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4979	dbpedia	3	5	https://worldvectorlogo.com/logo/smartone-logo	en	Smartone Vector Logo - Download Free SVG Icon			[ "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/logo.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/facebook-icon-white.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/facebook-icon-blue.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/smartone-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/indeed-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/toyota-car-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/mobil-logo-1.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/rolex-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/sephora-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/dunlop-1.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/soriana-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/gazprom-logo.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/flying-colours-design-consultants-ltd.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/chippy.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/iq-link.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/e-mu-systems.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/southern-fried-chicken.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/air-ukraine.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/linpac.svg", "https://cdn.worldvectorlogo.com/logos/ipai.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/loremlorem.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/coinranking.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/coinhodler.svg", "https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/language.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "vector logo", "brand logo", "AI", "SVG", "EPS", "PDF", "CorelDRAW", "logo", "vector", "download", "Illustrator", "InDesign", "Photoshop", "brand", "icon", "illustration" ]	null	[]	null	Download Smartone logo vector in SVG format. This logo is compatible with EPS, AI, PSD and Adobe PDF formats.	en	https://worldvectorlogo.com/static/img/favicon.ico		https://worldvectorlogo.com/logo/smartone-logo	Download SVG By downloading Smartone vector logo you agree with our terms of use.
4979	dbpedia	3	70	https://www.klsmartin.com/en/products/electrosurgery/hf-disposable-accessories-smartoner/	en	HF disposable accessories smartOne®	https://www.klsmartin.co…x_14e2686e27.jpg	https://www.klsmartin.co…x_14e2686e27.jpg	[ "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3conf/ext/contentelements/Resources/Public/img/logo.png", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3conf/ext/contentelements/Resources/Public/img/logo_gray.png", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3temp/assets/_processed_/5/3/csm_smartOne_Titel_1920x495px_02_7ba4a66d85.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3temp/assets/_processed_/3/8/csm_smartOne_Titel_1920x495px_03_c38f621e81.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3temp/assets/_processed_/2/3/csm_Smoke_evacuation_smartOne_VAC_735x370px_01_c57fc54afb.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3temp/assets/_processed_/d/9/csm_Smoke_evacuation_smartOne_Handgriffe_Handles_735x370px_01_224a842d7f.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/fileadmin/user_upload/Homepage/Products/Electrosurgery/Accessories/Monopolar_single_use/Thumbnail_smartOne_Handles_and_Electrodes_1280x720.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/typo3temp/assets/_processed_/6/b/csm_Smoke_evacuation_smartOne_Elektroden_Electrodes_735x370px_01_1004e4a5ee.jpg", "https://www.klsmartin.com/fileadmin/_processed_/6/f/csm_SmartOne_Mikro_Dissektion_Micro_dissection_735x413px_2f0414d991.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	We offer you an extensive range of instruments in the field of monopolar disposable accessories. This includes smartOne® Vac, smartOne® Handles and smartOne® Electrodes.	en	https://www.klsmartin.com/favicon.ico		https://www.klsmartin.com/en/products/electrosurgery/hf-disposable-accessories-smartoner/	The safe and easy solution for oralmaxillofacial, plastic and dental surgery! Precision at its finest The smartOne® micro dissection needle electrodes are especially for fine and small incisions. Due to the fine tip of the electrodes, it is possible to precisely prepare the tissue before insertion of the implant. nonStick tungsten material All smartOne® micro dissection needles are made of tungsten. This innovative material prevents the tissue from attaching, thus avoiding undesired bleeding Full power with low settings
4979	dbpedia	2	10	https://smart-one.ca/blog/highlighting-smartones-top-5-features-for-a-comfortable-community-experience/	en	SmartONE's Top 5 Features for a Comfortable Community Exp...	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	[ "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/220704_blog2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/220704_blog1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/bullets_black_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/blog220718_2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/220704_blog2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/220620_blog1-1-scaled.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/20220517_blog_2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/20220603_blog_1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/20220504_blog_1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/blog220322-hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/blog220315-hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec15pic1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec6_hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/nov30blog-1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/AdobeStock_184252135.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/BringingSmartLiving_1_Hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/SafeCommunity_hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/BrainsOfOperation_main.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Dani Matti" ]	2022-07-04T01:52:01-04:00	Innovation has always been at the heart of the SmartONE solution. From smart lighting to Scenes, we’ve always been at the forefront of the smart revolution.	en	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…avicon_64x64.png	SmartONE - The skyline is getting smarter	https://smart-one.ca/blog/highlighting-smartones-top-5-features-for-a-comfortable-community-experience/	Innovation has always been at the heart of our solution. As life changes, our engineers have adapted our product to be able to change with it. From smart lighting that provides accessibility options for hard-of-hearing residents to our Scenes features that allow families to automate their routines, we’ve always been at the forefront of the smart building revolution. We also listen to what people are asking for to ensure we target innovation to things you want, Here are five features to enhance your smart community: 1) Scenes: Programming your day at the touch of a button SmartONE’s scenes feature helps residents create experiences tailored to their needs. Every Zigbee-enabled smart device in a resident’s suite, from lights and blinds to coffee machines and Alexa, can connect with the SmartONE wall pad, creating a central hub that allows people to program when those devices turn on and off and how they function. Busy residents can create a “good morning” scene that opens the blinds and starts the coffee-machine while they get ready for work, while a family with young kids can create a “good night” scene that dims the lights and closes the blinds in their child’s room at a certain time each night. Special mention: SmartONE’s smart blinds – in partnership with Somfy – are an especially useful feature that can be controlled through our wall pad and our app. Residents can open or close their blinds at the touch of a button, without moving from the couch. This is especially helpful for those with movement disabilities or arthritis. 2) Book at your leisure – our amenity booking feature Our amenity booking feature allows property managers and residents to pre-schedule time-based access to a building’s amenities through our app. This was, and continues to be, an especially popular feature during the pandemic, when social distancing protocols were in place and amenity spaces were limited. This feature effectively streamlines this process for property managers while being an efficient way to enforce health and safety protocols and also provides valuable demand data that can be used when developing shared facility policies within a community. 3) An app that always meets your needs The SmartONE app is an extension of our solution that allows residents to control their living space regardless of where they are. Through the app, residents can monitor their doorbell cameras, receive alarms and important building information from property managers, and effortlessly manage their smart home features. “The beauty of our app is that it’s fully customizable to both developer and resident needs,” said Gayatri Mahajan, SmartONE’s Software Product Owner. “It’s built in such a way that we can easily add features and incorporate any third-party integration a developer or property manager requests. Our app is flexible. That’s what sets us apart from our competition.” Upcoming app developments include: Availability in French SmartONE’s wall pad, mobile app and management console will soon be offered in French Canadian as well as English. As a company that values inclusivity, we’re excited to simplify the smart tech experience for French-speaking residents. Elevator calling Who hasn’t waited an exorbitant amount of time for an elevator, while already late to work? In a condo, elevators are a basic necessity, which is why we now have a call feature that will allow residents to use the app to call the elevator before leaving their unit. 4) Management console – giving property managers a leg up SmartONE’s property management console allows managers in smart buildings to communicate with residents, mitigate risks, improve operations and manage amenities. Through the console, property managers can: Add and remove residents from the system if they’re having trouble installing the app Send timely announcements and push notifications Control and track amenity booking Monitor leak and smoke detectors in every unit to offer emergency assistance is required In the future, the console could provide additional in-suite amenity controls as needs evolve, such as allowing property managers to access in-suite environmental controls. This would be done with resident privacy and security in mind. 5) Going green made easy – energy consumption features Residents can program our smart thermostats through the scene feature to stay at a certain temperature at certain times of the day, which also helps improve energy conservation. Residents can also control their thermostats remotely through our app. Working with sub-metering partners, SmartONE now offers energy consumption reports for in-suite energy use. This helps residents identify how much energy is consumed per unit. This information will be available to residents via the app, and will later be extended to property managers through the management console, again keeping privacy in mind. “We’re not just giving users controlled thermostats from their phones, we’re giving them a complete solution to manage their smart homes,” said Mahajan. “We’re going to help them be smart about their energy conservation. Residents need to know how much energy they’re consuming and how efficient they are. As a resident myself, I’m keen to know.” Constantly adapting to meet resident needs SmartONE never stands still. Our features are inherently flexible and customizable, allowing developers to create the perfect smart building community for their residents. To learn more about our solution and book a demo, contact us here.
4979	dbpedia	2	91	https://www.thefastmode.com/technology-solutions/11507-hong-kongs-smartone-to-start-nationwide-massive-mimo-deployment-in-2018	en	Hong Kong's SmarTone to Start Nationwide Massive MIMO Deployment in 2018	https://www.thefastmode.…=20171031_035205	https://www.thefastmode.…=20171031_035205	[ "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Nokia/2024_campaign_5/2024_campaign_5_728.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/src/0798e5f530230e10e4724fbc28aaf4cc.jpg?t=20171031_035205", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/RohdeandSchwarz/2024_campaign_5/inarticle.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/users/2.jpg?date=070823", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/4cba551828cc8e3cc6c230133c52abef_M.jpg?t=20240815_021624", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/a3563034deee4b36737fdb5c33612f6d_M.jpg?t=20240813_063758", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/a40d4a4936057d52797aa7ee31de0e9e_M.jpg?t=20240809_012122", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/8e1f172dec2f4c083711961780f3594a_M.jpg?t=20240807_033744", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/be55e544b931cdbbb0ba89d08db3e608_M.jpg?t=20240807_021220", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/16bd6edde660697e40aad043d6a9cc28_M.jpg?t=20240807_012437", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/87be9771a737c68080d9921d5bbe78cf_M.jpg?t=20240806_065408", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/70d97f47a93f236f7349f4961aa21742_M.jpg?t=20240806_023615", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Nokia/2024_campaign_5/2024_campaign_5_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_300.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Commscope/2024_campaign_6/2024_campaign_6_300.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/RohdeandSchwarz/2021_campaign_1_banner_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/2020AndOnwardsEventBannerAds/2024M360APACBanner.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/2020AndOnwardsEventBannerAds/2024ACCBanner.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/SocialMedia/skyline_background.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/templates/shaper_simplicity_ii/images/logo.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/SocialMedia/skyline_background.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/templates/shaper_simplicity_ii/images/logo.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/facebook.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/twitter.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/youtube.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/itunes-1.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/rss.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/pinterest.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone Ericsson to trial FDD Massive MIMO" ]	null	[ "Ray Sharma" ]	2017-10-31T03:30:00	Hong Kong's mobile operator SmarTone has partnered with Ericsson to trial FDD Massive MIMO technology in the 1.8GHz band as part of the operator’s...	en	/favicon.ico		https://www.thefastmode.com/technology-solutions/11507-hong-kongs-smartone-to-start-nationwide-massive-mimo-deployment-in-2018	Hong Kong's mobile operator SmarTone has partnered with Ericsson to trial FDD Massive MIMO technology in the 1.8GHz band as part of the operator’s evolution towards the 5G. The trial which represents the first of its kind for operators in Hong Kong, is proving the capabilities of this key technology ahead of the live deployment in 2018 of AIR 3246, Ericsson’s new radio that can support Massive MIMO over 4G/LTE with Ericsson’s 5G Massive MIMO Plug-In. The Operator plans to upgrade its network nationwide with Massive MIMO technology after the trial is completed early in 2018, starting in the most congested areas such as Central and Causeway Bay districts. Massive MIMO is a key technology that bridges network evolution from 4G to 5G, adding intelligent capacity and boosting user experience. Massive MIMO on FDD yields a multi-fold increase of network capacity and increase user throughput by up to five times, boosting performance for end users. Ericsson has recently launched its first radio, AIR 3246, supporting FDD Massive MIMO for both 4G and 5G. The technology enables operators – especially in metropolitan areas – to bring 5G to subscribers using today’s mid-band spectrum and boost capacity in their LTE networks.
4979	dbpedia	2	29	https://theitmediagroup.com/for-cios/technology/317-smartone-%25E2%2580%2593-smart-communities,-smart-cities-and-iot.html	en	SmartONE – Smart Communities, Smart Cities and IOT			[ "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/logo.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/ico_home.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/ico_xmap.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/templates/itmedia/images/system/arrow.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/templates/itmedia/images/system/arrow.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/templates/itmedia/images/system/arrow.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/menu1.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/mail.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/search.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/banners/tech.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/logos/smartone_logo_black.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/components.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/services.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/people/ted%20maulucci.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/house_ads/vip subscribe.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/house_ads/amdocs%202024-10-09%20big%20box_final.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/house_ads/2021%20executive%20insights.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/house_ads/itmg%2010th%20anniversary%202%20big%20box_final.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/2024%20collision%20toronto.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/2024%20genai%20barriers.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/2024%20ai%20canada.jpg", "https://i.ytimg.com/vi/TuDmRdV1tY4/mqdefault.jpg", "https://i.ytimg.com/vi/wcf8hVwdPqM/mqdefault.jpg", "https://i.ytimg.com/vi/pePVAopM6cY/mqdefault.jpg", "https://i.ytimg.com/vi/eoRVMYqUcr8/mqdefault.jpg", "https://i.ytimg.com/vi/XBQFoftefTo/mqdefault.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/2022-security-essentials-cover.jpg", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/video_thumbs/roundtable%20promo%20video%20thumb.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/theitmg_on_twitter.png", "https://theitmediagroup.com/images/stories/linkedin_in_icon_35px.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Jeff Ishii" ]	null		en	/templates/itmedia/favicon.ico		null	Details Written by Ted Maulucci There are many articles, conferences and general banter about Smart Communities, Smart Cities and IOT. – AND - I am not complaining, because it is an area of great opportunity and a place where North America lags much of the world in implementation. Any attention is good attention, as far as I am concerned, and it is an area where I would love to see flourishing activity. I have been working in this space for close to twelve years and I will not be the first to tell you that IOT and Smart Buildings have been around for a long time. I know people that have worked on it since the late 80’s. I don’t know the answer as to why the adoption has been slow, but I would like to take this opportunity to demystify the whole concept. So much attention is given to the solutions and possibilities and little to what is actually required to yield the benefits. A good analogy is that everyone is focusing on the shiny ornaments that will hang on the Christmas tree, rather than the tree itself and the beauty of the ornament is nothing without the tree. So what does this Christmas tree really look like? The starting point is the network and I realize that IP protocol is not exciting and switching has become commoditized, but it is the basic starting point of any Smart Community IOT initiative. If you can’t connect the things, you can’t listen to what they are saying and you can’t tell them what to do. We all have to make our presentations to Executive teams and explaining the network is not always the simplest thing, especially when it requires an investment. I always use the analogy of the human nervous system. We don’t have nerves exclusively for sight, for hearing, for touch, and for motor activity in our muscles, we have one central nervous system connecting all things within the body. Our central nervous system reads all the sensors and becomes the pathway to make us react and do things. It is same with connected communities. The second component is interfaces or places where people can get visibility into what is going on in the community. If you want to change behaviour for enhanced sustainability, you have to be able to present the option to the person to decide to set back the thermostat. If you want security, people need to see cameras in the community and be able to engage in dialog around safety and security concerns. If your security alarm goes off, you want people to be notified. The Christmas tree is a giant communication platform with multiple ways to communicate with the people engaged in the overall system. The third component is compute, or cloud, which is term that I generally don’t use, because the media has beaten it to death. The compute is the brain, reading the sensor inputs and telling parts of the system what to do and providing messaging to the people in the system. Here is the place for Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning, completing an ecosystem that can scale and deliver services that matter. My last frustration with IOT and Smart Home is that it is not about dimming the lights and turning down the music when your girlfriend comes over or changing the colours of lighting. All very cool stuff, but save it for the magic show. It is generally not what the mass market wants and needs. I believe that it is about services that matter, and technology that becomes invisible, supportive, but not invasive. I always break it down into sustainability, security, and services. Once the three components are in place, there is an endless opportunity to create solutions that leverage the network, interfaces and computational power to create better places for people to live. Smart cameras can intelligently assess bad situations and tell people about it. Time of use energy rates can be communicated and acted on in real time to save you money and contribute to a sustainable environment. Integrated and automated locker systems can deliver on-line orders to your community fulfillment centre. SmartONE Solutions is a smart community company that focuses on the delivery of all components to create a smart community. We build networks and are leveraging the Commax smart community platform from Korea. In my multi-year pursuit of smart communities, I found that the North American Smart Home providers have focused on homes and not a bunch of homes that share common infrastructure. The North American systems are not built to have 700 people looking at the same front door camera, or controlling the same main entrance. In Korea, however, every building has a Smart Community solution and they have integrated parking and package delivery solutions. I typically give the analogy that the system is a giant intercom. It is video phone hardware first and a smart home and community system second. I am excited about this work, because I can clearly see the impact and the opportunity to create better places for people to live. I know that it is cliché but, It is not about the technology, it is about the people and creating services that matter!
4979	dbpedia	3	6	https://www.logo.wine/logo/SmarTone	en	Download SmarTone (數碼通) Logo in SVG Vector or PNG File Format	https://www.logo.wine/fa…avicon-16x16.png	https://www.logo.wine/fa…avicon-16x16.png	[ "https://www.logo.wine/logo.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/SmarTone/SmarTone-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_Greece/Vodafone_Greece-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/SoftBank_Group/SoftBank_Group-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone/Vodafone-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Verizon_Wireless/Verizon_Wireless-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_India/Vodafone_India-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodacom/Vodacom-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Ziggo/Ziggo-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_UK/Vodafone_UK-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_(Australia)/Vodafone_(Australia)-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Elisa_(company)/Elisa_(company)-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_Germany/Vodafone_Germany-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/a/logo/Vodafone_Albania/Vodafone_Albania-Logo.wine.svg", "https://www.logo.wine/logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Download from here the authentic and quality SmarTone (數碼通) logo in SVG vector or PNG file format.	en	/favicons/favicon-16x16.png		https://www.logo.wine/logo/SmarTone	The content of this site is provided on an “as-is” and “as available” basis, and it is intended for non-commercial, informational purposes only, to educate and inform its website visitors about the SmarTone logo. A third party person or company should never use the SmarTone logo without the written permission of the copyright and/or trademark holder. For any usage of SmarTone logo and brand elements, please contact SmarTone directly to request a licensing agreement. By downloading the SmarTone logo from Logo.wine you hereby acknowledge that you agree to these Terms of Use and that the artwork you download could include technical, typographical, or photographic errors. Logo.wine does not warrant that any of the materials on its website are accurate, complete or current. The logo images appearing on Logo.wine website are not associated with or sponsored by the copyright and/or trademark holder.
4979	dbpedia	2	25	https://www.sustainalytics.com/esg-rating/smartone-telecommunications-holdings-ltd/1007990634	en	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Ltd. ESG Risk Rating			[ "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/branding/sustainalytics_web_svg_white.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/default-album/linkedin.svg?sfvrsn=fd99036b_3", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/icons/twitter-x.svg?sfvrsn=6af5a605_2", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/default-album/facebook.svg?sfvrsn=903ca9fa_3" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	View the ESG Risk Rating for SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Ltd. See Sustainalytics’ high-quality public ESG risk ratings for over 10,000 companies.	en	/favicon.png?v=2.0	sustainalytics.com	https://www.sustainalytics.com/esg-rating/smartone-telecommunications-holdings-ltd/1007990634	Notice: The information is provided as is, for informational, non-commercial purposes only, does not constitute investment advice and is subject to conditions available in our Legal Disclaimer. They are not directed to, or intended for distribution to or use by India-based clients or users and their distribution to Indian resident individuals or entities is not permitted. Usage of this information is not permitted in any way, unless otherwise agreed in writing. By way of exception, usage of this information is permitted to the rated subject, limited to a single reference to the score on the rated subject’s sustainability webpage or CSR report, mentioning Sustainalytics as a source. For referencing Sustainalytics please consult the Company Guide.
4979	dbpedia	3	69	http://www.imei.info/carriers/hong-kong/smartone/	en	SmarTone Hong Kong	http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/imei/img/favicons/favicon.png	http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/imei/img/favicons/favicon.png	[ "http://www.imei.info/media/op/smartone.png", "http://www.imei.info/media/op/smartone.png", "http://www.imei.info/media/flags/Hong_Kong.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/imei/img/homepage.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/en.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/ar.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/zh.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/cs.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/fr.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/de.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/hi.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/id.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/it.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/ja.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/ko.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/pl.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/pt.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/ru.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/sk.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/es.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/th.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/tr.png", "http://www.imei.info/static/v9caa3400/translation_utils/language_flags/uk.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone Hong Kong details" ]	null	[]	null		en	/static/v9caa3400/imei/img/favicons/favicon.png		https://www.imei.info/carriers/hong-kong/smartone/	The SmarTone carrier from Hong Kong is denoted by codes: 454 15, 454 17. The followings IDs are called HNI (Home network identity). This code is created by the combination of two other Mobile Country Code (MCC) and Mobile Network Code (MNC). The first three numbers stand for the MCC and they are used in order to identify the region which the carried comes from (in the following example it’s Hong Kong). The last numbers of the HNI code are equal with the MNC and this ID is given for the specific mobile network operator. Besides SmarTone Hong Kong has assigned country code + 852. This number + 852 is equal with international calling code and it’s simply the telephone dialing prefixes used for calling SmarTone numbers. SmarTone uses 2 GSM bands, 2 UMTS bands, 4 and 0 CDMA bands.. You can read the specific frequency bands in the table below. All bands of the SmarTone are display in MHz units. Another important information in SmarTone Hong Kong architectures is the standard of used protocols. It also uses 7 protocols such as GSM, UMTS, LTE, CDMA. The ISO standard code of SmarTone is HK. You can see more info about this mobile network operator at http://www.smartone.com/. How to check SmarTone coverage? How to check if your phone will work in Hong Kong? Those information will help you figure out if your device will work in the SmarTone roaming. Use out database and check out if your device will be locked or unlocked in SmarTone. Use our CARRIER LOOKUP TOOL in order to make sure that your phone number is using SmarTone network. If you'd like to find out whether your device is going to work with SmarTone (Hong Kong), please check the details below: All you need to do is compare bands specification from your mobile network with the bands used in your device. You can check the supported bands for your phone by using out phone database. Name SmarTone Company SmarTone Mobile Communications Limited Country Hong Kong Country ISO HK Country code + 852 Carrier website http://www.smartone.com/ Carrier codes 454 15 454 17 Mobile prefix 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 6x, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98 Size of NSN 8 Number format +852 51x xxx xx +852 52x xxx xx +852 53x xxx xx +852 54x xxx xx +852 55x xxx xx +852 56x xxx xx +852 59x xxx xx +852 6xx xxx xx +852 90x xxx xx +852 91x xxx xx +852 92x xxx xx +852 93x xxx xx +852 94x xxx xx +852 95x xxx xx +852 96x xxx xx +852 97x xxx xx +852 98x xxx xx more... Coverage map Check SmarTone Coverage Subscribers 2 700 000 (December 2020) GSM bands 900 (E-GSM) 1800 (DCS) GSM protocols EDGE GPRS UMTS bands B1 (2100) B5 (850) UMTS protocols DC-HSDPA 42.2 HSDPA HSPA+ UTMS LTE bands B1 (2100) B3 (1800+) B7 (2600) B8 (900) LTE protocols LTE
4979	dbpedia	2	33	https://newsroom.cisco.com/c/r/newsroom/en/us/a/y2017/m01/hong-kong-businesses-can-now-launch-global-iot-services-with-smartone-and-cisco-jasper.html	en	Hong Kong Businesses Can Now Launch Global IoT Services with SmarTone and Cisco Jasper	https://newsroom.cisco.c…-1889882-1-0.jpg	https://newsroom.cisco.c…-1889882-1-0.jpg	[ "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-header/resources/img/cisco-logo.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-header/resources/img/search-icon.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/c/dam/r/newsroom/en/us/migrated-assets/cisco_building_corporate_002-jpg-1889882-1-0.jpg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/linkedin.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/twitter.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/facebook.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/linkedin-sidebar.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/twitter-sidebar.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-icons/facebook-sidebar.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-related-videos/img/play-icon.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/c/dam/r/newsroom/en/us/assets/a/y2024/m04/Cisco-News-Now-Bryan-bedford-1200x675-graphic.jpg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-related-videos/img/play-icon.svg", "https://img.youtube.com/vi/uFz2vKK0k90/hqdefault.jpg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-related-videos/img/play-icon.svg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/c/dam/r/newsroom/en/us/assets/a/y2024/m04/Cisco-News-Now-Bryan-bedford-1200x675-graphic.jpg", "https://newsroom.cisco.com/etc/designs/r/newsroom/clientlibs/clientlib-related-videos/img/play-icon.svg", "https://img.youtube.com/vi/uFz2vKK0k90/hqdefault.jpg", "https://px.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=4584657&fmt=gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "Internet of Things" ]	null	[]	2017-01-11T12:00:00+00:00	Companies in Any Industry Can Take Advantage of IoT to Deliver New Connected Services	en			https://newsroom.cisco.com/c/r/newsroom/en/us/a/y2017/m01/hong-kong-businesses-can-now-launch-global-iot-services-with-smartone-and-cisco-jasper.html	Hong Kong and San Jose, CA (11 January 2017) – SmarTone, Hong Kong’s leading telecommunications service provider, and Cisco today announced the launch of Internet of Things (IoT) services in Hong Kong. This partnership enables businesses in any industry to leverage the SmarTone mobile network and the Cisco Jasper managed connectivity platform, Control Center, to deliver new services and increase revenue. Real IoT Drives Real Business Results IoT helps businesses meet the changing needs and expectations of their customers with new services, experiences and business models that deliver bottom line growth. This partnership between SmarTone and Cisco Jasper makes it simple for companies of any size to transform their businesses by offering connected services that enhance their customers’ experiences while enabling new revenue models. “For more than 10 years we have been helping businesses across every industry automate the delivery of IoT services that have a direct impact on their bottom line,” said Ken Laversin, Worldwide Head of Sales, IoT Cloud at Cisco Jasper. “Today, more than 6,500 companies in over 100 countries use Cisco Jasper Control Center to automate the connectivity management of their IoT devices around the world. SmarTone’s leadership as a total service provider – including Cloud, Mobile, Fixed, ICT and IoT services – makes it an ideal partner to serve innovative businesses pursuing IoT in Hong Kong.” Transforming Businesses in Every Industry Today, businesses in industries as varied as connected cars, manufacturing, retail, security, home automation, and smart cities – and everything in between – are realizing the benefits of IoT. Global examples include: Connected Cars – 23 of the world’s leading auto makers leverage the Cisco Jasper platform today for their connected car initiatives. One auto manufacturer cites that IoT services will drive $350 million in increased profit over the next three years. Smart Cities – From intelligent transportation systems (ITS) to smart utilities, today’s smart cities rely on IoT. One smart utilities provider uses Cisco Jasper to enable cities to reduce the time spent managing smart watering meters by 75%, and has helped its customers save more than 79 million gallons (300 million liters) of water. Industrial Manufacturing – IoT plays a critical role in increasing the efficiency and profitability of today’s factories. A leading global provider of industrial robots uses Cisco Jasper to monitor and proactively identify potential problems with its machines, so that robots are serviced before they can cause downtime. This has decreased downtime by 11%, saving its manufacturing customers tens of thousands of dollars per minute of downtime. With today’s announcement, all businesses throughout Hong Kong can take advantage of SmarTone’s leading mobile network and Cisco Jasper Control Center to deliver IoT services of their own. Cisco Jasper partners with 30+ mobile operator groups representing over 120 mobile networks worldwide, making it simple for those businesses to scale their IoT services to other countries as needed. Likewise, companies using the Cisco Jasper platform outside of Hong Kong can easily expand their connected services into the country via SmarTone. The Role of Managed Connectivity The meaningful IoT business outcomes that are being achieved across industries worldwide are only possible through managed connectivity. By automating communication between people, things and systems, managed connectivity enables the secure, anytime, anywhere relationship businesses need to have with their customers. “We are committed to helping our business customers take advantage of IoT to deliver real business results, and to achieve that we needed the best IoT connectivity management platform,” said Daniel Leung, Head of Business Markets at SmarTone. “Cisco Jasper is the global leader in IoT platforms, and this partnership makes it simple for all businesses to capture their share of the IoT market by delivering new connected services.” About SmarTone SmarTone is a leading telecommunications service provider in Hong Kong, offering a full suite of Telecom Services, Cloud and Application Solutions that serve the diverse needs of different businesses, whatever their size. With in-depth industry expertise, our team of experienced consultants and account managers offer the latest and most relevant enterprise solutions to maximise possibilities and elevate business performance for Hong Kong enterprises. For further information, please go to http://www.smartone.com/jsp/business_site/english/index.jsp About Cisco Cisco is the worldwide leader in IT that helps companies seize the opportunities of tomorrow by proving that amazing things can happen when you connect the previously unconnected. For ongoing news, please go to http://newsroom.cisco.com. # # #
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Super Micro Computer (SMCI) stock is under pressure after the company announced it was delaying its annual report. This move comes after claims from short seller Hindenburg Research alleging "accounting manipulation" at the company. Defiance ETFs CEO & CIO Sylvia Jablonski suggests that if SMCI can demonstrate they have the situation under control and their accounting is accurate, "then this is a great buy on the dip opportunity." She highlights the stock's impressive growth over two years, the company's leadership in cooling data centers, and the upcoming 10-for-1 stock split scheduled for October. As consumers show continued signs of weakness and tighter budgets, HSBC has downgraded the consumer discretionary sector (XLY) as a whole. HSBC Global Chief Investment Officer Willem Sels explains that financially healthy consumers are spending more on services and leisure than discretionary items. However, he emphasizes the importance of distinguishing between companies within the retail space: "you want companies that have the pricing power because of their positioning." Toy giant Lego has reported double-digit sales growth year-over-year in the first half of 2024, rising by 13% in a "toy market that's not growing right now," according to The Lego Group CEO Niels B. Christiansen. Christiansen sits down with Yahoo Finance executive editor Brian Sozzi to talk about Lego's fundamental building blocks that continue to make the brand a standout among consumers. "The appreciation of the fact that playing allows you to gain some skills and to really develop your brain, but also a lot of skills that you need through life, I think that's actually well appreciated by parents and kids really like it," Christiansen says, later adding: "The Lego brand is just such a good bridge between digital and physical." The price of cocoa (CC=F) is still trading over 128% compared to a year ago due to increased weather incidents and crop disease which have led to supply shortages. Saxo Bank head of commodity strategy Ole Hansen explains why prices may be out of control for some time, perhaps as far ahead as 2026: "That really is a combination of two things: first and foremost, that the farmers are receiving more for their product. They can spend more money on fertilizers and also pesticides, which is a key right now due to some diseases they have in some of the crops. But also that we see the weather continue to improve..." Meanwhile, CrowdStrike (CRWD) will release its first earnings report since the massive software update triggered global IT outages in July. Citi US software equity research co-head Fatima Boolani notes that investors will be specifically looking at guidance as they look to rebuild their confidence in the company. "There is absolutely an appetite for this company to frankly just throw the book at guidance, just every possible parameter or permutation that they can throw into guidance and frankly, de-risk the numbers is exactly what investors are looking for," she explains. This post was written by Melanie Riehl Understanding ETF exposures when it comes to Nvidia Options traders are anticipating Nvidia's (NVDA) earnings results to swing the stock nearly 10% in either direction, a move that could draw down or raise up markets (^DJI, ^IXIC, ^GSPC) along with the chipmaker. BNY Mellon global head of ETFs Ben Slavin joins Brad Smith in-studio to talk about the ETFs that could also be swayed through their exposures to Nvidia and the AI chip trade: "One thing that's very important for investors really to understand is what those weights are in the ETFs they hold. Obviously, Nvidia, given the big run-up in the stock, is a significant weight in not just the S&P but a wide variety, several hundred ETFs that hold the stock. And so obviously, depending on which way things go here, you're going to see a big impact, and those ETFs are going to move." Slavin notes the gains actively managed ETFs have seen over passively managed funds. He also notes that a major risk more investors are reconsidering is their concentration in any big stock, namely the Magnificent Seven tech names., For more expert insight and the latest market action, click here to watch this full episode of Wealth! This post was written by Luke Carberry Mogan. Follow along with Yahoo Finance's latest coverage of Nvidia ahead of its earnings this week: Nvidia earnings are almost here. What investors will look forWhy Nvidia's stock rally is not driving broader market gainsNvidia earnings highlight a busy end of August: What to know this weekThese are other AI plays as Nvidia positions itself as 'hub'Nvidia is 'priced for perfection.' Strategist explains whyIf you don't own Nvidia stock, you are missing a revolution, tech investor saysNvidia earnings: One top tech analyst's key metric to watchNvidia gets ready to take over the stock market (again)Nvidia earnings: Rationality is out the window, analyst saysNvidia vs. Alphabet: Strategist picks which to buy & avoidNvidia investing 'aggressively' in R&D: Analyst explains whyNvidia earnings: Options market predicting $300 billion swing in stockNvidia still the best AI chip play right now: AnalystNvidia earnings: What the options market is anticipating4 AI terms Nvidia investors should knowNvidia earnings 'absolutely key to the AI infrastructure trade' Abercrombie is the 'best-performing' US apparel brand: Analyst Shares of Abercrombie & Fitch (ANF) are tumbling despite topping its second quarter earnings estimates and raising its outlook. CFRA analyst Zachary Warring joins Morning Brief to discuss Abercrombie's results and how other retailers are faring in a tight consumer environment. "Investors might be a little bit scared that this could be peak growth for them," Warring says of the stock's movement. However, he believes there are other catalysts for the retail name moving forward: "The company has now got a clean balance sheet. They have no debt. So they have plenty of room over the next 12 to 24 months to buy back shares." He calls Abercrombie "the best-performing apparel brand in the US right now," explaining its effective marketing on social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram Reels. He believes the company has "plenty of room to grow," although he expects growth to decelerate over the next two years. While many retailers have prioritized promotions and discounts as consumers increasingly seek value, Warring argues that Foot Locker (FL) "is almost a complete opposite of Abercrombie." He notes that the footwear retail chain is battling long-term headwinds as Nike (NKE) experiences a significant slowdown. In addition, he explains that Foot Locker is closing stores globally and believes that "there's at least a few more quarters of underperformance" for the company. For more expert insight and the latest market action, click here to watch this full episode of Morning Brief. This post was written by Melanie Riehl How Nvidia's earnings could broaden the market rally Nvidia (NVDA) is set to release its second quarter earnings on Wednesday afternoon. Given the stock's outsized role in the recent bull market, Wall Street will be watching the results closely. Russell Investments president and chief investment officer Kate El-Hillow joins Morning Brief to give insight into how Nvidia's earnings will impact the market. El-Hillow states AI's impact will be felt beyond the major tech names: "The application of it into different sectors... it's in the consumer areas, it's in the service areas where you can start to see it actually being applied. It's going to take longer for that to play out versus what we've seen with this hardware investment on the capex spend that's been happening, but it hasn't been priced in yet. So we do see more of an opportunity there." If Nvidia's earnings outperform, El-Hillow believes "It gives you more conviction around the broadening out. If you know that there's still spending happening from a capex perspective, and people are trying to build out the infrastructure to do this, you feel more confidence that the only reason you're going to be doing that is because you see opportunity in terms of buyers on their end starting to invest more. So I do think it ends up giving that next push into a broadening of the rally." For more expert insight and the latest market action, click here to watch this full episode of Morning Brief. This post was written by Nicholas Jacobino Dow hits new high, Nvidia earnings lookahead: Market Domination Overtime On today's episode of Market Domination Overtime, hosts Josh Lipton and Seana Smith analyze the market close and some of the biggest stories from the trading day. US stocks (^DJI, ^IXIC, ^GSPC) ended Tuesday's session in positive territory, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average achieving a new all-time high for the second day in a row. Charles Schwab chief investment strategist Liz Ann Sonders explains that the market's sky-high valuations are improving, largely due to the recent pullback. "We did see a little bit of an easing in some of those mega-cap names. But we're still in the high 20s [percent] for the Magnificent Seven. So you are at that point, especially given we've seen some deterioration in third quarter consensus estimates relative to second quarter, that we are a bit in that show-me environment because of valuation expansion that predated this recent pullback." Josh Lipton and Seana Smith break down what to watch on Wednesday, August 28th, from Nvidia's (NVDA) second quarter earnings to commentary from Atlanta Fed President Raphael Bostic and Fed Governor Christopher Waller. Yahoo Finance markets and data reporter Jared Blikre breaks down his top takeaways from the trading day as the US dollar (DX-Y.NYB) fell to the Rubicon and central banks continue buying up gold (GC=F). Shares of organic food brand Hain Celestial (HAIN) surged after reporting fiscal fourth quarter earnings results, beating its adjusted earnings per share estimates. Hain Celestial CEO Wendy Davidson argues that "the trends are in our favor" as consumers seek out healthier food options: "We think we have a great brand portfolio that offers variety, offers multiple pack sizes. Our goal is to make it both available and affordable so that healthier living doesn't have to mean sacrificing taste or availability or affordability. And that's been the big focus for Hain in our in our transformation." This post was written by Melanie Riehl CrowdStrike outlook appears 'absolutely solid' despite outage Cybersecurity stocks are in focus this week, with SentinelOne (S) and CrowdStrike (CRWD) earnings giving investors a fresh read on the sector. TD Cowen senior analyst Shaul Eyal joins Market Domination to discuss the state of the cybersecurity industry and some of its key players. All eyes will be on CrowdStrike's earnings on Wednesday, as it will be the first report since a software defect caused a global outage in July. Eyal expects "just a little bit of a haircut" when it comes to the company's guidance for the second half of the year. "I think that might, at the end of the day, show that the outage that we had seen back on July 19 was a major bump, but still a bump. And I think the long-term outlook for the company remains absolutely solid." On the other hand, Eyal is more cautious about Okta (OKTA) and maintains a Hold rating on the stock. Despite having two outages over the last 18 months, he believes that management could turn the company around. With more consistency, Eyal believes that Okta could eventually gain a Buy rating. For more expert insight and the latest market action, click here to watch this full episode of Market Domination. This post was written by Melanie Riehl
