are alone, take a piece of paper and write down an English expression â any expression you want to learn. Now, try reading it until you can say it without looking at the paper. The next step is trying to say that expression with different emotions. Donât be afraid to exaggerate! After a while, you will get used to the sound of the expression without even having to think about it.
5. Listen to others as much as you speak
Many English learners struggle with speaking for three reasons: they are embarrassed by their foreign accent, they donât remember key words when they need them, and they canât really understand when people reply back to them, which leads to awkward situations.
Solution: expose yourself to as many songs, series, documentaries, accents and conversations as possible. This will help you understand how English sounds in different countries and how it is spoken by different people.
Bonus â by doing this, you will realize that many, many foreigners around the world have accents but they are still easily understood by natives and can communicate effectively. Soâ¦why not you? A foreign accent isnât the end of the world â it is just proof that you were brave enough to learn something new!
6. Listen to yourself and get feedback from native speakers
Some English students are so shy and nervous that they postpone speaking indefinitely. After months of study, they realize they have never actually heard themselves speak! It is essential that you start practicing basic sentences from day one â out loud. Hear yourself. Listen to how English sounds when you speak it.
A good way to start is recording yourself reading simple texts. This helps you in two ways. First, you start getting comfortable with the sound of English coming out of your mouth. Secondly, you can save your recording to keep track of your progress in the future and see how fantastic your progress has been!
Itâs essential that you find somebody to give you feedback on your speaking â ideally a native speaker. One of the most powerful ways to do this is to study English in an English-speaking country where you get continuous feedback â in class, while youâre shopping, out on the town and even from your host family. Learning through immersion is so powerful because it makes your whole life a learning opportunity â and the more you use your English in a natural setting with native speakers of all walks of life, the faster your progress will be.
If this isnât an option, get continuous feedback from your local teacher, a tutor or any kind native English speaker you know.
7. Become visual
Visual learning is powerful â and increasingly popular. Research shows that images associated with words help us recall much more efficiently, and that means less difficulty speaking.
Next time you want to remember a new expression, use one of your own pictures or an image you find on Google Images to represent this vocabulary. Choosing your own images for a flashcard or a notebook is key to remembering these words next time!
8. Narrate your life
Your brain is more likely to remember new vocabulary if you apply it to your own life and make it as personal as possible. For that reason, itâs smart to take an expression you have recently learned and ask yourself âHow would I use this in my personal situation? In which contexts do I see myself using this?â.
This has two benefits: first, you will feel like your learning is useful and avoid frustration. Secondly, you will make your life easier because next time you have to talk about yourself, your memories and your experiences, you will be ready because you have already practiced!
9. Start singing
Science has proven that the part of our brains that engages with music is also active when you process language. English students who often listen to music in English tend to have better pronunciation skills and understand other speakers more easily â English just comes more naturally to them. Here are artists you should listen to to get started.
Singing is a fantastic way to get in a good mood and improve your English at the same time. Next time you find a song you like, search for the lyrics (text) of the song on the Internet and read at the same time as you listen. Next, sing the song at the same time. Pay attention to the way words are pronounced and imitate what you hear to be as similar as possible. Youâll soon find yourself accidentally singing it without needing the lyrics.
10. Know your priorities
Ask anybody: âWhy are you learning English?â. Answers will be different, but most people will say: âbecause I want to get a better jobâ, âbecause I want to move to Londonâ, âbecause my partner speaks Englishâ, or âbecause I love Englishâ.
However, do you believe you would hear somebody say âI want to speak English because I want to be perfectâ? Probably not! Always remember that your priority should be efficient communication, not perfection. Focus on getting your message across, and that means speaking as soon as you can and as much as you can.
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Are Some Languages Spoken Faster Than Others?
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[
"Thomas Moore Devlin",
"Babbel.com",
"Lesson Nine GmbH"
] |
2021-10-06T00:00:00
|
Does it seem like that Spanish is faster than English? It's not all in your head. New research has shed light on the truth of language speed.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Babbel Magazine
|
https://www.babbel.com/en/magazine/language-speed
|
It’s a common experience for the novice language learner: you’ve been going along, feeling pretty confident about your new vocabulary and grammar. You even think you might be ready to speak to a native speaker for the first time. But then, as soon as they open their mouth, your jaw drops. Your brain is helpless against the speedy onslaught of syllables. Before you can get hola out, you flee (OK, maybe you don’t flee).
Are Some Languages Faster Than Others?
To answer this question straight away: yes, some languages have a higher syllable per second rate, so they are technically faster than others. But it’s worth looking at a couple other factors that influence how we interpret language speed.
Your impression that other languages are faster is likely going to be influenced by how advanced you are at a language. Language teachers the world over start students off with slowed down versions of foreign languages because it doesn’t take a study to show that that’s easier for listeners to comprehend. Trying to compare a native speaker with the actors who recorded “How To Introduce Yourself In Spanish” is going to create a mental mismatch.
Another theory that lends itself to differences in listening perception is isochrony. The people who study isochrony have pointed out speed differences between languages that are syllable-timed (each syllable is the same length) and stress-timed (the time between every two stressed syllables is the same length). There’s also a third category, which is mora-timed (each mora is the same length). Morae, which are not common way of measuring English, break down syllables into parts. One syllable, depending on its value, can have one, two or in some languages even three morae. Mora are more commonly used to look at languages such as Japanese.
To make all that easier to imagine, there is fortunately a simpler nomenclature. Phonetician Arthur Lloyd James distinguished between types of language by saying Spanish and languages like it have machine-gun rhythm (syllable-timed), whereas English and languages like it have morse-code rhythm (stress-timed). While English seems to have syllables of varying length (like morse code), Spanish has a torrent of syllables (like a machine gun). Machine-gun rhythm languages will sound, especially to a morse-code rhythm language, much faster.
The problem with isochrony is that it’s not actually proven. There are many proponents of the concept, but it’s a contentious issue that has yet to be fully confirmed by the data. There’s more research to be done, but for now syllables per second is our best measure of language speed.
What Are The Fastest Languages?
There unfortunately have not been any wide-ranging studies on language speed. One 2011 study from the Université de Lyon looked at 7 languages, which reported the order as Japanese (7.84 syllables per second), Spanish (7.82), French (7.18), Italian (6.99), English (6.19), German (5.97) and Mandarin (5.18). But, you know, seven is pretty small.
The most recent study, published this year in Science Advances, looked at 17, which is better but still far short of the roughly 7,000 that exist in the world. So while this article can’t really promise you that any of these are “the fastest” languages, here are the rankings of the 17 that have been looked at, in ranked order. It’s also worth noting that individuals within a language can vary in how quickly they speak (just think of an auctioneer).
Japanese
Spanish
Basque
Finnish
Italian
Serbian
Korean
Catalan
Turkish
French
English
German
Hungarian
Mandarin Chinese
Cantonese
Vietnamese
Thai
While this is only a small selection, it does give you a good idea of how language speeds vary around the world. Syllable-timed (and mora-timed) languages are closer to the top, and tonal languages are generally at the bottom.
So Some Languages Are Just Faster Than Others?
All of this can seem a bit weird. Some languages being faster than others seems like it could slide into linguistic relativism, in which the language you speak affects the way you interact with the world (generally not true). But as it turns out, “language speed” is not as simple as syllables per second.
The same Science Advances study from this year that ranked language speed was also looking at a deeper phenomenon: how quickly do languages convey information? This question is complicated, starting with the fact that information density is calculated by translating syllables into bits. The amount of information any syllable can have corresponds to whether that syllable helps the listener narrow down what the next syllable will be. It’s basically treating your human brain like a predictive text computer, and the faster the language you’re hearing can help you narrow down what is likely to be said next, the greater the information density.
The researchers’ analysis of 170 speakers showed that despite variations in syllables per second, the amount of information per second is pretty much the same across all languages, hovering at about 39 bits per second. Languages with a low rate of syllables per second make up for it with a high rate of information per second, and vice versa. All in all, while some have a higher speed, they are not better or more efficient. There is yet to be research on why exactly this is the case, but it could be that the brain has an optimal amount of information intake.
Asking Someone To Slow Down
What does this mean for learning a new language? For one, it’s reassuring to know that no language is better than any other. But to be fair, none of this will make your first encounters with a native speaker easier. Just remember to take your time, focus and get comfortable with saying “I don’t understand. Could you say that a bit slower?” in a new language. Fortunately, we’ve translated that exact phrase to help you out.
Italian — Scusa, non capisco. Potresti parlare più lentamente, per favore?German — Es tut mir leid, ich verstehe nicht. Könnten Sie bitte etwas langsamer sprechen?
French — Pardon, je n’ai pas compris. Pouvez-vous parler plus lentement, s’il vous plaît ?
Hungarian — Elnézést, de nem értem! Tudna egy picit lassabban beszélni?
Japanese — すみません、分かりません。もう少しゆっくり話してください。(Sumimasen, wakarimasen. Mousukoshi yukkuri hanashite kudasai.)
So what’s going on here? Are other languages going faster than English? We took a peek at language speed to find out what’s going on, and which languages are fastest.
|
||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 18
|
https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/language/
|
en
|
Language Spoken at Home
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"American Community Survey (ACS)",
""
] | null |
[
"US Census Bureau"
] |
2022-02-28T18:43:00
|
We ask questions about whether a person speaks a language other than English at home, what language he/she speaks, and how well he/she speaks English to create statistics about language and the ability to speak English.
|
/acs/www/census_assets_0822/android-chrome-192x192.png
|
Census.gov
|
https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/
|
We ask questions about whether a person speaks a language other than English at home, what language he/she speaks, and how well he/she speaks English to create statistics about language and the ability to speak English.
Local, state, tribal, and federal agencies use language data to plan government programs for adults and children who do not speak English well. These data are also used to ensure that information about public health, law, regulations, voting, and safety is communicated in languages that community members understand.
We use your confidential survey answers to create statistics like those in the results below and in the full tables that contain all the data—no one is able to figure out your survey answers from the statistics we produce. The Census Bureau is legally bound to strict confidentiality requirements. Individual records are not shared with anyone, including federal agencies and law enforcement entities. By law, the Census Bureau cannot share respondents' answers with anyone—not the IRS, not the FBI, not the CIA, and not with any other government agency.
Educate Children
We ask about language spoken at home in combination with other information, such as disability status, school enrollment, and poverty status, to help schools understand the needs of their students and qualify for grants that help fund programs for those students (Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965). Information on how many children and youth with limited English-speaking abilities who depend on services provided through schools helps school districts make long-term staffing and funding decisions.
Ensure Equal Opportunity
We want to know about the languages spoken by people in the community in combination with information about housing, voting, employment, and education, to help the government and communities enforce laws, regulations, and policies against discrimination based on national origin. For example, language data are used to support the enforcement responsibilities under the Voting Rights Act to investigate differences in voter participation rates and to enforce laws and policies related to bilingual election requirements. Knowing languages spoken in a community also helps federal agencies identify needs for services for people with limited English proficiency under Executive Order 13166.
|
|||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 2
|
https://ask.metafilter.com/119960/Distinct-written-and-spoken-languages
|
en
|
Distinct written and spoken languages
|
http://cdn.mefi.us/images/askmefi/apple-touch-icon.png
|
http://cdn.mefi.us/images/askmefi/apple-touch-icon.png
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Are there any human cultures, past or present, which have developed completely (or largely) distinct spoken and written languages?
|
en
|
/apple-touch-icon.png
|
https://ask.metafilter.com/119960/Distinct-written-and-spoken-languages
|
About Ask MetaFilter
Ask MetaFilter is a question and answer site that covers nearly any question on earth, where members help each other solve problems. Ask MetaFilter is where thousands of life's little questions are answered.
|
|||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 9
|
https://www.bureauworks.com/blog/dialect-and-language
|
en
|
Dialect vs Language: everything you need to know about these concepts
|
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âDialectâ and âLanguageâ are two of the most used concepts when we talk about communication. Although most people have heard of it, not many can differentiate or even explain what these two words mean.
|
en
|
https://www.bureauworks.com/blog/dialect-and-language
|
âDialectâ and âLanguageâ are two of the most used concepts when we talk about communication. Although most people have heard of it, not many can differentiate or even explain what these two words mean.
The concepts of dialect vs language are especially important for people who work or want to work with translations. That is because you need to master those in order to be a qualified professional linguist.
You donât need to worry though! Keep reading this text and you will learn everything there is to know about dialect vs language - as well as how and when to use it!
What is language?
Although we talk about language all the time, it is extremely difficult to really explain what it is. We define language as a type of communication used by a group of people. It seems simple: people from Portugal speak Portuguese, Danes speak Danish, Germans speak German, and so on. Thatâs where we are often wrong! As much as we usually think about countries, it is important to notice that this division is not always right.
Take the Basque region in Spain for example. Even though it is âinâ Spain, the Basques have their own habits, culture and way of communication.
There are a number of other examples to that, such as indigenous groups in the Americas or the Greenlanders.As much as it is also related to cultural habits, a language is primarily written or oral. Therefore it is classified as a linguistic idea. A language also has a standardized form that can be either spoken or written. This is the characteristic that differentiates a language from a dialect.
What is dialect?
It is easy to understand what a dialect is once we wrap our minds around the concept of language. Remember when we said that groups of people identify using a specific type of communication?
Well, when there are no norms established yet, those are dialects! It is easier to understand if we think of dialects as being a subitem of âlanguagesâ. As a general rule we think of language as a standardized code, whereas a dialect does not necessarily have a standardized system. We can use British and American English or even Portugalâs and Brazilâs form of Portuguese as an example of dialects. Those examples are all about dialects that share the same language.
Dialect vs Language
Okay, now we know what is language and what is dialect. However in the real world the lines between dialect vs language can be a bit blurry. What normally tells dialect and language apart is that dialects are usually just spoken, while languages have written rules. If we follow this logic, a person should not be able to understand other languages than itâs mother tongue. How is it possible for someone who is not fluent in a determined language to still understand it? If you speak Spanish, you probably know that you can read Portuguese.
Similarly a person who speaks dutch can read german. What happens is that, although every language and dialect presents distinguished characteristics that make each one different, they still have some common ground. This is particularly true for languages that come from the same language tree. It is the case of Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and French; or English, German and Danish.
This can be a bit confusing because most languages have been, at some point, dialects. Spanish and Italian, for example, were both dialects from Latin and eventually matured and became a language. The same goes for any other modern language. The thing is, it can be hard to distinguish on a daily basis what those two concepts are. There is a whole debate around dialect vs language happening until this day. The good part is that localization can be used to clarify this discussion!
Cultural aspects matter
As we mentioned above there are other aspects besides grammatical correctness that makes a language. Or a dialect. Or any type of communication really. This is why we need to talk about localization. Localization is the art of making a translation fit the needs of a particular group. Thus, it means that a person who uses localization is fluent not only in the grammar of said language.
He or she is also fluent in how to communicate using said language or dialect. Hence knowledge on the usage of specific terminology or slangs, for example. Furthermore, letâs not forget how important it is to know what is acceptable to say in each context. Â Â
Localization is an important idea to have in mind when we talk about societies. A British and an American person may have different cultures and behaviors, for example. Therefore, even if they both speak English, any translation done should be customized for the targeted audience.
It simply can not be the same.In other words if you are a translator that is âonlyâ fluent in the grammatical part of English, your job will lack nuance. The key to becoming a master translator is to learn how to mix both the language and the dialect aspects of a society. This means that, yes, you do have to worry about grammatical norms and standardized forms of language.
Nonetheless, you also need to be aware of the cultural aspects that make the targeted group recognizable. Dialect vs Language is a matter that has been discussed for a while now, to say the least. However, there is still a long way to go before these concepts can be completely distinguished from each other. The best way to handle it is to take the best you can from both concepts.
Pay attention to all aspects that make a group of people identifiable, study about them, their habits, their culture and non-verbal types of communication. This is the only way to succeed in this field!
â
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https://news.mit.edu/2024/mit-study-polyglots-brain-processing-native-language-0310
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en
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For people who speak many languages, there’s something special about their native tongue
|
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[
"learning languages",
"polyglots",
"language processing network",
"Evelina Fedorenko",
"Saima Malik-Moraleda"
] | null |
[
"Anne Trafton",
"MIT News"
] |
2024-03-11T00:01:00+00:00
|
An MIT study of polyglots found the brain’s language network responds more strongly when hearing languages a speaker is more proficient in — and much more weakly to the speaker’s native language.
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en
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/themes/mit/assets/img/favicon/favicon.ico
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MIT News | Massachusetts Institute of Technology
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https://news.mit.edu/2024/mit-study-polyglots-brain-processing-native-language-0310
|
A new study of people who speak many languages has found that there is something special about how the brain processes their native language.
In the brains of these polyglots — people who speak five or more languages — the same language regions light up when they listen to any of the languages that they speak. In general, this network responds more strongly to languages in which the speaker is more proficient, with one notable exception: the speaker’s native language. When listening to one’s native language, language network activity drops off significantly.
The findings suggest there is something unique about the first language one acquires, which allows the brain to process it with minimal effort, the researchers say.
“Something makes it a little bit easier to process — maybe it’s that you’ve spent more time using that language — and you get a dip in activity for the native language compared to other languages that you speak proficiently,” says Evelina Fedorenko, an associate professor of neuroscience at MIT, a member of MIT’s McGovern Institute for Brain Research, and the senior author of the study.
Saima Malik-Moraleda, a graduate student in the Speech and Hearing Bioscience and Technology Program at Harvard University, and Olessia Jouravlev, a former MIT postdoc who is now an associate professor at Carleton University, are the lead authors of the paper, which appears today in the journal Cerebral Cortex.
Many languages, one network
The brain’s language processing network, located primarily in the left hemisphere, includes regions in the frontal and temporal lobes. In a 2021 study, Fedorenko’s lab found that in the brains of polyglots, the language network was less active when listening to their native language than the language networks of people who speak only one language.
In the new study, the researchers wanted to expand on that finding and explore what happens in the brains of polyglots as they listen to languages in which they have varying levels of proficiency. Studying polyglots can help researchers learn more about the functions of the language network, and how languages learned later in life might be represented differently than a native language or languages.
“With polyglots, you can do all of the comparisons within one person. You have languages that vary along a continuum, and you can try to see how the brain modulates responses as a function of proficiency,” Fedorenko says.
For the study, the researchers recruited 34 polyglots, each of whom had at least some degree of proficiency in five or more languages but were not bilingual or multilingual from infancy. Sixteen of the participants spoke 10 or more languages, including one who spoke 54 languages with at least some proficiency.
Each participant was scanned with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) as they listened to passages read in eight different languages. These included their native language, a language they were highly proficient in, a language they were moderately proficient in, and a language in which they described themselves as having low proficiency.
They were also scanned while listening to four languages they didn’t speak at all. Two of these were languages from the same family (such as Romance languages) as a language they could speak, and two were languages completely unrelated to any languages they spoke.
The passages used for the study came from two different sources, which the researchers had previously developed for other language studies. One was a set of Bible stories recorded in many different languages, and the other consisted of passages from “Alice in Wonderland” translated into many languages.
Brain scans revealed that the language network lit up the most when participants listened to languages in which they were the most proficient. However, that did not hold true for the participants’ native languages, which activated the language network much less than non-native languages in which they had similar proficiency. This suggests that people are so proficient in their native language that the language network doesn’t need to work very hard to interpret it.
“As you increase proficiency, you can engage linguistic computations to a greater extent, so you get these progressively stronger responses. But then if you compare a really high-proficiency language and a native language, it may be that the native language is just a little bit easier, possibly because you've had more experience with it,” Fedorenko says.
Brain engagement
The researchers saw a similar phenomenon when polyglots listened to languages that they don’t speak: Their language network was more engaged when listening to languages related to a language that they could understand, than compared to listening to completely unfamiliar languages.
“Here we’re getting a hint that the response in the language network scales up with how much you understand from the input,” Malik-Moraleda says. “We didn’t quantify the level of understanding here, but in the future we’re planning to evaluate how much people are truly understanding the passages that they're listening to, and then see how that relates to the activation.”
The researchers also found that a brain network known as the multiple demand network, which turns on whenever the brain is performing a cognitively demanding task, also becomes activated when listening to languages other than one’s native language.
“What we’re seeing here is that the language regions are engaged when we process all these languages, and then there’s this other network that comes in for non-native languages to help you out because it’s a harder task,” Malik-Moraleda says.
In this study, most of the polyglots began studying their non-native languages as teenagers or adults, but in future work, the researchers hope to study people who learned multiple languages from a very young age. They also plan to study people who learned one language from infancy but moved to the United States at a very young age and began speaking English as their dominant language, while becoming less proficient in their native language, to help disentangle the effects of proficiency versus age of acquisition on brain responses.
The research was funded by the McGovern Institute for Brain Research, MIT’s Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences, and the Simons Center for the Social Brain.
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https://www.ef.edu/blog/language/a-short-history-of-the-english-language/
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en
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A short history of the English language â¹ GO Blog
|
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/assetscdn/go706j5dozw8p0p3r573/assets/images/icons/favicon-48.ico
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GO Blog | EF United States
|
https://www.ef.edu/blog/language/a-short-history-of-the-english-language/
|
Ever wondered how English â with 1.5 billion speakers in all corners of the world and approximately 750,000 words  â came to be the wonderfully expressive and multifaceted language it is today?
Unlike languages that developed within the boundaries of one country (or one distinct geographical region), English, since its beginnings 1,600 or so years ago, evolved by crossing boundaries and through invasions, picking up bits and pieces of other languages along the way and changing with the spread of the language across the globe.
The Anglo-Saxon connection
The origins of the English language lie â surprise, surprise â in todayâs England and the arrival of Anglo-Saxon tribes from Central Europe to the British Isles in 400 AD. Their language, now known as âOld Englishâ, was soon adopted as the common language of this relatively remote corner of Europe. Although you and I would find it hard to understand Old English, it provided a solid foundation for the language we speak today and gave us many essential words like âbeâ, âstrongâ and âwaterâ.
Run from the Viking with a knife!
With the Viking invasions (Vikings were a tribe of Nordic people that ransacked their way through Northern and Northwestern Europe 1,000-1,200 years ago), Old English got mixed up with Old Norse, the language of the Viking tribes. Old Norse ended up giving English more than 2,000 new words, including âgiveâ and âtakeâ, âeggâ, âknifeâ, âhusbandâ, ârunâ and âvikingâ.
Bring on the French
Although English was spoken widely on the British Isles by 1,000 AD, the Norman invasion established French as the language of royals and of power. Old English was left to the peasants, and despite its less glamorous status, it continued to develop and grow by adopting a whole host of Latin and French words in 1,000-1,400 AD, including everyday words such as  âbeerâ,âcityâ, âfruitâ and âpeopleâ, as well as half of the months of the year. By adopting and adapting French words, the English language also became more sophisticated through the inclusion of concepts and words like âlibertyâ and âjusticeâ.
The alligator ate my puppy dog, Mr Shakespeare
In the 14th-15th century, following the Hundred Years War with France that ended French rule of the British Isles, English became the language of power and influence once again. It got a further boost through the development of English literature and English culture, spearheaded by William Shakespeare, perhaps the most celebrated poet/playwright of all time. Shakespeareâs influence on the development of the English language and its unique and rich culture is hard to grasp;Â the man is said to have invented â yes, INVENTED â at least 1,700 words, including âalligatorâ, âpuppy dogâ, and âfashionableâ, in addition to penning classics like Romeo & Juliet and Hamlet!
The science of new words
If Shakespeare established English as a culturally significant, rich language, the rapidly developing world of science started changing the English language in the 17th-18th centuries, necessitating the invention of new words, including âgravityâ, âacidâ and âelectricityâ. And as the English-speaking world was at the center of a lot of scientific progress, scientific advances went hand-in-hand with the evolution of the language.
English goes global
But it wasnât until Britain became the colonial master of the (known) universe â or Planet Earth anyway â that the spread of English really picked up pace. By the early 20th century Britain had established imperial control over more than a quarter of the world â from Asia to Africa â and more than 400 million (newly) British subjects. In addition to spreading the English language far and wide, this resulted in the development of dozens of local versions and dialects of English and brought with it â yes, you guessed it â more new words! The word âbarbequeâ, for example, was picked up from the Caribbean while âzombieâ was adopted from Africa.
AÂ dictionary to the rescue
The rapid spread of the language resulted in a problem: how do you make sure that the language remains intelligible across borders? The language bible known as the Oxford English Dictionary, first published in 1884, standardized spelling and ensured that English speakers all over the world could understand each other (or at least try to). Currently at 20 volumes (thatâs more than 21,000 pages of dictionary definitions!), each new edition of the Oxford English Dictionary takes decades to compile, although new words are added to the online version several times a year.