4979	dbpedia	3	53	https://mila.quebec/en/news/mila-welcomes-smartone-as-a-partner	en	Mila Welcomes SmartOne as a Partner	https://mila.quebec/site…pg?itok=TIjutq9n	https://mila.quebec/site…pg?itok=TIjutq9n	[ "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/logo.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/focal_crop_square_500_500/public/promotedcontent/10703/2024workshopnlp1000x1000-1.jpg.webp?itok=34VX9rcu", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/focal_crop_square_500_500/public/promotedcontent/12/2024cohortwebsitemtl-1024x1024_1.jpg.webp?itok=FiG6NUqZ", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/focal_crop_square_500_500/public/promotedcontent/13/dlrlss2023-07-21webcredmaryseboyce8770.jpg.webp?itok=EcKZpiaq", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/icons/search.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/icons/cross2.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/icons/cross2.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/fixed_width_480/public/news/310/2023milasmartonepartnerannounce-scaled-en.jpg.webp?itok=J5wx4faj", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/news_teaser/public/news/10723/mila-x-iter-innovandi.png.webp?itok=2Kn8y3ET", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/news_teaser/public/news/10693/2024icmlnews1920x1080_0.jpg.webp?itok=pZ6RyGYx", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/files/styles/news_teaser/public/news/10691/2024icmlnews1920x1080.jpg.webp?itok=vw1jTvtv", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/logo.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/logo.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/logos/canada-logo-white.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/logos/quebec-logo-white.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/logos/cifar-logo-white.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/logos/udem-logo-white.svg", "https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/assets/images/logos/mcgill-logo-white.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Mila" ]	2023-06-19T08:59:07-04:00	SmartOne, a company specializing in consulting and data valuation for artificial intelligence (AI), founded in Madagascar where it employs over 1,200 people - many of whom are from marginalized communities - is pleased to announce a partnership with Mila - Quebec Artificial Intelligence Institute, the world's largest academic research center in deep learning. Founded by renowned AI researcher Yoshua Bengio, Mila brings together a research community of over 1,000 members in the field of machine learning. The partnership aims to leverage the respective expertise of SmartOne and Mila in deep learning algorithms."We were born in Madagascar, and the AI boom has enabled us to bring value to our clients in multiple industries worldwide by contributing to the performance of their algorithms while creating sustainable jobs and career opportunities for our young Africans. The partnership with Mila is a significant step as we relocate our headquarters to Montreal, where we aim to benefit from the vibrant AI ecosystem and dynamic research efforts. We are excited and proud to work with the entire Mila community to generate new ideas and innovations that improve the world we live in, based on shared values such as ethics and justice. I am confident that the expertise of SmartOne in transforming high-quality data combined with the innovations driven by Mila will enable us to do more, better, and for the benefit of all," said Shahysta Hassim, CEO of SmartOne."SmartOne's solutions for data annotation have the potential to help AI companies become more agile and efficient in these time-consuming processes. We are delighted to begin our collaboration with this promising company which has recently established an office in Montreal," explained Stéphane Létourneau, Mila's Executive Vice-President. About SmartOne SmartOne's mission is to ensure that the data used to educate AI algorithms is trustworthy, unbiased, and, most importantly, value-generating. With 1,200 employees spread across its offices in Madagascar, Paris, London, and now Montreal - its new headquarters - the company has gained expertise in over 40 verticals through more than 300 projects since 2016. SmartOne firmly believes that humans and machines working together can achieve more than humans or machines alone, and that bridges must be built between the most advanced societies and those in development, such as North America and Africa, the birthplace of the company. About Mila Founded by Professor Yoshua Bengio of the University of Montreal, Mila is an artificial intelligence research institute that brings together over 1,000 researchers specializing in machine learning. Based in Montreal, Mila’s mission is to be a global hub for scientific advances that inspire innovation and development of AI for the benefit of all. Mila is a non-profit organization recognized worldwide for its significant contributions to the field of deep learning, particularly in language modeling, machine translation, object recognition, and generative models. For more information, visit mila.quebec	en	https://mila.quebec/sites/default/themes/mila_v1/favicon.ico		https://mila.quebec/en/news/mila-welcomes-smartone-as-a-partner	SmartOne, a company specializing in consulting and data valuation for artificial intelligence (AI), founded in Madagascar where it employs over 1,200 people - many of whom are from marginalized communities - is pleased to announce a partnership with Mila - Quebec Artificial Intelligence Institute, the world's largest academic research center in deep learning. Founded by renowned AI researcher Yoshua Bengio, Mila brings together a research community of over 1,000 members in the field of machine learning. The partnership aims to leverage the respective expertise of SmartOne and Mila in deep learning algorithms. "We were born in Madagascar, and the AI boom has enabled us to bring value to our clients in multiple industries worldwide by contributing to the performance of their algorithms while creating sustainable jobs and career opportunities for our young Africans. The partnership with Mila is a significant step as we relocate our headquarters to Montreal, where we aim to benefit from the vibrant AI ecosystem and dynamic research efforts. We are excited and proud to work with the entire Mila community to generate new ideas and innovations that improve the world we live in, based on shared values such as ethics and justice. I am confident that the expertise of SmartOne in transforming high-quality data combined with the innovations driven by Mila will enable us to do more, better, and for the benefit of all," said Shahysta Hassim, CEO of SmartOne. "SmartOne's solutions for data annotation have the potential to help AI companies become more agile and efficient in these time-consuming processes. We are delighted to begin our collaboration with this promising company which has recently established an office in Montreal," explained Stéphane Létourneau, Mila's Executive Vice-President. About SmartOne SmartOne's mission is to ensure that the data used to educate AI algorithms is trustworthy, unbiased, and, most importantly, value-generating. With 1,200 employees spread across its offices in Madagascar, Paris, London, and now Montreal - its new headquarters - the company has gained expertise in over 40 verticals through more than 300 projects since 2016. SmartOne firmly believes that humans and machines working together can achieve more than humans or machines alone, and that bridges must be built between the most advanced societies and those in development, such as North America and Africa, the birthplace of the company. About Mila Founded by Professor Yoshua Bengio of the University of Montreal, Mila is an artificial intelligence research institute that brings together over 1,000 researchers specializing in machine learning. Based in Montreal, Mila’s mission is to be a global hub for scientific advances that inspire innovation and development of AI for the benefit of all. Mila is a non-profit organization recognized worldwide for its significant contributions to the field of deep learning, particularly in language modeling, machine translation, object recognition, and generative models. For more information, visit mila.quebec
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Hardware solutions include 3 types of Android POS terminals. Software solutions include POS software (Fiscal core, Retail, Payment core), cloud solutions for merchants (ERP, CRM, market), and solutions for banks (Banking, Terminal Management System).	en	https://cdn.prod.website…tone_favicon.png		null	Friendly Ecosystem for Business development Learn more î¤ About Us SmartOne is a developer, manufacturer and system integrator of innovative solutions in cutting-edge financial and digital technologies. Â We bring transformational change in the governmentsâ tax collection efficiency and provide payment and business management solutions for all types of entrepreneursÂ 200k+ POS terminals300 Employees20 Countries Our partners Hardware products SmartOne Bank 5" innovative portable smart terminal with the SmartOne ecosystem. Everything you need to get started in one device! â Learn more SmartOne Bank Pro 6" smart terminal with improved features and the SmartOne ecosystem. The optimal solution for constant use in retail and courier services Learn more SmartOne Bank Pro S All the capabilities of SmartOne Bank Pro + 2nd screen for customer. Created for countries with special requirements. â Learn more Validator Vandal-proof device for instant payment of passage and resolution of queue issues â â Learn more Multifunctional payment terminal OurÂ system and software is all-encompassing to address any merchants needs. The flexible interface allows you to customize payments any way you need.Â Â Â Cash inÂ Â Cash out TV pay Bill payments Service payments Mobile operators Air time We hold the prestigious PCI SSF certification. This certificate confirms our reliability and security in payment processing, which guarantees the protection of your financial data when working with us. Advantages Easy and fast connection A smart cash register registration takes 3 to 5 days and is done remotely, afterwards any add-on All-in-one POS SmartOne provides an intelligent payment terminal and an entire ecosystem with Merchant Portal, CRM and the ability to control all of the terminalâs functions Strong encryption protocol Our system is certified by PCI DSS (Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard) - the main and one of the most secure of internationally supported data protection standards. Most of the worldâs leading banks support this standard Activity Forecast With the help of the SmartOne Ecosystem, you can track individual employees performance, control inventory movements. With SmartOne software management tools you can plan revenues and costs, stocking and payroll, reduce working capital requirements and switch to next-level efficiency Warehouse control With the SmartOne Ecosystem, you can optimize your inventory costs as you can always get up-to-date information and forecast the movement in your warehouse A variety of payment methods Using our system, you can accept card payments, cash and online P2P and e-wallet transfers. Our terminal works with the world's leading payment systems, apple pay and google play. Software Ecosystem SmartOne Ecosystem Apps on POS TMS Click Merchant Portal Apps on POS SmartOne Fiscal Core - module allows to run fiscal operations. SmartOne Retail - organize accounting and manage sales in real time.Â âSmartOne Payment Core (PCI SSF 1.2 compliant) - module ensures payment processing through the terminal. Due to the coordinated work of these applications, the POS can: Work as a cash register Work as a fiscal recorder Accept card payments The POS can be used to pay for services SmartOne TMS (Terminal Management System) Designed to manage a network of EFTPOS terminals and deliver transactions, as well as perform transactional and technical monitoring of payment terminals in real time. Core points: Setting up individual parameters for each bank and/or processing center Modern and convenient graphical user interface Remote connection of the payment terminal to the system. The terminal is sent to the merchant with the pre-downloaded software and can be configured within 1 minute Real-time monitoring of terminal network operation The ability to route financial and non-financial transactions to different processing centers and other external systems. Tracking various failures in the transaction processing process Remote software update EFTPOS in the background without interrupting customer service processes Build-in automatic billing system for managing invoices payments from merchants SmartOne Click - Perfect solution for restaurants The SmartOne Click application fully digitizes all processes in the restaurant. Features: Table reservation Online menu Orders without a waiter Online food delivery ordering Loyalty program Online payment Solution for tips SmartOne Merchant Portal Cloud service functionalities enable you to manage and scale your business with at most effectiveness. Merchant cabinet enables you to control your cash flow, manage inventory, adjust pricing policy and compare your employeeÂ´s performance. SmartOne Merchant cabinet accelerates every process, from personnel management to procurement! Intuitive inventory management system: simple adding of goods and services Total control over of shifts and checks Cash analytics for any/custom period Invoicing Digital POS station Loyalty programs, discounts and bonuses for customers Remote management of all departments Every major type of accounting: material (warehouse), financial, personnel, as well as cash analytics Custom branding When ordering a batch of 1500 terminals or more, we can customize the appearance of the devices and the interface to your needs The unique appearance will give additional attractiveness to your offer You can present our solution as your product for your country A good offer for large retail chains, telecom operators, etc. Social values We help governments grow using our technologies in adding transparency and social responsibility We reduce the scale of counterfeit products and illegal activity We help the government to regulate the market in a transparent manner, make correct forecasts and increase tax collection Partnership map Uzbekistan Ireland Slovakia Moldova Romania Serbia Greece Azerbaijan Georgia Nigeria Ghana United Kingdom PAW TECH SOLUTIONS LIMITED 85 Great Portland Street, W1W 7LT, London, United Kingdom Mozambique Bostwana Mexico Costa Rica Colombia China Pakistan UAE Ukraine Spain Egypt Feedback form Fill out the form Thank you! 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4979	dbpedia	3	45	https://www.infovista.com/press-release/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience	en	SmarTone partners with Infovista	https://www.infovista.co…kedIn_Banner.jpg	https://www.infovista.co…kedIn_Banner.jpg	[ "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-07/city_overview_network_wireless_communication.jpg?h=b6717701&itok=6YyQMDPq", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-02/TEMS_Pocket_network_testing_indoor_stadium_1000px.jpg?h=82f92a78&itok=SpE4TYbW", "https://ws.sharethis.com/images/2017/sharethis_32.png", "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Hong Kong's leading telecommunications provider, SmarTone, employs Ativa™ automated assurance solution to deliver premium voice, data, OTT, and 5G FWA services.	en	/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/favicon.png		https://www.infovista.com/press-release/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience	Hong Kong's leading telecommunications provider employs Ativa™ automated assurance solution to deliver premium voice, data, OTT, and 5G FWA services Paris, France – Thursday February 8th, 2024 – SmarTone, the Consumers’ No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network in Hong Kong*, has successfully transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa™, Infovista's cutting-edge automated assurance solution, across its 3G, 4G, 5G and IMS network. SmarTone, committed to delivering consistent and exceptional experiences to its customers, sought an innovative assurance solution to optimize service and customer monitoring, enhance troubleshooting capabilities, and elevate overall customer satisfaction. Following an exhaustive selection process, SmarTone chose Infovista's passive probing solution, Ativa, for its comprehensive assurance capabilities and future-proof technology, highlighted by its cloud-native, virtualized and open architecture. The mission at SmarTone is to deliver unparalleled services to their customers. To achieve this, they required a solution that not only empowers them to elevate the quality of service and overall customer experience but also drives their daily operations with a customer-centric approach. Ativa provides them the data intelligence necessary to optimize and scale their business. The Ativa solution by Infovista has equipped SmarTone with enhanced monitoring and troubleshooting capabilities, offering valuable insights into voice and data, including intelligence on OTT applications delivered over mobile and 5G FWA (Fixed Wireless Access) broadband. Its flexibility has facilitated the delivery of customized solutions aligned with SmarTone's specific requirements, while its support for Open APIs has enabled seamless integrations with third-party systems, ensuring a smooth export of data and analytics. Infovista's solution has transformed SmarTone’s troubleshooting, enhancing their service and customer experience. The implementation of Ativa Solution has indeed resulted in tangible benefits for SmarTone. The solution has been instrumental in reducing Mean-Time-To-Repair (MTTR), minimizing trouble tickets, and significantly improving overall Customer Experience (CX), Net Promoter Score (NPS), and customer retention rates. Moreover, it has optimized team efficiency by reducing time and effort spent on operational processes. For more information on Infovista’s Ativa Suite, please visit: https://www.infovista.com/products/automated-assurance-operations/ativa-suite
4979	dbpedia	2	3	https://hk.linkedin.com/company/smartone	en	SmarTone	https://media.licdn.com/dms/image/C4D0BAQEhkSTMH2M2QQ/company-logo_200_200/0/1631300820911?e=2147483647&v=beta&t=3zDkI8rJfBS_CxBdYktUjffiHbD9_5KCK7Xhw3TwJB0	https://media.licdn.com/dms/image/C4D0BAQEhkSTMH2M2QQ/company-logo_200_200/0/1631300820911?e=2147483647&v=beta&t=3zDkI8rJfBS_CxBdYktUjffiHbD9_5KCK7Xhw3TwJB0	[ "https://media.licdn.com/dms/image/D563DAQGKzBcunc-CaA/image-scale_191_1128/0/1715313136409/smartone_cover?e=2147483647&v=beta&t=5uCFPESmkLSaeQbL4DHIhhTBrzFq628bZsQ07Xkl1NU" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	SmarTone \| 12,499 followers on LinkedIn. SmarTone is a leading telecommunications company in Hong Kong and Macau, providing voice, multimedia and mobile broadband services, as well as fixed fibre broadband services for the consumer and corporate markets. Its goal is to deliver unbeatable and valuable experiences to customers through its powerful network, purposeful apps and passionate service. In the business market, we have a team of experienced consultants and account managers offer customers advice and solutions to maximize possibilities and elevate business performance.	en	https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/al2o9zrvru7aqj8e1x2rzsrca		https://hk.linkedin.com/company/smartone	The Fan-Favorite 𝐒𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐓 𝐏𝐚𝐬𝐬 is Back! SmarTone is thrilled to announce the return of our highly popular SmarT Pass! This year, we’re elevating the experience with the 𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐄𝐑 𝐒𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐓 𝐏𝐚𝐬𝐬! The 𝐒𝐔𝐏𝐄𝐑 𝐒𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐓 𝐏𝐚𝐬𝐬 exclusively grants customers an even faster “𝑩𝒆 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑭𝒊𝒓𝒔𝒕” access to pre-order the Next-Gen Flagship Handset, along with up to $12,000 Handset Voucher, making it easier than ever to reserve their ideal Flagship Handset. Customers who subscribe to other designated 5G monthly plans will be entitled to the 𝐒𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐓 𝐏𝐚𝐬𝐬, which provides them with “Fast Track” access to pre-order the Flagship Handset and other early-bird offers. Get your SmarT Pass now: https://lnkd.in/g4McYhEi #SmarTone #SmarTPass #SUPERSmarTPass #BeTheFirst #CustomerCentricity #HandsetoftheYear #EarlyBirdOffer We're thrilled to announce that 5 of our sales professionals at SmarTone have been named winners of the Distinguished Salesperson Award (DSA), while one of them received DSA Top 5 award! This award is a huge honor in the sales industry organized by Hong Kong Management Association (HKMA) - it's been recognizing sales excellence for over 5 decades. To be selected as a DSA recipient among the top sales talent in Hong Kong is a tremendous accomplishment. Our CEO, Ms. Fiona Lau, attended the award ceremony to celebrate the achievements of our outstanding sales professionals and to show her support for their excellent work. SmarTone is very dedicated to providing customer centric services by understanding customers' needs and have comprehensive training programs for our staff. Together with these efforts, we can always provide outstanding customer service that is well recognized by our customers. We are proud of our 5 DSA winners and their remarkable achievements. Their success not only brings recognition to our company but also inspires our entire sales team to strive for excellence. Congratulations to our DSA winners! #SmarTone #DistinguishedSalespersonAward #TopSalesPerformers #CustomerCentric At SmarTone, we're thrilled to rally behind Team Hong Kong. To celebrate the outstanding performance and dedication of Team Hong Kong athletes, all SmarTone mobile plan customers can enjoy 3 days of free local data from 2 to 4 August 2024. This will allow our customers to fully support Team Hong Kong and witness their extraordinary achievements on the international stage during the weekend. And to express our gratitude, SmarTone will provide the 35 remarkable Team Hong Kong athletes with free lifetime access to our 5G local mobile data and call minutes. And we look forward to seeing more Hong Kong athletes excel in international competitions in the future. #SmarTone #SupportHongKongTeam #HongKongAthletes In today's fast-paced world, we understand parents have a hectic schedule, which is why SmarTone is here to support you when the time comes to equip your child with their first phone. We are dedicated to ensuring your child's digital journey is safe, enriching, and empowering. Introducing the mobile plan for SmarTKid, along with add-on SIM card and Samsung Galaxy A15 5G, allows you to manage your child's digital experience with ease. ➡️ Flexible Data Control: Our designated plan lets you manage your child's data usage and limit screen time, promoting responsible phone use and giving you peace of mind. ➡️ Full Call Protection: With our Call Guard App, you can create a VIP list to permit calls only from family and friends, shielding your child from unwanted contacts and potential dangers. ➡️ An Array of Entertainment and Dining Offers: In summer, you can enjoy special offers for JumPin Gym USA, Super Sports Park, Noah’s Park and LIFETASTIC, to spend the quality time with your family. ➡️ Expert Advice Guidance: Our dedicated team of in-store experts offers personalized advice and support. And our SmarT Parenting Academy offers practical tips for managing kids’ internet usage, cultivating healthy digital habits and recommendations for kid-friendly services and apps. Our mobile plan for SmarTKid provides a secure and age-appropriate digital environment for your child. We are committed to partnering with you to provide a positive and enriching experience as they use their first smartphone. #SmarTone #5G #FirstPhone #ParentalControls #Smartphone #CallGuardApp Applicable to designated plan only. SmarTone believes that a happy and healthy workforce is the cornerstone for success. We are excited to share some of our ongoing initiatives in our commitment to fostering a culture of wellness in the workplace! 👍🏻 Workplace Massage and Physiotherapy Consultation: These rejuvenating sessions help our staff members ease muscle tension and address targeted health concerns, supporting their overall well-being. 👍🏻 Strengthening Workshop: This program empowers our employees to enhance their physical fitness and resilience, equipping them with the tools to perform at their best. In the months ahead, we are rolling out a variety of engaging activities designed to promote holistic well-being. By further cultivating a thriving and healthy work environment, we aim to empower our talented team to reach new heights. We are proud of the wellness journey at SmarTone, and we look forward to continuing to invest in the health and happiness of our valued employees. #SmarTone #HealthyWorkforce #EmployeeWellbeing #WorkplaceWellness SmarTone’s Engineering and Operation Team has recently relocated to a new office at Lu Plaza. We had our management team and colleagues from different offices joining us for the ceremony of grand opening. We enjoyed refreshments, mingled with our teams, and got an office tour at our new workspace. The new workspace features a variety of eco-friendly, including smart lighting system to reduce our carbon footprint, recycling bins that encourage and educate our staff on practicing environmental responsibility, quality green space to support employees’ health and well-being initiatives. Thank you to all who attended and shared in this momentous occasion with us. We can't wait to see what the future holds as we continue to grow and evolve in this dynamic new space. #SmarTone #5G #NewOffice #GrandOpening #EnergySaving #Recyling #Wellbeing SmarTone’s enterprise solutions arm, SmarTone Solutions, participated in the 2024 McDonald's Kidathon Corporate Charity Run. The event was organized in support of Ronald McDonald House Charities (RMHC) Hong Kong, a cause that is closely aligned with SmarTone's commitment to corporate social responsibility. The comfort, care, and essential resources that RMHC provides to families during their most difficult times are truly invaluable. Our team felt honored to represent SmarTone and contribute to the Kidathon's fundraising efforts through participating in the run. By coming together for this meaningful initiative, we were able to make a tangible impact and further our sense of purpose. We extend our heartfelt gratitude to the McDonald's team for organizing this impactful, family-oriented event in support of RMHC Hong Kong. SmarTone looks forward to continuing our partnership and involvement in future Kidathon initiatives. #SmarTone #SmarToneSolutions #CharityRun #Kidathon #RunForLove Smart homes are becoming increasingly popular among busy urban professionals. Cutting-edge technologies allow them to manage living spaces efficiently away from home, streamlining their daily routines and providing greater convenience, comfort and security. SmarTone is dedicated to meeting the automation needs of new residential projects. SmarTone Solutions has partnered with TP-Link to deliver an integrated "All-in-One Network Solution" for new smart residential projects in Hong Kong, such as NOVOLAND, Silicon Hill, and University Hill, etc. We are the exclusive authorized distributor of this cutting-edge technology, which includes a powerful "3-in-1 Network Controller" and in-wall wireless access points (APs) pre-installed in every unit. By proactively setting up the wireless infrastructure during project preparation, residents can enjoy seamless smart home connectivity from the moment they move in. SmarTone Solutions is eager to deliver innovative SmartHome solutions that elevate convenience and quality of life for Hong Kong residents. Reach out to us to discover how our comprehensive "All-in-One Network Solution" can benefit your upcoming project. Learn more: https://lnkd.in/gVPZzWq9 #SmarTone #SmarToneSolutions #5G #SmartHome #Connectivity SmarTone’s enterprise solutions arm, SmarTone Solutions, has been awarded the prestigious "Best 5G Commercial Network Operator Award" by PC Market. This award recognizes our exceptional performance in delivering innovative 5G solutions to empower businesses across various industries. SmarTone Solutions leverages the power of 5G and other cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), machine learning and Internet of Things (IoT) to develop industry-specific applications that transform businesses. These solutions enhance operations, boost productivity, and strengthen competitiveness in the digital age. Some of our key industry solutions include: 👍 Smart Construction Solution: Optimizes site operations, enhances construction safety, and improves workforce productivity. 👍 SmarTransport: Facilitates public transport management and enhances transportation safety, bus operation, and passenger experience. 👍 SmartHotel: Elevates hospitality with Hong Kong's first large-scale Smart ApartHotel, providing an exceptional guest journey. 👍 SmartMall: Improves customer experience and optimizes mall management through Smart Queue Management, and Smart Restroom. 👍 Smart Property Management: Digitalizes carpark operations, facility monitoring and security management. We are proud of this recognition and remain committed to driving innovation and delivering transformative 5G solutions that empower businesses to thrive in the digital landscape. Learn more: https://lnkd.in/gYt8MKWU #SmarTone #SmarToneSolutions #5G #Enterprise #DigitalTransformation #TechAward To ensure customers a seamless network experience in MTR, SmarTone has rolled out the deployment of 3.3Ghz and 3.5GHz "5G Golden Spectrum". The upgrade has already been implemented in Tin Hau Station, and will be gradually rolling out in Admiralty, Wan Chai and Kowloon Stations. SmarTone will also extend this network capacity upgrade to a total of 24 major MTR stations along the major railway lines. Along with the recent deployment of our exclusive 850MHz low-band 5G network inside MTR stations, SmarTone has enhanced the network capacity in the stations, which provides better signal penetration and network experience for our customers. By continuously investing in our infrastructure and technology, SmarTone is committed to delivering a superior 5G experience that empowers our customers to stay connected and productive during their daily commutes. #SmarTone #5GNetwork #MTR #SeamlessExperience #5GGoldenSpectrum
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SmarTone 5G users can enjoy 5G anytime, anywhere and experience a broad 5G coverage for greater stability with network coverage even extends to all Hong Kong MTR stations. Explore now to discover the 5G mobile service plans, 5G devices, and the 5G smart city applications from SmarTone.	en	/5G/images/favicon-32x32.png		https://5g.smartone.com/en/5G/	SmarTone 5G, the No.1 MTR network# in Hong Kong, now covers all MTR stations. It has the most number of stations with the fastest data speed, including the No.1 download speed in high-traffic stations such as Causeway Bay, Tseung Kwan O, Tuen Mun, Ma On Shan, and interchange stations such as Diamond Hill, Kowloon Tong, Admiralty, Tsim Sha Tsui and more. Starting August 2023, SmarTone has even deployed the exclusive 850MHz frequency bands, greatly increasing 5G network capacity, giving customers the best SmarTone 5G network experience in concourses, platforms and train areas! According to a test conducted by MOBILE Magazine during peak hours in August 2023, SmarTone 5G has the fastest, smoothest and most stable network performance in 7 MTR stations among different 5G network service providers. For examples: - Download speed in Long Ping station’s platform is up to 310Mbps, while the slowest network provider recorded 44Mbps, a difference of nearly 8 times. - Downloading a 115MB episode of anime from Netflix takes about 8 seconds at Mong Kok East station’s platform Starting 9 May 2022, SmarTone 5G provides full MTR coverage including 98 MTR stations of the 10 MTR lines #"No.1 MTR 5G Network" is based on results obtained from SmarTone's speed test conducted in June 2021. SmarTone's 5G download speed in 90 MTR stations is compared to that of 3 other 5G service providers in Hong Kong. The test is conducted with Samsung Galaxy S20 or iPhone 12 handsets during rush hour (18:00-19:30), and the test result is obtained by averaging 3 test scores from the station platform. SmarTone has always focused on the customer's quality of experience. A singular emphasis on speed is not enough. For the best experience, "stability" and "smoothly" are just as important, with examples being: video streaming with next to no waiting, available when needed. Our 4.5G meets the above factors to bring an outstanding network experience to our customers, and our 5G performance is even better. The top speed of 5G technology is 5 to 20 times faster than the highest speed of 4G, and achieves a latency of less than one thousandth of a second. 5G high-speed and real-time connections require a high-quality network. As Hong Kong's leading telecommunications service provider, we will fully utilise all acquired spectrums and continue to drive Hong Kong's Smart City development, while giving each and every customer the best 5G network experience. 4G 5G 4th Generation Wireless network 5th Generation Wireless network Designed primarily for data True mobile broadband Designed primarily for massive IoT and enhanced mobile broadband Availability Year 2010 Year 2020 Peak speed (theoretical maximum values)# 1Gbps 20Gbps Latency (theoretical values)# 10ms ~ 30ms Down to 1ms or less How long does it take to download an hour of 4K video? (theoretical values)# 3-5 minute Less than 10 seconds You are welcome to visit designated SmarTone stores to experience the “5G Speed Test Challenge”, learn more about the differences between 4G and 5G, and experience in person the power of SmarTone 5G. #The figures used about speed, capacity of concurrent connections and latency of 5G network are theoretical maximum values that could be achieved by the technology. Actual customer Internet experience can vary due to factors such as the relative position between user and the base stations, the download server resources, Internet traffic conditions, the number of users, users’ devices and other factors that may arise. Based on results obtained from study conducted by NuanceTree between Jul and Sep 2020, as commissioned by SmarTone. SmarTone has always believed in "Building Network with Heart", constantly investing in network infrastructure development to provide Hong Kong's No.1▽ 5G network as an industry leader: 1. In 2023, SmarTone was honoured with the "No.1 Communications Brand" and "Top 10 Strongest Brand in Hong Kong". SmarTone is the only mobile operator to achieve this honours given by Kantar BrandZ, demonstrating highly rated of brand performance and reaffirming our leadership in the market and exceptional strength. The report was published by Kantar, a global independent data research and consulting firm. It is an authoritative analysis of Hong Kong's strongest brands. 2. Widest coverage in Hong Kong+, SmarTone's network now covers all MTR stations, business districts, popular signature shopping malls, major roads and 65 countryside locations, including country parks, outdoor cycle tracks, hiking trails, nature trails and campsites. 3. The No.1 MTR 5G Network#, SmarTone has the most number of stations with the fastest data speed in Hong Kong. SmarTone boasts the No.1 download speed in high-traffic stations such as Causeway Bay, Tseung Kwan O, Tuen Mun, Ma On Shan, and interchange stations such as Diamond Hill, Kowloon Tong, Admiralty, Tsim Sha Tsui and more. Starting August 2023, SmarTone has even deployed the exclusive 850MHz frequency bands, greatly increasing 5G network capacity, giving customers the best network experience in concourses, platforms and train areas. 4. Covers the most road tunnels in Hong Kong. Pioneered the full 5G coverage in 23 main road tunnels in Hong Kong, including Cross Harbour Tunnel, Aberdeen Tunnel, Airport Tunnel, Central-Wan Chai Bypass Tunnel, Cheung Shan Tunnel, Cheung Tsing Tunnel, Tate’s Cairn Tunnel, Tseung Kwan O Tunnel, Eagle's Nest Tunnel, Shing Mun Tunnel, Kai Tak Tunnel, Eastern Harbour Crossing, Western Harbour Crossing, Lung Shan Tunnel, Sha Tin Heights Tunnel, Tai Wai Tunnel, Nam Wan Tunnel, Scenic Hill Tunnel, Tuen Mun-Chek Lap Kok Tunnel, Lion Rock Tunnel, Discovery Bay Tunnel, Tai Lam Tunnel and Tseung Kwan O–Lam Tin Tunnel. 5. Most spectrum resources per customer in Hong Kong~, giving each customer the most usable spectrum resources among all operators, so they can enjoy the best 5G network anytime, anywhere. 6. The most low-band spectrums in Hong Kong to facilitate more powerful signal penetration and stronger indoors reception^, for super smooth internet in MTR areas, signature malls, commercial buildings and more. 7. SmarTone was selected as the Consumers' No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network▽ to give customers the best 5G network experience. Believe in the best, use the best. 8. SmarTone is the only Hong Kong telecom provider using European leader Ericsson as our 5G network provider. The two companies have been working together for more than 28 years. Ericsson has a history of over 100 years and is a leader in the telecommunications equipment market. Our world-class 5G network brings customers the best 5G network experience. SmarTone uses the following technologies from Ericsson: - Pioneer DSS "Dynamic Spectrum Sharing" Technology - With the unique feature of Ericsson’s dynamic spectrum sharing technology, the spectrums are dynamically utilised, allowing higher efficiency in spectrum allocation according to network traffic. This enables our customers to get the widest coverage and superior quality of 5G. - A.I Real-time Radio Processing - By adding AI real-time processing to the frequency baseband, SmarTone 5G users will be instantly directed to the best 5G capable cells and will get a high quality 5G Network performance. - International Network Security Model - SmarTone always emphasises network security. Online best defence for peace of mind with the International Network Security Model. It is well known that SmarTone has always placed a priority on service quality and our customers' network experience. Apart from basing our service on the Quality of Experience to ensure that our customers can enjoy the most efficient SmarTone network, we also deploy the most advanced network management system to analyse advanced performance indicators, to accurately grasp and predict changes in network performance. SmarTone 5G Plan – Most flexible. Perfect choice to fit your life. +“The Widest Coverage in Hong Kong” is based on results obtained from SmarTone's road test conducted on 21 Jul 2023. The route of the road test went through the 18 districts of Hong Kong, covering major roads including expressways, trunk roads, road tunnels and bridges. The result shows that SmarTone’s 5G network has coverage in each of the districts. 5G coverage is defined as spot with received 5G radio signal level not weaker than -95dBm. ~The customer number of SmarTone and Hong Kong’s 3 other 5G service providers are obtained from press release dated 25 June and latest performance reports dated 30 June 2021. Spectrum per customer is calculated by dividing available spectrum to each network provider by their number of customers. # "No.1 MTR 5G Network" is based on results obtained from SmarTone's speed test conducted in June 2021. SmarTone's 5G download speed in 90 MTR stations is compared to that of 3 other 5G service providers in Hong Kong. The test is conducted with Samsung Galaxy S20 or iPhone 12 handsets during rush hour (18:00-19:30), and the test result is obtained by averaging 3 test scores from the station platform. *Starting 9 May 2022, SmarTone 5G provides full MTR coverage including 98 MTR stations of the 10 MTR lines. ▽“Consumers’ No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network” is based on results obtained from study conducted by market research company NuanceTree, as commissioned by SmarTone. 3,942 post-paid SIM card users were interviewed via online survey and street interviews between January and December 2022. ^SmarTone is in possession of the most low-band spectrums (including 700MHz, 850MHz and 900MHz), which facilitates stronger signal penetration. After 30 June 2022, SmarTone has 45MHz of sub-1 GHz spectrum. The other 3 network service providers in Hong Kong only have 40MHz or less of sub-1 GHz spectrum
4979	dbpedia	3	91	https://www.mirsmartone.com/en/shop/catalogue/smart-one-oxi_8/	en	Smart One Oxi	http://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/2c/57/2c57f6b5f3d316fff1c22ec704ba71a7.jpg	http://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/2c/57/2c57f6b5f3d316fff1c22ec704ba71a7.jpg	[ "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/logo-smartone.svg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4c/bd/4cbdb46b7c57752bdc0221e6f8602c5e.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/81/f1/81f13e536e00404169e2d55bdec14e61.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4e/a1/4ea125734670b8eb994c74f858f20977.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4f/31/4f3149aa4dba5ec121b36f65a1178f07.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/26/9f/269f0270379ad3bea62c25e2d3825014.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/3a/35/3a355498c464f0c753ee0489d8f3b2fa.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/a3/e4/a3e438918972b0683f375dfc879b6a51.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/87/6d/876d4f40cca10b634d6bd6c4f54c2a94.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4c/bd/4cbdb46b7c57752bdc0221e6f8602c5e.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/81/f1/81f13e536e00404169e2d55bdec14e61.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4e/a1/4ea125734670b8eb994c74f858f20977.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/4f/31/4f3149aa4dba5ec121b36f65a1178f07.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/26/9f/269f0270379ad3bea62c25e2d3825014.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/3a/35/3a355498c464f0c753ee0489d8f3b2fa.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/a3/e4/a3e438918972b0683f375dfc879b6a51.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/87/6d/876d4f40cca10b634d6bd6c4f54c2a94.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/ff/f4/fff489efb11cd8617116063654844952.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/media/cache/38/81/388182417335101fe21f6ac37b76142e.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/smartoneoxi/smartoneoxi-app.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/smartoneoxi/Smart_One_OXY_Hand_Phone.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/smartoneoxi/Spirobank-Oxi-in-Use.jpg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/logo-smartone.svg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/mir-orange.svg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/mir-orange.svg", "https://www.mirsmartone.com/static/img/mir-orange.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	description_smart_one_oxi	en	/static/img/favicon/favicon.ico	MIR	http://www.mirsmartone.com/en/shop/catalogue/smart-one-oxi_8/	€139.00 App-based personal Spirometer (PEF,FEV1) with embedded Oximeter (SpO2, Pulse) Everything in a single instrument: it measures two Oximetry parameters (%SpO2 and Heart Rate) and two spirometry parameters (PEF and FEV1). It includes the innovative reflectance pulse-oximetry sensor (Touch). Suitable for patients ages 5-93 years old. It connects to Smartphone or Tablet via Bluetooth. Through the simple and intuitive MIR Smart One App, test results can be viewed in real time saved and shared. The Smart One Oxi is the first combination device to have a spirometer with an integrated "touch" oximetry sensor. A single device that allows you to monitor both Peak Flow (PEF) and FEV1, while also providing you with blood oxygen saturation (SpO2) and Heart Rate (BPM) levels. It connects to your Smartphone or Tablet via Bluetooth through the free MIR Smart One App, allowing you to view test results in real time, save them, and share them with your health provider in less than five minutes. The MIR Smart One App is available for iOS and Android wherever apps can be purchased. It is easy to use and is ready when you need it. Also, the MIR Smart One Oxi can be deducted from insurance, making it highly affordable. TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN The SMART ONE OXI is particularly suitable for: People with asthma. People with respiratory problems (such as COPD, cystic fibrosis). People with conditions that affect blood oxygen saturation. People on oxygen therapy and using ventilation supports. People taking medications that affect Breathing or Oxygen Saturation. Sportsmen and athletes who want to monitor their lung capacity. Keep a diary directly on your Smartphone, note your symptoms and additional notes for each test. See the trend of your results to get an accurate picture of the condition of your lungs over time. Share your test results in real time with anyone you want via e-Mail, WhatsApp, SMS, etc.
4979	dbpedia	2	32	https://www.vanillaplus.com/2024/02/12/85568-smartone-boosts-network-performance-with-infovistas-ativa-solution/	en	SmarTone boosts network performance with Infovista's Ativa solution	https://www.vanillaplus.…-Mobile-jpg.webp	https://www.vanillaplus.…-Mobile-jpg.webp	[ "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/themes/iot-now/img/vp-logo.svg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/themes/iot-now/img/vp-logo.svg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/3G-4G-5G-Mobile-710x533.webp", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/3G-4G-5G-Mobile-710x533.webp", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/5g-network-smart-city-background-technology-1.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/5g-network-smart-city-background-technology-1.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/SL-091319-23410-471-jpg.webp", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/SL-091319-23410-471-jpg.webp", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/ceoguide-article-issue3-2024.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/ceoguide-article-issue3-2024.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/POST1-1.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/POST1-1.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/vp-magazine-post-vp2.jpg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/vp-magazine-post-vp2.jpg", "http://www.ox.hostingwp.pl/www/delivery/avw.php?zoneid=270&n=cd02f4e", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/themes/iot-now/img/vp-logo.svg", "https://www.vanillaplus.com/wp-content/themes/iot-now/img/vp-logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Magda Dabrowska", "Posted on:" ]	2024-02-12T00:00:00	SmarTone has transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa, Infovista's cutting-edge automated assurance solution,	en	https://www.vanillaplus.…co-1-100x100.png	VanillaPlus - The global voice of Telecoms IT	https://www.vanillaplus.com/2024/02/12/85568-smartone-boosts-network-performance-with-infovistas-ativa-solution/	SmarTone has transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa, Infovista’s cutting-edge automated assurance solution, across its 3G, 4G, 5G and IMS network. SmarTone, committed to delivering consistent and exceptional experiences to its customers, sought an innovative assurance solution to optimise service and customer monitoring, enhance troubleshooting capabilities and elevate overall customer satisfaction. Following an exhaustive selection process, SmarTone chose Infovista’s passive probing solution, Ativa, for its comprehensive assurance capabilities and future-proof technology, highlighted by its cloud-native, virtualised and open architecture. The mission at SmarTone is to deliver unparalleled services to their customers. To achieve this, they required a solution that not only empowers them to elevate the quality of service and overall customer experience but also drives their daily operations with a customer-centric approach. Ativa provides them the data intelligence necessary to optimise and scale their business. The Ativa solution by Infovista has equipped SmarTone with enhanced monitoring and troubleshooting capabilities, offering valuable insights into voice and data, including intelligence on OTT applications delivered over mobile and 5G fixed wireless access (FWA) broadband. Its flexibility has facilitated the delivery of customised solutions aligned with SmarTone’s specific requirements, while its support for Open APIs has enabled integrations with third-party systems, ensuring a smooth export of data and analytics. Infovista’s solution has transformed SmarTone’s troubleshooting, enhancing their service and customer experience. The implementation of Ativa Solution has indeed resulted in tangible benefits for SmarTone. The solution has been instrumental in reducing mean-time-to-repair (MTTR), minimising trouble tickets, and significantly improving overall customer experience (CX), net promoter score (NPS) and customer retention rates. Moreover, it has optimised team efficiency by reducing time and effort spent on operational processes.
4979	dbpedia	3	87	https://github.com/smartone-ai	en	SmartOne.ai	https://avatars.githubusercontent.com/u/143700109?s=280&v=4	https://avatars.githubusercontent.com/u/143700109?s=280&v=4	[ "https://avatars.githubusercontent.com/u/143700109?s=200&v=4", "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/smartone-ai/.github/main/profile/SmartOne-Logo.jpg", "https://avatars.githubusercontent.com/u/6395915?s=70&v=4" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Accelerating impactful and ethical AI with expert data solutions 🚀 - SmartOne.ai	en	https://github.com/fluidicon.png	GitHub	https://github.com/smartone-ai	SmartOne.ai is at the forefront of AI innovation, specializing in data labeling and annotation services that power the next generation of AI applications. Since our inception in 2012, we've annotated over 1.5 billion data points, making us the go-to partner for Fortune 500 companies, startups, and leading research institutes worldwide. What We Offer Computer Vision: Precision in annotating images and videos to fuel your computer vision projects with accurate, meaningful, and scalable data. Natural Language Processing (NLP): High-quality training data for conversational and intent detection models, transforming your audio and text into valuable insights. Workforce as a Service: Elevate your digital transformation with our value-added, elastic workforce, enhancing back-office management, customer service, and AI applications. Why Choose SmartOne.ai? Ethics at Our Core: We're committed to ethical AI and ensure that data labeling meets the highest standards of privacy and accuracy. Proven Process: Our PTS (Prep, Test, Scale) process delivers quality, accuracy, and efficiency tailored to your project's unique needs. Global Reach, Local Presence: Headquartered in Montreal, Canada, with a worldwide footprint, we're always close to our customers. Let's Connect Join us in driving the future of AI with ethical, effective, and innovative data solutions. Explore our services and see how SmartOne.ai can make your next AI project successful. Contact Us Today!
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"https://cdn.zonebourse.com/static/images/footer/footer_logo_ms.png", "https://ca.marketscreener.com/images/actions/2020/popup/blockmembernav/x-circle-fill.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited quotes", "stock quote", "Stock", "315", "BMG8219Z1059", "Shanghai - Hong Kong Stock Connect" ]	null	[]	2020-08-20T00:00:00	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited (315.): Stock quote, stock chart, quotes, analysis, advice, financials and news for Stock SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited \| Shanghai - Hong Kong Stock Connect: 315 \| Shanghai - Hong Kong Stock Connect	en		MarketScreener	https://ca.marketscreener.com/quote/stock/SMARTONE-TELECOMMUNICATIO-103500995/	OUR EXPERTS ARE HERE FOR YOU Monday - Friday 9am-12pm / 2pm-6pm GMT + 1
4979	dbpedia	2	45	https://getlogo.net/download-logo-vector-3350/	en	Free Download Sedgwick Logo Vector from GetLogo.Net			[ "https://getlogo.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/sedgwick-logo-vector-xs.png", "https://getlogo.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/gomapi-logo-vector-xs.png", "https://getlogo.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/dometic-outdoor-logo-vector-xs.png", "https://getlogo.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/transforming-cities-logo-vector-xs.png", "https://getlogo.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/vicon-industries-logo-vector-xs.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en			https://getlogo.net/download-logo-vector-3350/	Thank you for downloading Sedgwick Logo Vector More free logos vector to download Gomapi Logo Vector Dometic Outdoor Logo Vector Transforming Cities Logo Vector Vicon Industries Logo Vector
4979	dbpedia	2	86	https://www.infovista.com/	en	5G Network Planning, Testing & Assurance Automation	https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/favicon.ico	https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/favicon.ico	[ "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-07/city_overview_network_wireless_communication.jpg?h=b6717701&itok=6YyQMDPq", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-02/TEMS_Pocket_network_testing_indoor_stadium_1000px.jpg?h=82f92a78&itok=SpE4TYbW", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/hero_homepage_lg/public/2024-07/Infovista_Quarterly_TEMS_Newsletter_July_2024_Landing_Page_Banner.jpg?h=747dc4ee&itok=6b-3FfZ5", 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"https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/cards_vertical_lg/public/2023-02/fy23_infovista_planet_cloud_website_hero_banner.jpg?itok=c040C5iq", "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Network lifecycle automation solutions for 4G/5G/6G networks. Deliver the best user experience & monetize 5G faster powered by AI/ML and a unified cloud platform.	en	/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/favicon.png		https://www.infovista.com/	Network, service & customer experience intelligence Leveraging data, analytics, AI/ML and automation, provides a new way to think of your network: we unify and cloudify all the phases of your network lifecycle into a single continuum. This ensures you get business outcomes along your network transformation journey, regardless of your pace.
4979	dbpedia	3	72	https://companiesmarketcap.com/smartone-telecommunications/revenue/	en	SmarTone Telecommunications (0315.HK)	https://companiesmarketcap.com/logo.png	https://companiesmarketcap.com/logo.png	[ "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/in.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/uk.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/ca.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/au.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/nz.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/hk.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/sg.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/us.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/ca.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/mx.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/br.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/cl.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/de.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/uk.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/fr.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/es.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/nl.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/se.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/it.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/ch.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/pl.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/fi.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/cn.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/jp.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/kr.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/hk.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/sg.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/id.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/in.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/my.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/tw.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/th.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/au.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/nz.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/il.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/sa.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/tr.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/ru.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/za.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/company-logos/256/0315.HK.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/fav3.svg?v3", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/flags/hk.png", "https://companiesmarketcap.com/img/info-icon-grey.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Current and historical revenue charts for SmarTone Telecommunications. As of August 2024 SmarTone Telecommunications's TTM revenue is of $0.86 B	en	https://companiesmarketcap.com/favicon.ico		https://companiesmarketcap.com/smartone-telecommunications/revenue/	What is the market capitalization of a company? The market capitalization sometimes referred as Marketcap, is the value of a publicly listed company. In most cases it can be easily calculated by multiplying the share price with the amount of outstanding shares. DISCLAIMER
4979	dbpedia	3	64	https://www.thefastmode.com/technology-solutions/35319-smartone-enhances-5g-at-hong-kong-international-airport-with-addition-of-3-5ghz	en	SmarTone Enhances 5G at Hong Kong International Airport with Addition of 3.5GHz	https://www.thefastmode.…=20240312_021312	https://www.thefastmode.…=20240312_021312	[ "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Nokia/2024_campaign_5/2024_campaign_5_728.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/src/6644215fd9faf7f4a0219693a9edf883.jpg?t=20240312_021312", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_728.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/RohdeandSchwarz/2024_campaign_5/inarticle.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/users/2.jpg?date=070823", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/4cba551828cc8e3cc6c230133c52abef_M.jpg?t=20240815_021624", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/a3563034deee4b36737fdb5c33612f6d_M.jpg?t=20240813_063758", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/a40d4a4936057d52797aa7ee31de0e9e_M.jpg?t=20240809_012122", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/8e1f172dec2f4c083711961780f3594a_M.jpg?t=20240807_033744", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/be55e544b931cdbbb0ba89d08db3e608_M.jpg?t=20240807_021220", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/16bd6edde660697e40aad043d6a9cc28_M.jpg?t=20240807_012437", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/87be9771a737c68080d9921d5bbe78cf_M.jpg?t=20240806_065408", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/k2/items/cache/559fed46efb661e121311460b2dc66b3_M.jpg?t=20240806_020219", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Nokia/2024_campaign_5/2024_campaign_5_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Comarch/2024_campaign_3/2024_campaign_3_300.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/Commscope/2024_campaign_6/2024_campaign_6_300.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/RohdeandSchwarz/2021_campaign_1_banner_150.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/2020AndOnwardsEventBannerAds/2024M360APACBanner.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/2020AndOnwardsEventBannerAds/2024ACCBanner.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/SocialMedia/skyline_background.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/templates/shaper_simplicity_ii/images/logo.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/img/images/SocialMedia/skyline_background.jpg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/templates/shaper_simplicity_ii/images/logo.png", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/facebook.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/twitter.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/youtube.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/itunes-1.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/rss.svg", "https://www.thefastmode.com/media/general/pinterest.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone 5G" ]	null	[ "Ray Sharma" ]	2024-03-12T01:43:00	SmarTone Enhances 5G at Hong Kong International Airport with Addition of 3.5GHz	en	/favicon.ico		https://www.thefastmode.com/technology-solutions/35319-smartone-enhances-5g-at-hong-kong-international-airport-with-addition-of-3-5ghz	SmarTone is always committed to “Building Networkwith Heart” and has recently added the 3.5GHz "golden frequency band" at Hong Kong International Airport. This upgrade significantly enhances the 5G network capacity in both indoor and outdoor spaces of the airport. Our 5G network fully covers Hong Kong’s major ports, providing uninterrupted high-speed and smooth 5G network experience for the busy inbound and outbound crowd. The first phase of the 5G network upgrade project has been completed, covering the departures hall, arrivals hall, baggage reclaim hall and restricted area of Hong Kong International Airport. With the upgraded 5G network now in place, both arriving and departing customers can seamlessly connect to various intelligent facilities throughout the airport and enjoy smooth 5G network experiences. SmarTone has pioneered the territory-wide full 5G network coverage. Transportation hubs including all 23 road tunnels, major routes, and all MTR stations in Hong Kong have been covered. By deploying the exclusive 850MHz frequency band within MTR stations, SmarTone significantly expanded 5G network capacity. Customers can enjoy high-quality, fast, and stable network experience on the go even during peak hours. SmarTone will continue to expand network coverage and enhance network performance, aiming to provide customers and Hong Kong with the most advanced network infrastructure, leading the development of Hong Kong's smart city initiatives.
4979	dbpedia	3	80	https://www.polestarglobal.com/hardware-solutions/smartone-c	en	SmartOne C	https://www.polestarglob…t=630&quality=80	https://www.polestarglob…t=630&quality=80	[ "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/r4ley5s2/icon-search.svg", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/aq0fpz4t/pole-star-logo-alt.png", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/ryvamrf4/pole-star-logo.png", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/r4ley5s2/icon-search.svg", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/4talts1s/smart-c-listing.png?anchor=center&mode=crop&width=214&height=214&quality=80", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/ie1lxusx/news-1-1.png?center=0.5,0.50109890109890109&mode=crop&width=415&height=300&quality=80", "https://www.polestarglobal.com/media/khrjz2r2/isat-m2m-2.png?center=0.50216450216450215,0.5&mode=crop&width=415&height=300&quality=80" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	The Globalstar SmartOne C satellite tracking device is ideal for tracking unpowered marine assets in remote locations & inhospitable environments. Learn more.	en	/assets/images/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png	Pole Star	https://www.polestarglobal.com/hardware-solutions/smartone-c	Satellite managed asset-ready tracker. Choose Globalstar's SmartOne C when you need reliable, simple, and cost-effective satellite tracking for unpowered marine assets, barges, “dead” tows and unattended installations. The smallest, lightest device in Pole Star’s range, the SmartOne C is ideal when space and time on board is limited. This device requires no harnesses, external power, nor external antennae. The SmartOne C offers reliable position reporting, near-global coverage via the Globalstar satellite network and an integrated GPS, all housed within a tough polycarbonate enclosure small enough to fit in your hand. The SmartOne C can be either battery powered or line-powered.
4979	dbpedia	3	96	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/asia/asia-news/smartone-launch-add-numbers-app/	en	SmarTone launches Add-on Numbers app	https://i0.wp.com/www.mo…=650%2C224&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/www.mo…=650%2C224&ssl=1	[ "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/darkMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/lightMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/mobileNavIcon.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/darkMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/lightMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/closeButton.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/rightArrow.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/rightArrow.svg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/16131519/smartone-e1441116869814.jpeg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/16122744/joseph_waring.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/16113722/TM_HQ-Malaysia.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/21110332/MWL_Ciudad_Real_650.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/16120242/KL_Malaysia-e1562749981536.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/09214019/EchoStar-Building.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/16120113/MWL_KPN_650.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/16113931/Fujitsu.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/26152615/MWL_Jakarta_new_650.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/13202631/terana-wireless_fwa-e1694685236207.jpeg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/MWL_Logo_23_WHT.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joseph Waring" ]	2015-03-13T10:01:16+00:00	SmarTone has launches an app that gives users multiple mobile numbers on one phone.	en	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/favicon/favicon.ico	Mobile World Live	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/asia/asia-news/smartone-launch-add-numbers-app/	SmarTone has launched an app that gives users multiple mobile numbers on one phone. The Add-on Numbers app is available on all mobile networks in Hong Kong, including China Mobile, CSL, Sun Mobile, 1O1O and 3. It is compatible with both iOS and Android. Each additional number costs HKD5 ($0.75) per day and is capped at HKD35 per number per month. “Customers want different numbers for different people in their lives, be it family or work, close friends or acquaintances,” said SmarTone CEO Douglas Li. “Sometimes those numbers are for long-term usage, while at other times they are needed for just a relatively short period of time, such as buying or selling a flat, or on occasions where it’s inconvenient to give out one’s main number.” Users can add up to four local mobile numbers on the same phone in addition to the main number they currently use. Users can choose new numbers directly from the app to enjoy the service, irrespective of which network they are using. Existing numbers from any network can also be used for this service by visiting any SmarTone store. Each add-on number comes with a separate phone dialer in the app with a user’s own personalised labeling to avoid confusion between different numbers being used, its own calling identity, SMS/MMS folders, phonebook and voicemail. “Add-on Numbers can simplify the lives of many people who carry several phones with multiple mobile line subscriptions. This service provides greater convenience and substantial savings to their current multiple subscriptions,” Li said.
4979	dbpedia	3	79	https://smart-one.ca/partners/	en	Partners	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	[ "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/header_dots_green.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/partner_bell.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/partner_bell.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/header_dots_green.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/partner_bell.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/header_dots_green.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/header_dots_green.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_chargelab_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/locomobi_logo.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_mallmaverick_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_snaile_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_somfy_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/bastlogo04-300x95.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_path_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_chargelab_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/locomobi_logo.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_somfy_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_snaile_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_mallmaverick_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/bastlogoimg04-300x136.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/partners_path_2x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Dani Matti" ]	2021-03-24T00:42:46-04:00		en	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…avicon_64x64.png	SmartONE - The skyline is getting smarter	https://smart-one.ca/partners/	Together Bell and SmartONE bring the world’s fastest Internet technology and fully integrated, smart community services to newly constructed buildings. With Bell’s pure fibre Internet powering the SmartONE’s Smart Community technology, your building will have a truly future-proofed network. With 100% fibre Internet direct to each suite, your residents can enjoy Bell’s fastest Internet speeds and next-generation TV service from Canada’s most trusted Internet service provider. SmartONE is now exclusively available with Bell Internet in newly constructed residential buildings in Ontario, Quebec, Manitoba and Atlantic Canada. Current as of October 15, 2023. Voted most trusted High Speed Internet Provider brand by Canadian shoppers based on the 2023 BrandSpark® Canadian Trust Study. The BELL trademark is owned by Bell Canada. Together Bell and SmartONE bring the world’s fastest Internet technology and fully integrated, smart community services to newly constructed buildings. With Bell’s pure fibre Internet powering the SmartONE’s Smart Community technology, your building will have a truly future-proofed network. With 100% fibre Internet direct to each suite, your residents can enjoy Bell’s fastest Internet speeds and next-generation TV service from. SmartONE is now exclusively available with Bell Internet in newly constructed residential buildings in Ontario, Quebec, Manitoba and Atlantic Canada. Current as of The BELL trademark is owned by Bell Canada. Together Bell and SmartONE bring the world’s fastest Internet technology and fully integrated, smart community services to newly constructed buildings. With Bell’s pure fibre Internet powering the SmartONE’s Smart Community technology, your building will have a truly future-proofed network. With 100% fibre Internet direct to each suite, your residents can enjoy Bell’s fastest Internet speeds and next-generation TV service from Canada’s #1 Internet provider. SmartONE is now exclusively available with Bell Internet in newly constructed residential buildings in Ontario, Quebec, Manitoba and Atlantic Canada. Current as of April 12, 2021. Based on the number of Internet subscribers in Canada. The BELL trademark is owned by Bell Canada.
4979	dbpedia	3	55	https://www.waverwifi.com/product/wac52n/	en	SmartOne N	https://www.waverwifi.co…c52n-product.png	https://www.waverwifi.co…c52n-product.png	[ "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/waver-logo-03.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/US-Flag.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/EU-Flag.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/wac52n-product-510x510.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/startup.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/internet-1.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/captive-portal.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/analytics.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/menu.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/database.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/marketing.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/access-points.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/cashless-payment.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/no-fee.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/icon-01.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/icon-01.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/icon-01.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/icon-01.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/waver-technical3.gif", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/waver-technical3.gif", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/SMARTONE-N-1.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/startup.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/internet-1.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/startup.png", "https://www.waverwifi.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/internet-1.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2020-02-26T08:51:35+00:00	Dual-Band WiFi Router featuring a Branded Captive Portal, providing robust Guest WiFi Authentication and tailored Marketing capabilities for small venues.	en	https://www.waverwifi.co…ure-05-32x32.png	WAVER	https://www.waverwifi.com/product/wac52n/	Waver SmartOne is a reliable dual band wireless router with integrated captive portal, advanced hotspot and guest management capabilities. It features an easy to use and manage administration interface that is designed to fulfill the most demanding needs of small businesses in the hospitality industry. N-Series are ideal for small venues with internet connection speeds that do not cross the 100Mbps barrier. Dispatch within 48 hours Shipping from Fort Worth, TX SPECIFICATIONS Hardware Main CPU/RAM: 900MHz Quad-core / 1GB Network CPU/RAM: 650MHz / 64MB Buttons: Power On/Off, Factory Reset, 2.4GHz Radio, 5GHz Radio Activity LEDs: Power, WAN/Internet Port, 2.4GHz Radio, 5GHz Radio, Guest Port, LAN Ports x4 Adjustable LEDs: Logo (intensity), Corner RGB (intensity, color) Operating Temperature: -20°C to +60°C Input Voltage: 24V 1.2A Dimensions: 286x165x46mm Weight: 850g Ethernet WAN Throughput: 100 Mbps WAN Interfaces: 1x WAN/Internet 10/100M LAN Interfaces: 4x LAN 10/100M Guest Interfaces: 1x Guest Port 10/100M (PoE out) PoE Out Voltage: 24V 0.5A Wireless Wireless Interfaces: 1x Dual Chain 2.4GHz 802.11b/g/n, 1x Single Chain 5GHz 802.11a/n/ac Antennas Type: Integrated 360° 1.5dBi for 2.4GHz, Integrated 360° 2dBi for 5GHz Maximum Tx Power: 19 dBm @ 2.4GHz 22 dBm @ 5GHz Wireless Chips: QCA9531 (2.4GHz 802.11b/g/n), QCA9887 (5GHz 802.11a/n/ac)
4979	dbpedia	3	43	https://logowik.com/vector-logo/SmarTone%2520vector%2520logo.html	en	SmarTone%20vector%20logo Vector Logos	https://logowik.com/cont…ogo/og-image.png	https://logowik.com/cont…ogo/og-image.png	[ "https://logowik.com/content/assets/images/logo/logowik-logo.svg", "https://logowik.com/content/assets/images/logo/logowik-logo.svg", "https://logowik.com/content/assets/images/logo/logowik-logo-footer.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone%20vector%20logo", "SmarTone%20vector%20logo logo vector", "SmarTone%20vector%20logo icon vector", "download SmarTone%20vector%20logo vector", "vector logo", "brand vector logo", "free vector logo", "brands vectorlogo", "SVG logo download", "PNG logo download", "CDR logo download", "png logo download", "logowik", "free logo", "Free Logo Templates", "Free Logo Shapes", "Logo Inspiration", "Logo Designs", "Logo Shapes" ]	null	[]	null	SmarTone%20vector%20logo Logo and Icon. You can download 0 SmarTone%20vector%20logo Vector logos and SmarTone%20vector%20logo icons in PNG, SVG, Ai, PDF, EPS and CDR formats for free from Logowik	en	https://logowik.com/cont…h-icon-57x57.png		https://logowik.com/vector-logo/SmarTone%2520vector%2520logo.html	Sorry we couldn't find any logos Maybe your search was too specific, please try searching with another term or clear filter
4979	dbpedia	2	5	https://smart-one.ca/blog/helping-those-with-disabilities-live-their-best-lives/	en	Helping those with disabilities live their best lives	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…Icon_192x192.png	[ "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/SmartONE_logo_black.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec15pic1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec15pic2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/bullets_black_2x.png", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/blog220718_2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/220704_blog2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/220620_blog1-1-scaled.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/20220517_blog_2.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/20220603_blog_1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/20220504_blog_1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/blog220322-hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/blog220315-hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec15pic1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/dec6_hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/nov30blog-1.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/AdobeStock_184252135.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/BringingSmartLiving_1_Hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/SafeCommunity_hero.jpg", "https://smart-one.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/BrainsOfOperation_main.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "SmartONE" ]	2021-12-15T17:25:01-05:00	SmartONE’s philosophy has always been inclusiveness for all. Here’s how our solution can make condo living accessible for residents with disabilities.	en	https://smart-one.ca/wp-…avicon_64x64.png	SmartONE - The skyline is getting smarter	https://smart-one.ca/blog/helping-those-with-disabilities-live-their-best-lives/	Smart technology has revolutionized accessible living for those with disabilities. From smart thermostats that automatically regulate temperature to voice-activated devices that can control your household appliances, proptech has made living independently – and safely – a very real possibility for a significant number of Canadians. According to a 2017 survey on disability, 22% of Canadians (or one in five people) aged 15 and up had one or more disabilities. For those Canadians, condo living can get frustrating, with challenges like mobility issues and safety concerns often limiting their housing options. SmartONE’s philosophy has always been inclusiveness for all. Here’s how our solution can make condo living accessible for residents with disabilities. Seamless tech – how your smart home can anticipate your needs Simple tasks like turning on a light or making a cup of coffee can be complicated and time-consuming for those with disabilities. The beauty of smart tech is its ability to automate important daily functions. One way of doing this is SmartONE’s scene feature, which allows residents to accomplish a multitude of tasks with the touch of a button. Essentially, each in-suite wall pad acts as a central hub that connects with every Zigbee-enabled smart device in the suite. Residents can program a multitude of scenes depending on their needs. For example, residents can implement a ‘good morning’ scene. At a certain time each morning, the lights will turn on, the thermostat temperature will change, the blinds will open and the coffee machine will start. Activities that would have taken a considerable amount of energy are suddenly a seamless part of their morning routine. How smart devices make life easier Smart devices in general have vastly improved the quality of life for those with disabilities. SmartONE’s smart thermostats will automatically regulate temperature, which is not only convenient but also energy efficient. Smart locks are also essential in an inclusive building and help create barrier-free accessibility. SmartONE’s digital door lock allows for easier entry. Door locks can be opened using codes, fobs, or smartphones, which is helpful for those who are vision impaired, since most smartphones have low-vision features. Our push-pull digital door lock option is simple for anyone to operate and can be opened by pushing with a closed fist, allowing those with physical disabilities to easily enter or exit. Residents can also integrate a variety of devices and apps into the SmartONE solution, including voice-activated devices like Alexa, which play an important role in creating accessible living spaces. Customizable solutions that fit your life At SmartONE, we understand that every person who lives with a disability has a unique day-to-day experience with unique challenges, which is why our solution is easily adaptable to different circumstances. This concept was put to the test when our engineering team was asked to create a safe living experience for several hearing-impaired residents in a building we were involved in. Thinking quickly, our team came up with a simple, yet innovative solution – using ZigBee-enabled Hue lights to notify the residents of various situations. The bulbs, located in visually prominent areas throughout the suite and able to communicate with the wall pad, change colour based on what needs to be communicated. Red signals smoke or flood leak detector alarms, blue is for the lobby phone or a concierge call, and green means someone is calling from the suite’s video doorbell. This solution is a great example of SmartONE’s local innovation. “I was asked if there was a way to solve a specific situation for people that cannot hear the alarm or the doorbell ringing,” said Bollman Blanco, a lead engineer who spearheaded this idea. “Using our platform, I came up with this new and innovative design to help this client and all future residents with this disability.” Not only does the use of Hue lights ensure residents don’t miss important alerts, it also connects them with their community. According to Farhad Keramati, Chief Technology Officer at SmartONE, the ability to quickly react to new challenges is essential. “We have the ability to customize at the user level, which is helpful for those with disabilities because now we can customize a solution for individual needs,” said Keramati. “Our solutions look very different for different communities. Changing and adding specific services can be a matter of minutes.” Using Family Care Plus for a safer living experience Feeling safe while living independently can be a challenge for those with disabilities. With SmartONE’s Family Care Plus program, your family can still stay connected to a loved one’s well-being without infringing on their privacy. Family Care Plus, which is currently in development, is an AI-powered solution that can learn a resident’s daily routine and contact a family member automatically if there’s a disruption. This allows peace of mind for both the resident and their families without resorting to more invasive monitoring. “Family Care is about monitoring without actually being intrusive. It’s vigilance while respecting privacy,” said Keramati. Creating an inclusive community SmartONE is committed to creating communities that celebrate every resident, regardless of their circumstances. With our seamlessly integrated smart devices, our Family Care Plus program and the ability to customize our solution to fit any need, we’re determined to create inclusive environments for those with disabilities. Find out more about our solution and book a demo by clicking below!
4979	dbpedia	2	97	https://www.scmp.com/article/665254/smartone-aims-offer-fastest-mobile-service	en	SmarTone aims to offer fastest mobile service	https://assets-v2.i-scmp…icon-192x192.png	https://assets-v2.i-scmp…icon-192x192.png	[ "https://img.i-scmp.com/cdn-cgi/image/fit=contain,width=60,format=auto/sites/default/files/styles/300x300/public/images/author/pic/2018/10/22/placeholder-reporters2x_0.png?itok=602_GRkU", "https://assets-v2.i-scmp.com/production/_next/static/media/wheel-on-gray.af4a55f9.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "South China Morning Post", "News", "Opinion", "China", "Hong Kong", "World", "US", "Asia", "Business", "Economy", "Technology", "Lifestyle", "Sport" ]	null	[ "SCMP" ]	2008-12-30T00:00:00+08:00	Wireless services provider SmarTone-Vodafone, unfazed by the economic crisis, has started an ambitious network expansion programme that promises to bring its subscribers the fastest mobile broadband service in Greater China by next year.	en	https://assets-v2.i-scmp.com/production/favicon.ico	South China Morning Post	https://www.scmp.com/article/665254/smartone-aims-offer-fastest-mobile-service	Wireless services provider SmarTone-Vodafone, unfazed by the economic crisis, has started an ambitious network expansion programme that promises to bring its subscribers the fastest mobile broadband service in Greater China by next year. The 3G mobile network operator, with about 1.1 million subscribers in Hong Kong, has partnered with Swedish telecommunications equipment supplier Ericsson on the world's first pilot implementation of Mimo - for multiple input, multiple output - smart antenna technology. Mimo, pronounced 'mee-moh', will enable SmarTone-Vodafone to deliver 3G mobile broadband transmission speeds of up to 28 megabits per second next summer and 42Mbps by the end of next year - advances that would help realise the potential of 3G services in Hong Kong. SmarTone-Vodafone's network currently provides peak data rates of 14.4Mbps, compared with up to 7.2Mbps for other local 3G mobile network operators. 'This pilot project will further extend the company's leadership in mobile network performance and expand the boundaries of the digital lifestyle,' said Douglas Li, chief executive of SmarTone-Vodafone. The faster speeds mean increased use of capacity by the operator - allowing a large number of customers to enjoy high-speed mobile broadband service simultaneously without compromising on quality - and shorter downloading time for 3G mobile phone subscribers to rival the desktop computing experience on fixed-line broadband networks, Stephen Chau Kam-kun, the company's chief technology officer, said. Mimo uses multiple antennas to boost the efficiency of both the transmitter (the cellular base station) and receiver (the handset), which significantly improves wireless data throughput and range of connection without the operator having to add bandwidth or transmission power. Johan Adler, president at Ericsson Hong Kong and Macau, described Mimo as an essential component of the future of high-speed mobile networks, which will evolve from the current collection of High-Speed Packet Access mobile telephony protocols to the so-called Long-Term Evolution (LTE) 4G standard. Matts Olsson, president at Ericsson Greater China, said: 'With the imminent implementation of 3G on the mainland, the experience we have shared with SmarTone-Vodafone and the Mimo pilot will help us ensure a successful deployment of 3G and LTE in the whole Greater China region.' Technology consulting firm Ovum says caution may be inevitable for operators during the economic downturn, but a more aggressive strategy is advisable for those with tangible resources. 'Even in the darkest reaches of a recession, clients will continue to expect quality services delivered at appropriate pricing levels, with continual improvements to both,' said Eamonn Kennedy, practice leader of Ovum's information technology services team. Mr Chau said: 'This [Mimo] initiative will ultimately cost SmarTone-Vodafone tens of millions of [Hong Kong] dollars.' The company, a partner network of global mobile telecommunications giant Vodafone Group, expects consumers to be able to experience the improvements on its network soon, as brand-name handset models supporting downlinks of up to 10.2Mbps, such as those from Nokia, will be available by February. Mr Chau said the more efficient use of its network would allow SmarTone-Vodafone to encourage more households to give up their fixed-line telephone links and adopt its alternative wireless service.