OMG, food baby and other 21st century gems
And on that note: the most amazing thing about English is that itâs STILL evolving. From the development of local dialects and slang in countries as far apart as the US, South Africa and New Zealand, and in cities as different as New York, Oxford and Singapore, to the incorporation of tech vocabulary into everyday English (weâre looking at you, 2013 Word of the Year, âselfieâ!), English is in a constant state of flux.
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https://blog.scoutingmagazine.org/2020/11/05/if-you-speak-a-language-other-than-english-heres-a-patch-you-can-wear-with-pride/
|
en
|
If you speak a language other than English, here’s a patch you can wear with pride
|
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] | null |
[
"Bryan Wendell"
] |
2020-11-05T00:00:00
|
The interpreter strip is a visible sign to others that you’re available for conversation in a language other than English.
|
en
|
Aaron On Scouting
|
https://blog.scoutingmagazine.org/2020/11/05/if-you-speak-a-language-other-than-english-heres-a-patch-you-can-wear-with-pride/
|
Alejandra Opdyke wears an “Español” strip because she wants Spanish-speaking parents of prospective Scouts to know “that somebody might help them in their language.”
Mike Anderson’s “Deutsch” strip, earned as a Scout five decades ago, caught the attention of an Austrian Scouter at the 2019 World Scout Jamboree. Anderson and the man spoke German throughout the event, and the two still keep in touch on Facebook.
And when Jon Smithey has finished working on the Mandarin strip, he’ll wear it with pride because it “signifies diversity, the widespread reach of Scouting and inclusion.”
“It alerts someone who also speaks, and maybe only speaks, a language that there is someone there who can and will be happy to communicate with them in that language,” Smithey says. “I love the idea of interpreter strips.”
The interpreter strip bears the name of a foreign language in the characters of the language itself. Whether you’re in person (wearing face coverings and standing a safe distance apart) or meeting with fellow volunteers on Zoom, it’s a handy way to show others that you speak their language.
The Scout Shop carries 19 different varieties of interpreter strips. If you don’t find the specific language you’re after, you can order a custom-made strip through your local Scout Shop or by contacting the main customer service line (1-800-323-0736). Just note that for custom orders, the minimum order size is two strips.
Here’s what else you need to know about interpreter strips.
Who can wear an interpreter strip, and how can I earn one?
Any Scout or Scout volunteer — any age, any program — can earn an interpreter strip.
The official requirements, outlined here and below, demonstrate your ability to communicate in a given language:
Carry on a five-minute conversation in the language.
Translate a two-minute speech or address.
Write a letter in the language (does not apply for American Sign Language).
Translate 200 words from the written word.
You’ll need the approval of two people: your unit leader and another person — perhaps someone who teaches that language or is a native speaker.
After that, well done! (Bien hecho, Gut gemacht, bien joué, etc.) You can purchase the strip from your local Scout Shop or online. You do not need to turn in the completed form to purchase an interpreter strip.
Where is the strip worn?
Wear it over the right pocket — just above the “BSA” or “Boy Scouts of America” (depending on which version of the uniform you own).
Which languages are the most popular?
It’s impossible to know how many uniforms out there have interpreter strips on them — especially because some adult volunteers added those patches to their uniforms decades ago.
But we can look at sales numbers to see which interpreter strips were purchased most often in recent years.
Of the 19 interpreter strips available at ScoutShop.org, these were the 10 top sellers. The percentage next to each name is that strip’s percentage of overall sales of interpreter strips.
Spanish: 41%
German: 11%
French: 11%
Morse Code: 9%
American Sign Language: 6%
Simplified Mandarin Chinese: 5%
Japanese: 4%
Portuguese: 3%
Italian: 2%
Traditional Mandarin Chinese: 2%
(All others: 6%)
What languages are available?
American Sign Language
Arabic
Cantonese
Dutch
French
German
Greek
Hebrew
Italian
Japanese
Korean
Mandarin (Simplified)
Mandarin (Traditional)
Morse Code
Native American languages
Portuguese
Russian
Spanish
Vietnamese
Wait, is Morse code a language?
Technically, no. It’s a communications method. But the ability to “speak” this special language is a handy tool and a fascinating link to American and Scouting history.
The Morse code interpreter strip, which depicts the letters M-O-R-S-E in dots and dashes, debuted in 2012.
To earn it, Scouters and Scouts must:
Carry on a five-minute conversation in Morse Code at a speed of at least five words per minute.
Copy correctly a two-minute message sent in Morse Code at a minimum of five words per minute. Copying means writing the message down as it is received.
Send a 25-word written document in Morse Code at a minimum of five words per minute.
What if the Scout Shop doesn’t carry the language I speak?
There are more than 7,000 living languages in the world, according to The Washington Post. If the Scout Shop carried interpreter strips for each one, they would have room to carry little else.
Instead of stocking every available language, the Scout Shop will make custom strips. The minimum order size is two, so as long as you’re willing to pony up for a pair of strips, you’re in luck.
You can order through your local Scout Shop or by contacting Scout Shop customer service. When you request a language, the Scout Shop Specialty Products team will verify the proper spelling of the language using that language’s characters or alphabet.
As of this writing, the Scout Shop has made 91 different custom-made interpreter strips for Scouters and Scouts. That list includes:
Armenian
Bengali
Bosnian
Bulgarian
Burmese
Croatian
Czech
Danish
Dari
Finnish
German
Haitian Creole
Hindi
Hungarian
Icelandic
Lithuanian
Malaysian
Mongolian
Norwegian
Polish
Portuguese
Punjabi
Romanian
Scottish Gaelic
Serbian
Slovenian
Swedish
Tagalog
Tamil
Telugu
Turkish
Vietnamese North
Vietnamese South
Why should you wear an interpreter strip if you’re qualified?
We asked Scouters on Scouting magazine’s Facebook page to share why they wear an interpreter strip.
Jeff Shepherd (Bulgarian)
“I’m proud to wear Български (Bulgarian) on my uniform,” he says. “I was Scoutmaster of Troop 359 in Sofia for a bit over a year. I want to encourage any Scout I come across to work toward learning another language!”
Michael Balonek (Hindi)
“My son Micaiah and I wear the Hindi interpreter strip, as we live most of the time in India and are fluent in spoken and written Hindi,” Michael writes. “When we interact with the Bharat Scouts in India, it is a discussion point, definitely. And last year at the World Scout Jamboree, it definitely helped get conversations going.”
Elisabeth Norwood (Japanese)
“I wear Japanese. The odds of needing it where we live are really low, but I’m always hopeful,” she writes. “I’d like the Scouts to see that learning a foreign language is far more than just fulfilling high school requirements.”
Drew Douma (Greek)
“My son wears Ελληνικά (Greek),” Drew writes. “He bought ice cream from a truck in uniform the other day, and the woman used her native language to serve him. He is one of two in his troop to wear one.”
Chatting with a Scout who speaks Norwegian
We heard from the father of Anders Brovold, a Life Scout from Troop 9323 of the Northern Star Council in Minnesota.
Anders recently completing the requirements for the Norwegian interpreter strip.
Bryan on Scouting: What inspired you to want to pursue the Interpreter strip in Norwegian?
Anders Brovold: “I had already taken over three years of Norwegian, so I was fairly fluent in reading, writing and speaking the language. When I found the requirements for the interpreter strip, I found that it lined up pretty well with what I was doing.”
BOS: What was the most difficult part of completing the requirements?
AB: “Being a homeschooler, I have a lot of choices on how to learn different subjects. We started with a few computer programs online. It worked better for me to have someone talking with me face-to-face or via video conference. I first asked to just sit in for some of the classes at a college, but they wouldn’t allow me because I was too young. So, I found students from that college that were able to teach me Norwegian using the same curriculum.”
BOS: Why do you think it’s important for Scouts to wear Interpreter strips — no matter the language?
AB: “When you have an exchange student from another country, they may feel more comfortable around everyone if there is a translator with them. Also, at the World Jamboree, it is important to have people who understand what troops from other countries are saying.”
BOS: What is something about Scouting that you feel translates into any language?
AB: “All the points of the Scout Oath and Law. You can follow them no matter who you are or where you come from.”
|
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https://www.readingrockets.org/topics/spelling-and-word-study/articles/six-syllable-types
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en
|
Six Syllable Types
|
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Learn the six types of syllables found in English orthography, why it’s important to teach syllables, and the sequence in which students learn about both spoken and written syllables.
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en
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/themes/custom/readingrockets_d9/favicon.ico
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Reading Rockets
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https://www.readingrockets.org/topics/spelling-and-word-study/articles/six-syllable-types
|
Say these word pairs aloud and listen to where the syllable breaks occur:
bridle – riddle table – tatter even – ever
Spoken syllables are organized around a vowel sound. Each word above has two syllables. The jaw drops open when a vowel in a syllable is spoken. Syllables can be counted by putting your hand under your chin and feeling the number of times the jaw drops for a vowel sound.
Spoken syllable divisions often do not coincide with or give the rationale for the conventions of written syllables. In the first word pair above, you may naturally divide the spoken syllables of bridle between bri and dle and the spoken syllables of riddle between ri and ddle. Nevertheless, the syllable rid is “closed” because it has a short vowel; therefore, it must end with consonant. The first syllable bri is “open,” because the syllable ends with a long vowel sound. The result of the syllable-combining process leaves a double d in riddle (a closed syllable plus consonant-le) but not in bridle (open syllable plus consonant-le). These spelling conventions are among many that were invented to help readers decide how to pronounce and spell a printed word.
The hourglass illustrates the chronology or sequence in which students learn about both spoken and written syllables. Segmenting and blending spoken syllables is an early phonological awareness skill; reading syllable patterns is a more advanced decoding skill, reliant on student mastery of phoneme awareness and phoneme-grapheme correspondences.
Figure 5.1. Hourglass Depiction of the Relationship Between Awareness in Oral Language and Written Syllable Decoding
(Contributed by Carol Tolman, and used with permission.)
The closed syllable is the most common spelling unit in English; it accounts for just under 50 percent of the syllables in running text. When the vowel of a syllable is short, the syllable will be closed off by one or more consonants. Therefore, if a closed syllable is connected to another syllable that begins with a consonant, two consonant letters will come between the syllables (com-mon, but-ter).
Two or more consonant letters often follow short vowels in closed syllables (dodge, stretch, back, stuff, doll, mess, jazz). This is a spelling convention; the extra letters do not represent extra sounds. Each of these example words has only one consonant phoneme at the end of the word. The letters give the short vowel extra protection against the unwanted influence of vowel suffixes (backing; stuffed; messy).
If a syllable is open, it will end with a long vowel sound spelled with one vowel letter; there will be no consonant to close it and protect the vowel (to-tal, ri-val, bi-ble, mo-tor). Therefore, when syllables are combined, there will be no doubled consonant between an open syllable and one that follows.
A few single-syllable words in English are also open syllables. They include me, she, he and no, so, go. In Romance languages — especially Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian — open syllables predominate.
A vowel team may be two, three, or four letters; thus, the term vowel digraph is not used. A vowel team can represent a long, short, or diphthong vowel sound. Vowel teams occur most often in old Anglo-Saxon words whose pronunciations have changed over hundreds of years. They must be learned gradually through word sorting and systematic practice. Examples of vowel teams are found in thief, boil, hay, suit, boat, and straw.
Sometimes, consonant letters are used in vowel teams. The letter y is found in ey, ay, oy, and uy, and the letter w is found in ew, aw, and ow. It is not accurate to say that “w can be a vowel,” because the letter is working as part of a vowel team to represent a single vowel sound. Other vowel teams that use consonant letters are -augh, -ough, -igh, and the silent -al spelling for /aw/, as in walk.
Also known as the stable final syllable, C-le combinations are found only at the ends of words. If a C-le syllable is combined with an open syllable — as in cable, bugle, or title — there is no doubled consonant. If one is combined with a closed syllable — as in dabble, topple, or little — a double consonant results.
Not every consonant is found in a C-le syllable. These are the ones that are used in English:
-ble (bubble)-fle (rifle)-stle (whistle)-cle (cycle)-gle (bugle)-tle (whittle)-ckle (trickle)-kle (tinkle)-zle (puzzle)-dle (riddle)-ple (quadruple)
|
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| 58
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https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/dune-and-the-delicate-art-of-making-fictional-languages
|
en
|
“Dune” and the Delicate Art of Making Fictional Languages
|
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[
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"David Remnick",
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2024-02-28T06:00:00-05:00
|
Manvir Singh on the alien language spoken in Frank Herbert’s novels, which carries traces of Arabic, and why that influence has been scrubbed from the “Dune” films.
|
en
|
https://www.newyorker.com/verso/static/the-new-yorker/assets/favicon.ico
|
The New Yorker
|
https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/dune-and-the-delicate-art-of-making-fictional-languages
|
A trailer for Denis Villeneuve’s “Dune: Part Two” features the boy prophet Paul Atreides, played by Timothée Chalamet, yelling something foreign and uninterpretable to a horde of desert people. We see Chalamet as the embodiment of charismatic fury: every facial muscle clenched in tension, his voice strained and throaty and commanding. A line at the bottom of the screen translates: “Long live the fighters!”
The scene fills barely a few seconds in a three-minute trailer, yet it establishes the emotional tone of the film and captures the messianic fervor that drives its plot. It also signals the depth of Villeneuve’s world-building. Part of what made his first excursion into the “Dune” universe such an experiential feast was its vivid, immersive quality, combining monumental architectural design with atmospheric soundscapes and ethereal costuming. We could see a few remnants of our world (remember the bit with the bagpipes?), but the over-all effect was transportive, as if the camera were not a piece of equipment but a cyborgian eye live-streaming from a far-flung alien civilization. Chalamet’s strange tongue is part of the franchise’s meticulous set dressing. It’s not gibberish, but part of an intricate linguistic system that was devised for Villeneuve’s adaptations.
Engineered languages such as the one Chalamet speaks represent a new benchmark in imaginative fiction. Twenty years ago, viewers would have struggled to name franchises other than “Star Trek” or “The Lord of the Rings” that bothered to invent new languages. Today, with the budgets of the biggest films and series rivalling the G.D.P.s of small island nations, constructed languages, or conlangs, are becoming a norm, if not an implicit requirement. Breeze through entertainment from the past decade or so, and you’ll find lingos designed for Paleolithic peoples (“Alpha”), spell-casting witches (“Penny Dreadful”), post-apocalyptic survivors (“Into the Badlands”), Superman’s home planet of Krypton (“Man of Steel”), a cross-species alien alliance (“Halo”), time-travelling preteens (“Paper Girls”), the Munja’kin tribe of Oz (“Emerald City”), and Santa Claus and his elves (“The Christmas Chronicles” and its sequel).
A well-executed conlang can bolster a film’s appearance of authenticity. It can deepen the scenic absorption that has long been an obsession for creators and fans of speculative genres such as science fiction and fantasy. But the entertainment industry’s fixation with crafting super-realistic realms can also be distracting. Speculative fiction works by melding the familiar with the unrecognizable. It makes trenchant provocations not by creating the most believably alien worlds possible but by interweaving them with strands from our own.
Hollywood’s current obsession with constructed languages arguably started with “The Lord of the Rings” film adaptations of the early two-thousands. J. R. R. Tolkien was a professor of Old English at Oxford and a lifelong conlanger, and he famously created the tongues of Middle-earth long before writing the books. “The invention of languages is the foundation,” he once wrote. “The ‘stories’ were made rather to provide a world for the languages than the reverse.” The trilogy’s success showed the power of conlangs to create engrossing alternate realities, inspiring filmmakers to seek out skilled language creators.
The most influential conlanger working today is David J. Peterson. Born in Long Beach, California, Peterson started to create languages in 2000, while he was a sophomore at U.C. Berkeley. His early projects were amusing experiments: X, a language that could only be written; Sheli, which included only sounds that he liked and was initially unpronounceable; and Zhyler, which he created because he enjoyed Turkish and which, in honor of the Heinz Company, had fifty-seven noun cases. In 2005, he graduated with a master’s degree in linguistics from U.C. San Diego. Two years later, he co-founded the Language Creation Society with nine other conlangers.
Peterson’s big break came in 2009, when HBO reached out to the Language Creation Society with a strange request. They were creating a television show (which would turn out to be “Game of Thrones”) and wanted someone to develop a language (which would emerge as Dothraki). Nothing like this had ever happened before, so the society organized a competition that would be judged by the show’s producers. After signing a nondisclosure agreement, applicants were invited to send in a phonetic breakdown of Dothraki, a romanized transcription system, six to eight lines of translated text, and any additional notes or translations.
Peterson had an edge over his competitors: unemployment. For two and a half weeks, he worked eighteen-hour days, assembling a hundred and eighty pages of material. He made it to the second round and eventually produced more than three hundred pages in Dothraki. He landed the job and was later invited to develop five more languages for the series, including High Valyrian, which proved especially popular among fans. In 2017, a High Valyrian course launched on the language-learning app Duolingo; at one point in 2023, more than nine hundred thousand people had signed up as active users.
Along with James Cameron’s “Avatar” (2009), which appeared in theatres soon after Peterson was hired by HBO, the first season of “Game of Thrones” demonstrated that audiences not only tolerated fictional languages—they loved them. What had previously been a nerdy pastime transformed into a standard of fantasy filmmaking. Peterson became the go-to language wizard. He has since been hired to create some fifty other conlangs, including languages for the Dark Elves in “Thor: The Dark World” (2013), for the Grounders in the television show “The 100” (2014-20), and for the desert-dwelling Fremen in the two “Dune” movies. When Chalamet, as Paul Atreides, calls to his combatants, he does so in words devised by Peterson and his wife and fellow-conlanger, Jessie. (Peterson worked alone for the first “Dune” film, and collaborated with her on the second.)
Peterson’s success stems from a commitment to naturalism. He knows languages well; he has studied more than twenty, including Swahili, Middle Egyptian, and Esperanto, and seems to have an endless mental Rolodex of the lexical, grammatical, and phonological patterns found around the world. Yet, when an interviewer asked him how, when assembling a new conlang, he decides “which aspects of a language to borrow from and mimic” (Greek suffixes? Mongolian tenses? Japanese particles?), he rejected the premise. “If you just ripped out a structure from one language and put it in your own, the result would be inauthentic,” he replied.
Peterson’s idea of authenticity sometimes puts him at odds with his source texts. When creating High Valyrian, Peterson was forced to include words that George R. R. Martin had composed for the books, including dracarys, meaning “dragon fire.” The word was obviously inspired by the Latin draco, meaning “dragon,” a decision that Peterson found “unfortunate.” “In the universe of the books, there is no such thing as the Latin language—or any of the other languages on Earth,” he once wrote. “It is literally impossible for any word (or anything else) in the Song of Ice and Fire universe to be related to anything in our universe.” As a result, he made dracarys its own root and chose zaldrīzes as the word for “dragon,” provoking a string of disappointed comments from “Game of Thrones” fans on his blog.
As Peterson laid out in his 2015 book, “The Art of Language Invention,” he treats languages as evolving systems whose features are interconnected and shaped by a unique history. To design verbs in High Valyrian, for example, he simulated a four-stage evolution from a prehistoric form. In the version of High Valyrian spoken in “Game of Thrones,” verbs have an imperfect stem (for past actions that were continuous or incomplete) and a perfect stem (for past actions that were completed). The perfect stem, he decided, was formed in ancient times by appending -tat to the end of the imperfect. Over time, this became -tet and then -et, which often reduces to -t in the version spoken in the television show. (During that imagined history, -tat also gave rise to the verb tatagon, meaning “to finish.”) There are countless other intricacies to High Valyrian verbs, yet, for Peterson, even producing this lone grammatical feature required simulating generations of linguistic change.
When he was invited to work on “Dune,” Peterson fell back on the methods he had honed for previous projects. “In the case of both Dune and Game of Thrones,” he wrote during an Ask Me Anything on Reddit before Part One’s release, “there was some minimal language elements from the books that I had to account for, but other than that it was up to me to create something brand new.” He had decided, in other words, to develop what conlangers call an a-priori language—one whose vocabulary and grammar are wholly original, and not derived from an existing linguistic system.
Creating something new might have made sense for other projects, but, as fans will surely inform you, language functions differently in “Dune.” Written by Frank Herbert, and originally published in 1965, the novel recounts how noble houses compete to control the desert planet Arrakis (the eponymous Dune), the only source of the most precious substance in the universe. The story entwines the fate of the aristocratic Paul Atreides with the indigenous Fremen, whose harsh desert life style and religious prophecies set the scene for ecological challenges and epic political face-offs.
Herbert’s “Dune” takes place unimaginably far in the future. The time span separating us from the events of “Dune” is roughly twice the distance between us and the end of the Ice Age; sabre-toothed tigers are closer to us than the plot of “Dune” is. Nevertheless, it’s a world suffused with familiar echoes, most of which manifest in language. The novel features words derived from French (“verite”), Turkish (“kanly”), Hebrew (“Kwisatz Haderach”), German (“schlag”), and Navajo (“Nezhoni”). Having been raised in a Sikh household, I remember noticing the emperor’s title, Padishah, a Persian term that has been used as an honorific for rulers in North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. Sikhs use it to refer to God and the ten prophet leaders, or gurus.
The language with the greatest influence in “Dune” is Arabic. In the novel, the Fremen use at least eighty terms with clear Arabic origins, many of them tied to Islam. The Fremen follow istislah (“natural law”) and ilm (“theology”). They respect karama (“miracle”) and ijaz (“prophecy”), and are attentive to ayat (“signs”) and burhan (“proof”) of life. They quote the Kitab al-Ibar, or “Book of Lessons,” an allusion to the encyclopedia of world history penned by the fourteenth-century Arab historian Ibn Khaldun.
Central characters are dignified with Arabic names. The colossal sandworms are called shai-hulud (“thing of eternity”). Paul Atreides’s sister is Alia (“exalted”). Paul himself is known as Muad’Dib, an epithet that resembles the Arabic word for teacher (mu’addib), and he is fabled to be the Lisan al-Gaib, translated in the book as “Voice of the Outer World” but which, in modern Arabic, means something closer to “Tongue of the Unseen.”
The book explains these similarities. “We are the people of Misr,” says a Fremen wise woman, using the Arabic word for Egypt, elaborating that their “Sunni ancestors fled from Nilotic al-Ourouba,” or Nile of the Arabs. The intervening millennia fused their Sunni heritage with a variant of Buddhism, but that doesn’t change a basic fact: the Fremen are descendants of Muslim Arabs, and they wear that heritage in their speech.
Why did Herbert Arabize the Fremen? Scholars such as Ali Karjoo-Ravary, a professor of history at Columbia, and Haris Durrani, a Ph.D. student at Princeton, have argued that the Fremen identity is an allegory. The book, about barons and dukes with European names vying for a desert land and the invaluable commercial booty buried in it, is a transparent metaphor for the liberationist struggles that convulsed the world in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Herbert’s research materials, combined with explicit references in the novel, reveal that many of the campaigns that inspired him were by Muslims: by Chechens against Russians, by the Sudanese against the Anglo-Egyptians, by Algerians against the French. Herbert also said, in a 1976 interview, that he resented the tendency “not to study Islam, not to recognize how much it has contributed to our culture.” By making it a “strong element” in the book, Herbert may have been trying to convey the “enormous debts of gratitude” that he felt humanity owed Islam.
Although Peterson’s version of the Fremen language retains a vaguely Arabic sound, almost all other traces of the language have been expunged from Villeneuve’s “Dune” films. Peterson claims that this is in the name of believability. “The time depth of the Dune books makes the amount of recognizable Arabic that survived completely (and I mean COMPLETELY) impossible,” he wrote on Reddit. When a user asked him to explain, he pointed to “Beowulf,” which was written around a thousand years ago and is uninterpretable to most modern English speakers. “And we’re talking about twenty thousand years?! Not a single shred of the language should be recognizable.” Key terms like shai-hulud and Lisan al-Gaib have made it into the films, but they’re treated in Peterson’s conlang as fortuitous convergences, not ancient holdovers, as if English were to one day lose the word “sandwich” only to serendipitously re-create it thousands of years later from new etymological building blocks.
Of the Arabic excisions in the new “Dune” films, two in particular stand out. One is of jihad, Herbert’s term for the fervent crusade led by Paul Atreides with the Fremen against the oppressive interstellar regime. Herbert saw jihad as the embodiment of messianic and religious passion—a force that is socially transformative and potentially liberating, but also dangerous and to be feared: “The ancient way, the tried and certain way that rolled over everything in its path.” Though now the word is overwhelmingly associated with Islamic extremism and terrorism, the original “Dune” offers a nuanced consideration of the concept that goes beyond simplistic and negative portrayals.