4979	dbpedia	2	78	https://www.gurufocus.com/term/wacc/FRA:SMA	en	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings (FRA:SMA) WACC %	https://static.gurufocus…C00000V6F.png?12	https://static.gurufocus…C00000V6F.png?12	[ "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/logo_small_new.png", "https://www.gurufocus.com/images/P_12.jpg", "https://www.gurufocus.com/images/P_12.jpg", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/chat_bubble_message_square_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/users_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/user_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/cog_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/folder_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/P_12.jpg", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/folder_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/premium/P-Plus_12.jpg", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/case_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/case_icon&16.png", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/sq_plus_icon&16.png", "https://www.gurufocus.com/ic/image/icon/5.gif", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/horizontal_loading.gif", "https://static.gurufocus.com/images/icons/gray/png/checkmark_icon&16.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png", "https://gurufocus.s3.amazonaws.com/images/blur.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings WACC %", "FRA:SMA WACC %", "Weioghted Cost of Capital", "Debt", "Equity", "Ratio", "WACC" ]	null	[]	null	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings (FRA:SMA) WACC % as of today (August 14, 2024) is 2.34%. WACC % explanation, calculation, historical data and more	en	https://www.gurufocus.com/favicon.ico		https://www.gurufocus.com/term/wacc/FRA:SMA	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings WACC % Calculation The weighted average cost of capital (WACC) is the rate that a company is expected to pay on average to all its security holders to finance its assets. The WACC is commonly referred to as the firm's cost of capital. Generally speaking, a company's assets are financed by debt and equity. WACC is the average of the costs of these sources of financing, each of which is weighted by its respective use in the given situation. By taking a weighted average, we can see how much interest the company has to pay for every dollar it finances. WACC=E/(E + D)Cost of Equity+D/(E + D)Cost of Debt(1 - Tax Rate) 1. Weights: Generally speaking, a company's assets are financed by debt and equity. We need to calculate the weight of equity and the weight of debt. The market value of equity (E) is also called "Market Cap". As of today, SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's market capitalization (E) is €488.914 Mil. The market value of debt is typically difficult to calculate, therefore, GuruFocus uses book value of debt (D) to do the calculation. It is simplified by adding the latest one-year semi-annual average Short-Term Debt & Capital Lease Obligation and Long-Term Debt & Capital Lease Obligation together. As of Dec. 2023, SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's latest one-year semi-annual average Book Value of Debt (D) is €161.2117 Mil. a) weight of equity = E / (E + D) = 488.914 / (488.914 + 161.2117) = 0.752 b) weight of debt = D / (E + D) = 161.2117 / (488.914 + 161.2117) = 0.248 2. Cost of Equity: GuruFocus uses Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) to calculate the required rate of return. The formula is: Cost of Equity = Risk-Free Rate of Return + Beta of Asset (Expected Return of the Market - Risk-Free Rate of Return) a) GuruFocus uses 10-Year Treasury Constant Maturity Rate as the risk-free rate. It is updated daily. The current risk-free rate is 3.847%. Please go to Economic Indicators page for more information. Please note that we use the 10-Year Treasury Constant Maturity Rate of the country/region where the company is headquartered. If the data for that country/region is not available, then we will use the 10-Year Treasury Constant Maturity Rate of the United States as default. b) Beta is the sensitivity of the expected excess asset returns to the expected excess market returns. SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's beta is -0.37. c) (Expected Return of the Market - Risk-Free Rate of Return) is also called market premium. GuruFocus requires market premium to be 6%. Cost of Equity = 3.847% + -0.37 * 6% = 1.627% 3. Cost of Debt: GuruFocus uses latest TTM Interest Expense divided by the latest one-year semi-annual average debt to get the simplified cost of debt. As of Dec. 2023, SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's interest expense (positive number) was €12.402 Mil. Its total Book Value of Debt (D) is €161.2117 Mil. Cost of Debt = 12.402 / 161.2117 = 7.693%. 4. Multiply by one minus TTM Tax Rate: GuruFocus uses the most recent TTM Tax Expense divided by the most recent TTM Pre-Tax Income to calculate the tax rate. The calculated TTM tax rate is limited to between 0% and 100%. If the calculated tax rate is higher than 100%, it is set to 100%. If the calculated tax rate is less than 0%, it is set to 0%. The latest calculated TTM Tax Rate = 21.541 / 51.934 = 41.48%. SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's Weighted Average Cost Of Capital (WACC) for Today is calculated as: WACC=E / (E + D)Cost of Equity+D / (E + D)Cost of Debt(1 - Tax Rate) =0.7521.627%+0.2487.693%(1 - 41.48%) =2.34% * For Operating Data section: All numbers are indicated by the unit behind each term and all currency related amount are in USD. * For other sections: All numbers are in millions except for per share data, ratio, and percentage. All currency related amount are indicated in the company's associated stock exchange currency. SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings (FRA:SMA) WACC % Explanation Because it costs money to raise capital. A firm that generates higher ROIC % than it costs the company to raise the capital needed for that investment is earning excess returns. A firm that expects to continue generating positive excess returns on new investments in the future will see its value increase as growth increases, whereas a firm that earns returns that do not match up to its cost of capital will destroy value as it grows. As of today, SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's weighted average cost of capital is 2.34%%. SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings's ROIC % is 2.69% (calculated using TTM income statement data). SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings generates higher returns on investment than it costs the company to raise the capital needed for that investment. It is earning excess returns. A firm that expects to continue generating positive excess returns on new investments in the future will see its value increase as growth increases. Be Aware 1. GuruFocus uses book value of debt (D) to do the calculation. It is simplified by adding latest one-year semi-annual average Short-Term Debt & Capital Lease Obligation and Long-Term Debt & Capital Lease Obligation together. For companies that report quarterly, GuruFocus combines all of the most recent year's quarterly debt data from the beginning of the year to the year-end and calculates the average. For companies that report semi-annually, GuruFocus combines all of the most recent year's semi-annual debt data from the start of the year to the year-end and calculates the average. For companies that report annually, GuruFocus combines the beginning and ending annual debt data from the most recent year and then calculates the average. 2. The WACC formula discussed above does not include Preferred Stock. Please adjust if preferred stock is considered. 3. (Expected Return of the Market - Risk-Free Rate of Return) is also called market premium. GuruFocus requires market premium to be 6%. 4. GuruFocus uses the latest TTM Interest Expense divided by the latest one-year semi-annual average debt to get the simplified cost of debt. Related Terms
4979	dbpedia	3	63	https://www.shkp.com/en-US/our-business/non-property-portfolio-businesses/telecommunications	en	Sun Hung Kai Properties	https://www.shkp.com/sit…logo-192x192.png	https://www.shkp.com/sit…logo-192x192.png	[ "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/logo.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-search.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-world.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-menu.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-close-red.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-search.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-world.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-share-page-red.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-link-red.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/themes/shkp/assets/images/icon-share-red.svg", "https://www.shkp.com/sites/assets/files/2024-01/SmarTone-WeChat-EN.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited (0315.HK), listed in Hong Kong since 1996 and a subsidiary of Sun Hung Kai Properties, is a leading telecommunications company with operating subsidiaries in Hong Kong and Macau, providing voice, multimedia and mobile broadband services, as well as fixed fibre broadband services for the consumer and corporate markets. SmarTone’s goal is to deliver unbeatable and valuable experiences to customers through our powerful network, innovative apps and caring service. SmarTone has been at the forefront of Hong Kong’s mobile industry, setting new standards with its 5S, encapsulating Speed, Stability, Seamlessness, Security and Service. These five critical factors ensure that customers enjoy a total value experience beyond a simple network. SmarTone is a clear leader in network superiority and technological development. Backed by strong technical know-how and expertise, the company will continue to invest in its network. The company’s 5G network currently covers over 99% of the population. Being customer-focused is at the heart of SmarTone. Staying relevant to customer needs and maintaining exceptional customer relationships are core to the company. With its market segmentation strategy, distinctive service plans and value-added services catering to the needs of different customer segments, the company maintains its position as one of the most customer-centric mobile operators in Hong Kong. SmarTone believes in serving customers with industry-leading standard via multiple channels. As of June 2023, we have over 30 stores in Hong Kong, providing digitized and self-service customer experience. The company will continue to accelerate its digitalization journey with an integrated Omni channel strategy to bring customers a seamless O2O (online to offline) experience.	en	/sites/assets/files/cropped-SHKP_logo-192x192.png		https://www.shkp.com/en-US/our-business/non-property-portfolio-businesses/telecommunications	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Limited (0315.HK), listed in Hong Kong since 1996 and a subsidiary of Sun Hung Kai Properties, is a leading telecommunications company with operating subsidiaries in Hong Kong and Macau, providing voice, multimedia and mobile broadband services, as well as fixed fibre broadband services for the consumer and corporate markets. SmarTone’s goal is to deliver unbeatable and valuable experiences to customers through our powerful network, innovative apps and caring service. SmarTone has been at the forefront of Hong Kong’s mobile industry, setting new standards with its 5S, encapsulating Speed, Stability, Seamlessness, Security and Service. These five critical factors ensure that customers enjoy a total value experience beyond a simple network. SmarTone is a clear leader in network superiority and technological development. Backed by strong technical know-how and expertise, the company will continue to invest in its network. The company’s 5G network currently covers over 99% of the population. Being customer-focused is at the heart of SmarTone. Staying relevant to customer needs and maintaining exceptional customer relationships are core to the company. With its market segmentation strategy, distinctive service plans and value-added services catering to the needs of different customer segments, the company maintains its position as one of the most customer-centric mobile operators in Hong Kong. SmarTone believes in serving customers with industry-leading standard via multiple channels. As of June 2023, we have over 30 stores in Hong Kong, providing digitized and self-service customer experience. The company will continue to accelerate its digitalization journey with an integrated Omni channel strategy to bring customers a seamless O2O (online to offline) experience.
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4979	dbpedia	3	75	https://www.contactcenterworld.com/company/smartone-group.aspx	en	ContactCenterWorld.com	https://www.contactcente…-1200px-logo.jpg	https://www.contactcente…-1200px-logo.jpg	[ "https://dc.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=578097&fmt=gif", "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=883746868373923&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/cookies-close-btn.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/cookies-close-btn.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/ccw-headerRLogo1.jpg", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/contactcenterworld-ER-logo-sm.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/g.png?d=17&h=122&m=944", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/ccw-icon.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/facebook.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/linkedin.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/twitter.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/rss.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/lyoutube.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/linstagram.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/whatsapp.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-spain.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-indonesia.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-indonesia.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-indonesia.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-Turkey.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/images/flags/tiny-vietnam.gif", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/company-facebook-missing.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/company-twitter-missing.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/company-instagram-missing.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/company-youtube-missing.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/company-linkedin-missing.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/sc/st2/icon-blue-29.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/pixel.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/imagestemp/342014102047_new%20hi-tech%20ccw%20logo%20without%20name-280x.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/icons/chat-bubble-icon.png", "https://www.contactcenterworld.com/img/ccw-headerRELogo2.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "Call Center", "Contact Center", "Call Centre", "Contact Centre", "Awards", "News", "Social Networking", "Jobs", "Events", "Best Practices", "Benchmarking", "Outsourcing", "Certification", "Employee Engagement", "Customer Service" ]	null	[]	null	Smartone group Company Profile	en		ContactCenterWorld.com	https://www.contactcenterworld.com/company/smartone-group.aspx	Your Privacy When you visit any web site, it may store or retrieve information on your browser, mostly in the form of cookies. 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4979	dbpedia	2	39	https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/2024/02/12/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience/	en	SmarTone partners with Infovista to elevate customer experience – Intelligent CIO APAC	https://www.intelligentc…_439998694-1.jpg	https://www.intelligentc…_439998694-1.jpg	[ "https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/wp-content/uploads/sites/44/2023/05/ICIO-APAC-Light.png", "https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/wp-content/uploads/sites/44/2024/02/AdobeStock_439998694-1.jpg", "https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/wp-content/uploads/sites/44/2023/05/ICIO-APAC-Dark.png", "https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/wp-content/uploads/sites/44/2023/05/ICIO-APAC-Light.png", "https://www.joomag.com/Frontend/embed/cover/issue_cover.php?UID=M0670303001596719442" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2024-02-12T00:00:00	SmarTone, the Consumers’ No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network in Hong Kong, has successfully transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa - Infovista’s cutting-edge automated assurance solution - across its 3G, 4G, 5G and IMS network. SmarTone says it chose Ativa for its comprehensive assurance capabilities and future-proof technology - highlighted by its cloud-native, virtualized and open architecture.…	en	https://www.intelligentc…n-2023-32x32.png	Intelligent CIO APAC	https://www.intelligentcio.com/apac/2024/02/12/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience/	SmarTone, the Consumers’ No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network in Hong Kong, has successfully transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa – Infovista’s cutting-edge automated assurance solution – across its 3G, 4G, 5G and IMS network. SmarTone says it chose Ativa for its comprehensive assurance capabilities and future-proof technology – highlighted by its cloud-native, virtualized and open architecture. SmarTone required a solution that not only empowers them to elevate the quality of service and overall customer experience but also drive daily operations with a customer-centric approach. Ativa, said SmarTone, provided the data intelligence necessary to optimize and scale their business. The Ativa solution by Infovista has equipped SmarTone with enhanced monitoring and troubleshooting capabilities, offering valuable insights into voice and data, including intelligence on OTT applications delivered over mobile and 5G FWA (Fixed Wireless Access) broadband. Its flexibility has facilitated the delivery of customized solutions aligned with SmarTone’s specific requirements, while its support for Open APIs has enabled seamless integrations with third-party systems, ensuring a smooth export of data and analytics. Infovista’s solution has transformed SmarTone’s troubleshooting, enhancing their service and customer experience. SmarTone reports ‘tangible benefits’ in the implementation of Ativa, with the solution being ‘instrumental’ in reducing Mean-Time-To-Repair (MTTR), minimizing trouble tickets and significantly improving overall Customer Experience (CX), Net Promoter Score (NPS) and customer retention rates. Moreover, SmarTone says the solution has optimized team efficiency by reducing time and effort spent on operational processes. Click below to share this article
4979	dbpedia	2	81	https://www.apollo.io/companies/SmartOne-/556d8763736964122a303601	en	SmartOne.ai Financial Overview, Employee Count, and Competitors	https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/6682576201ba460001a7fa6d/picture	https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/6682576201ba460001a7fa6d/picture	[ "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo-mobile.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo-new.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/burger-menu.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/credit-card.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/g2-5stars.svg", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/6682576201ba460001a7fa6d/picture", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/industry.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/founded.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/location.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/website.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/linkedin.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/twitter.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/facebook.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/industry.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/founded.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/location.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/website.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/linkedin.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/twitter.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/profile-link/facebook.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/arrow-down.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/arrow-down.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/arrow-down.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/arrow-down.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/chevron-right.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/chevron-down.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/chevron-right.svg", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/66a1a057a7b14800013395f3/picture", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/63edac09a4ccae0001634980/picture", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/65b50a73f507950001199917/picture", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/654abbb2c0aaaf00019c9962/picture", "https://zenprospect-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/pictures/669d9c6549531f00019ccb05/picture", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/linkedin-prospecting.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/people-search-icon.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/company-search-icon.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/people/erik-straub.jpeg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/people/michael-transon.jpeg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo-social-facebook.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo-social-linkedin.svg", "https://www.apollo.io/static/images/logo-social-twitter.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "SmartOne.ai", "Apollo", "web summary", "professional summary", "professional background", "employment history", "biography", "web references", "employees", "contact information" ]	null	[]	null	View SmartOne.ai (http://www.smartone.ai) location in Quebec, Canada, revenue, competitors and contact information. Find and reach SmartOne.ai's employees by department, seniority, title, and much more.		/static/favicons/apple-icon-57x57.png	Apollo.io	https://www.apollo.io/companies/SmartOne-/556d8763736964122a303601	Apollo gives you all the company insights you need Free to get started, easy to add your whole sales team, commit to monthly or annual plans. We make it easy to get started.
4979	dbpedia	3	59	https://www.mysmartone.com/account/activate	en	Netspend smartOne Account			[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://d6oks8f65socs.cloudfront.net/service/8b09a8/be0eb85188fcba2235eaa90b93abf268.ico		null
4979	dbpedia	2	9	https://www.infovista.com/press-release/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience	en	SmarTone partners with Infovista	https://www.infovista.co…kedIn_Banner.jpg	https://www.infovista.co…kedIn_Banner.jpg	[ "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-07/city_overview_network_wireless_communication.jpg?h=b6717701&itok=6YyQMDPq", "https://www.infovista.com/sites/default/files/styles/menu_card_image/public/2024-02/TEMS_Pocket_network_testing_indoor_stadium_1000px.jpg?h=82f92a78&itok=SpE4TYbW", "https://ws.sharethis.com/images/2017/sharethis_32.png", "https://www.infovista.com/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/assets/images/iv-logo-amp.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Hong Kong's leading telecommunications provider, SmarTone, employs Ativa™ automated assurance solution to deliver premium voice, data, OTT, and 5G FWA services.	en	/profiles/infovista/themes/custom/iv_theme/favicon.png		https://www.infovista.com/press-release/smartone-partners-with-infovista-to-elevate-customer-experience	Hong Kong's leading telecommunications provider employs Ativa™ automated assurance solution to deliver premium voice, data, OTT, and 5G FWA services Paris, France – Thursday February 8th, 2024 – SmarTone, the Consumers’ No.1 Best Preferred 5G Network in Hong Kong*, has successfully transformed its customer experience and network performance by implementing Ativa™, Infovista's cutting-edge automated assurance solution, across its 3G, 4G, 5G and IMS network. SmarTone, committed to delivering consistent and exceptional experiences to its customers, sought an innovative assurance solution to optimize service and customer monitoring, enhance troubleshooting capabilities, and elevate overall customer satisfaction. Following an exhaustive selection process, SmarTone chose Infovista's passive probing solution, Ativa, for its comprehensive assurance capabilities and future-proof technology, highlighted by its cloud-native, virtualized and open architecture. The mission at SmarTone is to deliver unparalleled services to their customers. To achieve this, they required a solution that not only empowers them to elevate the quality of service and overall customer experience but also drives their daily operations with a customer-centric approach. Ativa provides them the data intelligence necessary to optimize and scale their business. The Ativa solution by Infovista has equipped SmarTone with enhanced monitoring and troubleshooting capabilities, offering valuable insights into voice and data, including intelligence on OTT applications delivered over mobile and 5G FWA (Fixed Wireless Access) broadband. Its flexibility has facilitated the delivery of customized solutions aligned with SmarTone's specific requirements, while its support for Open APIs has enabled seamless integrations with third-party systems, ensuring a smooth export of data and analytics. Infovista's solution has transformed SmarTone’s troubleshooting, enhancing their service and customer experience. The implementation of Ativa Solution has indeed resulted in tangible benefits for SmarTone. The solution has been instrumental in reducing Mean-Time-To-Repair (MTTR), minimizing trouble tickets, and significantly improving overall Customer Experience (CX), Net Promoter Score (NPS), and customer retention rates. Moreover, it has optimized team efficiency by reducing time and effort spent on operational processes. For more information on Infovista’s Ativa Suite, please visit: https://www.infovista.com/products/automated-assurance-operations/ativa-suite
4979	dbpedia	2	43	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/home-banner/ceo-spotlight-douglas-li-smartone/	en	CEO Spotlight: Douglas Li, SmarTone	https://i0.wp.com/www.mo…=650%2C450&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/www.mo…=650%2C450&ssl=1	[ "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/darkMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/lightMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/mobileNavIcon.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/darkMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/lightMode.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/closeButton.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/rightArrow.svg", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/rightArrow.svg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/16130243/douglas_li.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/16122744/joseph_waring.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/23125140/Proximus_Group_CEO_GuillameBoutin.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/16120649/MWL_Kaan_Terzioglu_VEON_new_650-e1696861364240.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/16121540/MPT-tower-e1552031751841.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/16114014/3G-e1673346341308.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/07105107/MWL_Japan_Tokyo_650.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/10143741/WIN100_650x366.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/icon/playIcon.svg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/16120237/Telenor-HQ-new-1-650.jpg", "https://assets.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/16120628/Google-Chrome-on-Android-phone.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/mobileWorldLive_squareLogo23_white.png", "https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/img/logo/MWL_Logo_23_WHT.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joseph Waring" ]	2015-08-31T08:33:32+00:00	Douglas Li, who steps down this week at SmarTone, shares his views on its e-commerce and healthcare initiatives as well as the schizophrenic nature of pricing in Hong Kong, 5G vendor hype and the narrow value of analytics.	en	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/wp-content/themes/theme_mobileworldlive23_eb2624a/assets/favicon/favicon.ico	Mobile World Live	https://www.mobileworldlive.com/home-banner/ceo-spotlight-douglas-li-smartone/	Douglas Li, who has been at the helm of Hong Kong’s fourth ranked operator for almost two decades over two stints, is stepping down this week. In a candid and open interview, he told Mobile World Live that it was time to move on (he’s reached retirement age) and joked that his successor would likely be much less of a pain to the board than he has often been. Over the last year Li has spearheaded two diversification initiatives in segments where he anticipates strong growth. In early August the operator announced a mobile marketing platform designed to help retailers understand their customers better and act on the information generated. And a year ago it launched a healthcare app that allows users to track their exercise and diet and monitor everything from blood pressure to glucose level and share the data with healthcare professionals and family and friends. In our latest ‘Spotlight’ operator CEO feature, Li shares his views on those launches as well as the schizophrenic nature of pricing in Hong Kong, 5G vendor hype and the narrow value of analytics. MWL: More than a year ago, you said you were starting to see a more sensible approach to mobile tariffs in Hong Kong. Have you seen much progress since then? Li: I do see some progress, but it’s been very slow because for some peculiar reason no one has the nerve to push up prices by a reasonable amount. I mean doing it HKD10 [$1.29] at a time is very weak. And they are worried about losing customers. On the one hand they say these are the customers no one can make any money out of, and on the other hand their behaviour indicates that they are worried about losing them. They are kind of schizophrenic. I don’t understand it. Another thing is that none of us are getting a lot of business from new customers. The bulk of our revenue comes from existing customers on existing contracts. The trick is to renew them when they are out of contract at a new price. Surprisingly a lot of operators are not doing that. So you need to have the nerve to say to customers that time is up and we’re going to raise prices in 30 days. MWL: What is the long-term pricing trend? Li: We are getting more disciplined and saying to our customers they need to pay more because costs are going up. Some are also slowly following us, but others are still hesitant. So it’s moving along, but it could be a lot quicker and should have started long ago. MWL: Why is everyone talking about 5G now? Li: Because the equipment vendors want to. Honestly, that’s the whole problem with our industry — they have to be real careful. I know they are hungry for business, but the trouble is they are driving the industry into the ground. We’re barely recouping our investments, and now they’re asking us to plow more money in there for a purpose that is not yet entirely clear. “We’re barely recouping our investments, and now they’re asking us to plow more money in there for a purpose that is not yet entirely clear.” It’s based on speculation about the Internet of Things, or whatever else comes along, and all this hype about speed. Please! What is the biggest growth in mobile networks? Everyone knows it’s video, but can you watch a video quicker? Do you want to fast forward to view it? No you don’t. You don’t need that much bandwidth. Just do the optimisation of the video and make sure the quality is good and that’s already a great step up from what most people are experiencing in the rest of the world. Do it properly and you don’t need speed. MWL: But it’s not just the vendors making the push. Operators in Japan and South Korea are talking up their plans for launches by 2020. Li: That’s because they have nothing else to say. The marketing teams are saying let’s go for speed because that’s the easiest thing to sell. The fact that it’s misleading is kind of neither here nor there and lost on everybody. We’re supposed to believe all the promises, which they never deliver. And in any case, even if they deliver it’s of no consequence in the real world. I just want to watch a passable video on my screen – it’s not that big and I don’t need 4K and I don’t even need 2K. I just need a couple of megs. MWL: How is SmarTone making use of improved data analytics? Li: We have all the latest analytics in place, but quite frankly I’m not convinced that we have found what to do that is beneficial to the top line. We’ve been doing that years, but I still haven’t found the killer app for that. In a highly transparent, competitive market, there is not a lot you can analyse that the customers don’t already see themselves. We try to look at behaviours, but there isn’t a lot you can do when the market is giving away 15 gigabytes of data at a cheap price. You don’t need analytics for that. Overall globally the markets are degenerating to that. MWL: A year ago SmarTone launched an e-health app. What’s been your experience in working with the healthcare sector? Li: We’re trying to do something in healthcare, but the opposition we have come up against in the medical industry has to be seen to be believed. And the government has also been useless. The medical profession and the government need to vastly improve productivity in the handling of patients with chronic diseases. “We’re trying to do something in healthcare, but the opposition we have come up against in the medical industry has to be seen to be believed. And the government has also been useless.” They need to drive this improvement because the medical system won’t be able to bare the strain of all these people being afflicted. So there is a critical need for productivity enhancement, but it effectively has to be driven by the government. But when the Hong Kong Hospital Authority and the medical establishment are not moving, when none of them can see the big picture, it’s like blowing in the wind. They do nothing. They confess that their hands are tied because the whole structure is stuck. MWL: What is your goal and what can be done to push the initiative ahead? Li: You need to promote self-help and encourage people to be more disciplined in looking after their health and wellbeing and you need a system that can monitor and treat all these people without increasing headcount or facilities. That’s what our HealthReach app was suppose to do. But it has been very hard work. What we have is capable of making a major contribution to reducing healthcare costs. I think it has to be driven by government. We’re also trying to do a deal with an insurance company and they are very slow as well. That just goes to prove that as an industry we move very quickly compared to others. MWL: What’s your long-term view? Li: I have faith in the two areas that we’ve chosen: healthcare and e-commerce. With e-commerce we are taking a different approach and the consumer doesn’t have to pay at all. I’ve tried to come up with a free service. It’s the first time in SmarTone’s history that we offer something for free – we have a reputation for being stingy and charging for everything. “It’s the first time in SmarTone’s history that we offer something for free – we have a reputation for being stingy and charging for everything.” MWL: What advice would you give a new CEO joining a mobile operator? Li: Start on a path toward transformation if you’re not on the way to doing it already. I can’t say exactly what that would be, but you need to have the core enablement ready. We made that transformation long ago, which was essential to do the stuff we do. We started in the 2G days not knowing what the future would bring, but we knew it would generally be related to the open internet. Our focus was on the organisational structure and mindset – the soft skills. The focus wasn’t on the network, which is a given. We moved away from pure engineering and added a service platform driven by IT. That [transformation] affects the way you run things and the way you train people. If you leave it too late, it becomes very difficult.
4979	dbpedia	2	14	https://smartone.ai/generative-ai-summit-2024/	en	Generative AI Summit 2024 \| SmartOne	https://smartone.ai/wp-c…-London-Logo.png	https://smartone.ai/wp-c…-London-Logo.png	[ "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/themes/smartone/images/pattern-10.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/themes/smartone/images/pattern-10.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/footer-logo.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/image.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/videos.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/file.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/headphones.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/dots.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/logo.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/related-1.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/product-1.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/product-2.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/ebook-menu.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/newSmartOneicon.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/smartCareers.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/earth.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/partnership-cta.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/logo.svg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/related-1.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/product-1.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/product-2.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/ebook-menu.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/newSmartOneicon.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/smartCareers.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/earth.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/partnership-cta.jpg", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Generative-AI-Summit-London-Logo.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/EDOUARD-280x280.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/HADRIEN.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cali-1.png", "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/solodev/infinite-logo-carousel/master/images/image2.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/MLtwist-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/novosenso-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/harvard-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/aws-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/AI-for-health-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/orange-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/google-1.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/socgen.png", "https://smartone.ai/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/footer-logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2024-05-02T14:07:45+00:00	Thank you for your project estimate cost request. We will get back to you as humanly possible.	en	https://smartone.ai/wp-c…2/05/favicon.png	SmartOne	https://smartone.ai/generative-ai-summit-2024/	Don’t Miss Out on Your Exclusive Event Offer Launch a FREE POC with us Unlock 100 free hours of data labeling for your next AI project. Take advantage of this limited-time offer to experience our expert services without any initial commitment. Discover the precision and efficiency SmartOne brings to every project, ensuring your requirements are seamlessly met with our customizable, platform-agnostic solutions. Whether you’re just starting out or scaling up, our free POC allows you to test drive our capabilities and see the impact firsthand. Let us show you why leading companies trust SmartOne to enhance their AI initiatives. No minimum project size, no hidden fees—just pure value. Frequently Asked Questions What types of data labeling and annotations do you offer? We offer a comprehensive range of data labeling services, including text annotation, image labeling, video labeling, content moderation, image recognition, and more. Our expertise covers diverse domains to meet your specific requirements. How accurate is your data labeling? Our data labeling services are known for their high accuracy as we guarantee a minimum 95% accuracy. We take pride in delivering precise and reliable annotations, thanks to our experienced team of experts who ensure the quality of every label. Is my data secure with SmartOne? Absolutely. SmartOne prioritizes the security of your data. We adhere to rigorous security protocols, holding SOC2 Type 1 certification with ongoing efforts for SOC2 Type 2. Our IT security policies align with ISO/IEC 27001 and ISO 2859-1 standards. We perform all data labeling in-house at a secure production site, ensuring the utmost confidentiality. What data labeling platforms do you use? Our team is proficient in using various data labeling platforms available in the market. We can work with your preferred platform, or if you don’t have one, we’re happy to recommend the most suitable option for your project. What is the turnaround time for data labeling? The turnaround time varies based on the complexity and volume of your project. We provide quick turnaround options for urgent requirements and work closely with you to meet your project deadlines. Is there a minimum volume or financial commitment? No, we do not require a minimum volume of data or financial commitment. We welcome projects of all sizes, allowing companies to start working with us even on small-scale projects without any constraints. Do you offer Data Labeling Consulting services? Yes, we provide Data Labeling Consulting services, including labeling environment design, platform selection to expedite the annotation process, and the ability to design a tailored QA protocol for complex tasks. Our consulting services aim to optimize your data labeling workflows. How does SmartOne differentiate itself? SmartOne is committed to ethical AI practices and social responsibility. We focus on creating a positive social impact by providing pathways to employment for disadvantaged young people, raising living standards in our community, and offering international job opportunities to our staff. Learn more about our social responsibility initiatives on our AI for Good page.
4979	dbpedia	3	58	https://www.sourcefromontario.com/en/page/delegate/136951/smartone-solutions-inc	en	SmartONE Solutions Inc.	https://www.sourcefromon…logo-2023-12.png	https://www.sourcefromon…logo-2023-12.png	[ "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/themes/SFO/logo.svg", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/SmartONE-logo-2023-12.png?itok=lteqo6uf", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/AdHawk-Microsystems-logo-2023-12.png?itok=Equz8a1t", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Cobionix-logo-2023-12.png?itok=H4DdwDM8", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Crank-logo-2023-12.png?itok=wfRwQDi7", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/EG-logo-2023-12.png?itok=bh2H_KHq", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Enghouse_Systems-logo-2023-12.png?itok=LaaUR_WD", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Gravvity-logo-2023-12.png?itok=5qUMyXk8", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Haze-Automotive-logo-2023-12.png?itok=IZZE6S15", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/iNAGO-logo-2023-12.png?itok=1juT0jrn", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Myant_Health-logo-2023-12.png?itok=zAkXjRhe", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Myant_X-logo-2023-12.png?itok=Enndha3Y", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Pontosense-logo-2023-12.png?itok=4OOUHfIn", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Sheba_Microsystems-logo-2023-12.png?itok=N2FxDvSS", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Smart_cocoon-logo-2023-12.png?itok=uNXq2oIi", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/SmartONE-logo-2023-12.png?itok=lteqo6uf", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Smoothtalker-logo-2023-12.jpg?itok=mjGsmekU", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/sites/default/files/styles/col_4/public/event-logos/Spassmed-logo-2023-12.png?itok=nb3_qABQ", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/themes/SFO/logo.svg", "https://www.sourcefromontario.com/themes/SFO/images/ontario-trillium-logo-white.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Smart communities in multi-family developments SmartONE Solutions has created a new product category: the smart community. It connects hundreds or thousands of smart homes together into communities and offers new levels of security, sustainability and convenience. Telecommunication providers are bundling SmartONE technology with internet service in multi-family developments to create a smart community offering that captures all of the internet revenue in a community and provides pathways for new revenue-generating opportunities.	en	/themes/SFO/favicon-ontario.png	Source From Ontario	https://www.sourcefromontario.com/en/page/delegate/136951/smartone-solutions-inc	Smart communities in multi-family developments SmartONE Solutions has created a new product category: the smart community. It connects hundreds or thousands of smart homes together into communities and offers new levels of security, sustainability and convenience. Telecommunication providers are bundling SmartONE technology with internet service in multi-family developments to create a smart community offering that captures all of the internet revenue in a community and provides pathways for new revenue-generating opportunities.
4979	dbpedia	3	74	https://www.tork.com.au/product/472054/dispenser/toilet-paper	en	Tork SmartOne® Toilet Roll Dispenser	https://tork-images.essi…imPolicy=dynamic	https://tork-images.essi…imPolicy=dynamic	[ "https://www.tork.com.au/assets/images/logo_tork_think-ahead.svg", "https://www.tork.com.au/assets/images/logo_tork_think-ahead.svg", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472054-steel-refill.jpg?w=800&h=800&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzurePNG2K/472054-steel-refill.png?w=60&h=60&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/83/51083/optimized-AzurePNG2K/472054-steel.png?w=60&h=60&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472054-steel-refill.jpg?w=800&h=800&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472054-steel-refill.jpg?w=800&h=800&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzurePNG2K/472054-steel-refill.png?w=60&h=60&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/83/51083/optimized-AzurePNG2K/472054-steel.png?w=60&h=60&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/84/51084/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472054-steel-refill.jpg?w=800&h=800&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://img-images.essity.com/images-c6/637/88637/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472242.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/858/147858/optimized-AzureJPG2K/558048-01-easy.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://img-images.essity.com/images-c6/470/85470/optimized-AzureJPG2K/460006-tork-mini-jumbo-toilet-roll-dispenser.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/638/81638/optimized-AzureJPG2K/682000-00-angled.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/851/147851/optimized-AzureJPG2K/558040-01-easy.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/62/51062/optimized-AzureJPG2K/472059-steel-refill.jpg?w=200&h=200&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/771/172771/optimized-AzurePNG2K/essity-logo-120x30.png?w=100&h=100&imPolicy=dynamic", "https://tork-images.essity.com/images-c5/771/172771/optimized-AzurePNG2K/essity-logo-120x30.png?w=100&h=100&imPolicy=dynamic" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	472054 \| Toilet paper \| The Tork SmartOne Toilet Roll Dispenser is an efficient and very ro \| Silver	en			https://www.tork.com.au/product/472054/dispenser/toilet-paper
4979	dbpedia	2	79	https://www.macroaxis.com/invest/pair-correlation/SMA.F/7QD.F/SmarTone-vs-CLOVER	en	Correlation Between SmarTone Telecommunicatio and CLOVER HEALTH	https://www.macroaxis.co…macroaxis_11.jpg	https://www.macroaxis.co…macroaxis_11.jpg	[]	[]	[]	[ "pair trading", "SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings pair trading", "CLOVER HEALTH INV pair trading", "", "SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings correlations", "CLOVER HEALTH INV volatility", "market performance of SmarTone Telecommunicatio", "CLOVER HEALTH pair trading opportunity" ]	null	[]	null	Correlation between SmarTone Telecommunicatio and CLOVER HEALTH. Pair correlation details including SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings (SMA.F) and CLOVER HEALTH INV (7QD.F) risk analysis, volatility stats, SmarTone Telecommunicatio and CLOVER HEALTH pair trading opportunities.	en	/favicon.ico	Macroaxis	https://www.macroaxis.com/invest/pair-correlation/SMA.F/7QD.F/SmarTone-vs-CLOVER	Funds Screener Find actively-traded funds from around the world traded on over 30 global exchanges Portfolio Analyzer Portfolio analysis module that provides access to portfolio diagnostics and optimization engine Bond Analysis Evaluate and analyze corporate bonds as a potential investment for your portfolios. Global Correlations Find global opportunities by holding instruments from different markets
4979	dbpedia	2	4	https://seekvectors.com/post/smartone-logo	en	Quality SmarTone Logo for Creative Design	https://seekvectors.com/…3e412d912290.jpg	https://seekvectors.com/…3e412d912290.jpg	[ "https://seekvectors.com/images/seek-vectors-logo-white-text.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/images/seekvector-left-menu-logo.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/SmarTone-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/CEAT.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Verizon Communications.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Crompton Greaves.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/AT&T_logo_vector.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/CBS-logo-vector copy-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Nippon Telegraph & Tel-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/CNN-logo-vector-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Deutsche Telekom-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/dishtv.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Comcast-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/China Mobile-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/red_bull_logo_vector.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Verizon_logo_vector.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Vodafone_logo_vector.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Alstom-01.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Knowlarity.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Mahanagar Telephone Nigam.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Axiata Group.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Dixons Carphone.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Spice Digital.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Spice Telecom.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/32bb857baf775da84fe109c52e37bbf6.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Xiaomi Logo.svg", "https://seekvectors.com/storage/images/Marconi Logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Explore and download SmarTone Logo in SVG, PNG, AI, EPS, and JPG formats for free, adding a professional touch to your designs.	en	/images/fav-icon.png		https://seekvectors.com/post/smartone-logo	Step into the world of seamless connectivity and innovation with the SmarTone Logo leading the way! As a prominent player in the telecommunications industry, SmarTone has established itself as a trusted provider of cutting-edge mobile services. The SmarTone Logo serves as more than just a visual emblem; it embodies the company's commitment to intelligent technology and customer satisfaction. In this introduction, we explore the significance of the SmarTone Logo, which represents not only a telecommunications giant but also a symbol of reliability and progress. Join us as we unravel the story behind the iconic SmarTone Logo and its role in shaping the telecommunications landscape. Stay ahead with smarter connections: Discover the iconic SmarTone Logo! 📱💡 Unveiling Connectivity: Exploring the Significance of the SmarTone Logo In the ever-evolving realm of telecommunications, the SmarTone Logo emerges as a symbol of innovation and connectivity. SmarTone, a key player in the industry, has garnered a reputation for providing cutting-edge mobile services. In this article, we delve into the significance of the SmarTone Logo, shedding light on its role in representing the company's values and enhancing brand recognition. Join us as we navigate through the intricacies of the SmarTone Logo and its profound impact on the telecommunications landscape. Symbolizing Innovation and Connectivity: The SmarTone Logo embodies innovation and connectivity, serving as a visual representation of the company's commitment to intelligent technology and seamless mobile services. With its modern design and sleek aesthetics, the logo resonates with consumers seeking advanced telecommunications solutions. Reinforcing Brand Identity: SmarTone has established a strong brand identity centered around reliability and progress. The SmarTone Logo plays a pivotal role in reinforcing this identity, serving as a visual anchor that consumers can easily recognize and trust. Its distinctive design sets SmarTone apart from competitors, enhancing brand recall and loyalty. Enhancing Brand Recognition: In today's competitive market, strong brand recognition is crucial for success. The SmarTone Logo, with its eye-catching visuals and memorable design, helps the company stand out amidst competitors, ensuring that it remains top-of-mind for consumers seeking mobile services. Versatility and Adaptability: The SmarTone Logo is versatile and adaptable, making it suitable for various digital and print applications. Whether featured on websites, mobile apps, or marketing materials, the logo maintains its integrity and visual appeal, ensuring a consistent brand experience across different platforms. Optimizing for SEO: Strategically incorporating the keyword "SmarTone Logo" into website content, meta tags, and image alt text can enhance search engine visibility and drive organic traffic. By optimizing for relevant search queries, SmarTone can increase its online presence and attract potential customers seeking information about its logo and services. Conclusion: The SmarTone Logo serves as a symbol of innovation, reliability, and connectivity in the telecommunications industry. Through its modern design and powerful symbolism, the logo reinforces SmarTone's commitment to providing cutting-edge mobile services and enhancing connectivity for customers. As SmarTone continues to innovate and expand its offerings, the logo will remain a steadfast representation of the company's dedication to empowering connectivity in the digital age.
4979	dbpedia	3	54	https://www.sustainalytics.com/esg-rating/smartone-telecommunications-holdings-ltd/1007990634	en	SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Ltd. ESG Risk Rating			[ "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/branding/sustainalytics_web_svg_white.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/ResourcePackages/Sustainalytics/assets/img/question-mark.svg", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/default-album/linkedin.svg?sfvrsn=fd99036b_3", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/icons/twitter-x.svg?sfvrsn=6af5a605_2", "https://www.sustainalytics.com/images/default-source/default-album/facebook.svg?sfvrsn=903ca9fa_3" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	View the ESG Risk Rating for SmarTone Telecommunications Holdings Ltd. See Sustainalytics’ high-quality public ESG risk ratings for over 10,000 companies.	en	/favicon.png?v=2.0	sustainalytics.com	https://www.sustainalytics.com/esg-rating/smartone-telecommunications-holdings-ltd/1007990634	Notice: The information is provided as is, for informational, non-commercial purposes only, does not constitute investment advice and is subject to conditions available in our Legal Disclaimer. They are not directed to, or intended for distribution to or use by India-based clients or users and their distribution to Indian resident individuals or entities is not permitted. Usage of this information is not permitted in any way, unless otherwise agreed in writing. By way of exception, usage of this information is permitted to the rated subject, limited to a single reference to the score on the rated subject’s sustainability webpage or CSR report, mentioning Sustainalytics as a source. For referencing Sustainalytics please consult the Company Guide.
4979	dbpedia	3	97	https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/en/business_digitalization/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smart_messaging_solutions/	en	Enhance Your Brand Image with SmarTone Solutions’ Business Messaging Service	https://www.smartonesolu…tion_400x400.png	https://www.smartonesolu…tion_400x400.png	[ "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/smartone_solutions_logo.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/icon/common/cart-icon.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/icon/common/login-icon.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/mega_menu/common/product_services.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/mega_menu/common/efficiency_enhancement_tools.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_connectivity.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_industry_solutions.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_smarthome.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/mega_menu/common/product_services.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/mega_menu/common/efficiency_enhancement_tools.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_connectivity.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_industry_solutions.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/menu/menu_img_smarthome.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/icon/common/cart-icon-red.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/icon/common/login-icon.png", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/cloud.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/bulk_mms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/reliable_sms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/support_mms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/cloud.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/bulk_mms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/reliable_sms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/content/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smartmessagingsolutions/support_mms.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/smartone_solutions_logo.svg", "https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/images/icon/common/whatsapp_float.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	SmarTone Solutions’ Business Messaging Service offers a reliable and robust SMS and MMS platform. It supports various systems for sending one-time passwords, instant confirmations, and promotional messages, catering to diverse business needs.	en	/images/favicon.png		https://www.smartonesolutions.com.hk/en/business_digitalization/efficiency_enhancement_tools/smart_messaging_solutions/	Allow you to manage your own database and send out SMS or MMS campaign anytime anywhere. According to different background of your customers, it supports personalized content to individual receiver for different business needs. To foster communication with the recipients, it provides intelligent message interaction based on their reply. Learn More Allow you to manage your own database and send out SMS or MMS campaign anytime anywhere. According to different background of your customers, it supports personalized content to individual receiver for different business needs. To foster communication with the recipients, it provides intelligent message interaction based on their reply. Learn More Send your message combined with pictures, GIFs and videos, etc., to large volume of recipients within specific timeframe. Well established service gives you a peace of mind with dedicated team managing the campaign from start to end. Provide reliable SMS & MMS Gateway services which support both local & international messages and major protocol. With extra protection, it fosters communication with your customers including but not limited to authentication and notification messages.
4979	dbpedia	2	75	https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/smartone-v10/47803404	en	Smartone v1.0	https://cdn.slidesharecd…t=640&fit=bounds	https://cdn.slidesharecd…t=640&fit=bounds	[ "https://public.slidesharecdn.com/images/next/svg/logo/slideshare-scribd-company.svg?w=128&q=75 1x, https://public.slidesharecdn.com/images/next/svg/logo/slideshare-scribd-company.svg?w=256&q=75 2x", "https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/profile-photo-jinyean-48x48.jpg?cb=1639451467", "https://image.slidesharecdn.com/smartonev1-150505211342-conversion-gate02/85/Smartone-v1-0-1-320.jpg 320w, https://image.slidesharecdn.com/smartonev1-150505211342-conversion-gate02/85/Smartone-v1-0-1-638.jpg 638w, https://image.slidesharecdn.com/smartonev1-150505211342-conversion-gate02/75/Smartone-v1-0-1-2048.jpg 2048w", "https://image.slidesharecdn.com/smartonev1-150505211342-conversion-gate02/85/Smartone-v1-0-2-320.jpg 320w, https://image.slidesharecdn.com/smartonev1-150505211342-conversion-gate02/85/Smartone-v1-0-2-638.jpg 638w, 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free	en	https://public.slidesharecdn.com/_next/static/media/favicon.7bc3d920.ico	SlideShare	https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/smartone-v10/47803404	Apigee Edge is a platform for API management that allows organizations to securely publish, monitor, and manage APIs. It provides API services including security, traffic management, analytics, and developer services. Apigee Edge handles the full lifecycle of APIs from development to publishing to consumption. It offers capabilities for access control, analytics, monitoring, documentation and more to help organizations maximize the value of their APIs.
1437	dbpedia	3	16	https://www.solanocounty.com/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx%3Fblobid%3D5223	en	blobdload.aspx?blobid=5223 (404)			[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	The following page could not be found on our site: https://www.solanocounty.com:443/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?blobid=5223 You may not be able to find this page because of:
1437	dbpedia	3	57	https://harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-137/compulsory-votings-american-history/	en	Compulsory Voting’s American History	https://harvardlawreview…/03/HLR-Logo.png	https://harvardlawreview…/03/HLR-Logo.png	[ "https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/themes/hlr-theme/assets/svg/logo-one-line.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "hlr" ]	2024-02-12T05:01:00+00:00	Voter turnout was higher in the 2020 U.S. presidential election than it had been in 120 years. Nearly sixty-seven percent of citizens over eighteen...	en	https://harvardlawreview…lr_512-32x32.png	Harvard Law Review	https://harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-137/compulsory-votings-american-history/	Voter turnout was higher in the 2020 U.S. presidential election than it had been in 120 years. Nearly sixty-seven percent of citizens over eighteen voted that November, exceeding rates that hovered around sixty percent in the twenty-first century and never broke sixty percent from 1972 to 2000. Some pundits have read this recent record as a triumph. But it can also be seen as a travesty: even with the best turnout since 1900, nearly eighty million eligible voters stayed home. Slim turnout has long prompted reform efforts. Yet the United States has always shied from one direct solution: requiring everyone to vote. “Compulsory voting” — where legislatures require attendance at the polls, often enforced by fines or penalties — exists in around two dozen countries, but nowhere in America, relegating the idea to “goo-goo reformers” and law review notes. Recently, however, compulsory voting has entered mainstream debate. President Obama floated the idea in 2015 to fight money in politics and diversify the electorate. A 2018 New York Times article piqued interest in Australia’s mandatory voting system. And in 2022, E.J. Dionne Jr. and Miles Rapoport published a popular book arguing that “universal civic duty voting” will end voter suppression, improve representation, and boost belief in government. Their work has inspired legislators in Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Washington to introduce compulsory voting bills. This nascent debate marks an exciting effort to make the actual electorate more representative of the eligible electorate and potentially shift political power. Yet modern debates have so far largely overlooked one angle of analysis: history. Though nearly no writers since the 1950s seem to have devoted more than two paragraphs to the history of compulsory voting efforts in the United States, the idea has a rich American tradition. Policies first emerged before the Founding. And debates especially picked up beginning in the 1880s and through the Progressive Era, when twelve states considered the policy, including two — Massachusetts and North Dakota — that passed amendments letting their legislatures enact it. This Note begins to excavate that history. In doing so, the Note illustrates the importance of the fact that these debates happened, highlights Progressives’ competing visions of democracy, and seeks to inform how advocates consider the policy today. Taking seriously the issue some contemporaries called the “most important” the Progressives faced can help us better understand their democracy — and ours. The Note proceeds as follows. Part I traces the history of attempts to institute compulsory voting in the United States, focusing primarily on the Progressive Era. Part II canvasses the main arguments at Progressive Era conventions for and against compulsory voting. And Part III considers what these debates illustrate about Progressive democracy and policy debates today. I. Compulsory Voting Proposals in the United States A 2007 note claimed that “there has been no real attempt to institute compulsory voting in the United States.” Yet this Note — building on then-student Henry Abraham’s 1952 dissertation, which marks the fullest account of compulsory voting but has never before been cited in a law review — unearths repeated American attempts to require voting. This Part traces that history. It first recounts a handful of Colonial Era statutes imposing fines for non-voting. It then focuses on legislative and academic efforts from 1880 to 1920 to institute compulsory voting. And it ends by recounting sporadic proposals from the 1930s to the present. While the only place to mandate voting since the Founding is Kansas City, Missouri, the depth of these debates shows a history of democratic creativity often overlooked today. A. Preconstitutional Policies The American colonies had a highly restricted franchise. Still, within this limited suffrage (often only propertied white males could vote), multiple colonies (and later one state) seemed to require eligible residents to attend elections. This section briefly describes those laws. In 1636, the Plymouth colony adopted a proto-compulsory voting law, fining “each delinquent” three shillings for “default in case of appearance at the election without due excuse.” Virginia followed in 1649, charging 100 pounds of tobacco to voters who evaded the “lawful summons” to elections. Maryland enacted a similar tobacco penalty in 1715, while Delaware in 1734 charged twenty shillings, and North Carolina in 1764 required voting for parish elections. The one colony to constitutionalize compulsory voting was Georgia in 1777, imposing a maximum penalty of five pounds, but the provision was little used and was dropped in the state’s 1789 constitution. No state then attempted to pass compulsory voting for nearly a century after the Founding. While the motives for these laws are not clear, and they may not have been enforced, these provisions suggest a longstanding aim of full participation, at least within the eligible electorate. B. Pre-Progressive and Progressive Era Proposals Compulsory voting debates took off a century later, first in spurts in the 1880s and ’90s, and then more robustly in the Progressive Era from 1900 to 1920. This period saw major changes to election rules: Some expanded participation, like national amendments on women’s suffrage and the direct election of senators, along with “direct democracy” policies such as the initiative and referendum in many states. Others were more technocratic, like building the bureaucracy or instituting city-manager local governments and off-cycle elections. But a group of Progressives (and predecessors) also pushed a proposal missing from standard accounts of their agenda: compulsory voting. This section charts that advocacy. From the 1880s to the 1920s, eleven states and one city introduced compulsory voting laws; six states considered constitutional amendments, including at four state constitutional conventions; and dozens of academics and advocates debated the idea. Successes were, admittedly, slim: one Kansas City ordinance and two enabling amendments in Massachusetts and North Dakota. But the range of these debates illustrates that compulsory voting was a serious proposal at the time — one that raised profound questions about the goals of democracy. This section catalogs these efforts; the next Part explores reformers’ arguments. 1. Legislative Efforts. — Massachusetts Governor Benjamin Butler gave the first big pitch for compulsory voting with a speech in 1883. His legislature then heard petitions for the policy in 1883, 1885, and 1888. Maryland was next, debating in 1888 a criminal “summons” for non-voters, and imposing fines of $5–$100 to support schools. New York joined when Governor David Hill gave an 1889 address calling for fines or imprisonment for non-voters — citing some pre-Revolutionary examples — leading a legislator to introduce bills the next two years, which failed despite bipartisan backing. The only law passed before 1900 was an 1889 Kansas City, Missouri, ordinance taxing each eligible voter $2.50 but “extinguish[ing]” the tax for all who voted. The law, intended to “stimulate action” among those “‘above’ voting at common elections,” was rarely enforced and short-lived : in 1896, in Kansas City v. Whipple, the Missouri Supreme Court struck it down as a nonuniform tax that violated the state constitutional “free exercise of the right of suffrage.” Beginning in 1900, momentum grew as the Progressive movement rose. In 1904, a New York legislator copied the 1888 Maryland bill, illustrating the spread of the idea. Then Massachusetts saw a “veritable barrage” of proposals, considering (but rejecting) more than a dozen attempts from 1909 to 1918, with schemes ranging from poll taxes to disfranchisement to posting lists of non-voters. Wisconsin rivaled this effort: six bills were introduced from 1903 to 1915, all exempting voters from a poll tax. All died, as did Connecticut’s and Rhode Island’s. The closest bill to passing came in Indiana in 1911, where a bill to make non-voting a misdemeanor passed the Senate twenty-nine to eighteen with no debate, but died in the House. In 1926, a federal proposal surfaced when Senator Arthur Capper proposed that non-voters pay a one-percent tax on their income, aiming to add “millions” of new voters and encourage the “duty” of voting. Politicians often resist changing the rules that elected them, so this lack of uptake makes sense, but these persistent proposals suggest popular support. 2. State Constitutional Amendments. — The years before and during the Progressive Era saw sweeping revisions to state constitutions. Remaking their charters to address a changing political economy, states held fifteen constitutional conventions from 1889 to 1899, and nineteen more from 1900 to 1920. Beyond standard proposals like the initiative and referendum, among the bolder ideas was compulsory voting: six states considered — and two passed — constitutional amendments to allow the practice. New York’s 1894 convention was the first to consider compulsory voting. After local Republican lawyer Frederick Holls wrote an extended tract pushing the idea in 1891, he was elected as a convention delegate, where he raised an amendment “requiring” eligible voters to “exercise such right,” with penalties including losing the right to vote. Debate spanned forty-two pages of the record, though the amendment was ultimately tabled. North Dakota moved next. In 1898, the legislature passed and the people approved by a four-to-one majority the country’s first statewide compulsory voting rule. This amendment allowed the legislature to “prescribe penalties for failing, neglecting or refusing to vote at any general election.” The legislature, however, never used this permission, and in 1978 the voters repealed a sweep of election provisions at once, including the compulsory voting article. After fourteen years, Ohio took up compulsory voting at its 1912 convention. The delegates debated a proposal requiring the legislature to “compel the attendance of all qualified electors, at all elections held by authority of law.” Not the convention’s top priority, the proposal failed to reach a full vote. In 1918, the Massachusetts convention gave compulsory voting its biggest win. The initial proposal, giving the legislature “authority to provide for compulsory voting,” was rejected without debate on July 10. Then, after the proposal won reconsideration, delegates debated it on multiple occasions, spanning more than sixty pages of the record, and drawing on a data-rich “bulletin” on the subject prepared for the convention. Ultimately, after agreeing on an amendment ensuring the secret ballot, the proposal was put to the people, where, boosted by bipartisan appeal, it won with a fifty-one-percent margin. While the legislature has never used its permissive authority to pass a compulsory voting law, it considered numerous bills between 1919 and 1939. Two more states considered compulsory voting amendments. First, Oregon’s legislature passed a 1919 amendment allowing the legislature to require voting, but sixty-eight percent of voters rejected it. Last came Nebraska. In 1919, its constitutional convention debated letting the legislature “prescribe penalties” for not voting, but after three pages’ worth of debate, the amendment failed to pass. Ultimately, these Progressive debates show that compulsory voting was a live political and legal issue with organized advocates on all sides. 3. Academic and Popular Commentary. — Compulsory voting was first popularized by British theorist John Stuart Mill, who in 1861 framed suffrage as a social “trust” that the state could mandate. His thought traversed the Atlantic in 1888, when an obscure reform magazine devoted thirteen pages of its second volume to pitching compulsory voting. Four years later, New York lawyer Frederick Holls’s essay drew on Mill’s theory of “duty,” while Professor Albert Hart called compulsory voting “very much discussed” and compared the proposals to pre-Revolutionary policies (though he still rejected the idea as impracticable and unnecessary). By the 1900s, with Progressivism spreading, compulsory voting went mainstream. By 1912, Special Libraries found so much compulsory voting commentary that it publicized a bibliography with fourteen news articles, fifty essays, and many proposed bills. And leading law reviews considered if state power extended to mandating the franchise. By 1914, the policy was so known that the Ohio Legislative Reference Department compiled work on the “live topic[],” one “sure to come up soon for legislative consideration.” The debate resurfaced with creative arguments in the 1920s. A 1922 Harper’s essay advocated what amounted to a “poll-tax-in-reverse,” a women’s group in 1924 proposed a $100 non-voting fine specifically to prod female voters, and New York Republicans briefly pitched disfranchisement for non-voters (until they realized their party won). With poor turnout in 1924 proving these pleas prescient, “non-voting” and “vote-slacking” became frequent sources of academic and political consternation, inspiring proposals to reduce a state’s electoral college vote based on its past presidential election turnout or impose a “tax” on vote slackers. Progressives had created new opportunities for voting; now they wondered how to make people use it. C. Post-Progressive Revivals As the Progressive Era faded into the Great Depression and New Deal, compulsory voting lost its energy. In 1930, Professor J. Allen Smith represented this trend, arguing the “unintelligent vote” encouraged by compulsory voting “will always be a menace to popular government.” Legislatures apparently agreed: Just a few states introduced bills in the 1930s and 1940s. Two states’ efforts to pass amendments failed in 1949. And a federal effort to “investigate” compulsory voting gained bipartisan support but petered out. By 1952, Professor Abraham’s masterwork on compulsory voting concluded that the practice was undesirable and undemocratic. A few proposals surfaced in the 1970s, but the idea was “not popular in America,” and scholars were nearly “universal[ly] reluctan[t]” to it. Commentary remained scant until the twenty-first century. Then, however, the contested 2000 election brought a resurgence of commentary, which accelerated with a New York Times debate series in 2011 and President Obama’s quasi endorsement in 2015. By 2020, amid multiplying democratic crises, compulsory voting was again gaining adherents in academia, the press, and state legislatures. Today, there is more momentum for compulsory voting than there has been since the Progressive Era. II. Pros and Cons at Progressive Era Conventions Part I illustrated that compulsory voting has a long American history. Its most prominent debates occurred from 1890 to 1920, mostly within the Progressive Era. This Part mines these discussions to understand the ideas and interests driving compulsory voting advocates. Drawing largely on records of the state constitutional conventions in New York (1894), Ohio (1912), Massachusetts (1917–1919), and Nebraska (1919–1920) — which form the most sustained record of debate — the Part identifies the pros and cons raised in three common categories of argument: whether (A) the right to vote is a privilege or a duty; (B) higher voter turnout is desirable; and (C) the state could enforce compulsory voting. A. Is the Vote a Privilege or a Duty? Delegates at Progressive Era conventions often disagreed about the nature of suffrage. One fight proved core to the debate over compulsory voting: Is the vote a “privilege” (or “right” ), or a “duty” (or “trust”)? If voting is a privilege, the choice of whether to exercise it might seem personal; but if voting is a duty, it might be required. In other words, the “real question . . . goes down to the roots of the theory of the electoral process.” This section traces these competing conceptions. 1. Pro: The Vote Is a Duty. — Many advocates viewed voting as a duty, echoing Mill’s argument. One delegate argued that “[t]his vote is not a thing in which [a person] has an option; . . . [i]t is strictly a matter of duty.” On this view, the “real nature of the vote” is “entirely outside” any individual voter; far from “personal property” one could dispose at will, the vote conferred a “trust” which voters had an obligation to use “for the benefit of every person.” This duty/privilege distinction was core to the case for compulsory voting: if voting is a “mere privilege,” it cannot be compelled, but if it is a “trust or obligation,” then neglecting it can “seriously affect the whole course and progress of a state” — justifying state compulsion. The privilege to vote thus required using it well: those who “accept the blessings of democracy” should “assume the burdens of democracy.” This argument was supported by limitations on suffrage at the time: since all of “we the people” were sovereign, yet only some could vote, that “delegated portion” must use the vote on behalf of the “rest.” Only then would the “best men” be elected and the full electorate democratically represented. 2. Con: The Vote Is a Privilege (or Is Not a Legal Duty). — Opponents of compulsory voting saw voting as a “privilege” (or, relatedly, a “right”). This privilege “to be allowed to vote” was a “priceless gift” not to be exercised by rote requirement. Some cited the fact that suffrage was not universal to show it could not be a duty for all. More broadly, opponents believed compelling the vote violated the “general spirit of our laws” and the nature of the right to vote, which included a right not to vote: “[I]f suffrage is a sovereign right of the citizen, he must be as free . . . not to exercise it as to exercise it . . . .” Because the “whole theory of a democracy . . . exists by virtue of the consent of the governed,” voters must get to choose how they exercise consent, not be forced “to the polls like cattle to the slaughter.” Other opponents conceded that voting was a duty but one that could not be compelled. Even if the vote is a “trust,” voters retain a separate “duty” and “right” of “discriminating as to when [they] shall” vote. And, even if voting “should be performed,” that did not mean it must be performed. It was especially important to protect the right not to vote to protest a lack of candidates “entitled to our suffrage.” This view of the vote emphasized that voting was a personal act, not a public one. B. Should We Seek Higher Voter Turnout? Compulsory voting most directly addresses low voter turnout: to ensure everyone votes, make it illegal not to. The difficulty has been disagreement over the desirability of full turnout. For many, the “spectre of non-voting” threatened democratic legitimacy. But for others, the quantity of votes mattered less than the quality of the voter. This section explores these divergent views of turnout. 1. Pro: Non-voters Should Be Made to Vote. — Many supporters lamented low voter turnout. To them, this “apathy of the electorate” formed a “peril to our republican institutions” and was “detrimental to the best interests of the community.” Non-voters were often derided as “slackers” (like those refusing to fight in World War I ). These slackers, along with other non-voting “holier-than-thou citizens,” needed a push to the polls. For these slacker haters, compulsory voting was the ideal solution, as it aimed to “bring out practically the entire vote.” Only then would all the “latent force of discernment and knowledge” bear on the “decision of vital political issues” — making the electorate better resemble the community. They also believed that some non-voters needed to be heard. Drawing on debatable data, many thought non-voters were workmen, farmers, and professionals — the “educated vote of the community” — and they needed to vote to counteract the “disgrace brought upon self-government, when the ignorant and worthless voters — the men who regard a vote as property . . . — are in a majority.” Moreover, even if not all non-voters were virtuous, compulsory voting could create civic virtue. Since the policy would clarify that voting is a “civic duty,” people would “become the most enthusiastic” voters, as those who know they “must vote” will develop a “desire of doing so intelligently.” Many Progressives also supported compulsory voting as a complement to other democracy reforms. One reform idea was “corrupt practices acts,” designed to reduce the influence of money in politics, as candidates could often get “hired men” to the polls or win because they had “means to hire the automobiles.” With compulsory voting, there would be no “excuse for the use of money at election time under the pretence and guise of securing the attendance of voters,” since everyone had to attend. Other major reforms were the direct democracy devices of the initiative and referendum (I&R). Compulsory voting advocates believed the policies had to go together, since I&R backers meant to “leave the questions” not to “part of the voters” but to “all of the voters.” If I&R elections had low turnout, they would empower minority rule and special interests. A final connection was that if voters rejected the “short ballot” (reducing the number of elected positions), compulsory voting was needed to add a “spur behind” overtired voters.” 2. Con: Non-voters Should Stay at Home. — Opponents saw less value in full participation. These opponents emphasized that the “many reasons for refraining from voting,” like long work hours or distance to the polls, made it wrong to penalize non-voting. Others explicitly sought to protect non-voting as a means to signal dissatisfaction with politics. What mattered was not the “number of voters . . . but the number of informed voters. These opponents denied that non-voters possessed special civic capacity. They described the idea that the best men do not vote as “per se an absurdity.” To the contrary, “[f]ailure to vote . . . is abundant proof of a man’s unfitness to vote,” and those “idle rich” who think it “beneath their dignity to go to the polls” are not just delinquent, but “not fit to be called an American.” From this vantage, compelling the vote was nonsensical. There was “nothing gained” by requiring citizens to vote on issues of which they “have no understanding.” And no one was “desirous” that those with “no political opinions should be forced” to claim them, since the “less of the unintelligent opinion we get the better.” Here, the goal was not to make the electorate representative, but to reach the right outcomes. Those who believe they are too ill-informed to vote should be accepted “at their own valuation.” Moreover, some Progressives saw conflict between compulsory voting and other reforms. A few believed compulsory voting might increase corruption, since those who vote only because they are forced to may be the easiest to buy off. In this world, voters may sit around the polls until “some one appears with a bag full of silver dollars and . . . in a little while they all are voting.” Others feared that mandating voting could undermine the referendum, since the “tremendous slacker potential vote” might all just vote negative or abstain. And still others thought it a worse solution than the short ballot or less frequent elections: voters should be encouraged to participate by making politics simpler, not forced to show up or face punishment. C. Can Compulsory Voting Be Enforced? Any effort to compel voting needs state enforcement. Progressives were unsure how government could mandate voting — and whether it was legal. This section addresses debates over how compulsory voting could work. 1. Pro: Compulsory Voting Is Practical, Enforceable, and Legal. — A few supporters drew on domestic and foreign experience to frame their policy as practical. One referred to the practice as “in no sense . . . novel or untried,” citing Georgia’s early constitutional provision and Virginia’s colonial laws for historical support, along with Kansas City’s recent ordinance, as evidence it was still possible. Others more often referenced other countries’ successes. The Massachusetts convention bulletin, for example, cited six countries’ examples. If “[e]very Nation of progress has adopted” compulsory voting, then surely so could America. Proponents were adamant that “some proviso can be made” to enforce poll attendance. They were also sure the policy would “accomplish the purpose of reducing the number of non-voters.” The real question was how to enforce it. A commonly suggested idea was to impose a fine on non-voters. Other options were to “cancel[]” voter registration or “ridicule” non-voters. More drastic penalties were imprisonment or disfranchisement, which would make non-voters lose their right to participate if they failed to use it. While these penalties may have seemed draconian, supporters believed they would be rarely needed, since with the law “known,” citizens would “recognize their civic duty” and vote. Supporters also sought to shore up the policy’s legality by analogy. Like compulsory jury service, court testimony, or military service, compulsory voting was just another way the state could enforce public duties. 2. Con: Compulsory Voting Is Impractical, Unenforceable, and Illegal. — Foes painted the policy as radical and untested. Some emphasized that the policy “does not exist anywhere in the United States” and that “no precedent for such legislation can be found in the history of the government.” Foreign countries’ experiences were similarly dismissed. What little “facts and reports” available showed no “special benefit” and instead depicted “rank failure” in “nearly every instance.” Even if the policies worked elsewhere, skeptics wondered if “Tasmania” was relevant to American debate. With little precedent, compulsory voting seemed an “un-American,” “[u]topian dream.” Opponents further claimed there would be “no way of enforcing” it. They first argued it would not raise turnout: some voters would cast a “blank ballot in protest”; others would still stay home since their obstacles were “restricted naturalization laws” or “industrial exigencies,” not a lack of interest. Moreover, every proposal raised for enforcement faced “practical objections.” For example, tracking down each non-voter could involve a “great expense” or raise the specter of voters “herded to the polls by the police.” Building a “complete system of registration” would similarly burden budding bureaucracies. Disfranchisement as a penalty drew particular pushback. In an age of expanding suffrage, why should we countenance “limitation of the franchise,” especially given the many good reasons for non-voting? Even if “excuse[s]” let citizens evade punishment, leaving the right to vote up to “three or four inspectors” felt despotic. And, if the legislature “could disfranchise a large proportion of the citizens contrary to the desire of the people themselves,” the right to vote could vanish. Beyond believing it a bad and impractical idea, opponents thought it was illegal. Here, many cited the Missouri Supreme Court’s ruling as a “leading authority” for the idea that the government may not compel all duties and compulsory voting violated the “free” exercise of suffrage. Moreover, opponents thought analogies to taxation and military service were weak, as these were dubiously legal and addressed different kinds of rights. Even those who supported the policy had legal doubts, fearing the “grave constitutional question” of imposing penalties “without a constitutional provision.” Politics was the main barrier, but law loomed large. * * * These debates reflect how seriously delegates considered compulsory voting. Even if most proposals failed, compulsory voting was on the agenda, raising questions about the meaning of democracy, the importance of turnout, and the limits of government. III. Lessons from Compulsory Voting’s History Parts I and II illustrate that debates over compulsory voting have a long American tradition. Far from just a niche, radical idea, compulsory voting proposals have emerged in multiple historical periods, with particular intensity in the Progressive Era. This Part reflects on what this history can teach us — about both Progressive democracy and compulsory voting’s present-day revival. A. Reflections on the Progressives Compulsory voting’s main American momentum largely overlapped with the Progressive Era’s democracy reform movements. Yet these wide-ranging debates have almost entirely been left out of Progressive Era historiography. Reckoning with them offers three insights into the democracy Progressives pushed for. First, the primary significance of the compulsory voting debates was that they happened at all. The Progressive Era has long been known as a time when electoral rules were transformed, home to both an explosion of direct democracy initiatives and a host of technocratic innovations. But nowhere on that list is compulsory voting. True, the policy never gained wide acceptance. Yet the fact that the policy spawned six constitutional proposals, dozens of legislative efforts, and scores of articles suggests that some Progressives’ agendas spanned more than just those practices familiar today. By looking beyond victorious reforms to those that fell short, we can see that Progressives’ quest to reimagine government was more varied than many historical accounts credit. Second, delving into compulsory voting debates shows Progressives grappling with the meaning of democracy. Scholars have long noted that “Progressivism” encompassed widely varying visions of democracy, with some favoring mass participation and others seeking enlightened elite rule. The debates over compulsory voting can help illuminate these contradictions, as the policy forced Progressives to grapple with questions of democratic legitimacy, how much voters could be trusted, and how far the state could intrude in citizens’ lives. As the institutions of democracy were changing, so too were the justifications needed about how and how much the people should participate. Third, Progressives’ preoccupation with “non-voting” showed that many saw popular participation as crucial to their agenda, aside from its democratic merits. Their vision of robust social welfare legislation required divesting power from existing elites — a goal which low turnout complicated and which mandatory voting might solve. Repeated efforts to link compulsory voting with Progressive staples like the I&R and anti-corruption laws connect policy with a broader effort to build Progressive power. This lens could explain the confusing debates over whether non-voters were slackers or virtuous citizens: Progressives believed the masses would support their anti-oligarchy agenda, so they needed palatable ways to bring them into the electorate. Many Progressives may well have supported compulsory voting purely for ideas of fair representation. But viewing these advocates in political context can clarify how Progressives tried to achieve policy goals. B. Reflections on the Present Compulsory voting has regained traction today as a way to align the actual and eligible electorates, advance racial justice, and reduce elite political influence. The debate so far has largely drawn on democratic theory and comparative data. Both are key for showing the policy is worthwhile and workable. But this Note suggests that supporters should situate their proposals in American history to show that the policy is a real possibility and should not be overlooked as a way to solve our many crises of democracy. This section offers two ways that history can inform today’s debate and two places where modern advocates must go beyond Progressive arguments. First, advocates can point to our long history to deflect charges that compulsory voting is radical, unconstitutional, or un-American. Multiple colonies and Revolutionary-era Georgia adopted the policy, two states constitutionalized the policy, and dozens more debated it. This history does not answer whether we should mandate voting today. But it does — along with the breadth of experience with the policy abroad — suggest that we should take the policy seriously, just as Progressive Era delegates and their predecessors did. Second, supporters can draw on America’s history to show the persistence of questions around low turnout and the meaning of democracy. Like in the Progressive Era, today many are seeking to reimagine democracy to respond to current crises. Opponents today often dismiss compulsory voting as a Democratic Party power grab. But stepping back from the partisanship of the moment (and the fact the opposite might be true ), compulsory voting has had a far more bipartisan history; and even if the parties then were less polarized, this history is at least a reminder that good-government elements across partisan lines can unite for pro-democracy reforms. And, while compulsory voting may have political effects — as the mass populace supports more redistributive policies than political elites do — the impact is unclear given that turnout may lack a partisan skew. Yet the reason we keep debating compulsory voting is because too few people keep voting; aligning this mismatch between the populace and represented electorate is not partisan but pro-democracy. Invoking the arguments that Progressive advocates raised can thus situate these proposals not as ad hoc partisan schemes but as longstanding efforts to make government more representative. We also should learn from what these historical debates left out and consider how advocates can use new arguments to build a more successful coalition today. For one, the legal context has changed, with compelled speech doctrine, for example, presenting a doctrinal framework that early twentieth-century advocates would not have had to contend with. We also know far more about how the policy might work: rather than speculate based on bad bulletins or shoddy statistics, we can draw on robust empirical work around turnout and governance. Further, while proposals often bubble up at times of declining turnout, the fact that today’s momentum came despite an uptick in 2020 participation suggests it is possible to build a less outcome-contingent coalition. Historical facts can give mandatory voting legitimacy; present ones are needed to confirm its value. More crucially, we must better emphasize how compulsory voting might create a more diverse electorate. Here, the Progressive Era debates have little to offer. Nearly every advocate this Note identified was a white man, every state that considered the policy had vanishingly small non-white populations, and just two states (Nebraska and Oregon) let women vote at the time of debating compulsory voting. Promisingly, however, advocates today pitch compulsory voting as a way to address racial turnout gaps and make the electorate reflect the diversity — along all possible dimensions — of the country. Some respond that the policy might harm minority voters, especially if voter suppression policies persist. Yet making this question central is a key update needed for assessing the merits of compulsory voting. Progressives failed to pitch the policy as inclusive, instead resting on their restricted ideas of delegated representation. Supporters today can draw on the pro-democracy arguments Progressives made about full participation, but must do more to build cross-racial coalitions to translate their vision into law. These differences suggest that the arguments supporters pursue today will not and should not precisely track the Progressives’. They also suggest that our moment is different — and perhaps more ripe to finally make voting a universal duty. Drawing on the untapped history of compulsory voting while building on twenty-first-century ideals of inclusive democracy just might push us toward a just way to solve the perennial “non-voting” dilemma. Conclusion Compulsory voting may not yet be on the horizon. But the recent wave of advocacy has given the issue a greater spotlight than it has had in a century. Amid this momentum, we have much to learn from exploring compulsory voting’s overlooked American history. From the colonies to the Progressive Era to the twenty-first century, Americans have seriously considered making voting a duty of citizenship. That history helps illuminate the depth of democratic creativity in our Progressive past. And, given our crises of democracy today, that past should push us to keep reviving this powerful policy today.