The second omission is evident in that powerful moment from the trailer, Paul Atreides’s call to his fighters. From what we’ve seen, Paul speaks Peterson’s fictional language. Without a subtitle, he would be unintelligible. In the book, however, the phrase “Long live the fighters” is written as “Ya hya chouhada,” a reference to a celebratory chant from the Algerian war of independence, which Herbert renders in Frenchified Arabic. This line, more than any other, connects the Fremen’s struggle to recent independence movements, turning them from outer-space sand people into portraits of anti-imperialism. The scholar Khaldoun Khelil, drawing on his Palestinian Algerian heritage, has described the whitewashing of these characters as an effect of Western media’s tendency to portray Arabs as “bad guys—fanatics with unreasonable demands and a strange religion.” Because “Arabs can’t be heroes,” Khelil writes, “we must be erased.”
Herbert’s and Peterson’s competing takes on this phrase embody two approaches to speculative world-building. For Herbert, the imagined world becomes relevant when it includes fragments of our reality—when, as he put it in a 1978 interview, “something of here and now has been carried to that faraway place and time.” For Peterson, in contrast, the imagined world works best when it makes logical sense, when the languages its inhabitants speak are consistent with the grounds of speculation. His techniques serve to enhance internal coherence and thus immersion, which is why he has become so sought after in Hollywood.
Whatever Peterson says, the world we see in “Dune” was never meant to be fully sealed off from the one we know. The story supposedly takes place in the far-off future, yet even Villeneuve’s version is filled with elements from our here and now. Characters speak English. They have names like Paul, Duncan, Jessica, and Vladimir. The first film included a conversation in modern Mandarin between Paul Atreides and his doctor, Wellington Yueh. And then there are those bagpipes. These choices poke holes in some of the franchise’s internal logic, but they also evoke our sympathies and aesthetic associations, and make the story comprehensible to us.
The conlang craze shows no sign of slackening; Peterson, as its most prolific inventor, seems poised to continue driving it forward. Yet, for as long as deep realism remains the foremost priority, constructed languages are bound to strand not just imagined worlds but the foreigners within them, untethering them from the realities they are supposed to mirror and critique. Our words are more than mere tools of communication, after all; they are expressions of history and personhood. As the dwarf Bijaz told Paul Atreides in the second book in the series, “Dune Messiah,” “I don’t speak. I operate a machine called language. It creaks and groans, but is mine own.” ♦
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https://www.lingoda.com/en/content/english-speaking-countries/
|
en
|
Lingoda Online English Language School
|
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2019-11-21T16:27:25+00:00
|
English is the most widely-spoken language if we put together native and non-native speakers. Which ones are the main English Speaking countries?
|
en
|
Lingoda
|
https://www.lingoda.com/en/content/english-speaking-countries/
|
What are the main English speaking countries?
English is the most spoken language in the world. But who speaks English exactly? Lingoda breaks it down for you.
Learn About All The English Speaking Countries
The English language has approximately 400 million native speakers worldwide, trailing only Mandarin and Spanish. However, it is also the single most popular second language. As a result, when native and non-native English speakers are combined, it is recognized as the single most widely-spoken global language.
In fact, English is recognized as an official language in a total of 67 different countries, as well as 27 non-sovereign entities. Moreover, it is a major business language, as well as the official language of a number of the world’s most important institutions, including the United Nations, NATO and the European Union.
What Are The Main English Speaking Countries?
English is perhaps most commonly associated with the United States and the United Kingdom; the two largest English speaking countries. It is believed that there are around 230 million native speakers in the United States, making it the largest English-speaking country, while the United Kingdom has approximately 60 million native speakers.
Despite having two different official languages, Canada has the third largest English-speaking population, with somewhere in the region of 20 million native speakers, while Australia is next in the list, with around 17 million.
Some of the other notable countries around the world where English is the primary language include the Republic of Ireland, South Africa and New Zealand. Combined, these three countries are believed to be home to around 13 million people who speak English as their first language.
Overview of English Speaking Countries
Below, we provide a breakdown of some of the most significant countries that have English as either a de jure or a de facto official language. The countries have been sorted based on their geographical location. An official language is defined as a language used by the citizens of that country during interactions with their government. It should be noted that some of the countries listed have more than one official language and, therefore, English may not necessarily be their most common native language.
North America:
United States
Canada
Europe:
United Kingdom
Republic of Ireland
Malta
Caribbean:
Jamaica
Barbados
Trinidad and Tobago
Bahamas
Guyana
Oceania:
Australia
New Zealand
Papua New Guinea
Fiji
Samoa
Tonga
Solomon Islands
Micronesia
Vanuatu
Kiribati
Asia:
India
Pakistan
Singapore
Philippines
Sri Lanka
Malaysia
Africa:
South Africa
Nigeria
Cameroon
Kenya
Zimbabwe
Ghana
Rwanda
Sudan
Botswana
Ethiopia
How English Spread Around the World
The English language originated in Britain and the ever-expanding British Empire spread Modern English around the world during the 18th and 19th centuries. This is why many of the countries where English is an official language were former British colonies, including Canada, Australia, South Africa and the United States. English is also widely spoken in India and in parts of Africa. Although Hindi is the most widely-spoken language in India today, English remains an official language in the country and is often used in university education, and within the field of politics. Officially, just 12% of Indian people speak English, with many only speaking it as a second language. Nevertheless, the country has an extremely dense population, meaning that this 12% cross-section of society exceeds 100 million people. As a result, India has one of the largest English-speaking populations on the planet. Throughout the 20th century, the United States emerged as a major political superpower, especially in the years after World War II. Its influence, combined with Hollywood films and the journalistic work of the British Broadcasting Corporation, are credited with the continued spread of the language throughout the century.
English remains the only official language of the Commonwealth of Nations and is also the recognised official language of several non-sovereign entities, including Gibraltar, the Falkland Islands and Bermuda.
By the turn of the new millennium, English was the most widely-spoken and written language that has ever existed.
|
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dbpedia
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0
| 76
|
https://www.mathworks.com/matlabcentral/answers/466449-how-to-swap-two-bits-in-matlab-which-cammond-is-used-for-this
|
en
|
how to swap two bits in matlab.? which cammond is used for this..?
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
how to swap two bits in matlab.? which cammond... Learn more about matlab, matrix, matrix array
|
en
|
/etc.clientlibs/mathworks/clientlibs/customer-ui/templates/common/resources/images/favicon.20240807145759133.ico
|
https://www.mathworks.com/matlabcentral/answers/466449-how-to-swap-two-bits-in-matlab-which-cammond-is-used-for-this
|
A=[21 28 54;25 27 54;29 21 76];
d=de2bi(A)
k=1:9;
L=[2,8,3,5,5,3,2,3,7];
P=[5,6,7,7,1,8,2,2,2];
d([L(k) P(k)]) = d([P(k) L(k)]);
B = bi2de(d);
A=[21 28 54;25 27 54;29 21 76];
L=[2,8,3,5,5,3,2,3,7];
P=[5,6,7,7,1,8,2,2,2];
how we apply on this.
|
|||||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 80
|
https://franceadventurer.com/do-people-in-france-speak-english/
|
en
|
Do People in France Speak English? Everything You Need to Know
|
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[
"Stephanie Rytting"
] |
2024-03-08T23:07:02+00:00
|
Wondering if people in France speak English? Read on for my detailed answer and helpful tips that will help you on your next France vacation.
|
en
|
France Adventurer
|
https://franceadventurer.com/do-people-in-france-speak-english/
|
Wondering if people in France speak English? Read on for my answer and helpful tips!
If you’re planning a trip to France, you might be worried about how to communicate with the locals. Will you be able to get around? How hard is it to visit France without knowing French? Are the French people going to be rude to you when you don’t know their language?
And as someone who has traveled to France 7 times, I definitely have some experience with communicating with French people!
I’ve heard friends, family members, and even strangers express these fears many times over the years. So let’s talk about what you need to know about knowing French before heading off to one of my favorite countries in the world.
Now, in full disclosure… I actually do speak French. And I speak it pretty well.
HOWEVER
I have not always spoken as well as I do now, and I’ve visited many times when my French language skills were severely lacking, or when I just felt like I didn’t have the vocabulary for a certain type of conversation. I’ve also visited with friends and family who don’t speak French and observed their experience and interactions.
So, Do French People Speak English?
The short answer is: yes, they do, and oftentimes they can speak it very well.
Official statistics will tell you that only 30% speak English very well, and that can be even less in rural areas.
However, my overwhelming experience has been that the French people you will come into contact with as a tourist are going to speak English.
French kids study English earlier and more frequently in their schools, and there can be many opportunities for French young adults to use English. Younger generations tend to know more English than the older generations, though this is not a hard and fast rule.
In particular, I have never come across anyone in customer service or tourism (e.g. hotels, museums) that does not speak English.
Do note that the more you move into rural areas and the farther you get from “typical” tourist sites and destinations, the higher the likelihood is that someone will not speak English.
Need some help planning your trip to France? Book a One-On-One Consultation Call with me to get personalized help and suggestions.
Occasionally I have the opposite problem…
I absolutely love speaking French and am always super excited to speak it when I go to France. Now, I’m not fluent, but I do speak very well. Sometimes I get grammar mixed up and sometimes I don’t catch what the other person is saying. And in these situations, I sometimes have the problem of French people not speaking French with me!
For example, in Aix-en-Provence, my husband and I went out to dinner at a small, local restaurant. I communicated with the server in French and ordered our food. Then, as we were waiting for our food to come out, my husband and I chatted in English.
Once the server heard us talking in English, he switched and started talking to us only in English. I was like Nooooo, I still want to do French!
Other times, if I’ve not caught what someone is saying, they’ve just immediately switched into English (even if I just needed something repeated). While sometimes this is frustrating because I just want to speak French, I really think it’s just them trying to be helpful!
What French People Don’t Like
By and large, France is a country that values politeness and respect. So, walking up to someone and just immediately talking in English, assuming that they know it, without any kind of polite greeting, is a faux pas.
Some Guidelines for Being Respectful and Polite
So while you can FOR SURE take a vacation to France and know that many French people will speak English, French people really appreciate and will be much more favorably inclined towards you if you follow some basic guidelines.
(The links in the next four points all take you to short YouTube clips about how to pronounce the word or phrase.)
First: it’s much more polite to ask “Do you speak English” than just starting to speak English to someone. You can do this in French: Parlez-vous anglais? or even in English.
Second, whenever you go into a shop or bakery, greet the workers. You always, always say hello, “Bonjour“, when arriving, and goodbye, “Au Revoir“, when leaving. You can also say “Bonne journée,” when leaving. This is very important, and it’s considered quite rude to not greet shopkeepers.
Third, saying “please” and “thank you” go a long way. “S’il vous plait” is please and “merci” is thank you.
Fourth, If you need to get past someone on the metro or you accidentally bump into someone on the street, it’s polite to say “pardon” or if you need to get someone’s attention, you can say “excusez-moi.”
Of course, there are plenty of other really helpful phrases to learn as a tourist, but I think that the language of politeness is one of the most essential things to know and use. If you learn anything, learn these words.
No time or desire to learn and remember these phrases? Doing them in English is your second best option!
Okay, Maybe They Can Speak English in France, But Will French People Be Rude to Me?
I mean, maybe! But not because French people are rude, but because some people are rude.
Generally speaking, French people are not outwardly friendly to people on the street. They tend to be a little more aloof and a little more reserved around strangers. French people don’t tend to just smile at people on the street or make small talk with strangers around them.
But just outright rude? For the population in general, not in my experience.
What to Do When Someone Doesn’t Speak French, or if You Need to Read Something in French
When we’re in countries where the locals don’t speak English and we don’t speak the local language (for example, anywhere in South America), we rely heavily on Google Translate.
There are several features that can make life SO MUCH EASIER if you can’t communicate with the locals or read the language.
Note: I recommend downloading the actual Google Translate app, and not using it in your browser. The app always loads much faster than the browser does. Then, download the language you want so everything will work quickly offline.
Voice to Text
The Google Translate app has a good voice to text feature where someone can speak into the microphone and the translation appears as text on the screen. We’ve used this a few times and it’s been very helpful.
Translation via Camera
For this feature, you open up your camera in the Google Translate app and point it at whatever chunk of text you need translating. The translation will appear right over the original text on your screen.
We use this all the time for translating information placards in museums, looking at food labels in grocery stores, or reading restaurant menus.
Type It In and Pass it Around
And of course, you can do the old “type out your question and pass it to the local, who types in their answer and passes it back” thing. We’ve done that a lot too!
The #1 Most Effective Way to Learn a Little Bit of French Before Your Vacation
While the above guidelines are a great start, even better would be to learn a few French phrases! The effort to use a little bit of French and not immediately assume that everyone can speak English is very appreciated by French people.
While watching YouTube videos or using an app like DuoLingo or Babble can be great ways to learn a little bit of French, speaking one-on-one with an actual French person is one of the best ways you can learn and actually remember the language.
To do this, I highly recommend italki, an online platform that faciliates one-on-one lessons through video calls. I’ve used this service extensively and loved it.
italki has thousands of teachers in over 150 languages, and you can find your ideal teacher through a variety of filters, like where their home country is, what type of lesson you are wanting, or price of the teacher.
The price is extremely affordable, especially considering you’re getting a one-on-one lesson personalized exactly for your wants and needs.
Even just a couple of sessions with an italki teacher can help you have a good base of tourist phrases for your French holiday!
Sign up with my code and purchase $20 in credits, and you’ll receive an additional $10 of credits for free!
Final Thoughts on Whether People in France Speak English
So, the main takeaways from this article are:
Most likely the majority of the people you come in contact with on your French vacation will speak English
Using some polite language, and asking if they speak English before just starting to talk, goes a long way
The Google Translate app is your best friend
Use italki to learn and practice some basic tourist phrases before you go.
Have a fantastic vacation!
Need More France Inspiration? Check Out These Posts:
One Day in Cannes Itinerary: 13 Best Things to Do
The Perfect 7 Day French Riviera Itinerary [Best Places to Visit]
15 Unforgettable Things to Do in Antibes, France
Is the Louvre Worth Visiting? [My Tips & Recommendations]
What It’s Like Doing a Delicious Food Tour in Nice, France
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|
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0
| 21
|
https://hinative.com/questions/10448427
|
en
|
What is the meaning of "shave and hair cut, 2 bits"? - Question about English (US)
|
https://ogp-v2.hinative.com/ogp/question?dlid=22&l=en-US&lid=22&txt=shave+and+hair+cut%2C+2+bits&ctk=meaning<k=english_us&qt=MeaningQuestion&platform=facebook
|
https://ogp-v2.hinative.com/ogp/question?dlid=22&l=en-US&lid=22&txt=shave+and+hair+cut%2C+2+bits&ctk=meaning<k=english_us&qt=MeaningQuestion&platform=facebook
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"hinative"
] | null |
[] |
2020-04-01T00:00:00
|
Definition of shave and hair cut, 2 bits The "two bits" means $0.25 (twenty-five cents, a quarter dollar. (A "bit" in old Spanish currency was one eighth of a unit, so two bits was two eights, or one quarter.) As for the overall reference to the tune, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shave_and_a_Haircut
|
en
|
HiNative
|
https://hinative.com/questions/10448427
|
Show your appreciation in a way that likes and stamps can't.
By sending a gift to someone, they will be more likely to answer your questions again!
|
|||
4519
|
dbpedia
|
2
| 79
|
https://www.topuniversities.com/student-info/studying-abroad/7-ways-quickly-improve-your-english-language-skills
|
en
|
7 ways to quickly improve your English language skills
|
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Got an English language test coming up? Here are some quick ways to boost your TOEFL or IELTS chances.
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en
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/themes/custom/tu_d8/favicon.ico
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Top Universities
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https://www.topuniversities.com/student-info/studying-abroad/7-ways-quickly-improve-your-english-language-skills
|
By Laura Kabelka
If English isn’t your first language, you might find you need to take an English language proficiency exam such as the IELTS or the TOEFL as part of your application to study abroad. These tests may seem straightforward, but learning to write and speak in a sophisticated and eloquent manner in a new language doesn’t come easily. In order to succeed, you’ll need to put a lot of continuous effort into learning a new language, but there are some quick fixes that can help to boost your test performance at short notice.
If the exam is just a few weeks away, here are some ways to quickly improve your English language skills.
Watching series on Netflix might not exactly improve your debating skills or formal register, but it helps you to understand the language better, get used to colloquial, conversational forms of English and implicitly get a feeling for the language. Also, you could try to pick out words that sound highly informal and look up their more scholarly counterparts. Of course, there is also a plethora of documentaries (try anything by David Attenborough to start you off) to be found online as well. Being exposed to a language for the length of a movie might help you to actually start thinking in English.
Try to sample a broad range of English language newspapers, including broadsheets as well as magazines and tabloids. As well as helping you keep up to date with current affairs, this range of news sources will also expand your vocabulary. Another advantage is that you will also become more comfortable with how words are spelt and the contexts in which they are used.
Either in a notebook or on your computer, start making a list of useful words and phrases. Every time you hear or see a word you’re not familiar with, note it down. Don’t only focus on the word itself, but search for synonyms and phrases in which it’s used. After all, you might understand what words such as “precedence” or “tantalizing” mean, but do you know how to use them accurately?
As helpful as listening and reading tasks may be, you also need to use English interactively and practice your own speaking skills. If you’re lucky, you’ll be friends with a few native speakers who can help you out, but if not then try to meet up with someone else studying English. Another option is to talk to yourself in the mirror or record yourself. Listening to the sound of your own voice might be a little bit awkward at first, but you will be able to hear mistakes of which you weren’t previously aware.
Let’s face it, academic phrases won’t just fall from heaven and straight into your brain. Even if your English is already quite good, don’t be complacent and underestimate stressful factors such as the time pressure in an exam. You still have to practice, no matter how much time you have left before your big day. Try coming up with a word of the day, and then try to employ it as often as possible. If you do this, don’t waste time on extremely specific words you will never actually use. Instead, focus on conversational English which is likely to be relevant in the exam.
In order to improve rapidly, you should ask a lot of questions and resolve them. Don’t just read phrases. Ask why they are used in a particular way, whether other constructions are possible as well and don’t trust everything you read online. Of course, it is tempting to be content with the first answer that pops up on Google, but you’ll find more rewards if you show a bit of curiosity.
If studying the English language only feels like a burden, it will seem tedious and you won’t perform as well. This is why it’s important to stay motivated and enjoy the experience of learning a new language. Find ways to add entertainment into your studies, such as playing word games with friends that will boost your critical thinking skills.
Obviously, learning a new language is a long-term project and you can’t start from zero and write an academic paper a week later. But, when building on a decent foundation, you can achieve great results quickly if you devote yourself intensely. Especially for exams like the IELTS, you should really know what questions will be asked, what the formats look like and how to deal with the respective tasks. Try to stay focused and improve certain parts, rather than frantically trying to catch up with everything at once.
Laura Kabelka works in Communication and Marketing at StudentJob AT.
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dbpedia
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https://help.surveymonkey.com/en/surveymonkey/manage/multilingual-surveys/
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en
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Multilingual Surveys | SurveyMonkey
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You can create a multilingual survey by adding more survey languages to your survey. With a single survey, you can reach everyone in the language they're most comfortable with—and analyze all your results together as a single data set.
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en
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SurveyMonkey
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https://help.surveymonkey.com/en/surveymonkey/manage/multilingual-surveys/
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In this excerpt of the PO file, the text is already translated. You can tell because the double quotes next to each msgstr are already filled in with translated text (bolded below). In this case, you could either keep the default translations, or edit them however you'd like.
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Check out Changing the Survey Language to get an idea of what kind of text we provide default translations for.
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Disabling a language will hide it from people taking your survey, but you'll be able to enable it again at any time.
To disable a language:
In the Design Survey section, click Options > Language > Edit Languages.
Click the toggle to the right of the language you want to disable.
You can enable the language again by turning the toggle back on.
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4519
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https://iep.utm.edu/knowlang/
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Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
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Knowledge of Language
People are language users: they read, write, speak, and listen; and they do all of these things in natural languages such as English, Russian, and Arabic. Many philosophers and linguists have been interested in knowing what accounts for this facility that language users have with their language. A language may be thought of as an abstract system, characterized either as a set of grammatical rules or as an axiomatic theoretical structure (think, for example, of the way one would characterize chess as a set of rules, or the way one conceives of geometry as an axiomatic system). So the question may be posed: What relationship do speakers of a language have to the abstract system that constitutes the language they speak? The most popular line of thought is to cast this relationship in terms of knowledge, specifically, knowledge about linguistic facts: those who have mastered English have knowledge about the syntax and semantics of English. Moreover, it is because they have this knowledge that they are able to read, write, speak, and have conversations in English. Though this view is widely accepted, it is not without its objectors, and in the present article we shall examine the arguments for attributing linguistic knowledge to speakers and shall also think about the nature of this knowledge.
Table of Contents
Introduction
What is it that Speakers of a Language Know?
Why Think that Speakers of a Language have Knowledge about their Language?
The Language Learning Argument
A Psychoanalytic Argument: Recognition from the Inside
The Behavior Rationalizing Argument
The Novel Sentence Recognition Argument
The Rule-Following Argument
The Optimal Simulation Argument
Summary
What Kind of Knowledge is Tacit Knowledge?
Linguistic Knowledge as Knowledge-How
Isolated Knowledge
References and Further Reading
1. Introduction
Alex Barber puts the thesis we shall be investigating this way:
…ordinary language users possess structures of knowledge, reasonably so called, of a complex system of rules or principles of language. (2003b, 3)
And Robert Matthews characterizes what he calls the “Received View” similarly:
Knowing a language is a matter of knowing the system of rules and principles that is the grammar for that language. To have such knowledge is to have an explicit internal representation of these rules and principles, which speakers use in the course of language production and understanding. (2003, 188-9)
Though this view is widely accepted, it is not without its objectors, and in the present article we shall examine the arguments for attributing linguistic knowledge to speakers and shall also think about the nature of this knowledge.
There are three major questions that need to be addressed. First, assuming that it is correct to say that masters of a language have knowledge about their language, there is the question of what, precisely, they know. Stephen Stich (1971), in a discussion of speakers’ knowledge of syntactic principles and concepts, distinguishes three alternatives. (A) Speakers of a language might be said to know facts about the particular properties of particular sentences and expressions of their language. Those who speak English, for instance, might be said to know that “Mary had a little lamb” is ambiguous, or that “Nancy likes Ben” and “Ben is liked by Nancy” are related as active and passive voice transformations. (B) More generally, speakers might be said to know the syntactic and/or semantic theory for their language. Speakers of English might be said, on this alternative view, to know the entire Davidsonian truth theory for English or to know, on the syntactic side, that NP → Det+Adj+N is a rule of the grammar of English. (Stich, 1971, 480). (C) Finally, and most generally, speakers might be said to know the principles and rules of what linguists call universal grammar. That is, they might be said to know “that all human languages have phrase structure and transformational rules, or that the grammar of every language contains the rule S → NP+VP.” (Stich, 1971, 480). In more recent discussions of this topic which have centered on knowledge of a Davidsonian truth theory for the language rather than on knowledge of syntactic principles, the issue has been whether speakers know only the theorems of the truth theory or the axioms as well.
Second, why should we think that the relevant relationship is one of knowledge at all? The movements of a bicyclist who successfully rounds a corner are properly described by a complicated set of equations in physics, but there is certainly no need for the bicyclist to know these equations in order to keep her balance. In a similar vein, then, why can we not say that the linguistic behavior of a speaker of English is merely properly described by the semantic and syntactic rules of English? Why, in other words, must we say that speakers of English know the rules of English instead of merely saying that their linguistic behavior is correctly described by those rules in the way that the bicyclist’s behavior is correctly described by the laws of physics? This article will briefly look at some of the more prominent arguments for the thesis that masters of a language know the semantic and syntactic theories of their language.
Third, and perhaps most importantly, there is the question of what sort of knowledge linguistic knowledge is. All the participants in this debate agree that if masters of English have knowledge of the semantic and/or syntactic theory of English, this knowledge is importantly different from more ordinary sorts of knowledge. In addition to other important differences between knowledge of language and more ordinary sorts of knowledge, those who allegedly have knowledge of language are rarely, if ever, able to say what it is they know and the knowledge in question is largely, if not entirely, inaccessible to consciousness. The term “tacit knowledge” has been introduced to mark this distinction. Ruth, an English speaker, may know, in the ordinary sense of the term, that Chicago is the largest city in Illinois (if asked, for instance, what the largest city in Illinois is, she will answer correctly), but the knowledge she has of the semantic theory of English is best characterized as “tacit” since she is unable, among other things, to think about or tell someone else the content of what she knows. We shall discuss further the arguments for thinking that the knowledge we have of our language is tacit, the ways in which tacit knowledge differs from knowledge in the ordinary sense of the term, and the different conceptions of tacit knowledge that have been offered over the years.
2. What is it that Speakers of a Language Know?
The question of tacit linguistic knowledge has come up in connection with two separate issues in the philosophy of language. It first arose in the 1960s in connection with Noam Chomsky’s claim that every speaker of a natural language knows both the grammar of the language she speaks (English, Arabic, and so on) as well as the universal grammar which specifies linguistic universals, or grammatical properties of all natural languages. Chomsky’s claims drew the attention of philosophers not simply because of his claims of tacit linguistic knowledge, but because he claimed that knowledge of the universal grammar was innate to human beings. This claim, inasmuch as it seemed to revive certain key principles of 17th Century Rationalism, quickly attracted critical attention from the philosophical world. According to Chomsky’s view (at least as it was once expressed) human beings are born knowing the principles of universal grammar and, by deploying those principles in an environment of, say, English speakers, they come to learn the grammar of English. Knowing the grammar of English, Chomsky further claimed, is necessary for being able to read, write, speak, and understand English. Since Chomsky’s concern was primarily with the syntactic rules and principles of a language, the debate surrounding Chomsky’s nativism became a debate about whether or not speakers have syntactical (or, as it is frequently called, grammatical) knowledge of their language. In connection with this debate, philosophers have seen fit to think about three separate knowledge claims:
(a) That speakers of a language know the grammatical properties of individual expressions of their language;
(b) That speakers of a language know the particular grammatical rules of a natural language; and
(c) That speakers of a language know the principles of universal grammar. (See Stich, 1971, and Graves, et. al., 1973 for this taxonomy)
Most of our discussion here will focus on (a) and (b), though we will make some brief mention of claim (c). One of the central issues in this debate turns on the fact that the grammatical rules for any natural language are abstract, technical, and complex and, as such, are formulated in concepts that the average speaker does not possess. Because of these features of the grammatical rules, many philosophers are hesitant to ascribe knowledge of them to speakers. In the second place, the issue of tacit linguistic knowledge arose in connection with the truth-theoretic semantics inspired by the work of Donald Davidson. Davidson was more concerned with semantics than with syntax, and was interested in the project of constructing a semantic theory for a natural language. These theories (known in the literature as “T-theories” or “Truth-theories”) have an axiomatic structure, with the axioms specifying the meanings of the atomic elements of the language (roughly, the words) and the theorems — which are logically derived from the axioms — specifying the meanings of the sentences. Here the question of a speaker’s linguistic knowledge is the question of whether competent speakers of a language must be said to know the truth theory for their language, and, if they do, whether they are to be credited with knowledge of the theorems alone, or with knowledge of the axioms as well (though Davidson himself was not interested in this particular question).
One of the central issues in the debate over knowledge of the axioms of a truth theory is the idea that there are multiple ways of axiomatizing the same set of theorems. If English speakers are said to know the axioms of the truth theory for English, which axiom set do they know? In addition to this problem of multiple axiomatizations, the issues of complexity and inaccessibility to the consciousness of speakers that arise in the Chomskian debate also surface here.
3. Why Think that Speakers of a Language have Knowledge about their Language?
It is clear that speakers’ linguistic knowledge, if they have it, is an odd sort of knowledge. That is, such knowledge differs in significant ways from ordinary, everyday knowledge. Though a complete analysis of the conditions for knowledge is well beyond the scope of this article, Stich lays out some relevant features of ordinary knowledge:
Commonly when a person knows that p he has occasionally reflected that p or has been aware that p; he will, if inclined to be truthful and otherwise psychologically normal, assert that p if asked. More basic still, he is capable of understanding some statement which expresses what he knows. (1971, 485-6)
But these conditions are rarely, if ever, met in the case of language users’ knowledge of the grammatical principles of their language. Martin Davies (1989) identifies three significant differences between tacit knowledge and knowledge ordinarily so called: propositions that are tacitly known are (i) inaccessible to the knower’s consciousness, (ii) deploy concepts which the knower only tacitly possesses and (iii) are inferentially isolated from other propositions that the knower may know. (The inferential isolation of linguistic knowledge will be discussed in Section IV below.) The upshot of these considerations is that the argumentative burden is on the advocates of linguistic knowledge. After all, without such an argument, an appeal to Occam’s Razor would seem to tell us that the simplest approach is simply to say that speakers’ linguistic behavior is merely accurately described by the principles of a semantic or syntactic theory, not that they actually know the theory itself. (Think back to our example of the bicyclist: given that most bicyclists couldn’t tell us or even bring to their own consciousness the details of the physical equations that describe their cycling behavior, without an argument for attributing them knowledge of those equations, we should say only that their behavior is accurately described by those equations.) In this section we shall look at some of the more prominent arguments for the attribution of linguistic knowledge to masters of a language.
a. The Language Learning Argument
There are some accounts of the nature of language learning that seem to imply that masters of a language have knowledge about their language. According to some accounts, a child learning a language is involved in much the same sort of activity as a field linguist who is trying to figure out the language of the natives she is studying. The field linguist is involved in constructing a theory of the native language: the linguist formulates hypotheses about what certain words and phrases mean, tests these hypotheses (perhaps by making predictions about what the natives would say in a certain situation, or by talking to the natives and making predictions about their replies to her), and modifies her theory in light of the results of those tests. The idea is that infant language learners are “little linguists” involved in the same sort of process: the infant is engaged in the formulating, testing, and revision of hypotheses about the meaning and structure of the language being spoken by those around him. Of course, on this picture of language learning as theory construction, the theory construction takes place at a subconscious level and the hypotheses are formulated in the so-called Language of Thought, which is distinct from any natural language.
If this account of language learning is true (Quine, for one, seems to be a proponent of it), then it must be the case that language learners have linguistic knowledge. For one, the language learners will know the results of their theory. In much the way that the linguist, at the end of the day, knows that “toktok” is the native word for “fire”, so the language learner will know the meanings of the words of the language he has learned. Second, the language learner must have knowledge of the concepts required for the formulation of his hypotheses. If, for instance, the hypotheses formulated by the language learner include claims like “‘The large box’ is a noun phrase” and “‘The box was painted by Nancy’ is in the passive voice”, then the language learner must know what noun phrases are and what it means for a sentence to be in the passive voice. To formulate hypotheses about noun phrases, the passive voice, and other semantic and syntactic categories, the language learner must have knowledge about those categories. Or, to put the point another way, the language learner must possess the concepts he deploys in the hypotheses he formulates in the process of learning the language.
This argument is not without its objections. For one, there are philosophers who reject the model of language learners as “little linguists”. Second, even if this account of language learning is true, it tells us nothing about whether linguistic knowledge (that is, knowledge of the semantics and syntax of a natural language) is involved in our everyday use of language. Perhaps, even if knowledge is involved in learning a language, such knowledge plays the same role that training wheels play in learning how to ride a bicycle: though necessary for learning how to cycle, they are jettisoned afterward. When mature cyclists ride, they are not using training wheels, and it might similarly be the case that when mature language users use their language they are no longer utilizing the knowledge which they made use of in acquiring it. What we are interested in here is whether using a language in everyday reading, writing, and conversing requires that the language users draw on linguistic knowledge, and so, the present argument is, taken by itself, incomplete.
b. A Psychoanalytic Argument: Recognition from the Inside
Language users sometimes, though not frequently, reflect on the semantic features of their language. They may do so on their own or they may do it in the course of being interviewed by a linguist. In the course of such reflection, language users make judgments about the semantic and syntactic properties of, and relations among, sentences. So, presented with a set of English sentences, masters of English will be able to match up those in the active voice with their synonymous passive versions, or declarative sentences with the corresponding questions, and so on.
One might think that something about the explicit linguistic judgments that language users make in the course of this second order, metalinguistic reflection requires the attribution of linguistic knowledge. Perhaps the fact that language users are able to make explicit judgments about the semantic properties of sentences they have never encountered before is reason to say that they must have known semantic truths beforehand. Thomas Nagel (1969) has argued that a certain feature of the reflective process — the fact that when presented with certain propositions of semantic and syntactic theories, language users recognize them “from the inside” as correct — implicates prior linguistic knowledge.
As already mentioned, one of the large obstacles barring the way to ascriptions of linguistic knowledge is the fact that the propositions of the relevant semantic theories are highly complex and involve technical theoretical concepts. In light of these facts, Nagel wonders under what conditions it may be proper to attribute knowledge of such propositions to speakers. Nagel turns his attention to “unconscious knowledge in the ordinary psychoanalytic sense” for a clue.
The psychoanalytic ascription of unconscious knowledge, or unconscious motives for that matter, does not depend simply on the possibility of organizing the subject’s responses and actions in conformity with the alleged unconscious material. In addition, although he does not formulate his conscious knowledge or attitude of his own accord, and may deny it upon being asked, it is usually possible to bring him by analytic techniques to see that the statement in question expresses something that he knows or feels. That is, he is able eventually to acknowledge the statement as an expression of his own belief, if it is presented to him clearly enough and in the right circumstances. Thus what was unconscious can be brought, at least partly, to consciousness. It is essential that his acknowledgment not be based merely on the observation of his own responses and behavior, and that he come to recognize the rightness of the attribution from the inside. (1969, 175-6)
Nagel then offers the following proposal for attribution of unconscious or tacit knowledge:
…where recognition of this sort is possible in principle, there is good reason to speak of knowledge and belief, even in cases where the relevant principles or statements have not yet been consciously acknowledged, or even in cases where they will never be explicitly formulated. (1969, 176)
and claims that this sort of recognition exists in the linguistic realm:
…we may observe that accurate formulations of grammatical rules often evoke the same sense of recognition from speakers who have been conforming to them for years, that is evoked by the explicit formulation of repressed material which has been influencing one’s behavior for years. (1969, 176)
Accordingly, he concludes, we have reason to attribute linguistic knowledge to language users. Nagel has, it seems, found a phenomenon — recognition “from the inside” of the correctness of a rule or principle — which is adequately explained only by the ascription of prior knowledge. We cannot make adequate sense of this “Of course! That’s it! I knew it all along!” phenomenon unless (or so it is argued) we say that language users had knowledge prior to being questioned.
There are two objections to this argument. First, even if this is sound, we would need to hear more about how this applies to unreflective language use. In general, one may try to explain some feature of explicit linguistic judgments in terms of linguistic knowledge, but in order for us to conclude that first order language use involves the active deployment of linguistic knowledge, we need an argument for the claim that first order language use consists in making explicit linguistic judgments. To build on the earlier analogy of cycling, we may say that a cyclist has all sorts of knowledge of the mechanical workings of his bicycle — and we may show that he does by interviewing him before the race in his garage — but it does not follow that he is deploying or using that knowledge in the course of cycling.
Second, as Stich (1971) has claimed, it is doubtful that we can actually bring speakers to this sort of recognition. While it is certainly possible to do this with some linguistic rules, the fact that the rules which, according to linguists and philosophers, constitute any natural language are exceedingly abstract, complex, and technical would argue against the possibility of bringing speakers of a language to this “from-the-inside” recognition of the linguistic rules of that language.
c. The Behavior Rationalizing Argument
The two arguments we have just examined fail to give us conclusive reasons for thinking that ordinary every day language use requires the attribution of linguistic knowledge to speakers. While they may take us some of the way toward that conclusion, they are, at best, incomplete. The Behavior Rationalizing Argument, by contrast, focuses precisely on everyday language use to establish its conclusion and is, for that reason, a stronger argument.
One common justification for ascribing knowledge to people is that such knowledge ascriptions are necessary to explain their behavior. So, to borrow an example from Ernest LePore, a proponent of this argument, if we see Cinderella running and seek to explain that behavior of hers, we will naturally ascribe to her a desire (say, to be home by midnight) and some beliefs (say, that it is almost midnight and that she won’t get home by midnight unless she runs). The only way to rationalize (i.e make sense of) Cinderella’s behavior is to ascribe some set of beliefs and desires to her. So far, this is merely standard belief-desire psychology and has nothing in particular to do with linguistic knowledge. LePore, however, has adapted this argument to make the case for linguistic knowledge, and it is that adaptation that constitutes the “Behavior Rationalizing Argument” for linguistic knowledge.
LePore asks us to imagine that Cinderella begins running because Arabella has yelled to her, “It’s almost midnight!” In this case, in order to make sense of Cinderella’s behavior, it seems we have to ascribe to Cinderella at least three additional beliefs:
(i) that Arabella uttered the sentence “It’s almost midnight”; and
(ii) that “It’s almost midnight” means that it’s almost midnight; and
(iii) that Arabella is telling the truth
Claiming that Cinderella has these three beliefs seems necessary to adequately explain why Cinderella believes, upon hearing Arabella, that it’s almost midnight. (And, given her belief that she can get home by midnight only if she runs and her desire to be home by midnight, we can understand why she is running.) Notice, however, that if this is the story to tell, we have, with (ii), ascribed to Cinderella a belief about the semantic properties of a particular English sentence. If Cinderella runs because Arabella yelled to her “It’s almost midnight,” it seems that rationalizing Cinderella’s behavior requires attributing to Cinderella a belief about the linguistic properties of a sentence of her language. Rationalizing Cinderella’s behavior, therefore, requires that we attribute linguistic knowledge to Cinderella.
The point can be further appreciated if we imagine that Cinderella does not understand English. Upon Arabella’s yelling “It’s almost midnight”, Cinderella may still form beliefs (i) and (iii), (belief (i), note, is just about the words that Arabella has uttered; even if she doesn’t understand English, Cinderella may still believe that Arabella has uttered certain words) but she will not begin running. The reason she will not is because she has not understood what Arabella has said. That is, she lacks belief (ii). This seems to be a strong case for conceiving of a speaker’s understanding of the language in terms of linguistic knowledge of the language itself. LePore puts the point this way:
What about understanding language justifies, for example, the belief that it is midnight, when this understanding combines with other attitudes, for example, the belief that Arabella uttered “It’s [almost] midnight”? It is hard to see how else we could justify such a belief without ascribing additional beliefs, knowledge, or other propositional attitudes the speaker might have but the non-speaker lack. (1986, 5)
Such, then, is the Behavior Rationalizing Argument for the conclusion that speakers of a language have beliefs about the meanings of particular sentences of their language. The behavior of language users (in particular, their reactions to the utterances of others) shows that they have beliefs about what sentences of their language mean. Upon noticing a sign in a shop window that reads “Free philosophy books inside!” Cinderella enters the shop. Rationalizing her behavior requires that we ascribe to Cinderella the belief that there are free philosophy books inside the shop. And the best explanation for how she came by that belief is that she knows what the English sentence “Free philosophy books inside!” means. And so on for her reactions to other sentences of English. It is only if we ascribe linguistic knowledge to English speakers that we can make sense of their behavior. What is important about this argument is that it appeals to ordinary, everyday, features of language use, and that is one of its strengths.
One of the limitations of this argument, however, is that it succeeds in attributing to speakers knowledge of the semantic properties of only particular sentences of their language. In terms of Davidsonian theories of meaning, in other words, it is an argument that Cinderella knows the theorems of those theories. For an argument that Cinderella knows more than this, we need to turn to the Novel Sentence Recognition argument.
d. The Novel Sentence Recognition Argument
This is perhaps one of the best known, and most relied upon, arguments for linguistic knowledge, and we can approach it by picking up where the Behavior Rationalizing Argument left off. That argument, if sound, has established that speakers’ understanding of the sentences of their language consists in their having beliefs about the meanings of those sentences. Now, philosophers and linguists have long been impressed by the fact that, after being exposed to only a small number of strings of language, masters of a language are able to understand a potential infinity of previously unencountered strings of language. After exposure to only a small number of English sentences, speakers are able to recognize, of just about any English sentence — including sentences they have never seen or heard before — what that sentence means. This is a remarkable feat, and cries out for explanation. As Crispin Wright characterizes it, the central project of theoretical linguistics is to “explain our recognition of the syntax and sense of novel sentences” (1989, 258), and, according to the Novel Sentence Recognition Argument, the best such explanation will appeal to cognitive states of language users.
The best explanation of speakers’ ability to have beliefs about the meanings of a potential infinity of sentences involves the claim that speakers are deriving their belief about the meaning of a sentence from other beliefs about (simplifying a bit) the meanings of the component words. The reason why Nancy has a belief about the meaning of a sentence she has never encountered before is that she already has beliefs about the meanings of all the words (and semantic significance of the syntax) in that sentence. Since Nancy’s beliefs about the meanings of the sentences are viewed as beliefs about the theorems of a Davidsonian theory of meaning, we can view the conclusion of this argument as attributing to Nancy beliefs about the axioms of the theory.
It may help to think about the language itself, setting aside the question of speakers’ knowledge of the language. What is it that allows for the construction of novel sentences of English, sentences that have never before been constructed? Surely it is the fact that English is compositional: sentences are constructed out of words, to put it simply. A finite collection of words can be arranged in an infinite number of ways, generating the potential infinity of English sentences. This compositionality applies, then, to the structure of speakers’ knowledge of their language: their ability to understand (which, according to the Behavior Rationalizing Argument, consists in having a semantic belief) a potential infinity of sentences is rooted in their knowledge of the axioms of the theory of meaning.
e. The Rule-Following Argument
Inspired by Wittgenstein’s discussion in The Philosophical Investigations, there is a tradition according to which speaking a language is conceived of as a matter of following a set of rules: the language itself is conceived of as a set of rules (as chess is) and those who speak the language are following those rules in the course of their language use, much like chess players are following the rules of chess as they play. John Searle is a proponent of this view of language use:
Speaking a language is engaging in a (highly complex) rule-governed form of behavior. To learn and master a language is (inter alia) to learn and to have mastered these rules. This is a familiar view in philosophy and linguistics. (Searle, 1969, 12)
Somewhat later, and more simply, Searle says this: “speaking a language is performing acts according to rules.” (1969, 36) If we adopt this view, we can construct an argument for attributing linguistic knowledge to speakers of a language.
The first point to make is that there is an important difference between, on the one hand, following a rule or being guided by a rule, and, on the other hand, acting in accordance with a rule or having one’s behavior correctly described by a rule. Quine illustrates the distinction this way:
Imagine two systems of English grammar: one an old-fashioned system that draws heavily on the Latin grammarians, and the other a streamlined formulation due to Jespersen. Imagine that the two systems are extensionally equivalent, in this sense: they determine, recursively, the same infinite set of well-formed English sentences. In Denmark the boys in one school learn English by the one system, and those in another school learn it by the other. In the end all the boys sound alike. Both systems of rules fit the behavior of all the boys, but each system guides the behavior of only half the boys. (Quine, 1972, 442)
Only half of the boys are following the Jespersen rules (because only half the boys learned the Jespersen rules), but all the boys are acting in accordance with the Jespersen rules. That is, the behavior of all of the boys is correctly described by the Jespersen rules. Or, put differently, none of the behavior of any of the boys ever violates the Jespersen rules.
According to advocates of the Rule-Following Argument, fluent speakers of English are to be thought of as following the rules of English and not as merely acting in accordance with them. What is the difference between one who is following a rule and one who is merely acting in accordance with it? The Rule-Following Argument claims that drawing this distinction requires attributing knowledge of the rules to fluent speakers.
The argument goes like this. First, an agent is following a rule only if that rule is somehow involved in the explanation of her behavior. If we say that Nancy, while playing chess, is following the rule “Bishops may move diagonally only”, then we commit ourselves to the view that the explanation of why Nancy acted as she did will appeal to that rule. By contrast, that rule does not appear in the explanation of the behavior of someone who is merely acting in accordance with that rule. Second, the way in which the rule shows up as part of the explanation of Nancy’s rule-following behavior is that the rule appears as one of the causes of her behavior. Accordingly, the rule is not involved in the causal explanation of the behavior of someone who is merely acting in accordance with that rule. The most we can say of a rule with which an agent is merely acting in accordance is that the rule truly describes her behavior. The rule is among the causes of the behavior of an agent who is following that rule. Third, and finally, a rule features as a cause of an agent’s behavior because the agent knows, or somehow has present to mind, that rule. From these three claims, we get the conclusion that fluent speakers of a language (whose linguistic behavior is conceived of as rule-following behavior) have linguistic knowledge: they know the rules they are following. Rosenberg gives a nice description of this position:
Learning to behave according to certain rules is, presumably, learning to pursue or eschew certain activities. But it is not simply that. A pigeon who has been trained (conditioned) to peck at a key under certain circumstances has not learned to behave according to any rules. What more is required is that the activities in question be pursued or eschewed because they are enjoined or proscribed by the rules. If an agent is following a rule in the course of his activities, then the rule in question must, in some sense, be “present to the mind.” (1974, 31)
This Rule-Following Argument, with its talk of the difference between following a rule and acting in accordance with a rule, differs in its starting point from the Behavior Rationalizing Argument. Its focus is on making sense of agents’ responses to their interlocutors’ utterances, but it ends up in much the same place: fluent language users have linguistic knowledge and make use of that knowledge in the course of their language use.
f. The Optimal Simulation Argument
Jerry Fodor defends “intellectualist” accounts of psychology, and, in the course of so doing, provides another argument for the attribution of tacit knowledge to language users. Fodor is concerned with psychology generally, and not simply with the explanation of linguistic behavior, and so fully appreciating the argument requires that we briefly review his intellectualist position.
According to Fodor, the explanation for how people snap their fingers or tie their shoes is that there are instructions for how to do these things — descriptions, in terms of the elementary operations of our nervous, perceptual, and muscular systems — and that these instructions are encapsulated as information in our minds. Since, in snapping our fingers or tying our shoes, we are applying these instructions, we must know them. Fodor frequently uses the images of “little men in our heads”, but the cash value of this metaphor is simply that the information is somehow represented in our minds. Whenever we tie our shoes, little agents in our head (and in other parts of our nervous system) execute the instructions encapsulated in the “instruction manual” for shoe tying. To say that we know how to tie our shoes is simply to say that we know the instructions for doing so. What makes his position an intellectualist one is precisely this appeal to represented information as part of the explanation of our behavior. As Fodor himself puts it, “The intellectualist account of X-ing says that, whenever you X, the little man in your head has access to and employs a manual on X-ing; and surely whatever is his is yours.” (1968, 636)
Fodor is sensitive to the fact that those of us who possess this knowledge are unable to answer the question, “How does one X”? That is, Ruth may be unable to explain (in terms of nerve firings and muscle contractions and so on) how it is she snaps her fingers, but, all the same, she knows the instructions for finger snapping which are formulated in terms of nerve firings and muscle contractions. Thus, Fodor acknowledges, this knowledge must be tacit, and he seeks to provide an argument for saying, despite her inability to say how she X-es, that Ruth knows the instructions for X-ing. His argument appeals to optimal simulations of an organism’s behavior — that is, to a machine or computer program, or some other artificial device that would simulate the organism’s behavior.
Fodor’s position on tacit knowledge attributions is aptly summed up thus:
…if X is something an organism knows how to do but is unable to explain how to do, and if S is some sequence of operations, the specification of which would constitute an answer to the question “How do you X?,” and if an optimal simulation of the behavior of the organism X-s by running through the sequence of operations specified by S, then the organism tacitly knows the answer to the question “How do you X?,” and S is a formulation of the organism’s tacit knowledge. (1968, 638)
If we build a robot that optimally simulates Ruth’s finger snapping behavior, and the robot runs through a series of instructions S1, S2, S3, and so on, then, according to Fodor, Ruth tacitly knows S1, S2, S3, and so on A particularly odd feature of this proposal is that it draws a conclusion about Ruth upon noticing something about a robot. The fact that we can build a robot to simulate Ruth’s (or any human being’s) finger snapping shouldn’t give us any evidence at all about Ruth, should it? As Fodor puts it, “how could any fact about the computational operations of some machine (even a machine that optimally simulates the behavior of an organism) provide grounds for asserting that an epistemic relation [that is, tacit knowledge] holds between an organism and a proposition?” (638)
It is at this stage that Fodor deploys the following, seemingly reasonable, inductive principle: From like effects, infer like causes. Since the robot and Ruth are exhibiting similar effects, and we know the cause of the robot’s behavior — it is running through the instructions — we can infer (inductively, of course) that Ruth’s behavior has a similar cause.
If machines and organisms can produce behaviors of the same type and if descriptions of machine computations in terms of the rules, instructions, and so on, that they employ are true descriptions of the etiology of their output, then the principle that licenses inferences from like effects to like causes must license us to infer that the tacit knowledge of organisms is represented by the programs of the machines that simulate their behavior. (640)
So far we have spoken in general terms about the behavior of organisms — shoe tying, finger snapping, and so on, — but, of course, we can apply Fodor’s argument to linguistic behavior. Since speaking English or reading German or having a conversation in Arabic are intelligent behaviors on a par with shoe tying and finger snapping, if we can (a) arrive at a specification of a set of instructions for how one does these things — a set of instructions which will, in all likelihood, make reference to the semantic and syntactic theories of these languages — and if we can (b) produce an optimal simulation of such language use which simulates human language use by running through those instructions, then we can, by Fodor’s reasoning, conclude that human speakers of those languages have tacit knowledge of the semantic and syntactic theories of the languages they speak.
g. Summary
We have seen a number of arguments that attempt to establish that speakers of a language have knowledge of the semantic and syntactic properties of the words and sentences of their language. It is worth reiterating that the argumentative ball is in the court of the proponent of linguistic knowledge: the many ways in which linguistic knowledge, if it exists, differs from ordinary knowledge puts the burden of argument on the philosopher who advocates the position that every ordinary speaker of a language has syntactic and semantic knowledge.