1437	dbpedia	0	79	https://datausa.io/profile/geo/rio-arriba-county-nm%3Fcompare%3Dlos-alamos-nm	en	Rio Arriba County, NM	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/rio-arriba-county-nm/splash	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/rio-arriba-county-nm/splash	[ "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/icons/compare.svg", "https://datausa.io/images/go-to-link.svg", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US35/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/05000US35049/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/05000US35043/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/05000US35045/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/05000US35055/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/05000US35028/thumb", "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/deloitte.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/datawheel.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	In 2022, Rio Arriba County, NM had a population of 40.3k people with a median age of 41.7 and a median household income of $52,031. Between 2021 and 2022 the population of Rio Arriba County, NM declined from 40,347 to 40,285, a −0.154% decrease and its median household income grew from $46,994 to $52,031, a 10.7% increase.	en	/images/favicon.ico?v=3		null	Rio Arriba County, NM is home to a population of 40.3k people, from which 96.4% are citizens. As of 2022, 5.51% of Rio Arriba County, NM residents were born outside of the country (2.22k people). In 2022, there were 1.28 times more Other (Hispanic) residents (12k people) in Rio Arriba County, NM than any other race or ethnicity. There were 9.39k White (Hispanic) and 6.88k Two+ (Hispanic) residents, the second and third most common ethnic groups. The economy of Rio Arriba County, NM employs 15.5k people. The largest industries in Rio Arriba County, NM are Health Care & Social Assistance (2,320 people), Professional, Scientific, & Technical Services (2,291 people), and Educational Services (1,546 people), and the highest paying industries are Professional, Scientific, & Technical Services ($72,292), Mining, Quarrying, & Oil & Gas Extraction ($71,486), and Professional, Scientific, & Management, & Administrative & Waste Management Services ($68,202). Males in New Mexico have an average income that is 1.26 times higher than the average income of females, which is $53,740. The income inequality in New Mexico (measured using the Gini index) is 0.462, which is lower than than the national average. In the 2020 presidential election, the popular vote in Rio Arriba County, NM went to Joseph R Biden Jr. with 66.1% of the vote. The runner-up was Donald J. Trump (32.5%), followed by Jo Jorgensen (0.716%). Martin Heinrich and Ben Ray Luján are the senators currently representing the state of New Mexico. In the United States, senators are elected to 6-year terms with the terms for individual senators staggered. Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming is currently represented by 435 members in the U.S. house, and members of the House of Representives are elected to 2-year terms. In 2022, universities in Rio Arriba County, NM awarded 249 degrees. The student population of Rio Arriba County, NM in 2022 is skewed towards women, with 482 male students and 672 female students. Most students graduating from Universities in Rio Arriba County, NM are Hispanic or Latino (170 and 71.4%), followed by White (26 and 10.9%), American Indian or Alaska Native (20 and 8.4%), and Two or More Races (8 and 3.36%). The largest universities in Rio Arriba County, NM by number of degrees awarded are Northern New Mexico College (249 and 100%). The most popular majors in Rio Arriba County, NM are General Business Administration & Management (91 and 36.5%), Registered Nursing (22 and 8.84%), and Liberal Arts & Sciences (17 and 6.83%). The median tuition cost in Rio Arriba County, NM for a public four year colleges is $5,064 for in-state students and $14,328 for out-of-state students. The median property value in Rio Arriba County, NM was $212,700 in 2022, which is 0.755 times smaller than the national average of $281,900. Between 2021 and 2022 the median property value increased from $179,800 to $212,700, a 18.3% increase. The homeownership rate in Rio Arriba County, NM is 78.9%, which is approximately the same as the national average of 64.8%. People in Rio Arriba County, NM have an average commute time of 28.6 minutes, and they drove alone to work. Car ownership in Rio Arriba County, NM is approximately the same as the national average, with an average of 2 cars per household. Median household income in Rio Arriba County, NM is $52,031. In 2022, the tract with the highest Median Household Income in Rio Arriba County, NM was Census Tract 9408 with a value of $64,509, followed by Census Tract 1 and Census Tract 5, with respective values of $59,542 and $58,500. In 2023, 11.7% of the population was living with severe housing problems in Rio Arriba County, NM. From 2014 to 2023, the indicator declined 3.96%. 90.9% of the population of Rio Arriba County, NM has health coverage, with 37.3% on employee plans, 28.6% on Medicaid, 16.7% on Medicare, 6.93% on non-group plans, and 1.31% on military or VA plans. Primary care physicians in Rio Arriba County, NM see 2140 patients per year on average, which represents a 1.02% decrease from the previous year (2162 patients). Compare this to dentists who see 1339 patients per year, and mental health providers who see 198 patients per year. By gender, of the total number of insured persons, 49% were men and 51% were women.
1437	dbpedia	3	94	https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/discover/campfire-stories/african-americans	en	The African American Story	http://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/africanamerican-featured-original-3.jpg	http://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/africanamerican-featured-original-3.jpg	[ "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/home/dropdown-cta/summer-at-bullock-menu-cta-hp.jpg?1716559693", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/refresh/aug-15/tsp-field.jpg?1453143367", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/refresh/dec-2019/CTA-refresh_Education.jpg?1575398747", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/refresh/dec-2019/CTA_refresh_getInvolved.jpg?1575398838", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/facilities/venue-rentals-cta.jpg?1610462577", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/conquistador/estevanico-box.jpg?1518712539", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/mccullochs-land-grant.jpg?1523473751", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/jacob-fontaine.jpg?1512062042", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/slave-narratives-wpa-loc.jpg?1523473522", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/Margrett-Nillin.jpg?1512064115", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/Sharecropping-Family.jpg?1512080352", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/texans-office.jpg?1512081729", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/brackenridge-elementary.jpg?1518714486", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/book-cover-folklore.jpg?1512082014", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/upload/images/characters/african-american/southwest-region-naacp.jpg?1512082126", "https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/theme/TSHM/images/pageicon-browsestories.png?1711556241" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	From early explorers to Mexican citizens to Texas slaves to free men and women, African Americans have contributed much to the story of Texas. Learn more about their stories.	en	/theme/TSHM/apple-touch-icon-57x57.png		null	Slavery in Texas African American life after Texas Independence was shaped by new and existing legal constraints, enslavement, and violence. Free blacks struggled with new laws banning them from residence in the state, while the majority of black Texans remained enslaved. The Texas Constitution of 1836 gave more protection to slaveholders while further controlling the lives of enslaved people through new slave codes. The Texas Legislature passed increasingly restrictive laws governing the lives of free blacks, including a law banishing all free black people from the Republic of Texas. Texas's enslaved population grew rapidly: while there were 30,000 enslaved people in Texas in 1845, the census lists 58,161 enslaved African Americans in 1850. The number had increased to 182,566 by 1860. Most enslaved people in Texas were brought by white families from the southern United States. Some enslaved people came through the domestic slave trade, which was centered in New Orleans. A smaller number of enslaved people were brought via the international slave trade, though this had been illegal since 1806. Most enslaved African Americans in Texas were forced into unskilled labor as field hands in the production of cotton, corn, and sugar, though some lived and worked on large plantations or in urban areas where they engaged in more skilled forms of labor as cooks, blacksmiths, and carpenters. While there were no large-scale slave insurrections in Texas, enslaved people resisted in a variety of ways, the most common being running away. Enslaved people made personal connections, and established family relationships wherever possible despite the odds, which was made more difficult by the changing nature of Texas and its white population. Civil War and Emancipation Life for enslaved African Americans remained relatively unchanged during the Civil War. However, with Union General Granger’s emancipation announcement at the end of the war, African Americans celebrated their independence and began new lives as freedpeople. On February 23, 1861, Texans voted to secede from the Union and joined the Confederate States of America. Because Texas remained relatively unscathed by fighting during the war, life for enslaved African Americans continued in much the same way as it had before the fighting. Felix Haywood, who worked as a cowboy while enslaved in San Antonio, described his experience of the war when interviewed in 1937: “It’s a funny thing how folks always want to know about the war. The war wasn’t so great as folks suppose. Sometimes you didn’t know it was going on. It was the ending of it that made the difference." While Felix Haywood’s life was undisturbed by the war, other enslaved people experienced upheaval. Some enslaved people were moved from the eastern areas of Texas or from other southern states to keep them away from Union troops, and many were made to labor for the Confederate Army, building fortifications and other methods of defense. On June 19, 1865, at the end of the Civil War and over two years after President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, General Gordon Granger landed in Galveston and declared that enslavement was ended. However, many black people in Texas remained enslaved for months, and in rare cases years, when their owners refused to release them. Many newly emancipated people celebrated their independence at the holiday subsequently known as Juneteenth, though some found their celebrations thwarted by disgruntled former slave-owners. Some people immediately set off in search of lost family and friends, while others experienced confusion and uncertainty about their futures as freedpeople. The Civil Rights Movement in Texas African Americans continued to confront racist legislation and legal segregation, organizing in their communities against their continued oppression. The Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act were catalysts for increased black political and social participation in the mid-20th century. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in Texas, target of racist ire since its formation in the state in 1915, chipped away at legal restrictions on black rights and won important cases in Smith v. Allwright, which declared white primaries unconstitutional in 1944, and Sweatt v. Painter, which desegregated the University of Texas Law School in 1950. African American women, including Lulu B. White and Juanita Craft, were instrumental in political activism. Lulu B. White was an important organizer and activist in the first half of the 20th century. White became the president of the Houston chapter of the NAACP in 1939, and transformed her chapter into the largest in the South by 1943. She later served as the state director of the NAACP. Juanita Craft worked with Lulu B. White at the NAACP, and was the first black woman to vote in Dallas in 1944. During her long career in Texas politics, Craft was responsible for the 1955 Dallas Youth Council protest of Negro Achievement Day at the Texas State Fair, and was involved in desegregation efforts at the University of Texas and North Texas State University. Later, she was elected City Councilwoman for the Dallas City Council. While African American women worked for progress on the state and local levels, federal policies also created opportunities for black Texans. The passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965 allowed for more black participation in the political process, and helped people achieve more opportunities for advancement in employment, and state and national recognition for contributions to the arts, music, athletics, education, food, politics, science, and business.
1437	dbpedia	1	39	https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/download	en	UH Repository :: Login	https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/assets/uh/images/favicons/favicon.ico	https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/assets/uh/images/favicons/favicon.ico	[ "https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/assets/uh/images/UHL-logo.png", "https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/assets/uh/images/UHL-logo.png", "https://uh-ir.tdl.org/bitstreams/1aef8692-efa1-4de7-a608-c1264b52bcd8/assets/images/dspace-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	assets/uh/images/favicons/favicon.ico		null
1437	dbpedia	3	2	https://www.statista.com/statistics/1128983/california-electoral-votes-since-1852/	en	U.S. presidential elections: California electoral votes 1852-2020	https://cdn.statcdn.com/…83-blank-355.png	https://cdn.statcdn.com/…83-blank-355.png	[ "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Study/160000/162257-standard.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Statistic/185000/188185-blank-100.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Statistic/270000/273909-blank-100.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Statistic/270000/273294-blank-100.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Statistic/205000/207579-blank-100.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/static/../CMS/contactperson/ERI2127_1591697938.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/static/img/modalEmployeeGroup.png", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/static/icons/blank.gif", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Topic/9859.jpg", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Topic/6949.jpg", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Topic/7017.jpg", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Topic/7861.jpg", "https://cdn.statcdn.com/Topic/3962.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Aaron O'Neill" ]	null	Since 1852, the U.S.	en	https://cdn.statcdn.com/…atic/favicon.svg	Statista	https://www.statista.com/statistics/1128983/california-electoral-votes-since-1852/	California's electoral votes in U.S. presidential elections 1852-2020 Published by Number of electoral votes from California designated to each party's candidate in U.S. presidential elections from 1852 to 2020 Source Show detailed source information? Register for free Already a member? Log in Source Use Ask Statista Research Service Release date 2020 More information Region United States (California) Survey time period 1852 to 2020 Supplementary notes *Overall winner. Citation formats
1437	dbpedia	0	34	https://academic.oup.com/book/41425/chapter/352750973	en				[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null
1437	dbpedia	3	61	https://www.cityofpasadena.net/about-pasadena/history-of-pasadena/	en	Heritage: A Short History of Pasadena – City of Pasadena	https://www.cityofpasade…avicon-32x32.png	https://www.cityofpasade…avicon-32x32.png	[ "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/themes/copblue-main/dept-logo.png", "https://cityofpasadena.net/wp/wp-content/themes/copblue-main/dept-logo.png", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Pasadena-History-Person-Riding-in-an-Open-Car.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Pasadena-San-Gabriel-Mission.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/SanGabrielPostcard.jpeg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Incline-Railway.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Throop-Polytech.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Pacific-Asia-Museum.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Pasadena-Playhouse-1925.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Paving-Arroyo-Seco.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Norton-Simon-Museum.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Old-Town-Pasadena.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Mars-Rover.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/Colorado-Bridge.jpg", "https://cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/uploads/city-service-center-banner.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/themes/copblue/img/DigitalCities2021.jpg", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/themes/copblue/img/MOBILEWEBAWARD2021FOOTER.png", "https://www.cityofpasadena.net/wp-content/themes/copblue/img/pasadena-city-seal-white-sm.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://www.cityofpasade…e-touch-icon.png		https://www.cityofpasadena.net/about-pasadena/history-of-pasadena/	Pasadena’s Becomes a City: 1886-1920 In 1886 Pasadena incorporated, largely as a measure to rid the city of its saloon. In the ensuing decade, amenities such as sewers, paved streets, and electric street lighting were installed. On January 1, 1890, the Valley Hunt Club initiated a mid-winter festival with a procession of flower-bedecked horses and carriages. This became a yearly tradition that in 1898 was formally sponsored by the Tournament of Roses Association. An added tourist attraction was the Echo Mountain incline railway which opened in 1893 and included a mountain chalet resort and the Alpine Tavern at Crystal Springs. The cultural and educational side of the city was Throop Polytechnic Institute not neglected. The educational system expanded in both the public and private sector. Throop Polytechnic Institute (first named Throop University) was founded in 1891 and later became the California Institute of Technology. Pasadena had a Shakespeare Club and a Grand Opera House (never very successful) and numerous civic and cultural organizations.In the early 1900’s more grand hotels were built. The city government was reorganized and in 1901 Pasadena became a charter city with an elected mayor. The city population grew from 9,117 in 1900 to 30,291 by 1910. The population included Chinese and Mexicans, who were brought in to work on the railroads, and Blacks, who moved in and started small businesses or worked as servants in the big houses and hotels. The area of the city increased through annexations, first of sections to the north and east, then in 1914 San Rafael Heights and Linda Vista, which had been physically linked to the city by the Colorado Street Bridge in 1913. Some of the best architects settled in Pasadena, which became known for its fine architecture, particularly the Craftsman style, perfected by Greene and Greene. Pasadena Endures The Depresssion and War: 1930-1950 The Depression signaled the end of an era for Pasadena, disrupting its tourist economy which never resumed at its previous level. The number of industrial establishments, which numbered only 159 in 1929, decreased even further to 83 in 1933. In 1930, the city population was 76,086. Ten years later it had increased by less than 8% to 81,864. Despite this, a 1939 study conducted by Dr. Edward Thorndike of Columbia University on the general goodness of life in U.S. cities rated Pasadena as the best city of all in which to live. World War II ushered in a turnabout, and set Pasadena on the path to modern industrial growth. During the war, hotels in Pasadena were used as military command headquarters. The Vista del Arroyo Hotel was purchased by the Army and became a convalescent hospital for the wounded. Led by Caltech and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, which became focal points of research and development for the war effort, Pasadena evolved into a center for industrial research and light manufacture of scientific and electronic precision instruments. By 1954 there were 394 industrial establishments in Pasadena. The completion in 1940 of the Arroyo Seco Parkway, the first freeway in the west, provided a fast and direct route from Pasadena to Los Angeles. Pasadena became an attractive place to live for people working in industrial areas in Los Angeles. In the postwar boom, newcomers flocked to Pasadena. Pasadena Faces the Challenge: 1950-1970 By 1950 the population was 104,777, including a significant increase in the Black population (from 3,900 in 1940 to 7,800 in 1950). In the mid-’40’s and early ’50’s, to relieve the housing shortage, new housing tracks were opened in the Linda Vista, San Rafael and Allendale areas and to the east in the Hastings Ranch and Coronet areas. Retail sales showed a steady increase and in 1947 the opening of Bullock’s heralded what was to become an exclusive shopping area on South Lake Avenue. A new shopping center opened in Hastings Ranch in 1956. With growth came problems. The city once famed for its salubrious climate was now inundated with smog. As the business district moved east of Fair Oaks and Colorado, the area that was once the heart of the city became dilapidated, with high vacancy rates and declining property values. In much of the city’s pre-1929 housing, middle income families moved out and low income families moved in. Minority populations were heavily concentrated in the older sections of the city. The early ’60’s saw some major companies leave Pasadena due to lack of land for expansion. Although the problem of central city decline was pointed out in a major report in 1959, little was done to remedy it until the early seventies. An April 27, 1969 Los Angeles Times article on Pasadena was entitled “Pasadena’s Crown City Image Tarnished: White Flight, Urban Blight, School Problems.” The year of 1969 marked the opening of the Pasadena Art Museum of Modern Art (now the Norton Simon Museum of Art) and the closure of the renowned Pasadena Playhouse, sold at auction after years of financial difficulties. Plans for the Foothill and Long Beach Freeways, which would link Pasadena to major arteries on the east, west and south were underway, removing parcels of land from the tax rolls as well as low-priced housing occupied by minorities, the elderly and low-income families.The seventies were a period of economic revitalization, primarily under direction of the Pasadena Redevelopment Agency. Large corporations relocated their headquarters to Pasadena, the Conference Center was built, and the Plaza Pasadena retail shopping mall was completed. Millions of square feet of office space were created, as well as many new condominium projects and commercial buildings. Pasadena Seeks to Balance Growth & Preservation: 1970-Present With growth and new development came concern for preserving the unique quality of life in Pasadena. Neighborhood and preservation groups joined forces in 1981 to defeat a proposal to build two high-rise towers in downtown Pasadena. That same year, the Pasadena Redevelopment Agency was disbanded. A citizen initiative to restrict growth was passed in 1989. It was later repealed by voters in 1992, in conjunction with revising the General Plan to respond to growth management issues. An awakened respect for the city’s architectural treasures led to the renovation of historic homes and buildings throughout the city. Nowhere was this more apparent than in Old Pasadena, where the city’s business district first started. Revitalization of this area occurred throughout the eighties, and culminated at the end of 1992 with the completion of the One Colorado historic block. Transformed into a restaurant and entertainment center, Old Pasadena has become a major attraction in Southern California.In the eighties, population growth accompanied development. Between 1980 and 1990, the population of Pasadena increased by 11%, becoming more racially and ethnically diverse. The largest increase was in the Hispanic population, which grew to 27.3% of the total city population by 1990. A charter amendment, approved by voters in 1980, changed Pasadena’s election system from citywide runoffs to district only elections. This paved the way for the election of minority candidates and a greater emphasis on neighborhood concerns. In 1993, the name for Pasadena’s elected representatives was officially changed from Board of Directors, a term associated with corporations, to City Council, a term prevalent in most city governments. A mayor was selected on a rotating basis from the senior City Councilmembers. The City Manager, however, was responsible for the day-to-day operation of the City. And in 1998, Cynthia Kurtz become Pasadena’s first female City Manager. The same year voters decided it was time to elect a Mayor who could represent Pasadena on a city-wide basis. A former city Councilmember, Bill Bogaard was elected in 1999. In 1994, the Northridge earthquake, the most severe quake in a series to hit Southern California, left Pasadena relatively unscathed. The finial atop City Hall’s dome was knocked askew and several residential chimneys were damaged. The world’s leader in seismic research, the California Institute of Technology was consulted frequently during this time by the media. Between 1970 and 2005, Caltech’s faculty and alumni garnered 14 of the Institute’s 31 Nobel prizes. The most recent award went to Robert H. Grubbs in 2005 in chemistry, along with Yves Chauvin (Institut Français du Pétrole) and Richard R. Schrock (MIT), for their work in the development of the metathesis method in organic synthesis. Perhaps best known for its research in physics, the Institute’s faculty and alumni have also received Nobel Prizes in the fields of Physiology or Medicine, Economics and Peace. Caltech’s satellite laboratory, The Jet Propulsion Lab (JPL), was responsible for several of NASA’s successes in the 1980s and 1990s including deep space navigation and communication, digital image processing, intelligent automated systems, and microelectronics. Despite recent set backs in the loss of the Mars probe Orbiter and the Mars Polar Lander, it is the memory of the Mars Pathfinder Mission that still remains fresh in the minds of many. In July of 1997, the world was able to watch as Rover, a robot on four wheels with a camera and extendable arms, moved over the surface of the red planet. The robot took photographs, collected rock and soil samples and transmitted scientific data back to the earth. Rover lasted considerably longer than it was originally designed before it fell silent in September 1997. As Pasadena looks toward the future it seeks to balance growth with community needs, historic character, a diverse economic base, and a safe, healthy family community. The Colorado Street Bridge, designed in 1913 as a “work of art” and renovated in the early 90’s to conform with seismic safety standards, symbolizes the commitment of Pasadena to integrate its rich cultural heritage with the challenges of the new millennium.The Pasadena Public Library has an extensive collection of materials about Pasadena in the Pasadena Centennial Room at Central Library.
1437	dbpedia	3	36	https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/ballot-access/	en	Ballot Access	https://firstamendment.m…lot_access_0.jpg	https://firstamendment.m…lot_access_0.jpg	[ "https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/07/Logo_MTSU_1.png", "https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/06/ballot_access_0.jpg", "https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/08/haro1-188.jpeg", "https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/07/Logo_MTSU_2.png", "https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/06/middletennstate-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Deborah Fisher" ]	2023-08-11T06:12:49+00:00	Ballot access refers to procedures regulating how candidates will be presented to voters in elections. Ballot access continues to be the subject of First Amendment debate.	en	https://firstamendment.m…MTSU_Favicon.png	The Free Speech Center	https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/ballot-access/	Ballot access refers to the basic rules and procedures that regulate whether and how candidates, political parties, and related matters such as ballot issues and referenda will be presented to voters for electoral consideration. The Supreme Court has ruled that state laws that make the process to get on a ballot unduly burdensome, particularly for third-party or independent candidates, infringe on the right of association that is protected by the First Amendment. Ballot access provisions have been frequent sources of controversy in the United States because so much is at stake in elections. American voters did not use an ‘official ballot’ before 1880s The U.S. Constitution decentralizes the election process to the states. Article 1, Section 4, of the Constitution states that “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the Legislature thereof.” This deferral of election procedures to state governments has allowed each state to consider its own unique circumstances and conditions when designing the criteria for getting on the ballot. However, multiple amendments to the Constitution have, however, limited a state’s ability to limit who can vote in an election based on: race (15th Amendment, 1870); sex (19th Amendment, 1920); payment of a poll tax (24th Amendment, 1964); and age (26th Amendment, 1971). Before the late 1800s, voters in the United States would either verbally inform election officials for whom they were voting or would place a ballot printed by their own political party in the ballot box. These practices tended to make the process prone to corruption, misinterpretation and inefficiency. The Australian ballot, created in that country in 1858 and adopted by the United States in the 1880s, changed this design and allowed voters to cast their votes in secret for candidates on an office-by-office basis using an official ballot. The new process not only ensured confidentiality but also made the election process more formal and credible. The Australian ballot model was thereafter used successfully in presidential elections, but voter turnout declined noticeably, because voters had to be able to read the ballot and literacy rates then were much lower than today. The Australian ballot also affected which candidates could get on the official ballot, which until then, with no official ballot, had been relatively uninhibited. States set rules for getting on the ballot States determine ballot rules. Many state governments delegate this responsibility to their county governments, which have elected or appointed “supervisors of elections.” Some local governmental bodies also set their own rules within basic parameters for local elections. The result has been extensive variability throughout the nation, not only in the criteria for getting on the ballot, but also in the ways in which elections are conducted. Most states require candidates and parties that have not previously garnered a significant number of votes at the national level and that wish to appear on the ballot to collect a minimum number of signatures — often a percentage of the total number of registered voters. Similar provisions can apply for citizen-driven initiatives and proposed new laws and state constitutional amendments. Such requirements put minor parties and less recognized candidates at a disadvantage, as do some states’ imposition of “filing fees” to cover the costs of the ballot process. Another barrier to ballot access can be strict filing deadlines that are difficult or impossible for many “outsider” candidates and parties to meet. Incumbents usually have more money and resources to devote to the cause. Restricting ballot access can limit discourse to two political parties The predominantly two-party nature of the U.S. political system has fueled the ballot-access debate. Supporters of ballot-access restrictions view the matter from a practical standpoint, arguing that the established procedures and access criteria have deterred large numbers of unqualified candidates from appearing on ballots, thereby alleviating stress in the system and confusion within the electorate. By contrast, reformers contend that stringent access criteria prevent competition and even alienate third-party candidates who are unable to collect the requisite number of signatures to appear on the ballot. In addition, such candidates must contend with the name recognition that gives incumbents of the two major parties a distinct advantage. Political apathy and uninterest in elections further diminish the likelihood that a qualified newcomer will be able to meet access criteria. Such criteria stifle the political dialogue and limit discourse to those issues favored by the two major parties. Finally, reformers contend that by narrowing the field of new and entrepreneurial candidates, ballot-access restrictions reduce the quantity and quality of choices available to voters, and thus have contributed to the declining levels of voter turnout. Supreme Court: Ballot access cannot be unduly burdensome The right of candidates and political parties to be on the ballot is not unlimited. However, because this right implicates the freedom of association, courts have ruled that the government’s authority to regulate elections cannot make the process for getting on the ballot unduly burdensome. In Williams v. Rhodes (1968), the Supreme Court invalidated an Ohio law that made it virtually impossible for American Independent Party presidential candidate George C. Wallace (the former Alabama governor) to appear on the state’s presidential ballot. Ohio law required that candidates collect a large number of signatures and that parties form committees well in advance of the election. In Bullock v. Carter (1972), the U.S. Supreme Court found that the payment of an expensive filing fee to run for office was unconstitutional. The Court said the fees fall “with unequal weight on candidates and voters according to their ability to pay the fees, and therefore it must be ‘closely scrutinized’ and can be sustained only if it is reasonably necessary to accomplish a legitimate state objective, and not merely because it has some rational basis.” Conversely, in Storer v. Brown (1974) the Court upheld a state law requiring an independent candidate running for office to demonstrate disaffiliation from a party for a least one year. But in Anderson v. Celebrezze (1983) the Supreme Court invalidated on First Amendment grounds a state law that imposed early filing requirements for an independent presidential candidate who wished to appear on the general election ballot. Court scrutinizes laws on signatures required for third-party candidates Often, independent and third-party candidates are required to collect and file a minimum number of signatures to appear on the ballot. If that minimum threshold is too high, the courts may invalidate the requirement as unconstitutional, burdening the association rights protected by the First Amendment. In Illinois State Board of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party (1979), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a state law requiring independent party candidates to obtain more signatures to be on Chicago’s ballot than to be on a statewide office ballot was unconstitutional. Later, in Norman v. Reed (1992), the Court struck down another Illinois law requiring new third-party candidates for statewide office to collect 25,000 signatures, sometimes in multiple political subdivisions, and to meet other procedural hurdles. In Munro v. Socialist Workers Party (1986), the Court upheld a requirement that a party secure at least 1% of the vote in a primary to gain a spot on the general election ballot. The Court noted that although the 1% requirement did impinge upon association rights of the party, these rights were not absolute and it was not burdensome to require the party to demonstrate some minimum level of support to appear on the ballot. In Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party (1997) the Court upheld, against a First Amendment challenge, a state “anti-fusion” law barring a candidate from one political party from appearing on the ballot as an endorsed candidate for another political party. The Court’s reasoning here was that the compelling interest in preventing fraud and voter confusion outweighed any First Amendment claims to ballot access. Overall, although the courts have been hostile to the payment of fees to obtain ballot access, other requirements in place to demonstrate that candidates or political parties have sufficient political support have been upheld as legitimate governmental interests in regulating elections. Initiative and referenda items also create controversy Many states also have procedures that allow voters to engage in “direct democracy” very much in the First Amendment spirit of the right to petition the government. They can vote new laws into being that may bypass the normal legislative process or make recommendations to legislators. In states such as California, voters have passed a wide variety of “propositions” for many decades. At local levels, direct voting on subjects such as bond issues, amendments to city charters and related matters are quite common. Here, too, laws regarding how such measures go before voters come into play. According to the Ballotpedia website: Every state but Delaware allows citizens to vote on legislatively referred constitutional amendments, and 23 states allow citizens to vote on legislatively referred state statutes…The ballot initiative process is used by 26 states, as well as Washington, D.C., and 18 of those states allow voters to initiate constitutional amendments. Constitutional conventions can also be used to put ballot measures before the people. To address these matters, states have laws regulating how these matters get to ballots with varying requirements for how many signatures are required on petitions to get onto the ballot, where and how such signatures may be obtained, what constitutes a legal signature on a petition, what is legal versus illegal language for a ballot initiative and what are the deadlines to obtain signatures, submit ballot language for approval and so forth. Elected officials sometimes resist efforts to bypass the legislative process and are accused of making it unreasonably difficult for initiatives to go directly to voters. As a result, petitioning laws and regulations have sparked lawsuits and court cases. For example, in 1999, in Buckley v. American Constitutional Law Foundation, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned a Colorado law requiring that petition circulators be registered voters in the political jurisdiction in which signatures are being solicited This article was originally published in 2009. Daniel Baracskay teaches in the public administration program at Valdosta State University. It was revised in 2023 by Dennis Hetzel with changes to include the material on ballot initiatives and referenda. Hetzel has been a reporter, editor and newspaper publisher, executive director of the Ohio News Media Association and president of the Ohio Coalition for Open Government.