The arguments assembled here are, in one way or another, all arguments to the best explanation. There are some phenomena (language learning, novel sentence recognition, behavior in response to an utterance, and so on) which, according to the arguments, can best (or, perhaps, only) be explained by the attribution of knowledge to the speakers. This is a perfectly legitimate form of argument, of course, and may ultimately carry the day. But, as with all such arguments, they are vulnerable to the objector who thinks either that the phenomena in question do not need explanation or can be explained in simpler terms — that is, terms that don’t require knowledge attribution.
If, however, we accept the conclusion of these arguments, we need next to investigate the nature of tacit knowledge. In what respects is tacit knowledge like other, more familiar sorts of knowledge? In what ways is it different? Might it be so different as to not qualify as knowledge at all? These are some of the questions we shall be discussing in the final section.
4. What Kind of Knowledge is Tacit Knowledge?
If we accept the conclusion of the above arguments and, consequently, attribute tacit knowledge of a language to speakers of that language, the question that next presents itself is this: what sort of knowledge is tacit knowledge? How is tacit knowledge of a language like other sorts of knowledge that we ordinarily ascribe to people?
a. Linguistic Knowledge as Knowledge-How
A common move by those who are somewhat skeptical of the attribution of tacit linguistic knowledge is to draw a distinction between propositional knowledge and practical knowledge, or, more colloquially, between “knowledge that” and “knowledge how”. (Ryle (1949) is credited with the original distinction, but also see Stanley and Williamson (2001) for a more recent treatment.) The distinction is meant to emphasize that not all knowledge should be regarded as a relationship between a knower and a proposition. So, for instance, when we say
(1) Sophie knows that Paris is the capital of France
we usually understand that attribution in terms of Sophie’s relationship to the proposition expressed by the sentence “Paris is the capital of France.” To possess that knowledge, accordingly, Sophie must bear some sort of cognitive relationship to that proposition. She must, in some sense, “have that proposition before her mind”. By contrast, were we to say
(2) Sophie knows how to swim
we would not thereby be attributing to Sophie any relationship to any propositions. There may be a good many propositions that accurately describe what Sophie is doing while she is swimming (“Sophie is kicking her feet 75 times a minute”, “Sophie is traveling 5 miles an hour”, and so on) but, the position holds, she need not bear any cognitive relationship to those propositions in order for us to truly assert (2). To say that Sophie knows how to do something is to attribute to Sophie a practical ability, but in doing so (if we accept the knowledge-that/knowledge-how distinction) we do not attribute to her cognitive relationships to a particular set of propositions.
Some have argued that the sort of knowledge that speakers have of their language should be conceived of as knowledge-how. Wittgenstein gives voice to the sentiment in the Investigations thus:
To understand a sentence means to understand a language. To understand a language means to be master of a technique. (1958, para. 199)
But is has been more clearly asserted more recently by Anthony Kenny:
To know a language is to have an ability: the ability to speak, understand, and perhaps read the language. (1989, 20)
and by Michael Devitt who claims that we should view linguistic competence
not as semantic propositional knowledge, but as an ability or skill: It is knowledge-how not knowledge-that. (1996, 25)
To accept this line of thought is to conceive of the propositions that constitute the grammar or theory of meaning for a particular language as accurately describing the linguistic behavior of speakers; those propositions are not to be conceived of as the content of speakers’ propositional attitudes.
There are a number of reasons for accepting the view that linguistic knowledge is knowledge-how, but perhaps the most popular line of thought is this: Since, or so it has been claimed, propositional knowledge, or knowledge-that, requires that one understand a language (the language in which the propositions are represented), linguistic understanding cannot, on pains of regress or circularity, be analyzed in terms of propositional knowledge. We cannot, it is argued, analyze Cinderella’s understanding of English in terms of her knowledge of a set of English sentences of the sort found in, say, Davidsonian meaning theories, for example,
“Snow is white” is true if and only if snow is white
because knowing the propositions expressed by those sentences requires understanding English.
There are responses to this argument and there are, as mentioned, other reasons to endorse the view that linguistic knowledge should be viewed as knowledge-how. Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, there are arguments against the knowledge-how/knowledge-that distinction. Stanley and Williamson have argued that “all knowing-how is knowing-that” (2001, 444). If their argument stands up to scrutiny, it makes the project of trying to analyze linguistic knowledge as a species of practical knowledge much more difficult. The topic of practical knowledge and its relationship to propositional knowledge is a fascinating one, and the brevity of this discussion here should not be taken as a dismissal of the importance or complexity of the existing debate.
b. Isolated Knowledge
If we accept that speakers of a language have propositional knowledge of the grammar, or meaning theory, for their language, we need to think about the ways in which that knowledge is like other sorts of propositional knowledge. One condition that seems satisfied by ordinary beliefs (and states of knowledge) is the following:
Beliefs (and states of knowledge) are the sorts of states that interact with the believer’s desires and which must potentially be at the service of many of the believer’s different projects.
Gareth Evans has endorsed this condition on beliefs:
It is the essence of a belief state that it be at the service of many distinct projects, and that its influence on any project be mediated by other beliefs. (1981, 132)
So consider Susie who believes that a pot of soup is laced with cyanide. According to this condition on beliefs, Susie counts as having this belief (and, if she meets other conditions, counts as knowing that the soup is laced with cyanide) only if it is possible for this cognitive state to serve a number of different projects. Susie’s belief might lead to her refusing to eat the soup herself, to her keeping her friends from eating the soup, to serving the soup to her enemies, and, if Susie further believes that ingesting a bit of cyanide each day for a month renders one immune to its effects and desires to develop a cyanide immunity, her belief that the soup is laced with cyanide might lead to her taking a spoonful of it each day for a month. Susie thus stands in contrast to a laboratory rat to whom, given its conditioning, we might be tempted to attribute the belief that the soup is laced with cyanide. What makes it the case that the rat does not have a genuine belief is that this belief leads to only one kind of behavior — avoiding eating the soup. This putative belief of the rat’s does not help to explain anything else the rat does, and because of this, it does not count as a genuine belief.
The plausibility of this condition on our ordinary concept of belief emerges when we realize that these multiple projects are the result of multiple desires. Susie’s different desires — for her own health, for the health of her friends, for the demise of her enemies, for immunity to cyanide — are what interact with the belief that the soup is laced with cyanide to produce different behaviors. A belief is the kind of thing that can interact with multiple desires to produce behavior, and, consequently, so with knowledge. Beliefs (and thus states of knowledge) cannot be isolated to the degree that they are incapable of interacting with different desires to produce different behavior.
All of this is relevant to our discussion of linguistic knowledge because, according to many authors, the knowledge that speakers have of the grammar or meaning theory of their language is, or seems to be, isolated in the way that ordinary beliefs are not. A speaker’s linguistic beliefs(whose content are the grammatical principles of their language or the contents of the meaning theory for their language) seem to be inferentially isolated from the rest of her beliefs and from her desires. Such beliefs operate (especially if we are attracted to either the Behavior Rationalizing Argument or the Novel Sentence Recognition Argument above) simply to account for a speaker’s understanding of a string of the language. If we are convinced by the Novel Sentence Recognition Argument to ascribe to a speaker a belief about some syntactic structure, we do so only in order to explain the fact that the speaker is able to understand a sentence she has never encountered before. That belief interacts with no other desires of the speaker and is at the service of one project alone: the comprehension of encountered sentences. Accordingly, if we accept Evans’ claim, we should conclude that while an English speaker may have some cognitive relationship to the grammar or meaning theory for English, that relationship is not a full-fledged belief. It is, perhaps, not even a belief at all. Investigation of the particular cognitive status of these subdoxastic states is an important topic not just in relation to tacit linguistic knowledge, but in cognitive science generally.
5. References and Further Reading
Barber, Alex. ed. Epistemology of Language. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 2003a.
Barber, Alex. “Introduction” Epistemology of Language. Ed. Alex Barber. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 2003b. 1-43.
Davies, Martin. “Tacit Knowledge and Subdoxastic States.” Reflections on Chomsky. Ed. Alexander George. Basil Blackwell, Oxford and Cambridge,1989. 131-52.
Devitt, Michael. Coming to Our Senses. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, 1996.
Evans, Gareth. “Semantic Theory and Tacit Knowledge.” Wittgenstein: To Follow a Rule. Eds. Holtzman, S.H. and C.M. Leitch. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London,1981.
Fodor, Jerry. “The Appeal to Tacit Knowledge in Psychological Explanation.” Journal of Philosophy 65 (1968): 627-40.
George, Alexander. Reflections on Chomsky. Basil Blackwell, Oxford and Cambridge, MA, 1989.
Graves, Christina, et. al. “Tacit Knowledge.” Journal of Philosophy 70, (1973): 318-30.
LePore, Ernest. “Truth in Meaning.” Truth and Interpretation. Ed. Ernest Lepore, Basil Blackwell, Cambridge, MA, 1986. 3-26.
Matthews, Robert. “Does Linguistic Competence Require Knowledge of Language?” Epistemology of Language. Ed. Alex Barber. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 2003. 187-213.
Nagel, Thomas. “Linguistics and Epistemology.” Language and Philosophy. Ed. Sidney Hook. New York University Press, New York, 1969. 171-82.
Quine, W.V. “Methodological Reflections on Current Linguistic Theory.” Semantics of Natural Language. Eds. Donald Davidson and Gilbert Harman. D. Reidel, Dordrecht, 1972. 442-454.
Rosenberg, Jay. (1974). Linguistic Representation. D. Reidel, Dordrecht.
Ryle, Gilbert. The Concept of Mind. Hutchinson, London,1949.
Searle, John. Speech Acts. Cambridge University Press, New York, 1969.
Stanley, Jason and Timothy Williamson. “Knowing How.” Journal of Philosophy, 98 (2001): 411-444.
Stich, Stephen. “What Every Speaker Knows.” Philosophical Review, 80 (1971): 476-96.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Philosophical Investigations. G.E.M. Anscombe, trans. Macmillan, New York, 1958.
Wright, Crispin. “Wittgenstein’s Rule-following Considerations and the Central Project of Theoretical Linguistics.” Reflections on Chomsky. Ed. Alexander George. Basil Blackwell, Oxford and Cambridge, MA, 1989. 233-64.
Author Information
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https://proofreadingpal.com/proofreading-pulse/writing-fiction/guide-to-olde-english/
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Guide to Olde English
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The Proofreading Pulse - A blog about proofreading, editing, and effective writing.
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https://proofreadingpal.com/proofreading-pulse/writing-fiction/guide-to-olde-english/
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For whatever reason, sometimes you want to have characters speak in that pseudo- biblical/Shakespearean English of thee and thou and shalt. Before we get into the most popular of these words and a guide to using them correctly, let’s make one thing clear: no one ever actually spoke like this:
Thou art beautiful, like the sun and moon. I loveth thee with all
that is mine own.
This is Modern English with some old-timey words thrown in. In fact, there is no such thing as “Olde English” in history. The language being aped here is Early Modern English (the English of the King James Bible scribes, Shakespeare, Milton, and the rest of the seventeenth-century-ish crowd), but it’s really inaccurate. Here’s a bit of Milton’s original text of Paradise Lost:
So spake th’ Apostate Angel, though in pain,
Vaunting aloud, but rackt with deep despare:
And him thus answer’d soon his bold Compeer
And a bit of the King James Bible, not revised:
And the earth brought foorth grasse, and herbe yeelding seed
after his kinde, and the tree yeelding fruit, whose seed was in it
selfe, after his kinde: and God saw that it was good. (Gen. 1:12)
It gets a bit more modern when you update the spelling, but it’s still not structured or punctuated in the language we speak now.
So, yes, “Olde English” is all made up, but the individual words themselves did exist in general conversation, and they do come with grammar rules.
Thou vs. Thee
You can’t just throw these into a sentence. Thouis for the subject of the sentence (along with I, we, and they), and thee is for the object (along with me, us, and them).
Thou complaineth constantly.
I will give thee a hiding.
Additionally, thy works like thou, never like thee. So:
Thy shalt rue the day. (correct)
I will give this to thy. (incorrect)
Thyn (Old English), thyne (Middle English), and thine(current spelling) are all “your.”
To thine own self be true. (correct)
Thine is the power over the land and sea. (correct)
I will see thine die. (incorrect)
Verbs and Their Wacky Endings
Thou shalt die.
The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh away.
Thou art a scoundrel.
Dost thou love me?
Doth thou love me?
In English’s first centuries, spelling was pretty much all over the place. The language, after all, is a commerce-driven amalgam of Latin, Greek, German, French, Spanish, Yiddish, and—who knows? Maybe there’s some Martian in there too. These various verb endings do not alter their definitions. Shalt and shall mean the exact same thing.
What’s important with these is not the meaning but the tense. Shalt is in future tense. Giveth, doth, dost, and art are in present tense.
Thus, the line from The Avengers is correct: “Doth Mother know you weareth her drapes?” Good on you, Tony Stark.
Unto
Ah, the good ol(d)e “Do unto others.” Unto just means to.
Belov’d vs. Beloved
Now, this is a fun one. The ways it gets misused—well, it’s pretty much always misused because it’s only relevant when you’re worrying about poetic meter. The apostrophe is a pronunciation guide. Belov’d is two syllables: be-loved. Beloved is (or used to be) three syllables: be-lov-ed. Let’s go back to the Bard for a demonstration:
’tis a consummation
Devoutly to be wish’d. To die, to sleep; (Hamlet 3.1)
All that “wish’d” thing is for is to make sure it’s one syllable to fit the iambic (unstressed/stressed) pentameter (five iambs):
deVOUTly TO be WISH’D. to DIE, to SLEEP
Today, we don’t say “wish-ed,” so “wish’d” serves no purpose even in poetry.
Ye vs. The
This is also a fun one. While ye was used all the time for you (both as subject and as object), it was never, in fact, used for theuntil the Victorians thought it was cute to have signs that read Ye Olde-Timey Inn.
The mistake comes from what’s called a thorn. It’s one of those letters that didn’t make it into Modern English. Old English, Old Norse, Gothic, and Icelandic use it basically for “th.” It has a few shapes, many of them looking like a Y, but this is the idea:
Modern keyboards type it as þ. When in old tapestries, paintings, and drawings there was a sign reading þ Old Inn, this was simply The Old Inn. But Victorians read it as Ye Old Inn.
So, while the crumpets and scones you get from Ye Olde Bake Shoppe may taste authentic, the sign is not.
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https://englishlive.ef.com/en/blog/language-lab/say-didnt-understand-someone-english/
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What to say if you didn’t understand someone in English
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Learning a new language can be a tricky business; but you want to get it right.
Right?
When you are learning English [https://englishlive.ef.com/en-gb/], a lot of
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https://englishlive.ef.com/en/blog/language-lab/say-didnt-understand-someone-english/
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Learning a new language can be a tricky business; but you want to get it right. Right?
When you are learning English, a lot of effort is put into picking up vocabulary, spelling, reading and writing.
However, the area where your learning becomes most crucial is when it finally gets put into practice – not just in the classroom, but in real life. In the classroom, be it online or in a school, someone is at hand to listen, to support, to test you and shape your learning.
But how can you make sure you understand what’s going on once you go out into the world and begin to practice your English? Often as we begin to practice our new-found language skills, we realize that the way words sound in conversation can be very different from how we learned originally. Accents, speed, slang and idiomatic variances can mean we feel very lost – almost as if the other person isn’t speaking English at all.
Here is the EF English Live guide to helpful phrases and words to use when you’re not quite sure what someone is telling you…
Improve your English grammar, vocabulary and more with EF English Live. Get started for free
Formal
These short phrases are polite ways to communicate that you didn’t hear or don’t understand something in the English language.
Sorry?
Excuse me?
Pardon?
I beg your pardon?
[this is particularly formal and now mostly used in England]
Longer formal sentences
These sentences will help you when you don’t understand something even though you have heard it.
Sorry, I’m afraid I don’t follow you.
Excuse me, could you repeat the question?
I’m sorry, I don’t understand. Could you say it again?
I’m sorry, I didn’t catch that. Would you mind speaking more slowly?
I’m confused. Could you tell me again?
I’m sorry, I didn’t understand. Could you repeat a little louder, please?
I didn’t hear you. Please could you tell me again?
Informal
These are more common, casual, conversational ways to ask someone to repeat themselves, or communicate your lack of understanding. Some are more informal (i.e. rude!) than others.
Sorry? – most useful for when you simply didn’t hear
Sorry, what? – useful for not recognizing the sound you heard
A little more informal (can be rude)
‘Scuse me? – a more casual version of ‘excuse me’
Huh? – not quite a word but a sound; careful how you use it as it can sound rude; as a sound is more commonly associated with ‘I don’t get it’ or ‘I don’t understand’ rather than ‘I can’t hear you’
What? – sometimes this can seem aggressive, be careful!
Eh? – a sound usually used to communicate that it is difficult to hear/decipher someone
Hmm? – a sound used when you are a bit more absent-minded or maybe not listening so hard
Slang
Come again?
Say what? – this is particularly American English
Pass that by me again?
You what? – this is more common in the United Kingdom
I don’t get it… not a question but a statement, meaning simply ‘I don’t understand’
Idioms
Idioms are sayings particular to their language of origin. Here we take a look at three that you might use if you wanted to find a more creative way of saying something that sounds complicated, unclear or difficult to understand.
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In all languages? How minority languages are excluded from scholarly publishing
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Insights: the UKSG journal (2048-7754) aims to support UKSG's mission to connect the information community and encourage the exchange of ideas on scholarly communication, specifically to:Provide a forum for the communication and exchange of ideas between the many stakeholders in the global knowledge community.Disseminate news, information and publications, and raise awareness of services that support the scholarly information sector.From 1988 to 2011, Insights was published as Serials: The Journal for the Serials Community. Serials has been fully digitised and is openly accessible at serials.uksg.org.
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en
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Insights
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https://insights.uksg.org/articles/10.1629/uksg.640
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The rise of English as the lingua franca of scholarly communication has undoubtedly brought benefits, not least the facilitation of global knowledge exchange. But there are good grounds for publishing research in languages other than English, too, at least in some fields (notably the social sciences and humanities), some of the time. Academia’s Anglophonic hegemony puts non-native users of English at a significant professional disadvantage. Other reasons for preserving linguistic diversity in scholarly communication relate to public engagement and generation of impact: to paraphrase the Helsinki Initiative on Multilingualism in Scholarly Communication, if we want to keep locally relevant research alive, create greater impact beyond academia, and protect scholarly communication infrastructure in local languages, we need to promote research ‘in all languages’.
Some publishing business models seem to be more conducive to a linguistically diverse scholarly publication ecosystem than others. We lack precise data. But of the over 120,000 active scholarly journals that are not registered as open access in the Ulrichsweb Global Serials Directory, only 30% are listed as publishing text in at least one language other than English. Among the journals listed in the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) that charge an article processing charge (APC), the figure, at 28%, is broadly similar.
Just as it is for subscription-based and APC-based journals, English is the most common publication language for so-called diamond open access journals (that is, journals that make articles available without restrictions and do not charge an APC). Diamond open access, however, is a veritable Tower of Babel compared to these other models: of diamond journals listed in DOAJ, 67% accept publications in at least one language other than English. In recent years, moreover, diamond open access communities have made a point of embracing multilingualism as an expression of cultural diversity in publishing, or ‘bibliodiversity’. Multilingualism features prominently in recent attempts to outline the values and principles that diamond journals and platforms share. Take, for example, the Action Plan for Diamond Open Access drawn up by Science Europe, cOAlition S, OPERAS, and the French National Research Agency.
Discussion of multilingualism in scholarly communication has, understandably enough, centred on official ‘national’ languages other than English, especially languages such as German and French whose status as languages of scholarship once far exceeded that of English. But what about minority languages, those languages without official status at state level that are traditionally used by a minority of a country’s population in a particular territory (to use the definition – not universally accepted – given by the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages)? Many of the reasons provided for promoting official national languages in scholarly communication – preserving locally relevant research and generating greater impact outside of academia, for example – are just as valid for minority languages. Indeed, an even stronger case could be made for publishing relevant research in minority languages than for other languages because of the role such efforts can play in language revitalization and reclamation. Support for minority-language publishing, for example, is among the pledges that signatories to the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages can sign up to.
Let us imagine that a small, but nonetheless highly engaged, group of academics who are also users of a minority language wish to publish research in the language of their community, with the enthusiastic support of that community. The diamond open access model would quickly emerge as the only option for a small-scale, community-driven, academic-led initiative such as this. But how far would these academics get? Does promotion of multilingualism in scholarly communication extend to minority languages? Or are minority languages excluded even from the diamond model of scholarly publishing?
For us at Septentrio Academic Publishing – the diamond open access publishing service operated by UiT The Arctic University of Norway – this is more than just a thought-experiment. In March 2023, we took over as the publisher of Sámi dieđalaš áigečála (in English: The Sámi Scientific Journal), the world’s only academic journal that publishes exclusively in Sámi languages. Founded in 1994 and jointly owned by the Sámi University of Applied Sciences and UiT The Arctic University of Norway, Sámi dieđalaš áigečála is an interdisciplinary peer-reviewed academic journal that publishes content chiefly about language and culture but also topics within the social and natural sciences. It is registered as a level 1 journal in the Finnish Publication Forum and as a level 2 journal (the highest rank) in the Norwegian Register for Scientific Journals, Series and Publishers. The primary language of the journal is Northern Sámi, which has an estimated 25,700 speakers according to Ethnologue, but it also publishes in two other Sámi languages: Southern Sámi (600 speakers) and Lule Sámi (2,000 speakers). Prior to its transfer to our platform, articles were published on a custom WordPress site.
In what follows, we reflect on some of the barriers to scholarly publishing in minority languages, taking our experience of onboarding a minority-language journal as our starting point. Quite apart from the fact that we are dealing with small numbers of speakers – and, in the case of two of the languages the journal publishes in, very small numbers – we maintain that there are particular socio-cultural, technological and financial challenges to publishing academic content in these lesser used tongues that raise important questions of equity.
Challenge 1: extra steps in the publishing workflow
Many minority languages – historically considered ‘backwards’ and a hindrance to national unity – have faced centuries of marginalization in favour of dominant, national and colonial languages. The result has been the exclusion of minority languages from public life, stigmatization, and a major decline in use.
Of course, journals publishing content in minority languages have a smaller pool from which to recruit editors, authors, reviewers and readers. But they may also have to work harder to reach them. As a result of historical marginalization, minority-language users themselves may need convincing of the suitability of their language for scholarly communication. A minority language, moreover, may lack a fully developed academic discourse. And even where such a discourse does exist, users may need support to be able to read and write it fluently because of a perceived or real lack of competence.
The editorial team of the minority-language journal we publish works closely with authors, language consultants and language authorities to provide contributors with training in academic writing in these languages and to develop scientific terminology where required. These are not inconsiderable additional steps in the publishing process, which largely go unrecognized.
Challenge 2: exclusion from scholarly publishing infrastructure
Scholarly communication is dependent on a wide range of systems and tools, such as publishing platforms and discovery services, to meet the needs of researchers and their audiences. In many cases, this infrastructure has been developed with major national languages in mind. In some cases, this means that minority-language content is effectively excluded from scholarly publishing infrastructure.
A particular sticking point is the requirement to use two-letter language codes (the so-called ISO 639-1 standard). The two-letter standard was developed for the world’s major languages and initially approved in 1967, but a three-letter standard (ISO 639-2, superseded by ISO 639-3) representing all known languages has been in use since 1998. Best current practice when identifying languages on the internet is to use two-letter codes where available, and three-letter codes if not. Unfortunately, scholarly publishing infrastructure does not always permit three-letter codes.
The main language in which our minority-language journal publishes is fortunate enough to have a two-letter language code. This means that we are able to correctly identify the language of articles on our publishing platform (we use Open Journal Systems). When we export article metadata to Crossref, we can tag the language appropriately. And we also have the possibility to increase the visibility of content in this language by registering the journal as a title that publishes in this language in, for example, DOAJ.
The two other languages the journal publishes in, however, are among the several thousand languages globally that are not so fortunate: they lack a two-letter language code. As a result, we are unable to identify the language of articles that use these languages appropriately on our publishing platform or when we export metadata to Crossref. Nor can we state that the journal publishes content in these languages in DOAJ or other registers and abstracting and indexing services. These articles may have a small potential audience, but it hardly helps that they are all but invisible to that audience.
Challenge 3: omission from funding mechanisms
Operational costs for diamond open access journals publishing in minority languages are unlikely to be any lower than for journals publishing in English or other major languages. And yet, journals that publish in minority languages are not always eligible to apply for sources of funding from research institutions or government agencies designed to boost multilingualism in scholarly publishing by promoting languages other than English as scientific languages.
The Norwegian Directorate for Higher Education and Skills, for example, recently invited open access journals in the humanities and social sciences that publish content in Norwegian to apply for financial support for the period 2024–2026. While journals that publish in the national languages of neighbouring Sweden and Denmark were eligible to apply, no mention was made of minority languages in the criteria. It has only become clear after the application process that our minority-language journal is eligible to receive funding, and it is, at the time of writing, on the waiting list for support.
We lack an overview of how local-language journals are funded, but it is clear that Norway is not alone in omitting minority languages in calls to apply for financial support. Sweden, for example, funds Swedish-language journals in the areas of health, working life and welfare. Quebec funds French-language journals publishing on topics within society and culture. And Spain funds journals in the cultural sphere that publish in Spanish and Spain’s other official languages (but not in other minority languages it has signed up to protect under the European Charter).
Publishers of minority-language content need equal opportunity to access funding streams, both those that already exist and – should initiatives such as the ‘In all languages’ campaign pay off – any future ones that open up.
‘In all languages’
Nobody is suggesting that setting up dozens of academic journals that exclusively publish in a language only used by a few hundred people would ever be sustainable. But we should acknowledge the additional barriers faced by editors of journals that publish content in minority languages, such as the need to provide extra language support to authors or develop scientific terminology in a language. We need to work towards making it technically possible to publish articles in all languages in a way that means they are discoverable for the relevant language community. And we should ensure that journals that publish in minority languages have access to the same or comparable funding sources as periodicals that publish in national languages other than English.
In recent years, several initiatives have emerged that aim to foster multilingualism as an expression of bibliodiversity in scholarly communication. These are surely to be welcomed by all of us who care about linguistic diversity in scholarly communication. It is not entirely clear, however, how minority languages fit into the Helsinki Initiative, with its focus on ‘national’ languages and ‘national’ infrastructure. Nor is it clear how minority languages that lack fully developed translation tools might benefit from, for example, the technology-based scientific translation service for scholarly communication proposed by OPERAS.
What is clear to us, having welcomed the world’s only academic journal in our minority language to our publishing platform, is that there is a long way to go before there is equitable access for all languages in scholarly publishing. With his concept of ‘balanced multilingualism’, Sivertsen proposes considering all communication purposes in different areas of research, and all the languages required to fulfil these purposes, ‘in a holistic manner without exclusions or priorities’. Multilingualism in scholarly publication will not be ‘balanced’ as long as minority languages are excluded.
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https://www.bartleby.com/essay/Two-Bit-The-Notorious-Prankster-FJFCSSX95QB
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Two Bit The Notorious Prankster - 283 Words
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Free Essay: Two-bit the notorious prankster who takes nothing seriously and has a deranged sense of humor,he is the character that I resemble the most. The...
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https://www.bartleby.com/essay/Two-Bit-The-Notorious-Prankster-FJFCSSX95QB
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She can also stand up for herself when there is a conflict. I can relate with her because I am usually really shy in the beginning, but I can get talkative if I’m with friends. While Rosa Hubermann usually calls Liesel out using swear words, and gets mad for no reason, but in the end those were her own ways of saying that she cares. I can compare myself to her because I can get annoyed and mad easily. Meanwhile Rudy Steiner, a young boy can take care of everyone, make people feel welcome, help others when there’s a problem, and he will even do anything to keep others happy. I can compare myself with some of these traits because I like to help others with things they do, for example, I help other people with homework and other projects. Death is also a character that I can relate to because he can experience sadness, joy and even depression. He looks for hope in the gathering, reading, and telling of stories, he also finds ways to give meaning to his work. I can relate to him because he is a hard worker, and even though his job is depressing he finds ways to make it
In the most of the movie can show his personality is some conversations. First is the conversation between a professor and his student. They are discussing the Schrodinger's cat, afterward, the professor, main character, wants to prove the answer about the theory because his attitude is to identify uncertainty. At the same time, because of his Jewish and community identity, he is the person with a very strong principle in life as a serious man" he vein of fatalistic, skeptical humor that runs through so many of their movies has frequently had a Jewish inflection, both cultural and metaphysical"(A. O.). So, when he met all kinds of unexpected problems, and others ask him a large amount of reasonable requirement, he cannot refuse it, which make
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Why Is Language Important? Your Guide To The Spoken Word
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2020-06-09T09:18:42+00:00
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Understand the importance of language in human connection. Effective communication builds bridges, breaks barriers, and shapes our world.
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en
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University of the People
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https://www.uopeople.edu/blog/why-is-language-important/
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Language is a vital part of human connection. Although all species have their ways of communicating, humans are the only ones that have mastered cognitive language communication. Language allows us to share our ideas, thoughts, and feelings with others. It has the power to build societies, but also tear them down. It may seem obvious, but if you’re asking yourself, why is language important? You’ll have to break it down to truly understand why.
How Does Language Affect Different Aspects of our Lives?
Language is what makes us human. It is how people communicate. By learning a language, it means you have mastered a complex system of words, structure, and grammar to effectively communicate with others.
To most people, language comes naturally. We learn how to communicate even before we can talk and as we grow older, we find ways to manipulate language to truly convey what we want to say with words and complex sentences. Of course, not all communication is through language, but mastering a language certainly helps speed up the process. This is one of the many reasons why language is important.
Language Is Important To Culture And Society
Language helps us express our feelings and thoughts — this is unique to our species because it is a way to express unique ideas and customs within different cultures and societies.
By learning a foreign language, you can understand ideas and thoughts that may be different from your own culture. You can learn customs and how people interact in a given society. Language helps preserve cultures, but it also allows us to learn about others and spread ideas quickly.
Language Is Important To Business
The importance of language in business is unmatched. Without language here, we can’t share ideas and grow them into something more. Whether this means learning a foreign language so you can share ideas with people who come from a different country, or simply learning how to use language to master an interview, demand presence in a room, or network with others, language is vital.
Language Is Important For Individuals And Development
Humans all learn to talk at slightly different times, and observing when a child starts to use language can be indicative of how well they are developing. But this does not just apply to babies. It also applies to young children learning a second language in school that’s different than the language they speak at home, adults learning a second language, or even those who may have lost language due to some type of accident, and are working on regaining it.
Language Is Important For Personal Communication
Though much of human communication is non-verbal (we can demonstrate our thoughts, feelings and ideas by our gestures, expressions, tones, and emotions) language is important for personal communication. Whether it’s being able to talk to your friends, your partner, or your family, having a shared language is necessary for these types of interactions.
Image by Sasin Tipchai from Pixabay
The Basic Functions Of Language
The main function of language is the use of language. It gives us the ability to communicate thoughts, ideas, and feelings with others as quickly as possible. But, within that, we can understand language more by looking at its basic functions.
1. Informative Function
The informative function of language is when we use language to communicate any information. Essentially, its function is to inform others by being able to state facts clearly.
2. Expressive Function
Another basic function of language is the expressive function. As it sounds, it is used to express oneself by giving us ways to convey our feelings, emotions, and attitudes to another person (or ourselves).
3. Directive Function
The directive function of language is a basic function that helps us to direct or command. For example, it gives us the ability to tell ourselves or someone else what to do in any given situation.
Different Types Of Language
Language comes in various forms, each playing a role in how we communicate.
Oral Vs. Written Language
In general, oral communication is spoken language meant for conversing with others. Written language is about expressing ideas through writing words down.
Oral communication is usually more informal and faster, while written language is more formal and slow.
Denotative Meaning Vs. Connotative Meaning
Words have a lot of meaning to them, and the meaning depends on the context surrounding the word. This is why there is denotative meaning and connotative meaning.
Denotative meaning is the literal definition/intention of the word, whereas connotative meaning is when words carry positive or negative meanings/connotations. An example of this could be “home” versus “house.” “House” is denotative, being the literal term for this type of structure where someone may live, whereas “home” is connotative and represents a shelter, family, security, etc. Understanding the difference can help you understand the intention of language.
Six Elements Of Language
There are six elements of language:
Clarity: Using language in a way that ensures the intended audience fully understands your ideas; that your ideas are clear.
Economy: Being ‘economic’ about how you speak by avoiding any unnecessary language. This means using only the necessary and appropriate words to express yourself while avoiding using language your audience won’t understand. Essentially, this means avoiding fluff or complicated vocabulary.
Obscenity: This refers to ‘indecent language’, including, but not limited to, curse words and hateful remarks.
Obscure Language/Jargon: This is very specific language that your audience will not understand because they are not familiar with what you are talking about. This could be when your car mechanic explains to you what’s wrong with your car, but you are not a car mechanic, so you are unclear of what they’re talking about.
Power: This is when someone uses language to exert power over someone to manipulate them, command them, or to get them to do something they want. It could also be to demonstrate yourself as an authority in the room.
Variety: This is a speaker’s ability to use a combination of all the different types of language aforementioned to successfully and creatively get ideas across.
Image by Aline Dassel from Pixabay
Different Language Styles
Within language, there are many different styles to fit what the speaker wants to communicate. While some are unique to a person’s personality, some speakers may adapt certain styles depending on the situation, even if it’s different from how they normally speak.
1. Direct And Indirect Styles
Direct is a way to use language to indicate to a person exactly what you want to say and/or how you’re feeling.
Indirect language means using other words or types of communication to demonstrate you may be feeling a certain way, but without directly saying why or what, in other words, being indirect. If you’ve ever been in an argument with a significant other, you probably have experienced both of these language styles.
2. Personal And Contextual Styles
These two language styles are a bit more complex. In general, personal style refers to an individual’s personal way of speaking, is informal, and focuses on that individual.
Contextual styles means changing language depending on the context of a situation. For instance, a professor may use their personal style of speaking with friends and colleagues, and a contextual style when lecturing their students.
3. Untranslatable Words
Untranslatable words are words or phrases that we have to adapt from other languages because we do not have a word that means the same thing in our own language. A good example is how we say “Bon Appetit!”, because we don’t have a good translation.
Using Language Effectively
Language has so many benefits to humans, but it can also be problematic if language is used ineffectively. This is why it’s important to be mindful of how you are using language in any situation.
1. Use Appropriate Language
Using appropriate language does not just mean avoiding obscene language (there may be times when that is actually appropriate for the situation!). It means using language that’s appropriate for your audience, that they can understand, relate to, and engage with.
2. Use Vivid Language
To use vivid language is to use imagery in your language, to describe something as vividly as possible. It may mean using more adjectives or onomatopoeia to illustrate what you’re saying.
3. Use Inclusive Language
Inclusive language means using language that does not exclude any person. For instance, instead of using “he or she” to address an audience, the correct term is “they” to include people who may not identify with a particular gender. It also means avoiding any language that is racist, sexist, misogynist, hateful, presumptuous, prejudiced, etc.
Conclusion
Language connects us and helps us express ourselves. It influences culture, society, business, and personal growth. The six main elements of language each play a role in communication.
Body language and listening skills are also key to effective interaction. As society evolves, so does language, reflecting new ways of thinking and interacting. Keep learning and adapting to stay connected and communicate effectively.
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https://www.marketscreener.com/quote/stock/MURATA-MANUFACTURING-CO-L-6491317/company/
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd: Shareholders Board Members Managers and Company Profile
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd: Company profile, business summary, shareholders, managers, financial ratings, industry, sector and market information | Japan Exchange: 6981 | Japan Exchange
|
en
|
MarketScreener
|
https://www.marketscreener.com/quote/stock/MURATA-MANUFACTURING-CO-L-6491317/company/
|
Market Closed - Japan Exchange
Other stock markets
02:00:00 2024-08-09 am EDT 5-day change 1st Jan Change 2,763.00 JPY -1.32% -7.55% -7.68%
Business description: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. is one of the world leaders in design, production and marketing of innovative electronic components for the telecommunications and automobile sectors, etc. Net sales break down by family of products as follows:
- electronic components (74.4%): capacitors, piezoelectric components, etc.;
- modules (22.4%);
- other (3.2%).
Sales break down geographically as follows: Japan (9.2%), China (54.8%), Asia (15.6%), America (11.4%) and Europe (9%).
Number of employees: 73,605
Sales by Activity: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Fiscal Period: March20202021202220232024
Components
1,098B 1,175B 1,417B 924B 943B
Device Module
479B 484B 426B 761B 695B
Others
59.23B 61.07B 61.28B 74.56B 67.51B
Elimination/Corporate
-102B -90.39B -90.92B -73.14B -65.11B
See all business segments
Geographical breakdown of sales: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Fiscal Period: March20202021202220232024
Greater China
810B 951B 994B 842B 815B
Asia/Others
258B 242B 283B 265B 272B
The Americas
191B 171B 206B 253B 253B
Europe
132B 126B 163B 174B 173B
Japan
143B 139B 167B 152B 127B
See all geographic segments
Managers: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Director TitleAgeSince
Norio Nakajima PSD
President 62 85-03-31
Yoshito Takemura ADM
Chief Administrative Officer 67 81-03-31
Hiroshi Iwatsubo CTO
Chief Tech/Sci/R&D Officer 62 85-03-31
Satoshi Sonoda SAM
Sales & Marketing - -
See MURATA MANUFACTURING CO., LTD governance
Members of the board: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Manager TitleAgeSince
Norio Nakajima PSD
President 62 85-03-31
Hiroshi Iwatsubo CTO
Chief Tech/Sci/R&D Officer 62 85-03-31
Yoshiro Ozawa BRD
Director/Board Member 62 85-03-31
Yoshito Takemura ADM
Chief Administrative Officer 67 81-03-31
Ryuji Miyamoto BRD
Director/Board Member 64 82-03-31
Composition of the Board of Directors
Shareholders: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
NameEquities%Valuation
MURATA MANUFACTURING CO., LTD
5.941 %
118,256,219 5.941 % 2 442 M ¥
BlackRock Fund Advisors
2.748 %
54,704,688 2.748 % 1 130 M ¥
Nippon Life Insurance Co.
2.496 %
49,687,000 2.496 % 1 026 M ¥
KYOTO FINANCIAL GROUP,INC.
2.378 %
47,340,000 2.378 % 978 M ¥
Meiji Yasuda Life Insurance Co.
2.370 %
47,168,000 2.370 % 974 M ¥
NameEquities%Valuation
Boston Common Asset Management LLC
0.006759 %
269,089 0.006759 % 3 M ¥
Madison Asset Management LLC
0.004854 %
193,256 0.004854 % 2 M ¥
RhumbLine Advisers LP
0.001423 %
56,662 0.001423 % 585 092 ¥
Old National Bank (Investment Management)
0.000367 %
14,605 0.000367 % 150 811 ¥
SVB Wealth LLC
0.000346 %
13,762 0.000346 % 142 106 ¥
List of MURATA MANUFACTURING CO., LTD shareholders
Holdings: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
NameEquities%Valuation
MURATA MANUFACTURING CO., LTD
5.94%
118,256,219 5.94% 2,442,168,307 $
MURATA MANUFACTURING CO., LTD
0.41%
1,229,000 0.41% 21,805,090 $ 544,000 0.19% 16,496,533 $
OMRON CORPORATION
0.23%
473,000 0.23% 16,257,720 $ 189,000 0.01% 12,601,174 $
KYOCERA CORPORATION
0.07%
1,070,000 0.07% 12,315,711 $
SHIZUKI ELECTRIC COMPANY INC.
13.52%
4,471,000 13.52% 12,034,948 $
SCREEN HOLDINGS CO., LTD.
0.08%
80,000 0.08% 7,211,239 $
THE SHIGA BANK, LTD.
0.41%
216,000 0.41% 5,659,829 $
MITSUBISHI ELECTRIC CORPORATION
0.01%
280,000 0.01% 4,469,102 $
Company details: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Murata Manufacturing Co. Ltd.
1-10-1 Higashikotari
617-8555, Nagaokakyo
+81 7 5951 9111
http://www.murata.co.jp
Group companies: Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
NameCategory and Sector
See all subsidiaries
Electronic Component
Add to a list
Add to a list
0 selected
To use this feature you must be a member
Log inSign up
Change 5d. change 1-year change 3-years change Capi. ($) -1.32%-7.55%+1.59%-10.30% 35.32B+0.40%+5.90%+42.46%+70.09% 75.41B+3.06%-9.65%+53.18%+55.30% 72.04B+2.28%-2.31%+6.88%-13.13% 36.52B+1.07%-4.00%+37.89%-35.88% 11.74B+0.24%+2.52%-4.22%+71.56% 11.59B-1.66%-2.23%-12.39%-29.31% 11.04B+1.73%-2.88%+15.97%-49.73% 9.7B+2.19%+7.48%+35.72%-2.46% 9.66B+3.71%-2.15%+55.67%+8.97% 9.4B Average +1.17%+2.40%+23.28%+6.51% 28.24B Weighted average by Cap. +1.26%+0.83%+30.54%+28.64%
See all sector performances
Trading Rating
Investor Rating
ESG Refinitiv
A-
More Ratings
Sell Buy
Mean consensus
BUY
Number of Analysts
17
Last Close Price
2,763.00JPY
Average target price
3,974.71JPY
Spread / Average Target
+43.85%
Consensus
Stock Market
Equities
6981 Stock
Company Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd
Best financial
portal
+951% of historical
performance
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at your side
+ 1,000,000
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Murata: net sales 2022
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The net sales of Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
en
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Statista
|
https://www.statista.com/statistics/944327/japan-murata-net-sales/
|
Survey time period
fiscal year 2013 to 2023; the Japanese fiscal year starts on April 1 of the stated year and ends on March 31 of the following year
Supplementary notes
100 Japanese yen equal 0.66 U.S. dollars or 0.63 euros as of November 2023.
Figures have been rounded.
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Coexistence with society and local communities
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[] |
[
"Society and Local Communities",
"Murata and people",
"Corporate Social Responsibility",
"About MURATA",
"Murata Manufacturing Co.",
"Ltd"
] | null |
[] | null |
This section introduces Murata's responsibilities and conduct towards society and local communities.
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/csr/people/society
|
Thus far, Murata has endeavored to build relationships of mutual trust with local residents while gaining their understanding of our business and initiatives. This is an intangible but important asset, and we are thankful that we have been able to continue doing business.
Murata produces a wide range of electronic components used all over the world, under the slogan, "Innovator in Electronics." At each of our business locations, we are engaged in activities with the goal to resolve local issues for the following 5 priority areas by applying available resources such as our manufacturing philosophy and technical capabilities we have developed over our many years of business, employee capabilities, as well as cooperations with local communities. When hiring employees, we strive to consider the impact of our business sites on local communities both domestically and overseas while actively hiring local people to vitalize local communities and create employment as well as to secure human resources and maintain steady operations at each of our business locations.
Through coexistence and co‐prosperity with local communities, Murata generates a continuous cycle of social value and economic value through innovation, and contributes to achieving a rich society.
Link: Respect for Human Rights
Murata's Basic Policy of Contribution Activities for Society and Community
The message to all company employees shared by our company founder in 1959, put up at one of our plants (former Ozowara Plant, now Fukui Murata Manufacturing)
Murata hopes to continue to be "a company whose presence in local communities is a source of pride and joy to those communities as well as a company that our employees are proud and happy to work for." Through dialogue with a wide range of stakeholders, including local residents, we will actively engage in ongoing social and community contribution activities to achieve our common goals of realizing a sustainable society and developing local communities.
Murata is deeply concerned with social issues, and we will use our unique strengths in activities that contribute to society.
We will fulfill our roles and responsibilities in accordance with the needs and characteristics of each region based on our activities in the region where we operate.
Emphasizing the participation of employees, we encourage and support each employee to actively engage in contact with society and the local community.
* This policy is subject to periodic supervision by the Board of Directors.
Support for the development of the next generation
Murata produces a wide range of electronic components used all over the world, under the slogan, "Innovator in Electronics." We apply our manufacturing philosophy and the scientific technologies we have developed over our many years of business, in supporting the development of the next generation through engaging in STEAM education efforts such as science lectures and electronics workshops.
Example: School visits based on local needs
In order to communicate the kinds of work performed by the engineers who support our manufacturing and the interesting aspects of such work as a manufacturing company, we host science lectures and visiting classes for elementary and middle school students at domestic and overseas business sites. We continue to conduct school visits according to local needs, such as the "Control the Teacher Robot!!" school visit that allows students to experience programming, electronics workshops, environmental courses to raise interest in environmental preservation, and career education.
Example: "Mulabo!" interactive science facility for children
On December 16, 2020, the "Mulabo!" interactive science facility for children opened in the Minato MIRAI Innovation Center. Established to contribute to STEAM education and cultural development, it features four entertaining zones built around the concept of "places where fledgling engineers are born" and is designed to appeal to people of all ages and can be enjoyed through repeated visits. Entry is free of charge. See here for more details.
Local community support
Murata hopes to continue to follow our founder's wishes and operate as "a company whose presence in local communities is a source of pride and joy to those communities as well as a company that our employees are proud and happy to work for." We continue to engage in activities to help build trust relationships with local communities and to help develop a sustainable society.
Example: Employees gathering goods to donate to institutions and individuals in need
Our domestic and overseas business sites perform various types of charity work, including donations to senior care facilities and Foster Home, and food and toy drives. Food and toy drives are charity events where employees gather food and toys to distribute to institutions and individuals in need.
Example: Supporting local multiculturalism
We support local multiculturalism by donating equipment and dispatching interpreters to elementary and middle schools with many Brazilian children of Japanese ancestry through Izumo Murata Manufacturing and Fukui Murata Manufacturing.
Cultural support (sports, arts, and traditional culture industries)
Art and culture make life interesting, by moving people and bringing joy. Sports culture helps to keep people healthy in both mind and body. Traditional industries are valued and handed down from generation to generation, and can form a foundation for local communities. Murata works to help vitalize local communities through providing cultural support, under the understanding that culture is an important factor contributing to social development.
Example: Vitalizing local communities through sports
We sponsor professional sports teams both domestically and overseas, and volunteer at local sports tournaments, with the goal of vitalizing local communities through sports.
Example: Support for Tensai* Art KYOTO
Murata recognizes and supports the initiatives of Tensai Art KYOTO (Specified Nonprofit Corporation Art Promotion Research Institute for Persons with Disabilities) that supports artistic activities performed by persons with disabilities. An original art piece was created for us on May 2023. Additionally, as a form of continuous support, we have rented the original work, and exhibited it in our headquarters lobby. (Go here for details on Tensai Art KYOTO)
* Tensai means God-given Talent in Japan.
Academic support
Since its founding, Murata has developed technology with the support of many academic researchers in various areas. In addition to contributing to the improvement and development of academics by providing support through the Murata Science and Education Foundation, we support students studying at universities in various countries and regions.
Example: Academic research support for students and researchers
The Murata Science Foundation was established in 1985 to contribute to the development of science and technology. We offer grants for research projects that improve or advance science and technology, or that help resolve issues in the humanities and social sciences fields. Renamed to Murata Science and Education Foundation in 2023 and started providing grants for schools and faculty in order to promote STEAM education and production education from fiscal 2024. See here for data regarding amount of grants and number of cases. Our domestic and overseas business sites also support research projects at universities and offer scholarships to students.
Example: Providing students with "opportunities to learn"
Murata makes use of company facilities, etc. to provide students with "opportunities to learn." Students studying to become nutritionists have had fewer opportunities for practical training at external facilities in recent years, due to COVID-19. In response to this situation, Sendai Murata Manufacturing and Kanazawa Murata Manufacturing offered their employee cafeterias to be used by students to practice preparing healthy meals.
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
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[
"Murata Company Video"
] | null |
[] | null |
Murata Manufacturing's corporate introduction video
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/more_murata/movies/corporate?videoId=6311968769112
|
It introduces our business, values, and vision for the future in this movie (produced in 2023).
Full ver. is about 9 minutes, Short ver. is about 1 and a half minutes.
Experience Murata through this animated video that takes you through our past, present and future in 2 minutes. (produced in 2017)
5G - the 5th generation standard for mobile communications whose speed is around 20 times faster than existing methods.
Here we introduce Murata's challenges to develop the “ultra-miniature” and “high-performance” components to meet the growing need for components driven by 5G.
*These videos are shortened version of the one when Murata was featured on Japanese Science program called "Galileo-X" in end of January 2021.