1437	dbpedia	3	21	https://eji.org/report/reconstruction-in-america/documenting-reconstruction-violence/	en	Documenting Reconstruction Violence	https://eji.org/report/w…avicon-16x16.png	https://eji.org/report/w…avicon-16x16.png	[ "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/eji-reconstruction-in-america-memorial-at-the-legacy-pavilion-image-1024x574.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Screenshot-2020-05-22-13.34.12-1024x636.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/union-and-confederate-states-map-1024x561.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/hanging-of-amy-spain-1024x861.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/family-south-carolina-1862-821x1024.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/lincoln-emancipation-proclamation-1024x539.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/black-people-recently-freed-1024x642.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/cudjoe-lewis.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/women-cotton.jpg", "https://eji.org/report/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/randolph-linsly-simpson-collection-1024x575.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2020-06-04T20:39:32+00:00		en	https://eji.org/report/w…avicon-16x16.png	Equal Justice Initiative Reports	https://eji.org/report/reconstruction-in-america/documenting-reconstruction-violence/	Introduction In 1865, after two and a half centuries of brutal enslavement, Black Americans had great hope that emancipation would finally mean real freedom and opportunity. Most formerly enslaved people in the United States were remarkably willing to live peacefully with those who had held them in bondage despite the violence they had suffered and the degradation they had endured. Emancipated Black people put aside their enslavement and embraced education, hard work, faith, and citizenship with extraordinary enthusiasm and devotion. By 1868, over 80 percent of Black men who were eligible to vote had registered, schools for Black children became a priority, and courageous Black leaders overcame enormous obstacles to win elections to public office. The new era of Reconstruction offered great promise and could have radically changed the history of this country. However, it quickly became clear that emancipation in the United States did not mean equality for Black people. The commitment to abolish chattel slavery was not accompanied by a commitment to equal rights or equal protection for African Americans and the hope of Reconstruction quickly became a nightmare of unparalleled violence and oppression. Between 1865 and 1877, thousands of Black women, men, and children were killed, attacked, sexually assaulted, and terrorized by white mobs and individuals who were shielded from arrest and prosecution. White perpetrators of lawless, random violence against formerly enslaved people were almost never held accountable—instead, they frequently were celebrated. Emboldened Confederate veterans and former enslavers organized a reign of terror that effectively nullified constitutional amendments designed to provide Black people equal protection and the right to vote. In a series of devastating decisions, the United States Supreme Court blocked Congressional efforts to protect formerly enslaved people. In decision after decision, the Court ceded control to the same white Southerners who used terror and violence to stop Black political participation, upheld laws and practices codifying racial hierarchy, and embraced a new constitutional order defined by “states’ rights.” Within a decade after the Civil War, Congress began to abandon the promise of assistance to millions of formerly enslaved Black people. Violence, mass lynchings, and lawlessness enabled white Southerners to create a regime of white supremacy and Black disenfranchisement alongside a new economic order that continued to exploit Black labor. White officials in the North and West similarly rejected racial equality, codified racial discrimination, and occasionally embraced the same tactics of violent racial control seen in the South. It was during Reconstruction that a century-long era of racial hierarchy, lynching, white supremacy, and bigotry was established—an era from which this nation has yet to recover. Most Americans know very little about the Reconstruction era and its legacy. Historians have frequently overlooked this critical 12-year period that has had profound impact on life in the United States. Our collective ignorance of what happened immediately after the Civil War has contributed to misinformed stereotypes and misguided false narratives about who is honorable and who is not and has allowed bigotry and a legacy of racial injustice to persist. In 2015, the Equal Justice Initiative issued a new report that detailed over 4,400 documented racial terror lynchings of Black people in America between 1877 and 1950. We now report that during the 12-year period of Reconstruction at least 2,000 Black women, men, and children were victims of racial terror lynchings. Thousands more were assaulted, raped, or injured in racial terror attacks between 1865 and 1877. The rate of documented racial terror lynchings during Reconstruction is nearly three times greater than during the era we reported on in 2015. Dozens of mass lynchings took place during Reconstruction in communities across the country in which hundreds of Black people were killed. Tragically, the rate of unknown lynchings of Black people during Reconstruction is also almost certainly dramatically higher than the thousands of unknown lynchings that took place between 1877 and 1950 for which no documentation can be found. The retaliatory killings of Black people by white Southerners immediately following the Civil War alone likely number in the thousands. EJI presents this report to provide context and analysis of what happened during this tragic period of American history and to describe its implications for the issues we face today. We believe our nation has failed to adequately address or acknowledge our history of racial injustice and that we must commit to a new era of truth-telling followed by meaningful efforts to repair and remedy the continuing legacy of racial oppression. We hope this report sparks much needed conversation and encourages communities to join us in the important task of advancing truth and justice. Bryan Stevenson, Director Inequality After Enslavement On the question of racial equality, there was often little distinction between slavery’s white supporters and detractors. “God has made the negro an inferior being not in most cases, but in all cases,” leading pro-slavery New Yorker John H. Van Evrie wrote in the 1850s. Even New England abolitionist Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe openly expressed the view that Black people were naturally inferior to white people. He tried to drum up support for abolition by assuring white people that Black people would “dwindle and gradually disappear from the peoples of this continent” if freed. Clearly an end to enslavement alone would not emancipate Black people from racism. But first things would have to come first. Beginning in 1861, 11 Southern states determined to maintain enslavement seceded from the Union to form the Confederate States of America. In South Carolina, the first state to secede, legislators declared that “[a]n increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding States to the institution of slavery” was a primary catalyst for their action. As Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee followed, the Confederacy developed a platform of “states’ rights” and “home rule” that aimed to preserve white supremacy and enslavement. Even before the war’s end, Confederate hatred for Black autonomy and power led to brutal attacks. Black soldiers in the Union Army symbolized the height of Black “disobedience” and became immediate targets for violence that exceeded even the bounds of war. When an outnumbered “colored” unit of the Union Army surrendered Fort Pillow, Tennessee, to Confederate forces on April 12, 1864, the rules of war required the Confederates to take the 262 Black soldiers as prisoners. Instead, the Confederates massacred the Black men, along with nearby Black civilians. A later federal investigation concluded: “It is the intention of the rebel authorities not to recognize the officers and men of our colored regiments as entitled to the treatment accorded by all civilized nations to prisoners of war.” On March 10, 1865, Confederate soldiers in Darlington, South Carolina, hanged a young Black woman named Amy Spain from a sycamore tree on the courthouse lawn. Accused of “treason and conduct unbecoming a slave” for aiding Union forces who had briefly occupied the town, Ms. Spain was killed just weeks before the end of the Civil War. By the time the war ended with Confederate surrender to the Union on April 9, 1865, President Abraham Lincoln had issued an Emancipation Proclamation abolishing slavery in the rebel territories and Congress had advanced a constitutional amendment that aimed to abolish slavery nationwide. “Slavery is dead,” read an editorial in The Cincinnati Enquirer published days after the surrender. “The negro is not; there is our misfortune.” If the end of the war led the United States government to abandon the millions of Black people still living in the war-torn South amidst a beaten Confederacy, those emancipated people’s futures in freedom would be bleak and short-lived. In a November 1865 letter to Major General Steadman of the Union Army, 125 freedmen in Columbus, Georgia, begged federal troops to stay in the city: We wish to inform you that if the Federal Soldiers are withdrawn from us, we will be left in a most gloomy and helpless condition. A number of Freedmen have already been killed in this section of country; and . . . we have every reason to fear that others will share a similar fate. Formerly enslaved Black people understood that federal intervention was necessary to require white Southerners to honor their rights as Americans. Their letter ended by pleading for federal troops “not to leave us to the tender mercy of our enemies—unprotected.” Decades later, in his 1903 book, The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B. Du Bois described the reality Black people faced. “Not a single Southern legislature stood ready to admit a Negro, under any conditions, to the polls,” he explained. Not a single Southern legislature believed free Negro labor was possible without a system of restrictions that took all its freedom away; there was scarcely a white man in the South who did not honestly regard Emancipation as a crime, and its practical nullification as a duty. After the Confederacy’s defeat, the United States was preserved but devastated, and faced an uncertain future. Many of the day’s most pressing questions asked: what would happen to the entrenched institution of slavery? And what fate would befall the millions of Black people who had been enslaved at the war’s start? The 1863 Emancipation Proclamation left these questions unanswered. How the nation would travel from war to peace depended on how it would chart Black Americans’ path from slavery to freedom. Reconstruction became that path, but its initially hopeful promise proved to be short-lived, dangerous, and deadly. Emancipation by Proclamation—Then by Law In September 1862, President Abraham Lincoln issued a preliminary proclamation announcing that, by executive order, he would declare the freedom of millions of Black people enslaved within the Confederacy—effective the following January. Enslavement was the core catalyst and conflict of the Civil War and the Emancipation Proclamation brought that conflict to a head. For years before the Civil War, white people in the South had grown increasingly worried that federal authorities would try to force abolition upon the South, and increasingly certain that the resulting social and economic upheaval would destroy them all. “Can [white people] without indignation and horror contemplate the triumph of negro equality, and see his own sons and daughters in the not distant future associating with free negroes upon terms of political and social equality?” Alabama official Stephen F. Hale asked in a 1860 letter to the governor of Kentucky. If slavery was abolished, Hale warned, “the two races would be continually pressing together,” and an “amalgamation or the extermination of the one or the other would be inevitable.” That fear and anxiety largely fueled the Confederate states’ secession movement. After Alabama seceded from the Union a year later, Hale represented the state in the Confederate Congress as one of many voices in a pro-slavery chorus. Hale died from battle wounds in 1862, months before Lincoln’s preliminary proclamation, but the Confederate reaction largely mirrored his views. “They call Mr. Lincoln an ‘ape,’ a ‘fiend,’ a ‘beast,’ a ‘savage,’ a ‘highwayman,’” read an October 1862 issue of Harper’s Weekly, reporting on Southern reaction to Lincoln’s preliminary proclamation. [The Confederate] Congress is resolved into a dozen committees, each trying to devise some new form of retaliation to be inflicted upon United States citizens and soldiers, if we dare to carry the proclamation into effect, and tamper—to use the words of the Richmond Enquirer—with “four thousand millions” worth of property! The Confederate Congress responded to the preliminary proclamation with a resolution denouncing Lincoln’s act as “a violation of the usages of civilized warfare, an attack on private property, and an invitation to servile insurrection” and vowing to resist enforcement. But the proclamation did not enjoy uniform or widespread support in the North, either. In the 1862 midterm elections, candidates challenging Lincoln’s political allies warned that Emancipation would bring an influx of free Black people into Northern states. “The general theme in the campaign, from New York to Iowa, was ‘Every white laboring man in the North who does not want to be swapped off for a free nigger should vote the [anti-Lincoln] Democratic ticket.’” Indeed, many Northern states already had laws restricting emigration of free Black people, and had little more commitment to racial equality than their counterparts in the South. By the time election results were tallied, the anti-Emancipation message had won in Illinois, Wisconsin, Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania and vaulted Horatio Seymour—the fiercely pro-slavery “white man’s candidate’—to the governor’s office in New York. For all the opposition it inspired, the Emancipation Proclamation—more war measure than humanitarian act—stopped far short of ending slavery in the United States when it took effect on January 1, 1863. On its face, the order declared the freedom of only those enslaved people held in states in rebellion against the United States, namely South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Texas, Arkansas, and North Carolina. The proclamation exempted Tennessee, as well as Union-occupied portions of Virginia and Louisiana, and left slavery wholly intact in the border states of Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri. Many Southern planters attempted to hide the news from enslaved people, using threats and violence to force silence and attacking those who dared attempt to flee. Where federal troops were present, however, many enslaved people courageously fled bondage and sought protection and freedom in Union camps. For the many more enslaved people living where federal forces were absent or unreachable, Lincoln’s declaration did nothing, and the hold of enslavement lasted well beyond 1863. Up until the war’s end in 1865, local newspapers in Montgomery, Alabama, continued to advertise auction sales of enslaved people and publish ads seeking the return of “runaways.” In an August 1864 letter, a Black woman named Annie Davis living in Maryland asked Lincoln himself to clarify whether she remained in bondage. “Mr. President,” she began, It is my Desire to be free. To go to see my people on the Eastern Shore. My mistress wont let me. You will please let me know if we are free and what I can do. I write to you for advice. Please send me word this week. or as soon as possible and oblidge [sic]. Ms. Davis’s letter survives at the National Archives among correspondence received by the Colored Troops Division. There is no evidence she ever received a reply. If abolition was to become permanent and widespread, what began with the limited Emancipation Proclamation would have to become broader, national law. In December 1863, as the war continued and the Confederate states remained in rebellion, Congress proposed a constitutional amendment to abolish slavery. It passed the Senate in April 1864 and, after extended debate and initial defeat, passed the House in January 1865. Ratification required approval by 27 of the 36 states, including in the South where states were still fighting a war to secede. Within months, the Confederacy had surrendered, President Lincoln had been assassinated, and new federal laws required the rebel states to ratify the abolition amendment to be readmitted to the Union. The former Confederate states reluctantly complied. In early December 1865, Georgia became the 27th state to ratify, and the Thirteenth Amendment was adopted soon afterward. Several states nonetheless continued to resist ratification in symbolic defiance, even after legal abolition had been achieved—Delaware, Kentucky, and Mississippi did not officially ratify the Thirteenth Amendment until the 20th century. Perhaps more importantly, ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment did not reflect or require a commitment to racial equality or an agreement that enslavement should end. The Thirteenth Amendment’s adoption meant that the Constitution banned racialized chattel slavery—it did not mean that white Southerners recognized Black people as fully human or that Southern officials would enforce their new legal protections absent federal oversight. George King, a Black man in Oklahoma, recalled in 1937 how freedom was explained to him when he was emancipated in South Carolina decades earlier: “The Master he says we are all free,” Mr. King said, “but it don’t mean we is white. And it don’t mean we is equal.” Following the war, Black autonomy expanded but the white American identity remained deeply rooted in white supremacy. Southern white communities rejected the notion that federal law recognized their former property as people, and they resented the Union troops still stationed in the region to enforce this new reality. This Southern white resistance to Black legal rights required the law to go further in order to make Black freedom truly meaningful. The year after the war’s end, a U.S. Congress still operating without representation from most Confederate states passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866, declaring Black Americans full citizens entitled to equal civil rights. President Andrew Johnson, who took office following Lincoln’s death, was a Tennessee native sympathetic to Southern sentiments. He vetoed the bill and vocally questioned “whether, where eleven of the thirty-six states are unrepresented in Congress at the time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other excepted classes, citizens of the United States.” But Johnson also objected to the act’s substance: The bill, in effect proposes a discrimination against large numbers of intelligent, worthy and patriotic foreigners and in favor of the negro, to whom, after long years of bondage, the avenues to freedom and intelligence have just now been suddenly opened. He must of necessity, from his previous unfortunate condition of servitude, be less informed as to the nature and character of our institutions than he who, coming from abroad, has to some extent, at least, familiarized himself with the principles of a Government to which he voluntarily entrusts life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Before the Fourteenth Amendment could become an enforceable part of the Constitution, 28 of the 37 states had to ratify it. Likely emboldened by Johnson’s defiant message of opposition, Southern legislatures refused—10 of the 11 former Confederate states rejected the amendment with overwhelming majorities and Louisiana did so unanimously. The amendment fell short of the required state ratifications and could not yet be adopted. In response, and again over President Johnson’s veto, Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, imposing military rule on the South and requiring states seeking readmission to the Union to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. The Reconstruction Acts also established voting rights for African American men, dramatically altering the South’s political landscape. By July 1868, enough states had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment and it was adopted. The United States Constitution now declared all persons born in the country were citizens, regardless of race, and thus entitled to the “privileges and immunities” of citizenship, due process, and equal protection under the law. Two years later, in 1870, the United States ratified the Fifteenth Amendment, explicitly prohibiting racial discrimination in voting —but leaving women of all races disenfranchised for another 50 years. Together, these legal developments established the meaning of citizenship for Black people who, just a few years earlier, had been denied that status by the nation’s highest court. In Dred Scott v. Sandford in 1857, the Supreme Court declared Black people born in the United States ineligible for national citizenship and unable to claim the rights and immunities guaranteed by the Constitution. Now, little more than a decade later and following the national upheaval of civil war and political reconstruction, the nation for the first time beheld a new legal creation: the Black American. Throughout the country, Black men, women, and children—some of whom had been free for generations and others who were enslaved until very recently—were for the first time legally protected from racialized enslavement, recognized as United States citizens, and legally guaranteed the rights of that status. Political participation, education, and economic advancement soon emerged as the immediate goals and most powerful symbols of freedom. Those also proved to be the earliest targets of overwhelming post-Emancipation racial violence. In February 1867, Congress approved the First Reconstruction Act, which outlined a process for restoring the Confederate states to the Union, and sent it to President Andrew Johnson for review and signature. Remembered by some as “a champion of the white South,” Johnson denounced and vetoed the bill, calling it an attempt to “coerce the [Southern] people into the adoption of principles and measures to which it is known that they are opposed and upon which they have an undeniable right to exercise their own judgment.” Johnson preferred a more lenient policy that would cancel Confederate debt, pardon former Confederates in exchange for their pledged loyalty to the Union, and restore former Confederate states to the Union once they denounced secession and wrote new constitutions that abolished slavery. Johnson instituted this policy of “Presidential Reconstruction”—which did not require Southern states to guarantee voting rights for Black men or involve Black people in the writing of new state constitutions—when he took office following President Lincoln’s 1865 assassination. By 1867, Congress had grown frustrated that former Confederate leaders were controlling Southern state governments and actively working to undermine Emancipation and the Reconstruction Amendments. In March 1867, Congress overrode President Johnson’s veto and the First Reconstruction Act became law. The act implemented “Reconstruction” as a longer period of post-war transition that empowered African American men as an electorate and excluded former government officials who had aided the Confederacy. It divided 10 former Confederate states into five Reconstruction districts held under federal military control and led by commanding generals. Tennessee was excepted, since it had been readmitted to the Union in 1866. Each state had to complete a series of requirements to earn full federal restoration; the first was to hold a state convention of elected delegates and draft a new constitution establishing voting rights for men of all races. Over the next two years, three additional laws were passed to form the collective Reconstruction Acts. Together, they authorized the commanding military generals to register voters and hold elections for delegates; declared that “the governments then existing in the rebel States . . . were not legal state governments;” and authorized the election of state officials and representatives to Congress while the new state constitution was up for ratification. To earn full restoration to the Union, these states had to write new constitutions, have the constitutions ratified by a majority of voters, elect new officials under the new constitutional guidelines, ratify the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, and secure reinstatement from Congress. The 10 former Confederate states held their required constitutional conventions between November 5, 1867, and February 8, 1869. Of the 1,027 total delegates who participated, 258—nearly 1 in 4—were African American men. In some states their numbers were much greater. Black men made up the majority of delegates at the South Carolina convention, nearly half in Louisiana, and more than a third in Florida. Even with the protection of federal troops and the force of federal law, Black people empowered to participate in the remaking of the South faced violence at the hands of resentful white mobs. At least 26 African American delegates to constitutional conventions were victims of Ku Klux Klan attacks. Newberry, South Carolina, delegate Lee A. Nance was shot and killed outside of his home in October 1868. That same month, a Black man named Benjamin Randolph was shot in the head while riding a train, one day after giving a controversial political speech in Abbeville, South Carolina. “Future generations will look back with horror,” read a resolution by the South Carolina legislature following Mr. Randolph’s murder, “upon the parties who, in open daylight, made an attack on him from behind.” As Reconstruction continued, violent white resistance to Black political power, citizenship rights, and freedom spread terror throughout the South, diminishing Black electoral influence and restoring to office many former Confederate officials who still promoted white supremacist policies. Terror campaigns enabled white people opposed to racial equality to gain control of most Southern state legislatures. By 1876, pro-Reconstruction officials controlled state governments in only three of the former Confederate states.
1437	dbpedia	0	8	https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/statistics/elections/1892	en	The American Presidency Project			[ "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/pictures/uc_santa_barbara_wordmark_black_rgb.svg", "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/wysiwyg_template_images/ic_check_circle_black2x.png", "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/pictures/uc-santa-barbara-wordmark-white1x.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://www.presidency.u…avicon-app_0.png		https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/statistics/elections/1892
1437	dbpedia	1	14	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020_United_States_presidential_election_in_Texas	en	2020 United States presidential election in Texas	https://upload.wikimedia…lts_2020.svg.png	https://upload.wikimedia…lts_2020.svg.png	[ "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/icons/wikipedia.png", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-wordmark-en.svg", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-tagline-en.svg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f7/Flag_of_Texas.svg/50px-Flag_of_Texas.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/b0/Increase2.svg/11px-Increase2.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/53/Donald_Trump_official_portrait_%28cropped%29.jpg/145px-Donald_Trump_official_portrait_%28cropped%29.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9d/Joe_Biden_presidential_portrait_%28cropped%29.jpg/150px-Joe_Biden_presidential_portrait_%28cropped%29.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cc/Texas_Presidential_Election_Results_2020.svg/350px-Texas_Presidential_Election_Results_2020.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/57/TX-20-pres-districts.svg/350px-TX-20-pres-districts.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/ab/2020_Election_in_Texas_by_Precinct%28New_VTD%29.svg/350px-2020_Election_in_Texas_by_Precinct%28New_VTD%29.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cb/Seal_of_Texas.svg/150px-Seal_of_Texas.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/16px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/03/Texas_Democratic_presidential_primary_election_results_by_county_%28vote_share%29%2C_2020.svg/320px-Texas_Democratic_presidential_primary_election_results_by_county_%28vote_share%29%2C_2020.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/1/1d/Information_icon4.svg/40px-Information_icon4.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9d/Texas_County_Swing_2020.svg/300px-Texas_County_Swing_2020.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/17/Texas_County_Trend_2020.svg/300px-Texas_County_Trend_2020.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f4/Texas_County_Flips_2020.svg/300px-Texas_County_Flips_2020.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/49/ElectoralCollege2020.svg/150px-ElectoralCollege2020.svg.png", "https://login.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:CentralAutoLogin/start?type=1x1", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/wikimedia-button.svg", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/poweredby_mediawiki.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Wikimedia projects" ]	2019-01-03T17:31:33+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020_United_States_presidential_election_in_Texas	← 2016 November 3, 2020 2024 → Turnout66.73% (of registered voters) [1] 52.39% (of voting age population)[2] Nominee Donald Trump Joe Biden Party Republican Democratic Home state Florida Delaware Running mate Mike Pence Kamala Harris Electoral vote 38 0 Popular vote 5,890,347 5,259,126 Percentage 52.06% 46.48% County Results Congressional District Results Precinct Results Trump 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% 90–100% Biden 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% 90–100% President before election Donald Trump Republican Elected President Joe Biden Democratic The 2020 United States presidential election in Texas was held on Tuesday, November 3, 2020, as part of the 2020 United States presidential election in which all 50 states plus the District of Columbia participated.[3] Texas voters chose 38 electors to represent them in the Electoral College. In a popular vote the Republican Party's nominee, incumbent President Donald Trump, and running mate Vice President Mike Pence won all the electors against the Democratic Party's nominee, former Vice President Joe Biden, and his running mate California Senator Kamala Harris.[4] Although it was considered a vulnerable state for Trump by some pollsters and experts and a potential upset victory for Biden due to its recent demographic trends, Trump held Texas with 52.1% of the vote, roughly the same percentage he carried it with in 2016. Biden improved on Hillary Clinton's 2016 vote share by 3.24%, giving him the largest percentage in the state by a Democratic presidential candidate since Jimmy Carter carried the state in 1976. Trump's 5.58% margin of victory was also the narrowest for a Republican since 1996. Texas was the third-narrowest of Trump's state victories, behind only Florida and North Carolina, and the ninth-closest state overall. The election was also the first time Texas placed in the top ten closest states since 1968, and the first time since 1976 that Texas voted to the left of Ohio.[5][6] This was also the first election since 1964 that the counties containing the five largest cities in Texas, consisting of Houston, San Antonio, Dallas, Austin, and Fort Worth, would vote Democratic at the same time. Voter turnout in the state increased to its highest level since 1992, when two Texans, George H. W. Bush and Ross Perot, were on the ballot, and the last time Texas was a battleground state.[7] Primary elections [edit] Republican primary [edit] The Republican primary was held on March 3, 2020. Donald Trump and Bill Weld were the only declared Republican candidates, as former South Carolina Governor and U.S. Representative Mark Sanford and U.S. Representative Joe Walsh had dropped out. Texas Governor Greg Abbott declined to run against Trump, as did 2016 Republican primary candidate and current senator Ted Cruz.[8][9] The primary was won overwhelmingly by Trump with over 94% of the vote. Democratic primary [edit] The Democratic primary was held on March 3, 2020. Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders, Michael Bloomberg and Joe Biden were among the major declared candidates.