What kind of company is Murata? We invite you to take a closer look at who we are, what we do, and what we value. This video captures the “adventure” of it all.
|
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https://www.marketscreener.com/quote/stock/MURATA-MANUFACTURING-CO-L-6491317/news/Murata-Manufacturing-Annual-Securities-Report-2023-47367734/
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing : Annual Securities Report 2023
|
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[
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[] |
2024-07-12T08:15:07+02:00
|
Disclaimer: This document is a translation of the audited Japanese original, which has been filed with the Director of the Kanto Local Finance Bureau of Japan pursuant to the Financial Instruments and...
|
en
|
MarketScreener
|
https://www.marketscreener.com/quote/stock/MURATA-MANUFACTURING-CO-L-6491317/news/Murata-Manufacturing-Annual-Securities-Report-2023-47367734/
|
3. Description of business
The main business of Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. (the "Company") and its subsidiaries and associates (collectively, the "Companies") is the development, manufacturing and sale of electronic components and related products, and this business is divided into three operating segments: Components (capacitors, inductors, EMI suppression filters, etc.), Devices and Modules (High-frequency Modules, Surface Wave Filters, Lithium Ion Secondary Batteries, Sensors, etc.) and Others (Healthcare Equipment, Solution Business, etc.).
The position of each company in the relevant business is as follows: [Manufacturing and sales of electronic components]
Reporting company
The Company manufactures semi-finished products that are intermediate products of various electronic components and supplies them to manufacturing companies in Japan and oversea. In addition, the Company sells finished products that are processed within the Companies to clients and sales companies at home and abroad.
Sales companies
Sales companies conduct sales and brokerage services of products manufactured within the Companies. Material sales companies, such as Murata Electronics North America, Inc. in the U.S., Murata Company Limited and Murata Electronics Trading (Shanghai) Co., Ltd. in China, and Murata Electronics Europe B.V. in the Netherlands, sell finished products manufactured by the Company and its subsidiaries and associates.
Manufacturing and sales companies
Manufacturing and sales companies principally process semi-finished products manufactured by the Company into finished products, which will be supplied to the Company and sales companies. They also sell products manufactured by the Company and its subsidiaries and associates to their clients. We have the following material manufacturing companies: In Japan, Fukui Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., Izumo Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., Toyama Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., Kanazawa Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., Okayama Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., Komoro Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., and Tohoku Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd; in China, Wuxi Murata Electronics Co., Ltd., Shenzhen Murata Technology Co., Ltd., Murata Energy Device Wuxi Co., Ltd., and Foshan Murata Materials Co., Ltd.; in Singapore, Murata Electronics Singapore (Pte.) Ltd.; in the Philippines, Philippine Manufacturing Co. of Murata, Inc.; in Thailand, Murata Electronics (Thailand), Ltd; in France, Murata Integrated Passive Solutions SAS; in Vietnam, Murata Manufacturing Vietnam Co., Ltd.; and in the U.S., pSemi Corporation. These companies manufacture Components and Devices and Modules.
Management companies
The management company conducts marketing activities in the relevant region and administrates subsidiaries and associates. Material management company, Murata (China) Investment Co., Ltd. in China, conducts marketing and engineering activities in Greater China, and administrates Chinese sales companies.
[Others]
There are subsidiaries and associates that engage in employees' welfare, leasing of real estate, and the development and sales of products and software.
The above-mentioned business content is shown in the following diagram:
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https://www.cnbc.com/quotes/6981.T-JP
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en
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JP: Murata Manufacturing Co Ltd
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Get Murata Manufacturing Co Ltd (6981.T-JP:Tokyo Stock Exchange) real-time stock quotes, news, price and financial information from CNBC.
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https://www.cnbc.com/quotes/6981.T-JP
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https://eu.nkon.nl/rechargeable/li-ion/18650-size.html
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Rechargeable batteries - 18650
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[
"eneloop",
"sanyo",
"batterijen",
"powerex",
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"mh-C9000",
"laders",
"batterijenladers",
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"panasonic",
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"LG",
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"VTC4",
"VTC5",
"AAA",
"AA"
] | null |
[] | null |
NKON is a webshop, specialised in batteries, chargers en LED-flashlight. We ship worldwide!
|
en
|
https://eu.nkon.nl/rechargeable/li-ion/18650-size.html
|
JavaScript seems to be disabled in your browser.
You must have JavaScript enabled in your browser to utilize the functionality of this website.
|
||||||
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https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/company/business
|
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|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
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[
"会社概要",
"企業情報",
"村田製作所"
] | null |
[] | null |
We introduce you here to Murata Manufacturing's businesses.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/company/business
|
Murata electronic components and modules contribute to enriching people’s lives through their use in all sorts of electronic devices in everyday life, including televisions, PCs, and smartphones. Murata will also continue offering new value as an innovator in growing electronics fields such as communications, mobility, environment and wellness.
|
||||
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| 18
|
https://business.inquirer.net/24767/japanese-firm-to-invest-400m-over-six-years
|
en
|
Japanese firm to invest $400M over six years
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Abigail L. Ho"
] |
2011-10-14T20:03:02
|
The investment commitment of Murata Manufacturing Co. Ltd. in the Philippines will reach a total of $400 million over the next six years, going beyond
|
en
|
https://business.inquirer.net/icon/images/favicon.ico
|
INQUIRER.net
|
https://business.inquirer.net/24767/japanese-firm-to-invest-400m-over-six-years
|
The investment commitment of Murata Manufacturing Co. Ltd. in the Philippines will reach a total of $400 million over the next six years, going beyond just the new ceramic capacitor manufacturing facility that it is currently building in Batangas.
Trade Secretary Gregory Domingo said this investment pledge was secured during President Benigno Aquino III’s official visit to Japan late last month.
The initial tranche of the promised investment came in the form of a monolithic ceramic capacitor manufacturing plant, which would rise in Tanauan, within the First Philippine Industrial Park, and start running by January 2013.
The Japanese firm has a facility in the country called Murata Electronics Philippines Inc., located within the Philippine Economic Zone Authority’s Laguna Technopark in Sta. Rosa.
According to Murata, demand for electronic components had grown over the years, fueled by the popularity of smartphones and media tablets.
This prompted it to further expand its operations overseas, to capitalize on both cost and workforce skill advantages.
“Such demand is anticipated to grow even further in the future. In this environment, we have been examining the expansion of overseas production and the enhancement of our production base in order to meet our rising supply obligations,’’ a company statement read.
“Consequently, we have decided to establish a new overseas production base in the Philippines in view of securing a stable and abundant workforce and targeting emerging markets such as the Asean,’’ it added.
A number of other business agreements between Filipino and Japanese companies were also signed during Mr. Aquino’s official visit.
These included the agreements between Orix Corp. and Federal Land Corp. for the establishment of the Grand Hyatt Hotel at the Bonifacio Global City, between industrial gas firm Ingasco and Clark Development Corp. for a $50-million air separation plant to be built within the Clark Freeport, and between the Transnational Diversified Group and Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha Line for a $70-million maritime project.
|
||||
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| 56
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/more_murata/techmag/metamorphosis15/history
|
en
|
Brief History of Murata
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[
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"PR",
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[] | null |
About Murata. - Murata's technical Magazine metamorphosis no.15
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/more_murata/techmag/metamorphosis15/history
|
In occupied Japan, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers implemented a policy of promoting radio broadcasting, which caused a rapid increase in the demand for ceramic capacitors. In February 1951, Murata Manufacturing developed coal firing technology while going against the common thinking of the day, and built a factory in a small village (the current Echizen Town) in Fukui Pref. The Fukui Factory was later reorganized as a separate company under the name of Fukui Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. The Head Office of Murata Manufacturing moved to Yamashina in east Kyoto before being transferred again to Nagaoka Town (the current Nagaokakyo City) to the south of Kyoto in 1961.
|
||||
1259
|
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1
| 0
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https://www.murata.com/en-us/products
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en
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
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[
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2024-08-05T00:00:00
|
This is Murata Manufacturing's electronic components website. You can view detailed information on products such as capacitors, inductors, thermistors, sensors, communication modules, high frequency components, power supplies, batteries, and RFIDs.
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://www.murata.com/en-us/products
|
Online software loaded with functions for displaying various characteristics of components, downloading characteristics data and characteristic calculations.
This page provides the S-parameters, SPICE models, libraries for circuit simulators, and 3D data for CAD/CAE software.
Explore design support data and information about SimSurfing presented in a Q&A format.
Learn about Murata’s key company facilities: our sales offices, our research and development centers, and our plants.
Murata approaches innovation through collaboration. We form partnerships and provide the required resources with an open stance to build Win-Win relationships in a variety of areas with startups and research institutions.
Printed materials we offer, such as product catalogs and technical data, are available here as PDFs.
You can use the Stock Check service to locate inventory held by our authorized distributors, place a purchase order with them or request a quotation.
|
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https://www.uspto.gov/web/offices/ac/ido/oeip/taf/tecasg/336_torg.htm
|
en
|
Patenting In Technology Classes (Class 336, Inductor Devices), Breakout By Organization, CY 2011
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Home > Listing of Viewable PTMT Reports > Table of Contents for This Set of Reports
U.S. PATENT AND TRADEMARK OFFICE
Patent Technology Monitoring Team (PTMT)
Patenting In Technology Classes,
Breakout By Organization
Count of 2011 - 2015 Utility Patent Grants,
By Calendar Year of Grant
With Patent Counts Based on Primary Patent Classification
- Explanation of Data -
Rank Ordered Listing of Organizations Receiving 5 or More Utility Patents During the Period
Having Primary Classification In
Class 336, Inductor Devices
( technology class is determined by the primary classification assigned to the patent- see 'Explanation of Data' )
( patent ownership is determined by the first-named assignee listed on a patent )
PTMT Contacts
Questions regarding these reports should be directed to:
U.S. Patent and Trademark Office
Electronic Information Products Division - PTMT
P.O Box 1450
Alexandria VA 22313-1450
tel: (571) 272-5600
fax: (571) 273-0110
email: oeip@uspto.gov
address of PTMT pages at the USPTO Web Site: http://www.uspto.gov/web/offices/ac/ido/oeip/taf/reports.htm
selected PTMT files available for download at : http://www.uspto.gov/web/offices/ac/ido/oeip/taf/data/
Top
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https://www.murata.com/products/power
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en
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
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2024-07-19T00:00:00
|
Murata's Products. - Power Products
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://www.murata.com/products/power
|
Murata's compact, high-efficiency power products contribute toward greater energy conservation throughout society.
Encompassing everything from small to large power applications, we offer optimized solutions in the information and communications industries, to industrial customers, to customers in the medical field, and in other markets as well.
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murata_Machinery
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en
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Murata Machinery
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/static/favicon/wikipedia.ico
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https://en.wikipedia.org/static/favicon/wikipedia.ico
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2005-11-26T09:26:08+00:00
|
en
|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murata_Machinery
|
Japanese industrial machinery company
Not to be confused with Murata Manufacturing.
Murata Machinery, Ltd. (村田機械株式会社, Murata Kikai Kabushiki-gaisha), abbrev. MML, is a privately held Japanese international company founded in 1935 with its head office at Fushimi-ku, Kyoto
The company's main products are industrial machines such as textile machinery, turning machines, sheet metal machinery and communication equipment like digital multifunctional products. In addition, Murata Machinery provides factory automation and logistics systems centering on the automated storage and automated transportation systems, and also automated material handling systems for clean rooms designed for semiconductor fabs.
History
[edit]
Nishijin Jacquard Mfg., the predecessor of Murata Machinery, Ltd. was founded in 1935 and mainly developed the business of textile machinery. Nishijin Jacquart expanded into the machine tools industries in 1961, and automated systems in 1962. At that time, the company name was changed to the present Murata Machinery, Ltd. In 1970, Murata Machinery began selling facsimile machines in Japan.
In 1970, Murata Machinery's textile machinery division, developed the "Mach Splicer" device which can join yarn using air flow without knot. The Automatic Winders equipped with the Mach Splicer started to be delivered to worldwide factories and still remain the core products of this company. The synthetic fiber machine business was transferred to TMT Machinery, Inc., which was jointly funded in 2002 by the three leading manufacturers of synthetic fiber machinery in Japan that merged their synthetic textile machinery business units ; Toray Engineering, Murata Machinery and Teijin Seiki (present Nabtesco).[2]
Murata established its U.S.-based subsidiary, Murata Machinery USA in 1974.[3] The company entered the U.S. market in 1982 as Murata Business Systems to sell fax machines through private-label agreements with multiple U.S. companies. In January, 1985, the company began marketing its facsimile products under the Murata name from its corporate headquarters in Dallas, Texas.
In 1991, Murata Machinery company-wide introduced the new unified brand name, "MURATEC".[4]
In August 2009, the wholly owned subsidiary, Muratec Automation Co. Ltd., was established when Murata Machinery split the business unit for Automated Material Handling Systems for Semiconductor and FPD and acquired Asyst Technology Japan and then integrated these business units. In 2012, Muratec Automation was merged into Murata Machinery Ltd. and the Clean FA Division was established.
In 2011, Silex Technology, specializing in network and wireless technology, became a wholly owned subsidiary of Murata Machinery.[5]
In October 2014, Murata Machinery acquired 100% ownership of Cimcorp Oy of Finland, the top supplier for intralogistics in the tire industry and for retail and distribution customers.[6]
Engineering portal
Companies portal
References
[edit]
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https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/34022938/convocation-notice-for-the-70th-ordinary-general-meeting-murata
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Convocation Notice for The 70th Ordinary General Meeting ... - Murata
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https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/ir
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
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[
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"IR Information",
"Murata Manufacturing Co.",
"Ltd."
] | null |
[] |
2024-08-06T00:00:00
|
Murata's IR Information.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/ir
|
Murata Manufacturing is distributing its “Murata value report” which is an integrated profile that offers a total report of financial and non-financial information. We would appreciate if you could read it.
Learn about various initiatives in which Murata engages to remain a company trusted by society.
|
||||
1259
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 2
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https://www.linkedin.com/company/murata-electronics
|
en
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LinkedIn
|
https://media.licdn.com/dms/image/C4E0BAQEpEYCGN5ujLQ/company-logo_200_200/0/1630590129254/murata_electronics_logo?e=2147483647&v=beta&t=EnzRbYUf3Lvs9eY7mXp1R9aOO2CIvOgeAW7hySpNI1Q
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Murata | 69,664 followers on LinkedIn. Join the Innovators in Electronics. | ■About Murata
Murata is a global leader in the design, manufacture and supply of advanced electronic materials, leading edge electronic components, and multi-functional, high-density modules.
Murata components are everywhere. Though often unseen, our products are essential parts of the electronic devices you are using throughout each and every day: mobile phones, computers, cars, home appliances.
|
en
|
https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/al2o9zrvru7aqj8e1x2rzsrca
|
https://www.linkedin.com/company/murata-electronics
|
■About Murata Murata is a global leader in the design, manufacture and supply of advanced electronic materials, leading edge electronic components, and multi-functional, high-density modules. Murata components are everywhere. Though often unseen, our products are essential parts of the electronic devices you are using throughout each and every day: mobile phones, computers, cars, home appliances. More and more, Murata products are found in many new kind of applications such as healthcare devices and energy management systems. The world keeps on changing, and the world of electronics is changing even faster. As an Innovator in Electronics, Murata will keep on innovating, following its strong corporate philosophy, contributing to the advancement of society and shaping the future of the world of electronics. ■Murata's Social Media Policy https://www.murata.com/en-global/social ■Contact Information If you have any questions or inquiries to us, please click below. https://www.murata.com/en-global/contactform
Website
https://www.murata.com/
External link for Murata
Industry
Appliances, Electrical, and Electronics Manufacturing
Company size
10,001+ employees
Headquarters
Nagaokakyo-shi, Kyoto
Type
Public Company
Founded
1944
Specialties
Design, manufacture and sales of electronic components and modules including capacitors, sensors, resonators, filters, buzzers, connectors, isolators, RFID, wireless communication modules, power supplies, circuit modules, quartz devices, and more.
|
|||
1259
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dbpedia
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3
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https://www.statista.com/statistics/944342/japan-murata-net-sales-by-product/
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en
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Murata: sales by product 2021
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Capacitors accounted for more than 785 billion Japanese yen of the sales generated by Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
en
|
Statista
|
https://www.statista.com/statistics/944342/japan-murata-net-sales-by-product/
|
Survey time period
fiscal year 2021; the Japanese fiscal year starts on April 1 of the stated year and ends on March 31 of the following year
Supplementary notes
100 Japanese yen equal 0.74 U.S. dollars or 0.70 euros as of December 2022.
Figures have been rounded.
|
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1259
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dbpedia
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https://finance.yahoo.com/news/apple-supplier-stocks-slump-berkshire-064504783.html
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Apple Supplier Stocks Slump After Berkshire Nearly Halves Stake
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Kurt Schussler"
] |
2024-08-05T06:45:04+00:00
|
(Bloomberg) -- The shares of Apple Inc.’s suppliers slumped after Berkshire Hathaway Inc. nearly halved its stake in the iPhone maker. The decline came amid a broad market selloff Monday.Most Read from BloombergAfrica’s Richest City Needs $12 Billion to Fix InfrastructureNYC Subway Riders See ‘Exceptionally High’ Air PollutionHow a Tiny Midwestern Town Became a Mecca for Modern ArchitectureNew York City Paid $2 Million for Empty Hotel Rooms Meant for MigrantsNew York City’s Outdoor Dining Sheds
|
en
|
https://s.yimg.com/rz/l/favicon.ico
|
Yahoo Finance
|
https://finance.yahoo.com/news/apple-supplier-stocks-slump-berkshire-064504783.html
|
(Bloomberg) -- The shares of Apple Inc.’s suppliers slumped after Berkshire Hathaway Inc. nearly halved its stake in the iPhone maker. The decline came amid a broad market selloff Monday.
Most Read from Bloomberg
Africa’s Richest City Needs $12 Billion to Fix Infrastructure
NYC Subway Riders See ‘Exceptionally High’ Air Pollution
How a Tiny Midwestern Town Became a Mecca for Modern Architecture
New York City Paid $2 Million for Empty Hotel Rooms Meant for Migrants
New York City’s Outdoor Dining Sheds Will Start Disappearing
Taipei-listed iPhone assembler Hon Hai Precision Industry Co. and chipmaker Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. slid about 10% each. Among component makers Murata Manufacturing Co. tumbled 15% in Tokyo, while LG Innotek Co. tanked as much as 13% in Seoul and Luxshare Precision Industry Co. fell 7.7% in Shenzhen.
Berkshire Hathaway sold $75.5 billion worth of Apple stock on a net basis in the second quarter, sending Warren Buffett’s cash pile to a record $276.9 billion. The billionaire unloaded shares as US stock gauges climbed toward the peaks reached in mid-July, before the recent wave of profit-taking on the artificial intelligence rally.
“It should be hard for anyone to argue that this is not a market negative,” Mike O’Rourke, chief market strategist at Jonestrading, wrote in a report, referring to Berkshire’s sale of Apple shares.
Shares of Apple climbed 23% in three months to June and touched a record high on July 16, as hopes grew for the company’s AI offerings. However, Apple’s new AI features won’t be ready in time for the initial launch of its upcoming iPhone and iPad software overhauls, Bloomberg News reported last week.
Buffett’s firm revealed in May that it had reduced some of its position in Apple during the first quarter of the year. Even after the latest sales, Apple remains Berkshire’s largest single position.
“It was expected that Berkshire would continue dialing back its position in Apple, although the magnitude of the drop will likely surprise some people,” Adam Crisafulli of Vital Knowledge wrote in a note.
Most Read from Bloomberg Businessweek
What Happens When Ozempic Takes Over Your Town
Nate Silver Wants to Teach You How to Be a Better Gambler
Made-in-China Goes Upscale as a New Generation of Brands Battles Slowdown
Five Questions for Trump Adviser Scott Bessent
Mark Zuckerberg Is Laughing at Zuck Memes, Too
©2024 Bloomberg L.P.
|
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1259
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 36
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https://finbox.com/DB:MUR1/explorer/total_rev
|
en
|
The Complete Toolbox For Investors
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https://finbox.com/assets/favicon.ico?621d5c7d71ae97985e04
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[] |
[] |
[
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1259
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dbpedia
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https://www.ibisworld.com/us/company/murata-machinery-ltd/413233/
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en
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Murata Machinery Ltd. - Company Profile Report
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https://www.ibisworld.com/us/company/murata-machinery-ltd/413233/
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IBISWorld provides profiles on thousands of leading companies around the world. Our clients rely on our information and data to stay up-to-date on business and industry trends across all sectors of the economy. This company profile, along with the corresponding competitor and industry data provided, includes thoroughly researched, reliable and current information that will help you to make faster, better business decisions.
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1259
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http://www.mse.kit.ac.jp/vocation-e.html
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Kyoto Institue of Technology, Macromolecular Science and Engineering
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As Leading Engineers
Graduates from our undergraduate/graduate school contribute to the advancement of technology as leading engineers in a variety of industries, including chemical, polymer, biological, textile, mechanical, electronic, information, and transportation.
Place of Employment
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Xendee introduces microgrid control technology to reduce operational costs - Charged EVs
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
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] | null |
[
"Marilyn Burkley"
] |
2024-08-06T15:59:02+00:00
|
Xendee, developer of software for operation of distributed energy systems and EV charging infrastructure, has announced that multiple completed calibration projects related to its new OPERATE adaptive model predictive controller software have achieved operational cost savings of up to 79.4% over existing hardware and rule-based microgrid controllers. The projects included an installation at the University... Read more »
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en
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Charged EVs
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https://chargedevs.com/newswire/xendee-introduces-microgrid-control-technology-to-reduce-operational-costs/
|
Xendee, developer of software for operation of distributed energy systems and EV charging infrastructure, has announced that multiple completed calibration projects related to its new OPERATE adaptive model predictive controller software have achieved operational cost savings of up to 79.4% over existing hardware and rule-based microgrid controllers.
The projects included an installation at the University of California San Diego involving batteries and another in the Midwest involving generators, PV and batteries.
OPERATE employs the same background methodologies as Xendee’s DESIGN product. It makes use of machine learning and artificial intelligence-enabled forecasting to adaptively control and monitor distributed energy resources or microgrids based on such dynamic factors as weather and loads.
“With more players entering the microgrid market, the need for efficiency and accuracy in every stage of the project development process is increasingly important,” said Michael Stadler, co-founder, CTO and CMO of Xendee. “And an integrated approach to the different project stages is also crucial to achieve the optimal cost savings.”
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1259
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dbpedia
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https://www.marklines.com/en/top500/murata-manufacturing
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en
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
| null |
Oct. 1944 Akira Murata established a private firm, Murata Manufacturing, in Kyoto to manufacture ceramic capacitors. Dec. 1950 The Company was converted into a stock company with registered capital in the amount of 1 million yen. It adopted a new name, Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. Feb. 1961 The Company moved it its headquarters to Nagaokakyo City, Kyoto. Sept. 1962 Yokaichi Plant was completed and started operations. Sept. 1962 The Company acquired capital in Fukui Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd., in which the Company today owns all equity shares. March 1963 The Company was listed on the second section of the Osaka Securities Exchange. (Its stock was moved to the first section in February, 1970.) Dec. 1969 The Company was listed on the second section of the Tokyo Stock Exchange. (Its stock was moved to the first section in February, 1970.) Dec. 1972 The Company established Murata Electronics Singapore (Pte.) Ltd., a production and sales subsidiary in Singapore. Nov. 1978 The Company acquired a Taiwan-based production and sales company, which is currently called Taiwan Murata Electronics Co., Ltd. May 1981 The Company established Komatsu Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. Sept. 1982 The Company acquired capital in Denki Onkyo Co., Ltd. (Denki Onkyo was absorbed by the Company in April, 1989.) Oct. 1982 The Company established Toyama Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. Aug. 1983 The Company established Izumo Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. Aug. 1984 The Company established Kanazawa Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. April 1986 The Company established Murata Amazonia Industria e Comercio Ltda., a production and sales company in Brazil. July 1987 The Company started commercial production at its Yasu Plant. Sep. 1988 The Company established Murata Electronics (Thailand), Ltd., a production and sales subsidiary in Thailand. Oct. 1988 The Company established Murata Europe Management GmbH, the Group's regional headquarters in Europe.
(In August, 2004, this headquarters' functions were transferred to Murata Europe Management BV in the Netherlands. In April, 2005, Murata Europe Management GmbH was absorbed by Murata Elektronik GmbH.) Nov. 1988 The Company established Yokohama Technical Center. April 1992 The Company established Okayama Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. May 1993 The Company established Murata Electronics (Malaysia) Sdn. Bhd., a production and sales subsidiary in Malaysia. July 1994 The Company established Beijing Murata Electronics Co., Ltd., a production and sales subsidiary in China. Dec. 1994 The Company established Wuxi Murata Electronics Co., Ltd., a production and sales subsidiary in China. March 1999 The Company set up the Tokyo Branch. July 2001 The Company established Hong Kong Murata Electronics Company Limited, a production and sales company in Hong Kong. Jan. 2004 The Company acquired capital in Ogaki Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. (its current name) Aug. 2004 The Company established Murata Europe Management BV to oversee the Group's operations in Europe. Oct. 2004 The Company moved its headquarters to its current location. June 2005 The Company established Shenzhen Murata Technology Co., Ltd., a manufacturing facility in China. Dec. 2005 The Company established Murata (China) Investment Co., Ltd. to oversee the Group's sales activities in China. April 2006 The Company acquired SyChip, Inc., which develops, designs, and sells wireless communication modules in the U.S. Feb. 2007 The Company established Murata Electronics Singapore (Pte.) Ltd. India Liaison Office in India. Aug. 2007 The Company established a production and sales company, Murata Electronics Plant Shenzhen Co., Ltd., in China. Aug. 2007 The Company acquired the power electronics division of C&D Technologies, Inc. in the U.S.A. and established a production and sales company, Murata Power Solutions, Inc. Oct. 2010 Established Murata Electronics (India) Private Limited, a sales company in India. Oct. 2010 Established Murata Electronics (Vietnam) Co., Ltd., a sales company in Vietnam. Sep. 2011 Established Philippine Manufacturing Co. of Murata, Inc., a production and sales company in the Philippines. Mar. 2012 Transferred the power-amp business of Renesas Electronics Corporation. Aug. 2013 Acquired Tokyo Denpa Co., Ltd. Nov. 2016 Acquired Primatec Inc. Sept. 2017 Acquired Sony Corporation and Sony Group companies' battery business. Oct. 2017 Acquired Vios Medical, Inc. a development and sales company of healthcare products and monitoring software in the U.S. Dec. 2020 Established the Minato Mirai Innovation Center in Nishi Ward, Yokohama.
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Largest Japanese companies by market capitalization
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
List of the largest companies in Japan by market capitalization, all rankings are updated daily.
|
en
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https://companiesmarketcap.com/favicon.ico
|
https://companiesmarketcap.com/japan/largest-companies-in-japan-by-market-cap/
|
What is the market capitalization of a company?
The market capitalization sometimes referred as Marketcap, is the value of a publicly listed company.
In most cases it can be easily calculated by multiplying the share price with the amount of outstanding shares.
DISCLAIMER
|
|||||
1259
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dbpedia
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0
| 23
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https://news.futunn.com/en/post/45729199/the-afternoon-nikkei-average-started-at-a-loss-of-114
|
en
|
The afternoon Nikkei average started at a loss of 114 yen, with Murata Manufacturing and Daiichi Sankyo among others declining.
|
[
"https://pubimg.futunn.com/20220509000001821dfcd55b00c.jpg?imageMogr2/thumbnail/76x76!/ignore-error/1/format/webp",
"https://static.futunn.com/upload/website/template/hk/new-0ca9904ddb98dac7a342aef23bb4498b.png?_=1719886788396"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
[Nikkeiand TOPIX Stock Prices Table] Nikkei 38411.68, -114.27; TOPIX 2755.28, +0.83. In the afternoon session, the Nikkei started with a small decrease from the morning session (38369.54 yen), with a decrease of 114.27 yen to 38411.68 yen. During lunchtime, the Nikkei 225 futures traded in the range of 38340-38480 yen. The dollar - yen exchange rate remains about the same as 9:00 am, at 1 dollar = 152.70 - 80 yen.
|
en
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https://static.futunn.com/futunn_news_nuxt/static/favicon.ico
|
https://news.futunn.com/en/post/45729199/the-afternoon-nikkei-average-started-at-a-loss-of-114
|
[Nikkei Stock Average and TOPIX (Table)]
Nikkei average; 38411.68; -114.27.
TOPIX; 2755.28; +0.83.
Summary of the start of the afternoon session
In the afternoon session, the Nikkei average started with a slightly smaller decline from the morning session, starting at 38411.68 yen, down 114.27 yen from the previous day's close of 38369.54 yen. During the lunchtime, the Nikkei 225 futures were in a strong trend within the range of 38340 yen to 38480 yen. The dollar-yen was trading at the same level as around 9 a.m., at 152.70-80 yen. In Asia, after the Shanghai Composite Index started slowly, it turned upward and rose about 1.4%. Meanwhile, the Hang Seng Index in Hong Kong rose significantly by about 1.8% in the positive territory.
In the afternoon session of the Tokyo market, buying was slightly ahead of the morning session. At the beginning of the afternoon session, the results of the Bank of Japan's monetary policy decision meeting have not yet been announced. The fact that the downside of the Dow Jones futures, which was cheaper in the morning, is strong, and the Hong Kong Hang Seng Index is rising, is likely to be supporting the stock prices of the Tokyo market. However, some investors seem to be holding back from actively buying and want to see the results of the Bank of Japan's monetary policy decision meeting, Bank of Japan Governor Haruhiko Kuroda's press conference, the release of the Federal Open Market Committee's results at an early morning Japan time tomorrow, and the press conference by Federal Reserve Chairman Powell.
In sectors, air transportation, transportation equipment, and services are among the top decliners, while banks, marine transportation, and securities commodities futures are among the top gainers.
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dbpedia
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https://www.mwrf.com/leaders/components/company/21148565/murata-manufacturing
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] |
2000-11-23T00:00:00
|
Murata is a global leader in the design, manufacture and supply of advanced electronic materials, leading edge electronic components, and multi-functional, high-density modules...
|
en
|
https://img.mwrf.com/files/base/ebm/mwrf/image/uploads/1620837527960-favicon.ico
|
Microwaves & RF
|
https://www.mwrf.com/leaders/components/company/21148565/murata-manufacturing
|
COMPANY OVERVIEW
More Info on Murata Manufacturing
Articles & News
|
||||
1259
|
dbpedia
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0
| 8
|
https://www.logo.wine/logo/Murata_Manufacturing
|
en
|
gaisha Murata Seisakusho) Logo in SVG Vector or PNG File Format
|
[
"https://www.logo.wine/logo.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Murata_Manufacturing/Murata_Manufacturing-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Panasonic/Panasonic-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Omron/Omron-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Nippon_Chemi-Con/Nippon_Chemi-Con-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Nichicon/Nichicon-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Mitsubishi_Electric/Mitsubishi_Electric-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Kyocera/Kyocera-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Daikin/Daikin-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Toshiba/Toshiba-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Fujikura/Fujikura-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Hamamatsu_Photonics/Hamamatsu_Photonics-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Japan_Radio_Company/Japan_Radio_Company-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Canon_Inc./Canon_Inc.-Logo.wine.svg",
"https://www.logo.wine/logo.svg"
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Download from here the authentic and quality Murata Manufacturing (Kabushiki-gaisha Murata Seisakusho) logo in SVG vector or PNG file format.
|
en
|
/favicons/favicon-16x16.png
|
https://www.logo.wine/logo/Murata_Manufacturing
|
The content of this site is provided on an “as-is” and “as available” basis, and it is intended for non-commercial, informational purposes only, to educate and inform its website visitors about the Murata Manufacturing logo.
A third party person or company should never use the Murata Manufacturing logo without the written permission of the copyright and/or trademark holder. For any usage of Murata Manufacturing logo and brand elements, please contact Murata Manufacturing directly to request a licensing agreement.
By downloading the Murata Manufacturing logo from Logo.wine you hereby acknowledge that you agree to these Terms of Use and that the artwork you download could include technical, typographical, or photographic errors. Logo.wine does not warrant that any of the materials on its website are accurate, complete or current.
The logo images appearing on Logo.wine website are not associated with or sponsored by the copyright and/or trademark holder.
|
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1259
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2
| 41
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https://partners.sigfox.com/companies/murata-manufacturing-co.-ltd.
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://partners.sigfox.com/assets/logo-for/5c497ca290d7ea00017a0760
|
https://partners.sigfox.com/assets/logo-for/5c497ca290d7ea00017a0760
|
[
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Murata has developed small form factor LPWAN modules that support Sigfox communication. It is "Sigfox Verified" certified, enabling easy installation on customer's devices.
|
/app-assets/image/favicon/apple-touch-icon-57x57.png
|
https://partners.sigfox.com/companies/murata-manufacturing-co.-ltd.
|
Murata contributes to the advancement of society and the electronics industry by creating innovative products and solutions, in close cooperation with our customers and other stakeholders. Headquartered in Kyoto, Japan, we service our customers with a global network of manufacturing facilities and sales support.
Murata has developed small form factor LPWAN modules that support Sigfox communication. It is "Sigfox Verified" certified, enabling easy installation on customer's devices. Type ABZ ( Sigfox ) uses a STMicro STM32-based wireless microcontroller and SX1276 Semtech RFIC, operates in 860 to 930MHz frequency band. It provides a nominal output power of +14 dBm that can be boosted to +20 dBm for long range or poor signal location applications.
|
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1259
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| 57
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https://www.renesas.com/us/en/about/press-room/murata-manufacturing-and-renesas-electronics-sign-basic-agreement-transfer-high-power-amplifier
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing and Renesas Electronics Sign Basic Agreement to Transfer High-Power Amplifier Business to Murata Manufacturing
|
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[
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[
"Renesas Electronics Corporation"
] |
2011-07-30T01:00:00+09:00
|
en
|
/themes/idt8/favicon.ico
|
Renesas
|
https://www.renesas.com/us/en/about/press-room/murata-manufacturing-and-renesas-electronics-sign-basic-agreement-transfer-high-power-amplifier
|
KYOTO and TOKYO, Japan, July 29, 2011 — Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. (“Murata Manufacturing”, TSE/OSE: 6981), the world's number one supplier of passive electronic components, and Renesas Electronics Corporation (“Renesas Electronics”, TSE: 6723), a premier supplier of advanced semiconductor solutions, today announced that they signed a basic agreement to transfer Renesas Electronics' high-power amplifier (HPA) business and its manufacturing site, the Nagano Device Division (Komoro, Nagano) of Renesas Eastern Japan Semiconductor, Inc. (“Renesas Eastern Japan Semiconductor”), a wholly owned subsidiary of Renesas Electronics, to Murata Manufacturing. Based on the basic agreement signed today, the companies plan to conclude a definitive agreement of this business transfer, which is scheduled to be completed by January 1, 2012.
Details of the business transfer are under discussion and Murata Manufacturing and Renesas Electronics intend to disclose updates when confirmed information is available.
1. Background and goals of business transfer
With the growing demand for smartphones all over the world and the expansion of the low-end models in the developing countries, the market of mobile phones, which is the major user of power amplifiers, is experiencing a growing trend toward one-stop module and platform solutions that integrate basic communication functions in a device. In particular, demand is growing for modules that incorporate HPAs with radio frequency (RF) components, such as filters and switches.
In light of these changing business environments, while maintaining the world-leading market share of front-end modules (FEMs), Murata Manufacturing has been examining measures to strengthen its power amplifier technology in order to promote the integration of front-end modules including power amplifiers and to expand its business.
Renesas Electronics has been supplying power amplifier modules to the mobile handset makers without RF filters and switches. To further strengthen its business structure, the company has been studying ways to respond to the demand for a one-stop module that incorporates an FEM.
Murata Manufacturing and Renesas Electronics have been discussing the possibility of collaborating on a complementary supply of parts for communication devices. However, to respond to the changing business circumstances rapidly, the companies agreed and today signed a basic agreement in which Murata Manufacturing will acquire Renesas Electronics' power amplifier business and its manufacturing site, the Nagano Device Division of Renesas Eastern Japan Semiconductor.
Murata Manufacturing intends to further expand its business through integrated technologies of its world-leading FEMs and market-proven PAs.
2. Outline of business transfer
Renesas Electronics will transfer its HPA business and the Nagano Device Division of Renesas Eastern Japan Semiconductor, including its contract production business to Murata Manufacturing.
3. Schedule moving forward
End of October, 2011: Sign a definitive agreement for the business transfer (scheduled)
January 1, 2012: Date of business transfer (scheduled)
4. Outline of Murata Manufacturing and Renesas Electronics
(1) Company Name Murata Manufacturing Company, Ltd. Renesas Electronics Corporation (2) Major Operations Research, production and sales of electronic components and related products Research, development, design, manufacture, sales, and servicing of semiconductor products (3) Established December 23, 1950 November 1, 2002 (4) Registered Head Office 10-1, Higashikotari 1-chome, Nagaokakyo-shi, Kyoto 617-8555 1753 Shimonumabe, Nakahara-ku, Kawasaki, Kanagawa 211-8668, Japan (5) Representative President, Statutory Representative Director
Tsuneo Murata Representative Director and President
Yasushi Akao (6) Capital 69,377 million yen (as of
March 31, 2011) 153,255 million yen (as of
March 31, 2011) (7) Net Assets 821,144 million yen (Consolidated, as of
March 31, 2011) 291,058 million yen (Consolidated, as of
March 31, 2011) (8) Total Assets 988,508 million yen (Consolidated, as of
March 31, 2011) 1,145,048 million yen (Consolidated, as of
March 31, 2011) (9) Major
Stockholders and
Ownership Ratios JP Morgan Chase
Bank: 6.0%
Japan Trustee Services Bank, Ltd.: 5.5%
The Master Trust Bank of Japan, Ltd.: 4.2%
Nippon Life Insurance Company: 4.1% Hitachi, Ltd.: 30.62%
Mitsubishi Electric Corporation: 25.05%
Japan Trustee Services Bank, Ltd.: 18.75%
NEC Corporation: 16.71% (10) Present
Relationship
Between
Corporate Parties Capital Ties No relevant items Personal Ties No relevant items Business Relationship Murata Manufacturing supplies some passive components to Renesas Electronics. Renesas Electronics supplies some semiconductor devices to Murata Manufacturing. Relevant Circumstances of Related Parties No relevant items
5. Financial outlook in response to business transfer
Murata Manufacturing and Renesas Electronics intend to add details of the impact from the business transfer to their financial reports when confirmed information is available.
About Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. (TSE/OSE: 6981) is an integrated electronic component manufacturer which has developed and commercialized a wide array of electronic components since its foundation in 1944. We believe that "New quality electronic equipment begins with new quality components and new quality components begin with new quality materials. Guided by this principle, we expand our business based on material technologies. Then, Murata as an “Innovator in Electronics” supports the infrastructure of our electronics society by developing unique products. More information can be found at www.murata.com
About Renesas Electronics Corporation
Renesas Electronics Corporation (TSE: 6723) delivers trusted embedded design innovation with complete semiconductor solutions that enable billions of connected, intelligent devices to enhance the way people work and live. A global leader in microcontrollers, analog, power and SoC products, Renesas provides comprehensive solutions for a broad range of automotive, industrial, infrastructure, and IoT applications that help shape a limitless future. Learn more at renesas.com. Follow us on LinkedIn, Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube.
The content in the press release, including, but not limited to, product prices and specifications, is based on the information as of the date indicated on the document, but may be subject to change without prior notice.
|
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1259
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1
| 1
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https://www.murata.com/en-us/search/productsearch
|
en
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Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
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[] |
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[
"Murata Manufacturing Co.",
"Ltd."
] | null |
[] | null |
Search result of Murata's products. You can search our products by conditions such as specifications, features, applications, production status. Search Conditions :
|
en
|
https://www.murata.com/en-us/search/productsearch
|
About Part Number Search
・Enter a part number or a series name into the text box in the upper left of the screen to search by part number.
*Part number and series name cannot be searched simultaneously. In case you search them simultaneously, the part number will take precedence.
・For example:
In case of part number: LQP02TN0N4B02# ("#" at the end is the packaging code)
In case of series name: LQP02TN_02
・When searching multiple part numbers or series names, enter only one item per line.
・New line can be entered with Shift+Enter.
・When searching multiple part numbers or series names, up to 100 items can be searched simultaneously.
About Using Wildcards
・An asterisk (*) and question mark (?) can be used as wildcards. When an asterisk (*) is entered in a character string where a portion of a part number being searched is unknown, products can be searched as a condition specifying any character string. A question mark (?) can be used as a condition specifying any character string.
・For example: LQP*TN0N4B0?
|
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https://www.nxp.com/webapp/connect/displayPartnerProfile.sp%3FpartnerId%3D8220
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://www.nxp.com/favicon.ico
|
https://www.nxp.com/favicon.ico
|
[
"https://www.nxp.com/resources/images/nxp-logo.svg"
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[] |
[] |
[
"Murata Manufacturing",
"NXP modules",
"Type 1XL (88W9098)",
"1YM (88W8997)",
"1ZM (88W8987)",
"and 1XK (IW416)",
"2DS (88W8801)",
"and ABR (88MW320)",
"Wi-Fi modules",
"Wi-Fi + Bluetooth modules"
] | null |
[] | null |
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. is a worldwide leader in the design, manufacture and sale of ceramic-based passive electronic components & solutions, commun
|
/favicon.ico
| null | |||||
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https://solution.murata.com/en-global/collaboration/
|
en
|
Murata Is Looking for Partners to Create the Future: Murata Open Innovation｜Murata Manufacturing
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Murata approaches innovation through collaboration. We form partnerships and provide the required resources with an open stance to build Win-Win relationships in a variety of areas with startups and research institutions.
|
en
|
/core/misc/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing
|
https://solution.murata.com/en-global/collaboration/
|
Our Stance toward Collaboration
Murata’s history begins with technology, knowledge, and people it encountered through collaboration with universities.
For the 70 plus years since then we have continued to produce new value through collaboration in a variety of formats with many partners,
such as research institutions and companies.
Murata ceaselessly passes on the DNA for producing innovative value together with collaboration partners.
|
||||
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| 36
|
https://news.fintel.io/news/murata-manufacturing-co-tse-6981-price-target-increased-by-1001-to-3-92013-597
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co. (TSE:6981) Price Target Increased by 10.01% to 3,920.13
|
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[
""
] | null |
[
"George Maybach"
] |
2024-08-06T19:07:48.601000
|
en
|
/images/apple-touch-icon.png
| null |
The average one-year price target for Murata Manufacturing Co. (TSE:6981) has been revised to ¥3,920.13 / share. This is an increase of 10.01% from the prior estimate of ¥3,563.40 dated July 2, 2024.
The price target is an average of many targets provided by analysts. The latest targets range from a low of ¥3,030.00 to a high of ¥4,641.00 / share. The average price target represents an increase of 51.83% from the latest reported closing price of ¥2,582.00 / share.
Murata Manufacturing Co. Maintains 2.09% Dividend Yield
At the most recent price, the company’s dividend yield is 2.09%.
Additionally, the company’s dividend payout ratio is 0.52. The payout ratio tells us how much of a company’s income is paid out in dividends. A payout ratio of one (1.0) means 100% of the company’s income is paid in a dividend. A payout ratio greater than one means the company is dipping into savings in order to maintain its dividend - not a healthy situation. Companies with few growth prospects are expected to pay out most of their income in dividends, which typically means a payout ratio between 0.5 and 1.0. Companies with good growth prospects are expected to retain some earnings in order to invest in those growth prospects, which translates to a payout ratio of zero to 0.5.
The company’s 3-Year dividend growth rate is 0.35% , demonstrating that it has increased its dividend over time.
What is the Fund Sentiment?
There are 324 funds or institutions reporting positions in Murata Manufacturing Co.. This is an increase of 3 owner(s) or 0.93% in the last quarter. Average portfolio weight of all funds dedicated to 6981 is 0.37%, an increase of 15.58%. Total shares owned by institutions decreased in the last three months by 1.73% to 205,834K shares.
What are Other Shareholders Doing?
VGTSX - Vanguard Total International Stock Index Fund Investor Shares holds 23,238K shares representing 1.23% ownership of the company. In its prior filing, the firm reported owning 22,966K shares , representing an increase of 1.17%. The firm decreased its portfolio allocation in 6981 by 12.36% over the last quarter.
DODFX - Dodge & Cox International Stock Fund holds 22,191K shares representing 1.18% ownership of the company. No change in the last quarter.
VTMGX - Vanguard Developed Markets Index Fund Admiral Shares holds 13,900K shares representing 0.74% ownership of the company. In its prior filing, the firm reported owning 13,683K shares , representing an increase of 1.56%. The firm decreased its portfolio allocation in 6981 by 15.30% over the last quarter.
IEFA - iShares Core MSCI EAFE ETF holds 10,209K shares representing 0.54% ownership of the company. In its prior filing, the firm reported owning 9,791K shares , representing an increase of 4.10%. The firm decreased its portfolio allocation in 6981 by 10.89% over the last quarter.
|
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https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/company/corporate_governance
|
en
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"Corporate Governance",
"CSR Management",
"Corporate Social Responsibility",
"About MURATA",
"Murata Manufacturing Co.",
"Ltd"
] | null |
[] | null |
This section introduces Murata's Corporate Governance
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd.
|
https://corporate.murata.com/en-us/company/corporate_governance
|
At Murata, we position corporate governance as one of our most important management focuses. Seeking to realize sound corporate growth and development while also considering all our stakeholders, we work constantly to establish and ensure the efficient functioning of optimal management systems.
Furthermore, with the purpose of contributing to sustainable growth and increasing corporate value over the medium to long term, Corporate Governance Guidelines have been established as basic principles underlying corporate governance.
Corporate Governance Guidelines (PDF: 152KB)
Moreover, we confirmed the status of our implementation of the principles of Japan’s Corporate Governance Code, which sets out the major principles for effective corporate governance, and submitted a Corporate Governance Report to the Tokyo Stock Exchange.
|
||||
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| 97
|
https://www.infineon.com/dgdl/Infineon-TC3Ex_AA-step-DataSheet-v01_10-EN.pdf%3FfileId%3D8ac78c8c8eeb092c018f0a5eb0800a32
|
en
|
Semiconductor & System Solutions
|
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
"infineon",
"semiconductor",
"technology"
] | null |
[
"Infineon Technologies AG"
] | null |
Infineon semiconductor solutions - MCUs, sensors, automotive & power management ICs, memories, USB, Bluetooth, WiFi, LED drivers, radiation hardened devices.
|
en
|
/frontend/release_2024-06/dist/resources/img/favicon.ico
|
https://www.infineon.com/cms/en/
|
Infineon opens the world’s largest and most efficient SiC power semiconductor fab in Malaysia
Slight increase in revenue and earnings in Q3 FY 2024. Further improvement expected in Q4 FY 2024. Full-year forecast well within the previously guided range
Infineon introduces new CoolGaN™ Drive product family of integrated single switches and half-bridges with integrated drivers
|
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| 56
|
https://www.ibselectronics.com/resources/news/murata-s-inductor-factory-continues-to-shut-down,-supply-chain-fluctuations-may-lead-to-substitution/
|
en
|
Murata's Inductor Factory Continues to Shut Down, Supply Chain Fluctuations May Lead to Substitution
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https://www.ibselectronics.com/resources/news/murata-s-inductor-factory-continues-to-shut-down,-supply-chain-fluctuations-may-lead-to-substitution/
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At the beginning of the new year, an earthquake occurred in Japan, which affected many semiconductor manufacturers. Among them, many Murata factories were greatly affected by the earthquake. On January 17, Murata updated the disaster situation announcement and announced the latest progress of all 13 Hokuriku factories affected by the Noto Peninsula earthquake.
Most of the affected factories have gradually resumed production since January 9. However, Himi Murata Manufacturing, WAKURA Manufacturing, and Shasana Water Manufacturing are still suspended. The announcement stated that Himi Murata Manufacturing expects to gradually resume production from early February. WAKURA Manufacturing and Anamizu Manufacturing are still confirming the status of infrastructure and equipment, and the production recovery time has not yet been determined.
The Hokuriku region of Japan is an important base for the electronic equipment industry and is also regarded as a business center by Murata. A large number of electronic components are developed and produced in the region. As of now, Murata's other 10 factories in the Hokuriku region that produce MLCC and other products have resumed production in an orderly manner.
Among the three factories that have not yet resumed operations, Himi Manufacturing mainly produces piezoelectric ceramic filters and resonators, Wakura Manufacturing produces resin multilayer substrates, and Anamizu Manufacturing produces inductance products and some noise suppression productdevices.
Anamizu Manufacturing Co., Ltd. was the most affected by the earthquake. A notice from Murata also leaked out in the industry, saying that it is not expected to resume production at Anamizu Murata Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in the short term.
The impact of the earthquake interrupting production line production must be objective. Piezoelectric ceramic filters, resonators, and inductance products are widely used in consumer wireless equipment such as home appliances and mobile phones, and high-end models of such products are based on customer requirements. The application is highly customizable.
Considering that Murata has many factories in other parts of Japan, and the previous capacity utilization rate has not reached the upper limit, it stands to reason that the impact of the short shutdown caused by the earthquake will not be too great. However, Murata's downstream supply chain is still affected to varying degrees, especially the inductor series responsible for Anamizu Manufacturing.
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