[11][12][13] The primary was won by Biden, with Sanders coming second. General election [edit] Final predictions [edit] Source Ranking The Cook Political Report[16] Tossup Inside Elections[17] Tossup Sabato's Crystal Ball[18] Lean R Politico[19] Lean R RCP[20] Tossup Niskanen[21] Tossup CNN[22] Lean R The Economist[23] Lean R CBS News[24] Lean R 270towin[25] Lean R ABC News[26] Tossup NPR[27] Tossup NBC News[28] Tossup 538[29] Lean R Polling [edit] Graphical summary [edit] Aggregate polls [edit] Source of poll aggregation Dates administered Dates updated Joe Biden Democratic Donald Trump Republican Other/ Undecided [b] Margin 270 to Win[30] Oct 29, 2020 – November 2, 2020 November 3, 2020 47.5% 48.8% 3.7% Trump +1.3 Real Clear Politics[31] October 20–31, 2020 November 3, 2020 46.5% 47.8% 5.7% Trump +1.3 FiveThirtyEight[32] until November 2, 2020 November 3, 2020 47.4% 48.6% 4.0% Trump +1.1 Average 47.1% 48.4% 4.5% Trump +1.2 Polls [edit] Poll source Date(s) administered Sample size[c] Margin of error Donald Trump Republican Joe Biden Democratic Jo Jorgensen Libertarian Howie Hawkins Green Other Undecided SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Oct 20 – Nov 2, 2020 9,226 (LV) ± 1.5% 51%[d] 47% – – – – Swayable[34] Oct 27 – Nov 1, 2020 1,151 (LV) ± 3.9% 51% 47% 1% 0% – – Data For Progress[35] Oct 27 – Nov 1, 2020 926 (LV) ± 3.2% 48% 49% 1% 1% 0%[e] – AtlasIntel[36] Oct 30–31, 2020 686 (LV) ± 4% 50% 47% – – 3% – Emerson College[37] Oct 29–31, 2020 763 (LV) ± 3.5% 49%[f] 48% - - 2%[g] – Morning Consult[38] Oct 22–31, 2020 3,267 (LV) ± 2% 48% 48% – – – – Public Policy Polling[39] Oct 28–29, 2020 775 (V) – 48% 50% – – – 2% Gravis Marketing[40] Oct 27–28, 2020 670 (LV) ± 3.8% 50% 45% – – – 5% RMG Research/PoliticalIQ[41] Oct 27–28, 2020 800 (LV) ± 3.5% 50%[h] 46% – – 2%[g] 2% 48%[i] 48% – – 2%[g] 2% 52%[j] 44% – – 2%[g] 2% SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Oct 1–28, 2020 15,145 (LV) – 51% 47% – – – – Swayable[42] Oct 23–26, 2020 552 (LV) ± 5.7% 49% 48% 3% 1% – – YouGov/UMass Amherst[43] Oct 20–26, 2020 873 (LV) ± 4.2% 48% 47% 2% 1% 0%[k] 1% Data for Progress (D)[44] Oct 22–25, 2020 1,018 (LV) ± 3.1% 48% 49% 1% 0% – 2% Siena College/NYT Upshot[45] Oct 20–25, 2020 802 (LV) ± 3.8% 47% 43% 3% 0% 2%[l] 5%[m] Univision/[[University of Houston/Latino Decisions/North Star Opinion Research]][46] Oct 17–25, 2020 758 (RV) ± 3.56% 49% 46% – – 3%[n] 2% Citizen Data[47] Oct 17–20, 2020 1,000 (LV) ± 3% 45% 49% 1% 0% 1% 4% YouGov/University of Houston[48] Oct 13–20, 2020 1,000 (LV) ± 3.1% 50% 45% 2% 0% – 3% University of Texas at Tyler/Dallas Morning News[49] Oct 13–20, 2020 925 (LV) ± 3.2% 47%[f] 49% 3% 1% – 1% Morning Consult[38] Oct 11–20, 2020 3,347 (LV) ± 1.7% 47% 48% – – – – Quinnipiac University[50] Oct 16–19, 2020 1,145 (LV) ± 2.9% 47% 47% – – 1%[o] 5% Data for Progress (D)[51] Oct 15–18, 2020 933 (LV) ± 3.2% 46%[f] 47% 2% 1% – 5% Morning Consult[52][1] Oct 2–11, 2020 3,455 (LV) ± 1.7% 49% 47% – – – 3% Public Policy Polling/Texas Democrats[53][A] Oct 7–8, 2020 721 (LV) ± 3.6% 48% 48% – – – 1% YouGov/CCES[54] Sep 29 – Oct 7, 2020 2,947 (LV) – 49% 47% – – – – Morning Consult[55] Sep 28 – Oct 7, 2020 ~2,700 (LV) ± 2% 49% 46% – – – – Pulse Opinion Research/Rasmussen Reports/Crosswind PR[56] Oct 5–6, 2020 1,000 (LV) ± 3% 51% 44% – – – – Civiqs/Daily Kos[57] Oct 3–6, 2020 895 (LV) ± 3.4% 48% 48% – – 2%[g] 1% Data For Progress (D)[58] Sep 30 – Oct 5, 2020 1,949 (LV) ± 2.2% 45% 47% 2% 1% – 5% YouGov/University of Texas/Texas Tribune[59] Sep 25 – Oct 4, 2020 908 (LV) ± 3.25% 50% 45% 2% 2% 1%[o] – EMC Research/Blue Texas PAC[60][B] Sep 27 – Oct 2, 2020 848 (LV) – 49% 49% – – – – SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Sep 1–30, 2020 13,395 (LV) – 52% 46% – – – 2% Hart Research Associates/Human Rights Campaign[61][C] Sep 24–27, 2020 400 (LV) ± 4.9% 49% 47% – – – – Morning Consult[55] Sep 18–27, 2020 ~2,700 (LV) ± 2% 48% 47% – – – – Public Policy Polling/Texas Democrats[62][2] Archived October 8, 2020, at the Wayback Machine[D] Sep 25–26, 2020 612 (LV) ± 3.6% 48% 48% – – – 4% YouGov/UMass Lowell[63] Sep 18–25, 2020 882 (LV) ± 4.3% 49%[p] 46% 2% 1% 1%[q] 1% 50%[r] 46% – – 2%[s] 2% Data For Progress[64][E] Sep 18–22, 2020 726 (LV) ± 3.6% 47% 45% – – – 9% Siena College/NYT Upshot[65] Sep 16–22, 2020 653 (LV) ± 4.3% 46% 43% 1% 1% 0%[t] 9%[m] Quinnipiac University[66] Sep 17–21, 2020 1,078 (LV) ± 3% 50% 45% – – No voters 4% YouGov/CBS[67] Sep 15–18, 2020 1,129 (LV) ± 3.5% 48% 46% – – 2%[u] 4% Morning Consult[55] Sep 8–17, 2020 ~2,700 (LV) ± 2% 47% 47% – – – – Morning Consult[68] Aug 29 – Sep 7, 2020 2,829 (LV) ± 2% 46%[v] 46% – – – – Public Policy Polling/Giffords[69][F] Sep 1–2, 2020 743 (V) – 48% 47% – – – 5% University of Texas at Tyler/Dallas Morning News[70] Aug 28 – Sep 2, 2020 901 (LV) ± 3.26% 49%[f] 47% 1% 1% 1% – SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Aug 1–31, 2020 12,607 (LV) – 52% 46% – – – 2% Morning Consult[71] Aug 21–30, 2020 2,632 (LV) ± 2% 48%[v] 47% – – – – Tyson Group/Consumer Energy Alliance[72][G] Aug 20–25, 2020 906 (LV) ± 3% 44% 48% 0% – 0%[w] 5% Data for Progress/Texas Youth Power Alliance[73] Aug 20–25, 2020 2,295 (LV) ± 2.0% 45% 48% – – – 8% Public Policy Polling/Texas Democrats[74][3][H] Aug 21–22, 2020 764 (RV) ± 3.6% 47% 48% – – – 5% Morning Consult[55] Aug 13–22, 2020 ~2,700 (LV) ± 2% 48% 47% – – – – Morning Consult[71] Aug 7–16, 2020 2,559 (LV) ± 2% 47%[x] 46% – – – – Global Strategy Group/Chrysta for Texas[75][I] Aug 11–13, 2020 700 (LV) ± 3.7% 45% 47% – – – – YouGov/Texas Hispanic Policy Foundation/Rice University's Baker Institute[76] Aug 4–13, 2020 846 (RV) – 48% 41% 1% 1% – 10.2% – (LV)[J] 50% 44% 1% 0% – 5% Trafalgar Group (R)[77] Aug 1–5, 2020 1,015 (LV) ± 3.0% 49% 43% 2% – 2%[y] 3% Morning Consult[55] Aug 3–12, 2020 ~2,700 (LV) ± 2.0% 47% 46% – – – – Morning Consult[78] Jul 24 – Aug 2, 2020 2,576 (LV) ± 2.0% 46%[v] 47% – – 2%[g] 5% SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Jul 1–31, 2020 13,721 (LV) – 52% 46% – – – 2% Morning Consult[79] Jul 17–26, 2020 2,685 (LV) ± 1.9% 45%[x] 47% – – – – Morning Consult[79][4] Jul 16–25, 2020 ≈2,700 (LV)[z] ± 2.0% 45% 47% – – – – Spry Strategies/American Principles Project[80][K] Jul 16–20, 2020 750 (LV) ± 3.5% 49% 45% – – – 6% Quinnipiac University[81] Jul 16–20, 2020 880 (RV) ± 3.3% 44% 45% – – 7%[aa] 4% Morning Consult[79] Jul 6–15, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 46% 46% – – – – YouGov/CBS[82] Jul 7–10, 2020 1,185 (LV) ± 3.6% 46% 45% – – 4%[ab] 6% Gravis Marketing/OANN[83] Jul 7, 2020 591 (LV) ± 4.3% 46% 44% – – – – Dallas Morning News/University of Texas at Tyler[84] Jun 29 – Jul 7, 2020 1,677 (LV) ± 2.4% 43% 48% – – 4% 5% Morning Consult[79] Jun 26 – Jul 5, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 46% 45% – – – – SurveyMonkey/Axios[33] Jun 8–30, 2020 6,669 (LV) – 51% 46% – – – 2% YouGov/University of Texas/Texas Politics Project[85] Jun 19–29, 2020 1,200 (RV) ± 2.89% 48% 44% – – – 8% Public Policy Polling[86][5] Jun 24–25, 2020 729 (RV) ± 3.6% 46% 48% – – – 5% Morning Consult[79] Jun 16–25, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 47% 44% – – – – Fox News[87] Jun 20–23, 2020 1,001 (RV) ± 3% 44% 45% – – 5%[ac] 5% Public Policy Polling/Progress Texas[88][6][L] Jun 18–19, 2020 907 (V) ± 3% 48% 46% – – – 6% Morning Consult[79] Jun 6–15, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 48% 45% – – – – Morning Consult[79] May 27 – Jun 5, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 48% 43% – – – – Public Policy Polling/Texas Democrats[89][M] Jun 2–3, 2020 683 (V) – 48% 48% – – – 4% Quinnipiac[90] May 28 – Jun 1, 2020 1,166 (RV) ± 2.9% 44% 43% – – 6%[ad] 7% Morning Consult[79] May 17–26, 2020 2,551 (LV) – 50%[v] 43% – – – – Morning Consult[79] May 16–25, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 50% 42% – – – – Morning Consult[79] May 6–15, 2020 – (LV)[z] – 49% 43% – – – – Emerson College[91] May 8–10, 2020 800 (RV) ± 3.4% 52%[ae] 48% – – – – Public Policy Polling[92] Apr 27–28, 2020 1,032 (V) – 46% 47% – – – 7% Dallas Morning News/University of Texas at Tyler[93] Apr 18–27, 2020 1,183 (RV) ± 2.85% 43% 43% – – 5% 9% University of Texas/Texas Tribune[94] Apr 10–19, 2020 1,200 (RV) ± 2.8% 49% 44% – – – 7% AtlasIntel[95] Feb 24 – Mar 2, 2020 1,100 (RV) ± 3.0% 47% 43% – – 11% – NBC News/Marist College[96] Feb 23–27, 2020 2,409 (RV) ± 2.5% 49% 45% – – 1% 5% CNN/SSRS[97] Feb 22–26, 2020 1,003 (RV) ± 3.4% 47% 48% – – 3%[af] 2% Univision[98] Feb 21–26, 2020 1,004 (RV) ± 3.1% 43% 46% – – – 11% Dallas Morning News/University of Texas at Tyler[99] Feb 17–26, 2020 1,221 (RV) ± 2.8% 45% 44% – – 11% – YouGov/University of Texas/Texas Tribune[100] Jan 31 – Feb 9, 2020 1,200 (RV) ± 2.83% 47% 44% – – – 10% University of Texas at Tyler/Dallas News[101] Jan 21–30, 2020 910 (LV) ± 3.24% 46% 44% – – 10%[ag] – Data For Progress[102][N] Jan 16–21, 2020 1,486 (LV) – 54% 40% – – 3%[ah] 3% Texas Lyceum[103] Jan 10–19, 2020 520 (LV) ± 4.3% 51% 46% – – – 3% CNN/SSRS[104] Dec 4–9, 2019 1,003 (RV) – 48% 47% – – 2%[ai] 3% Beacon Research (R)[105] Nov 9–21, 2019 1,601 (RV) ± 3.0% 45% 44% – – – – University of Texas at Tyler[106] Nov 5–14, 2019 1,093 (RV) ± 3.0% 45% 39% – – – 16% University of Texas/Texas Tribune[107] Oct 18–27, 2019 1,200 (RV) ± 2.8% 46% 39% – – 9%[aj] 6% University of Texas at Tyler[108] Sep 13–15, 2019 1,199 (RV) ± 2.8% 38% 40% – – 13% 9% Univision[109] Aug 31 – Sep 6, 2019 1,004 (RV) – 43% 47% – – – 10% Climate Nexus[110] Aug 20–25, 2019 1,660 (RV) ± 2.4% 43% 43% – – – 9% University of Texas at Tyler[111] Aug 1–4, 2019 1,261 (RV) ± 2.8% 37% 41% – – 14% 8% Emerson[112] Aug 1–3, 2019 1,033 (RV) ± 3.0% 49% 51% – – – – University of Texas at Tyler[113] Jul 24–27, 2019 1,414 (RV) ± 2.6% 37% 37% – – 12% 14% Quinnipiac University[114] May 29 – Jun 4, 2019 1,159 (RV) ± 3.4% 44% 48% – – 1% 4% WPA Intelligence[115] Apr 27–30, 2019 200 (LV) ± 6.9% 49% 42% – – – 7% Emerson College[116] Apr 25–28, 2019 799 (RV) ± 3.4% 50%[ae] 51% – – – – Quinnipiac University[117] Feb 20–25, 2019 1,222 (RV) ± 3.4% 47% 46% – – 1% 5% Public Policy Polling (D)[118][O] Feb 13–14, 2019 743 (RV) ± 3.6% 49% 46% – – – 5% Voting access [edit] Matters of election administration and ease of voting during an ongoing pandemic were heavily litigated in Texas in 2020. Harris County, the most populous one in Texas, spearheaded a number of innovative approaches and was the focal point of several legal challenges. For the 2020 elections, Harris County Commissioners approved a budget of $33 million, higher than the $4 million budget for the 2016 United States presidential election. Chris Hollins, the interim Harris County Clerk and Texas Democratic Party finance vice chairperson, created a 23-point voting access expansion program, which included promotion of voting by mail, expansion of early voting accessibility, and drive-through voting, an innovation to facilitate voting while at the same time mitigating infection risks during the COVID-19 pandemic.[137] On October 29 several voting locations in Harris County were available for 24 hours to accommodate voters whose work shifts or other responsibilities overlapped with regular voting hours.[138] Local Republican activists and officials challenged the voter-friendly measures in multiple legal actions, with mixed success. Several lawsuits complained about early voting and about Harris County providing multiple drop-off locations for absentee ballots. Responding to pressure from within his own party, Governor Abbott then restricted the number of drop-offs to a single one per county regardless of population and size, forcing Harris County to close eleven sites at county clerk branch offices called annexes.[139] When a legal action challenging drive-through voting was dismissed,[137] the Republican Party in Texas sought relief in the Texas Supreme Court (SCOTX), which denied the petition because the case had not been brought promptly.[140] The first lawsuit was filed on October 15 even though Harris County had obtained prior clearance from the Office of the Texas Secretary of State (which is led by a Republican appointed by Republican Governor Abbott) and had tested drive-in voting in the primary runoff elections in July without complaint.[141][142] SCOTX denied the petition and drive-thru voting continued.[143] On October 29 another action was filed seeking to invalidate drive-thru ballots based on the contention that this was a form of curbside voting that the Texas Election Code authorized only for voters with disabilities.[144] In an order issued on Sunday, November 1, the Texas Supreme Court denied the petition challenging the legality of drive-through voting, but did not resolve the legal argument one way or the other.[145][146] The next day, U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen heard an almost identical case by the same group of plaintiff, which included Republican candidates, on an emergency basis. Slate described the judge as "one of the most notoriously partisan conservatives in the federal judiciary."[142] Hanen ruled against the plaintiffs, dismissing their action for lack of standing, with the result that drive-in voting remained in effect. The Plaintiffs, which included Steve Toth,[147] immediately sought emergency relief in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, but were unsuccessful.[148] Hollins nevertheless cancelled drive-thru voting in tent structures on the eve of Election Day.[149] He reversed himself out of concern that ballots cast there might be declared invalid, should the Fifth Circuit disagree with Judge Hanen on the standing issue and agree with Judge Hanen that tents were not permissible polling places on Election Day.[150] Some counties also set up an online system that allowed voters to check for wait times at early voting centers and make their voting plans accordingly.[151] On October 5, Texas Governor Greg Abbott issued a proclamation under the Texas Disaster Act limiting each county to a single drop-off location for mail ballots.[152] Federal judge Robert Pitman blocked Abbott's order on October 9.[153] The next day, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton appealed to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals for an emergency stay of Pitman's ruling, which a three-judge motion panel temporarily granted on an interim basis, pending consideration of the appeal on the merits.[154] A Texas state judge also blocked Abbott's order on October 15, and a state appeals court upheld that decision on October 23. Paxton then sought emergency relief from the Texas Supreme Court, which backed the Governor and lifted the temporary injunction in an October 27 decision with no dissent.[155][156][157] Turnout [edit] Voter registration in Texas ended on October 5, and the Secretary of State reported a registration total of 16,955,519 voters, an increase of 1,854,432 since the 2016 elections, and 1.2 million of which had occurred after the 2018 midterm elections. Early voting began on October 13. Over one million ballots were received on that day,[158] and by October 15 fewer than two million ballots were counted.[159] The following day the count was 2.6 million, which meant 15.51% of the state's registered voters had already voted.[160] For the whole early voting period, votes in the age 18-29 range were higher than the total of that age group of 2016, with 1.3 million votes.[161] On October 13, Dallas County recorded 59,905 ballots and Tarrant County recorded 42,428 ballots, with the former setting a record for that county and the latter below the 2016 count on the first day of early voting.[162] On October 13, Harris County had an unofficial tally of 128,186 ballots received, the highest ever first day early voting count and over 5% of the county's registered voters.[163] By the second day, the count was 287,931, 11% of the county's registered voters.[164] On the third day, over 100,000 ballots were counted, and in those three days 387,000 ballots were counted, with 44,000 of them issued through the mail.[165] On the fourth day, a similar number of ballots were cast, which meant the number of ballots cast total was about 500,000.[166] On October 23, there were 1 million ballots cast from Harris County.[167] On October 13, Travis County received 35,873 ballots,[168] while it received 38,119 the following day,[169] and by 3 P.M. on Thursday over 26,000.[170] When voting closed on Thursday the percentage of Travis County voters who had already voted was 16.44%. On Friday 41,328 additional votes were counted.[160] Williamson County by the third day had a 64,891 votes out of 376,931 people registered to vote, which meant its turnout was already 17.25%.[171] On October 13, Bexar County recorded 78,000 votes, with over 45,000 by mail and the remainder in person.[158] On October 13, El Paso County recorded fewer than 34,000 votes.[158] By October 19, Texas voters cast 50% of the votes cast in the 2016 presidential election in Texas. By October 22, 65.5% of 2016 votes were cast (or 34.65% of registered voters). By October 25, over 80% of 2016 votes were cast (or 43% of registered voters),[172] and by October 29, 50% of registered voters had cast ballots by early in-person and absentee ballot. By October 30, statewide voter turnout, as well as turnout in Harris County, had already surpassed the total of 2016.[173] Results [edit] 2020 United States presidential election in Texas[174] Party Candidate Votes % Total votes 11,315,056 100.00% Republican hold Results by county [edit] County Donald Trump Republican Joe Biden Democratic Various candidates Other parties Margin Total # % # % # % # % Anderson 15,110 78.59% 3,955 20.57% 162 0.84% 11,155 58.02% 19,227 Andrews 4,943 84.31% 850 14.50% 70 1.19% 4,093 69.81% 5,863 Angelina 25,076 72.40% 9,143 26.40% 416 1.20% 15,933 46.00% 34,635 Aransas 9,239 75.17% 2,916 23.73% 135 1.10% 6,323 51.44% 12,290 Archer 4,300 89.66% 446 9.30% 50 1.04% 3,854 80.36% 4,796 Armstrong 1,035 93.08% 75 6.74% 2 0.18% 960 86.34% 1,112 Atascosa 12,039 66.37% 5,876 32.40% 223 1.23% 6,163 33.97% 18,138 Austin 11,447 78.48% 2,951 20.23% 188 1.29% 8,496 58.25% 14,586 Bailey 1,434 77.10% 409 21.99% 17 0.91% 1,025 55.11% 1,860 Bandera 10,057 79.03% 2,505 19.68% 164 1.29% 7,552 59.35% 12,726 Bastrop 20,516 55.81% 15,474 42.09% 772 2.10% 5,042 13.72% 36,762 Baylor 1,494 87.78% 183 10.75% 25 1.47% 1,311 77.03% 1,702 Bee 6,006 63.72% 3,288 34.88% 132 1.40% 2,718 28.84% 9,426 Bell 67,893 53.17% 57,014 44.65% 2,783 2.18% 10,879 8.52% 127,690 Bexar 308,618 40.05% 448,452 58.20% 13,501 1.75% -139,834 -18.15% 770,571 Blanco 5,443 72.97% 1,911 25.62% 105 1.41% 3,532 47.35% 7,459 Borden 397 95.43% 16 3.85% 3 0.72% 381 91.58% 416 Bosque 7,469 81.84% 1,561 17.10% 96 1.06% 5,908 64.74% 9,126 Bowie 27,116 70.87% 10,747 28.09% 398 1.04% 16,369 42.78% 38,261 Brazoria 90,433 58.35% 62,228 40.15% 2,323 1.50% 28,205 18.20% 154,984 Brazos 47,530 55.71% 35,349 41.43% 2,434 2.86% 12,181 14.28% 85,313 Brewster 2,461 51.04% 2,258 46.83% 103 2.13% 203 4.21% 4,822 Briscoe 639 88.14% 78 10.76% 8 1.10% 561 77.38% 725 Brooks 998 40.18% 1,470 59.18% 16 0.64% -472 -19.00% 2,484 Brown 13,698 85.78% 2,107 13.19% 164 1.03% 11,591 72.59% 15,969 Burleson 6,743 78.33% 1,788 20.77% 78 0.90% 4,955 57.56% 8,609 Burnet 18,767 75.93% 5,639 22.81% 311 1.26% 13,128 53.12% 24,717 Caldwell 8,031 53.64% 6,672 44.56% 270 1.80% 1,359 9.08% 14,973 Calhoun 5,641 71.80% 2,148 27.34% 67 0.86% 3,493 44.46% 7,856 Callahan 6,012 87.92% 734 10.73% 92 1.35% 5,278 77.19% 6,838 Cameron 49,032 42.89% 64,063 56.04% 1,231 1.07% -15,031 -13.15% 114,326 Camp 3,626 71.66% 1,394 27.55% 40 0.79% 2,232 44.11% 5,060 Carson 2,779 89.01% 297 9.51% 46 1.48% 2,482 79.50% 3,122 Cass 11,033 79.22% 2,795 20.07% 99 0.71% 8,238 59.15% 13,927 Castro 1,602 76.91% 466 22.37% 15 0.72% 1,136 54.54% 2,083 Chambers 17,353 80.15% 3,997 18.46% 302 1.39% 13,356 61.69% 21,652 Cherokee 15,101 77.41% 4,210 21.58% 197 1.01% 10,891 55.83% 19,508 Childress 1,943 85.26% 310 13.60% 26 1.14% 1,633 71.66% 2,279 Clay 5,069 88.25% 614 10.69% 61 1.06% 4,455 77.56% 5,744 Cochran 809 80.90% 177 17.70% 14 1.40% 632 63.20% 1,000 Coke 1,586 89.15% 178 10.01% 15 0.84% 1,408 79.14% 1,779 Coleman 3,641 88.18% 451 10.92% 37 0.90% 3,190 77.26% 4,129 Collin 252,318 51.26% 230,945 46.92% 8,953 1.82% 21,373 4.34% 492,216 Collingsworth 1,048 86.04% 155 12.73% 15 1.23% 893 73.31% 1,218 Colorado 7,472 74.91% 2,420 24.26% 83 0.83% 5,052 50.65% 9,975 Comal 62,740 70.58% 24,826 27.93% 1,326 1.49% 37,914 42.65% 88,892 Comanche 5,177 85.06% 853 14.02% 56 0.92% 4,324 71.04% 6,086 Concho 1,058 83.44% 197 15.54% 13 1.02% 861 67.90% 1,268 Cooke 15,596 81.98% 3,210 16.87% 219 1.15% 12,386 65.11% 19,025 Coryell 15,438 65.71% 7,565 32.20% 490 2.09% 7,873 33.51% 23,493 Cottle 540 81.57% 113 17.07% 9 1.36% 427 64.50% 662 Crane 1,247 82.97% 241 16.03% 15 1.00% 1,006 66.94% 1,503 Crockett 1,220 77.51% 344 21.86% 10 0.63% 876 55.65% 1,574 Crosby 1,396 71.48% 527 26.98% 30 1.54% 869 44.50% 1,953 Culberson 415 48.03% 438 50.69% 11 1.28% -23 -2.66% 864 Dallam 1,389 86.33% 197 12.24% 23 1.43% 1,192 74.09% 1,609 Dallas 307,076 33.29% 598,576 64.89% 16,861 1.82% -291,500 -31.60% 922,513 Dawson 2,951 77.88% 808 21.32% 30 0.80% 2,143 56.56% 3,789 Deaf Smith 3,294 71.45% 1,264 27.42% 52 1.13% 2,030 64.03% 4,610 Delta 2,162 83.41% 403 15.55% 27 1.04% 1,759 67.86% 2,592 Denton 222,480 53.23% 188,695 45.15% 6,789 1.62% 33,785 8.08% 417,964 DeWitt 6,567 80.89% 1,494 18.40% 57 0.71% 5,073 62.49% 8,118 Dickens 853 86.34% 130 13.16% 5 0.50% 723 73.18% 988 Dimmit 1,384 37.75% 2,264 61.76% 18 0.49% -880 -24.01% 3,666 Donley 1,438 87.26% 198 12.01% 12 0.73% 1,240 75.25% 1,648 Duval 2,443 48.35% 2,575 50.96% 35 0.69% -132 -2.61% 5,053 Eastland 7,237 87.27% 983 11.85% 73 0.88% 6,254 75.42% 8,293 Ector 32,697 73.33% 11,367 25.49% 527 1.18% 21,330 47.84% 44,591 Edwards 893 83.77% 168 15.76% 5 0.47% 725 68.01% 1,066 El Paso 84,331 31.56% 178,126 66.66% 4,758 1.78% -93,795 -35.10% 267,215 Ellis 56,717 66.19% 27,565 32.17% 1,406 1.64% 29,152 34.02% 85,688 Erath 13,684 81.08% 2,916 17.28% 277 1.64% 10,768 63.80% 16,877 Falls 4,177 68.11% 1,899 30.96% 57 0.93% 2,278 37.15% 6,133 Fannin 12,171 81.10% 2,655 17.69% 181 1.21% 9,516 63.41% 15,007 Fayette 10,171 78.60% 2,661 20.56% 109 0.84% 7,510 58.04% 12,941 Fisher 1,448 79.30% 352 19.28% 26 1.42% 1,096 60.02% 1,826 Floyd 1,584 77.69% 438 21.48% 17 0.83% 1,146 56.21% 2,039 Foard 445 80.76% 99 17.97% 7 1.27% 346 62.79% 551 Fort Bend 157,718 44.01% 195,552 54.57% 5,063 1.42% -37,834 -10.56% 358,333 Franklin 4,161 83.07% 804 16.05% 44 0.88% 3,357 67.02% 5,009 Freestone 6,991 80.25% 1,635 18.77% 85 0.98% 5,356 61.48% 8,711 Frio 2,823 53.48% 2,422 45.88% 34 0.64% 401 7.60% 5,279 Gaines 5,355 89.31% 576 9.61% 65 1.08% 4,779 79.70% 5,996 Galveston 93,911 60.56% 58,842 37.95% 2,307 1.49% 35,069 22.61% 155,060 Garza 1,413 85.48% 231 13.97% 9 0.55% 1,182 71.51% 1,653 Gillespie 12,514 78.95% 3,176 20.04% 160 1.01% 9,338 58.91% 15,850 Glasscock 611 93.57% 39 5.97% 3 0.46% 572 87.60% 653 Goliad 3,085 77.22% 877 21.95% 33 0.83% 2,208 55.27% 3,995 Gonzales 5,627 73.57% 1,948 25.47% 73 0.96% 3,679 48.10% 7,648 Gray 6,840 87.90% 829 10.65% 113 1.45% 6,011 77.25% 7,782 Grayson 44,163 74.26% 14,506 24.39% 805 1.35% 29,657 49.87% 59,474 Gregg 32,493 67.72% 14,796 30.84% 693 1.44% 17,697 36.88% 47,982 Grimes 9,432 75.98% 2,833 22.82% 149 1.20% 6,599 53.16% 12,414 Guadalupe 47,553 61.16% 28,805 37.04% 1,400 1.80% 18,748 24.12% 77,758 Hale 7,177 74.87% 2,279 23.77% 130 1.36% 4,898 51.10% 9,586 Hall 995 85.12% 168 14.37% 6 0.51% 827 70.75% 1,169 Hamilton 3,616 83.11% 641 14.73% 94 2.16% 2,975 68.38% 4,351 Hansford 1,849 90.33% 166 8.11% 32 1.56% 1,683 82.22% 2,047 Hardeman 1,330 84.18% 241 15.25% 9 0.57% 1,089 68.93% 1,580 Hardin 23,858 86.33% 3,474 12.57% 303 1.10% 20,384 73.76% 27,635 Harris 700,630 42.69% 918,193 55.94% 22,434 1.37% -217,563 -13.25% 1,641,257 Harrison 21,466 72.23% 7,908 26.61% 343 1.16% 13,558 45.62% 29,717 Hartley 1,868 89.89% 195 9.38% 15 0.73% 1,673 80.51% 2,078 Haskell 1,840 83.11% 353 15.94% 21 0.95% 1,487 67.17% 2,214 Hays 47,680 43.59% 59,524 54.41% 2,191 2.00% -11,844 -10.82% 109,395 Hemphill 1,486 86.40% 206 11.98% 28 1.62% 1,280 74.42% 1,720 Henderson 28,911 79.61% 7,060 19.44% 346 0.95% 21,851 60.17% 36,317 Hidalgo 90,527 40.98% 128,199 58.04% 2,158 0.98% -37,672 -17.06% 220,884 Hill 11,926 79.87% 2,860 19.15% 145 0.98% 9,066 60.82% 14,931 Hockley 6,536 80.69% 1,482 18.30% 82 1.01% 5,054 62.39% 8,100 Hood 26,496 81.42% 5,648 17.36% 397 1.22% 20,848 64.06% 32,541 Hopkins 12,719 79.79% 3,046 19.11% 176 1.10% 9,673 60.68% 15,941 Houston 7,060 74.80% 2,314 24.52% 64 0.68% 4,746 50.28% 9,438 Howard 8,054 78.64% 2,069 20.20% 118 1.16% 5,985 58.44% 10,241 Hudspeth 779 66.87% 371 31.85% 15 1.28% 408 35.02% 1,165 Hunt 29,163 75.56% 8,906 23.07% 528 1.37% 20,257 52.49% 38,597 Hutchinson 7,681 87.55% 965 11.00% 127 1.45% 6,716 76.55% 8,773 Irion 759 85.38% 120 13.50% 10 1.12% 639 71.88% 889 Jack 3,418 90.38% 331 8.75% 33 0.87% 3,087 81.63% 3,782 Jackson 5,231 82.34% 1,033 16.26% 89 1.40% 4,198 66.08% 6,353 Jasper 12,542 80.34% 2,954 18.92% 115 0.74% 9,588 61.42% 15,611 Jeff Davis 784 60.08% 501 38.39% 20 1.53% 283 21.69% 1,305 Jefferson 47,570 50.20% 46,073 48.62% 1,116 1.18% 1,497 1.58% 94,759 Jim Hogg 833 40.91% 1,197 58.79% 6 0.30% -364 -17.88% 2,036 Jim Wells 7,453 54.52% 6,119 44.77% 97 0.71% 1,334 9.75% 13,669 Johnson 54,628 75.85% 16,464 22.86% 928 1.29% 38,164 52.99% 72,020 Jones 5,660 83.96% 999 14.82% 82 1.22% 4,661 69.14% 6,741 Karnes 3,968 75.55% 1,234 23.50% 50 0.95% 2,734 52.05% 5,252 Kaufman 37,624 66.34% 18,405 32.45% 689 1.21% 19,219 33.89% 56,718 Kendall 20,083 75.92% 6,020 22.76% 349 1.32% 14,063 53.16% 26,452 Kenedy 127 65.46% 65 33.51% 2 1.03% 62 31.95% 194 Kent 411 88.96% 47 10.17% 4 0.87% 364 78.79% 462 Kerr 20,879 75.25% 6,524 23.51% 342 1.24% 14,355 51.74% 27,745 Kimble 1,987 86.69% 284 12.39% 21 0.92% 1,703 74.30% 2,292 King 151 94.97% 8 5.03% 0 0.00% 143 89.94% 159 Kinney 1,144 71.37% 446 27.82% 13 0.81% 698 43.55% 1,603 Kleberg 5,504 50.29% 5,314 48.56% 126 1.15% 190 1.73% 10,944 Knox 1,180 81.04% 265 18.20% 11 0.76% 915 62.84% 1,456 Lamar 16,760 78.16% 4,458 20.79% 224 1.05% 12,302 57.37% 21,442 Lamb 3,521 79.84% 840 19.05% 49 1.11% 2,681 60.79% 4,410 Lampasas 8,086 77.76% 2,144 20.62% 169 1.62% 5,942 57.14% 10,399 La Salle 1,335 55.49% 1,052 43.72% 19 0.79% 283 11.77% 2,406 Lavaca 8,804 86.34% 1,333 13.07% 60 0.59% 7,471 73.27% 10,197 Lee 6,255 77.22% 1,750 21.60% 95 1.18% 4,505 55.62% 8,100 Leon 7,523 86.62% 1,072 12.34% 90 1.04% 6,451 74.28% 8,685 Liberty 23,302 79.44% 5,785 19.72% 247 0.84% 17,517 59.72% 29,334 Limestone 6,789 74.65% 2,213 24.33% 93 1.02% 4,576 50.32% 9,095 Lipscomb 1,205 89.06% 131 9.68% 17 1.26% 1,074 79.38% 1,353 Live Oak 4,199 83.08% 819 16.20% 36 0.72% 3,380 66.88% 5,054 Llano 10,079 79.61% 2,465 19.47% 116 0.92% 7,614 60.14% 12,660 Loving 60 90.91% 4 6.06% 2 3.03% 56 84.85% 66 Lubbock 78,861 65.27% 40,017 33.12% 1,939 1.61% 38,844 32.15% 120,817 Lynn 1,853 80.81% 428 18.67% 12 0.52% 1,425 64.14% 2,293 Madison 4,169 78.69% 1,088 20.54% 41 0.77% 3,081 58.15% 5,298 Marion 3,470 71.34% 1,339 27.53% 55 1.13% 2,131 43.81% 4,864 Martin 1,857 85.97% 288 13.33% 15 0.70% 1,569 72.64% 2,160 Mason 1,991 80.48% 457 18.47% 26 1.05% 1,534 62.01% 2,474 Matagorda 9,845 71.72% 3,733 27.19% 149 1.09% 6,112 44.53% 13,727 Maverick 6,881 44.84% 8,332 54.29% 133 0.87% -1,451 -9.45% 15,346 McCulloch 2,904 84.52% 490 14.26% 42 1.22% 2,414 70.26% 3,436 McLennan 59,543 60.84% 36,688 37.49% 1,641 1.67% 22,855 23.35% 97,872 McMullen 460 89.15% 53 10.27% 3 0.58% 407 78.88% 516 Medina 15,642 69.04% 6,773 29.89% 242 1.07% 8,869 39.15% 22,657 Menard 823 80.06% 197 19.16% 8 0.78% 626 60.90% 1,028 Midland 45,624 77.34% 12,329 20.90% 1,035 1.76% 33,295 56.44% 58,988 Milam 7,984 75.48% 2,496 23.60% 98 0.92% 5,488 51.88% 10,578 Mills 2,217 88.50% 271 10.82% 17 0.68% 1,946 77.68% 2,505 Mitchell 2,170 84.14% 397 15.39% 12 0.47% 1,773 68.75% 2,579 Montague 8,615 87.74% 1,097 11.17% 107 1.09% 7,518 76.57% 9,819 Montgomery 193,382 71.22% 74,377 27.39% 3,784 1.39% 119,005 43.83% 271,543 Moore 4,359 79.14% 1,062 19.28% 87 1.58% 3,297 59.86% 5,508 Morris 3,872 69.30% 1,669 29.87% 46 0.83% 2,203 39.43% 5,587 Motley 604 92.64% 46 7.06% 2 0.30% 558 85.58% 652 Nacogdoches 17,378 64.88% 9,000 33.60% 407 1.52% 8,378 31.28% 26,785 Navarro 13,800 72.16% 5,101 26.67% 222 1.17% 8,699 45.49% 19,123 Newton 4,882 80.11% 1,173 19.25% 39 0.64% 3,709 60.86% 6,094 Nolan 4,131 77.11% 1,162 21.69% 64 1.20% 2,969 55.42% 5,357 Nueces 64,617 50.75% 60,925 47.85% 1,780 1.40% 3,692 2.90% 127,322 Ochiltree 2,812 89.10% 302 9.57% 42 1.33% 2,510 79.53% 3,156 Oldham 917 90.88% 81 8.03% 11 1.09% 836 82.85% 1,009 Orange 29,186 81.09% 6,357 17.66% 451 1.25% 22,829 63.43% 35,994 Palo Pinto 10,179 81.50% 2,178 17.44% 132 1.06% 8,001 64.06% 12,489 Panola 9,326 81.44% 2,057 17.96% 68 0.60% 7,269 63.48% 11,451 Parker 62,045 81.50% 13,017 17.10% 1,066 1.40% 49,028 64.40% 76,128 Parmer 2,135 80.57% 488 18.42% 27 1.01% 1,627 62.15% 2,650 Pecos 3,215 68.87% 1,382 29.61% 71 1.52% 1,833 39.26% 4,668 Polk 18,573 76.79% 5,387 22.27% 226 0.94% 13,186 54.52% 24,186 Potter 22,820 68.45% 9,921 29.76% 596 1.79% 12,899 38.69% 33,337 Presidio 721 32.52% 1,463 65.99% 33 1.49% -742 -33.47% 2,217 Rains 5,155 85.16% 842 13.91% 56 0.93% 4,313 71.25% 6,053 Randall 50,796 78.54% 12,802 19.79% 1,076 1.67% 37,994 58.75% 64,674 Reagan 942 83.81% 172 15.30% 10 0.89% 770 68.51% 1,124 Real 1,643 82.90% 320 16.15% 19 0.95% 1,323 66.75% 1,982 Red River 4,517 77.80% 1,246 21.46% 43 0.74% 3,271 56.34% 5,806 Reeves 2,254 61.10% 1,395 37.82% 40 1.08% 859 23.28% 3,689 Refugio 2,210 65.66% 1,108 32.92% 48 1.42% 1,102 32.74% 3,366 Roberts 529 96.18% 17 3.09% 4 0.73% 512 93.09% 550 Robertson 5,646 69.71% 2,374 29.31% 79 0.98% 3,272 40.40% 8,099 Rockwall 36,726 68.15% 16,412 30.45% 753 1.40% 20,314 37.70% 53,891 Runnels 3,807 86.35% 552 12.52% 50 1.13% 3,255 73.83% 4,409 Rusk 16,534 77.34% 4,629 21.65% 214 1.01% 11,905 55.69% 21,377 Sabine 4,784 87.12% 669 12.18% 38 0.70% 4,115 74.94% 5,491 San Augustine 3,007 75.14% 980 24.49% 15 0.37% 2,027 50.65% 4,002 San Jacinto 10,161 80.39% 2,337 18.49% 142 1.12% 7,824 61.90% 12,640 San Patricio 16,516 63.79% 8,988 34.71% 387 1.50% 7,528 29.08% 25,891 San Saba 2,308 88.70% 287 11.03% 7 0.27% 2,021 77.67% 2,602 Schleicher 940 81.10% 211 18.21% 8 0.69% 729 62.89% 1,159 Scurry 4,983 84.89% 818 13.94% 69 1.17% 4,165 70.95% 5,870 Shackelford 1,484 91.15% 130 7.99% 14 0.86% 1,354 83.16% 1,628 Shelby 7,975 79.06% 2,068 20.50% 44 0.44% 5,907 58.56% 10,087 Sherman 886 89.31% 91 9.17% 15 1.52% 795 80.14% 992 Smith 69,080 68.85% 29,615 29.52% 1,639 1.63% 39,465 39.33% 100,334 Somervell 4,105 82.98% 768 15.52% 74 1.50% 3,337 67.46% 4,947 Starr 8,247 47.06% 9,123 52.06% 155 0.88% -876 -5.00% 17,525 Stephens 3,385 88.96% 397 10.43% 23 0.61% 2,988 78.53% 3,805 Sterling 584 91.39% 51 7.98% 4 0.63% 533 83.41% 639 Stonewall 615 83.56% 116 15.76% 5 0.68% 499 67.80% 736 Sutton 1,222 78.48% 322 20.68% 13 0.84% 900 57.80% 1,557 Swisher 1,845 78.34% 478 20.30% 32 1.36% 1,367 58.04% 2,355 Tarrant 409,741 49.09% 411,567 49.31% 13,389 1.60% -1,826 -0.22% 834,697 Taylor 39,547 71.73% 14,588 26.46% 1,000 1.81% 24,959 45.27% 55,135 Terrell 334 72.93% 119 25.98% 5 1.09% 215 46.95% 458 Terry 2,812 77.85% 757 20.96% 43 1.19% 2,055 56.89% 3,612 Throckmorton 806 90.16% 82 9.17% 6 0.67% 724 80.99% 894 Titus 7,570 71.81% 2,856 27.09% 115 1.10% 4,714 44.72% 10,541 Tom Green 32,313 71.47% 12,239 27.07% 658 1.46% 20,074 44.40% 45,210 Travis 161,337 26.43% 435,860 71.41% 13,152 2.16% -274,523 -44.98% 610,349 Trinity 5,579 80.41% 1,323 19.07% 36 0.52% 4,256 61.34% 6,938 Tyler 8,194 84.82% 1,403 14.52% 63 0.66% 6,791 70.30% 9,660 Upshur 15,809 83.56% 2,877 15.21% 233 1.23% 12,932 68.35% 18,919 Upton 1,178 86.11% 170 12.43% 20 1.46% 1,008 73.68% 1,368 Uvalde 6,174 59.69% 4,073 39.38% 97 0.93% 2,101 20.31% 10,344 Val Verde 8,284 54.21% 6,771 44.31% 225 1.48% 1,513 9.90% 15,280 Van Zandt 22,270 85.56% 3,516 13.51% 243 0.93% 18,754 72.05% 26,029 Victoria 23,358 68.25% 10,380 30.33% 488 1.42% 12,978 37.92% 34,226 Walker 15,375 65.12% 7,884 33.39% 353 1.49% 7,491 31.73% 23,612 Waller 14,260 62.73% 8,191 36.03% 283 1.24% 6,069 26.70% 22,734 Ward 3,241 79.83% 764 18.82% 55 1.35% 2,477 61.01% 4,060 Washington 12,959 74.27% 4,261 24.42% 229 1.31% 8,698 49.85% 17,449 Webb 25,898 37.80% 41,820 61.05% 788 1.15% -15,922 -23.25% 68,506 Wharton 11,926 71.15% 4,694 28.01% 141 0.84% 7,232 43.14% 16,761 Wheeler 2,159 92.38% 168 7.19% 10 0.43% 1,991 85.19% 2,337 Wichita 32,069 69.65% 13,161 28.59% 810 1.76% 18,908 41.06% 46,040 Wilbarger 3,524 77.90% 956 21.13% 44 0.97% 2,568 56.77% 4,524 Willacy 2,441 43.99% 3,108 56.01% 0 0.00% -667 -12.02% 5,549 Williamson 139,729 48.15% 143,795 49.56% 6,644 2.29% -4,066 -1.41% 290,168 Wilson 18,463 73.76% 6,350 25.37% 219 0.87% 12,113 48.39% 25,032 Winkler 1,753 82.46% 358 16.84% 15 0.70% 1,395 65.62% 2,126 Wise 27,032 83.52% 4,973 15.37% 360 1.11% 22,059 67.15% 32,365 Wood 19,049 83.63% 3,509 15.40% 221 0.97% 15,540 68.23% 22,779 Yoakum 2,174 82.63% 420 15.96% 37 1.41% 1,754 66.67% 2,631 Young 7,110 86.30% 1,034 12.55% 95 1.15% 6,076 73.75% 8,239 Zapata 2,033 52.48% 1,826 47.13% 15 0.39% 207 5.35% 3,874 Zavala 1,490 34.03% 2,864 65.40% 25 0.57% -1,374 -31.37% 4,379 Totals 5,890,347 52.01% 5,259,126 46.44% 175,813 1.55% 631,221 5.57% 11,325,286 Counties that flipped from Democratic to Republican [edit] Frio (largest municipality: Pearsall) Jim Wells (largest municipality: Alice) Kenedy (largest municipality: Sarita) Kleberg (largest municipality: Kingsville) La Salle (largest municipality: Cotulla) Reeves (largest municipality: Pecos) Val Verde (largest municipality: Del Rio) Zapata (largest municipality: Zapata) Counties that flipped from Republican to Democratic [edit] Hays (largest municipality: San Marcos) Tarrant (largest municipality: Fort Worth) Williamson (largest municipality: Round Rock) Results by congressional district [edit] Trump won 22 out of the 36 congressional districts in Texas, while Biden won 14, including one held by a Republican. District Trump Biden Representative 1st 71.6% 27.2% Louie Gohmert 2nd 50.9% 48.6% Dan Crenshaw 3rd 50.2% 48.7% Van Taylor 4th 74.4% 24.4% Vacant Pat Fallon 5th 60.9% 37.9% Lance Gooden 6th 50.8% 47.8% Ron Wright 7th 45.1% 53.6% Lizzie Fletcher 8th 70.6% 28.1% Kevin Brady 9th 23.3% 75.7% Al Green 10th 50% 48.4% Michael McCaul 11th 79.2% 19.7% Mike Conaway August Pfluger 12th 60.5% 37.9% Kay Granger 13th 79.8% 18.9% Mac Thornberry Ronny Jackson 14th 59% 39.6% Randy Weber 15th 48.5% 50.4% Vicente Gonzalez 16th 32% 66.4% Veronica Escobar 17th 54.6% 43.6% Bill Flores Pete Sessions 18th 23% 75.7% Sheila Jackson Lee 19th 72.2% 26.3% Jodey Arrington 20th 34.7% 63.7% Joaquín Castro 21st 50.6% 47.9% Chip Roy 22nd 50.8% 48.9% Pete Olson Troy Nehls 23rd 50.3% 48.5% Will Hurd Tony Gonzales 24th 46.5% 51.9% Kenny Marchant Beth Van Duyne 25th 54% 44.4% Roger Williams 26th 56.3% 42.1% Michael Burgess 27th 61.2% 37.5% Michael Cloud 28th 47.2% 51.6% Henry Cuellar 29th 32.9% 65.9% Sylvia Garcia 30th 19.4% 79.1% Eddie Bernice Johnson 31st 50.4% 47.6% John Carter 32nd 44% 54.4% Colin Allred 33rd 25.6% 73% Marc Veasey 34th 47.5% 51.5% Filemon Vela Jr. 35th 30.5% 67.7% Lloyd Doggett 36th 71.9% 26.9% Brian Babin Analysis [edit] While Biden still won Latino voters in Texas with 58%[175] and Latinos of Mexican heritage with 63%,[176] Trump significantly improved his numbers among Hispanic voters in the state, particularly in the Rio Grande Valley.[177] Trump flipped Jim Wells County and La Salle County which had not voted Republican since 1972. He also flipped Frio County, Kleberg County, Reeves County, Val Verde County, and Kenedy County; the first 4 having last voted Republican in 2004 and the last having last voted Republican in 2012. He also became the first Republican to win Zapata County since Warren G. Harding in 1920, flipping it by five points after losing it by 33 points in 2016. Trump's total of eight counties flipped in South Texas was the most flipped by any candidate in any state in 2020, and he flipped more counties in South Texas than he did in the rest of the nation combined. While Biden's lead in the Rio Grande Valley shrunk significantly compared to Hillary Clinton's in 2016, he overwhelmingly won the Latino vote in the state's urban areas.[178] Biden significantly outperformed Clinton in Greater Austin, which was a significant contributor to Trump's relatively weak performance statewide. He flipped Hays County and Williamson County, both of them suburban counties located outside of the state capital that a Democrat had not won since 1992 and 1976, respectively. This is also the first election since 1956 when the latter voted for the statewide loser.[179] Biden also became the first Democratic candidate to garner at least 50,000 votes in Bell County, a county just outside of Greater Austin and had the center of Texas population within it in the 2010 census. At 44.76%, he outperformed Obama's record for the highest percentage of votes a Democratic presidential nominee received in Bell County since 1976, the last time the county voted for a Democrat. Also, Biden became the first Democrat to ever win the White House without Jefferson County.[180] Biden also became the first Democrat to win without Frio County since it was formed in 1871, the first to win without La Salle County since it was formed in 1880, the first to win without Reeves County since it was formed in 1883, the first to win without Val Verde County since it was formed in 1885, the first to win without Jim Wells County since it was founded in 1911, the first to win without Kleberg County since it was founded in 1913, and the first Democrat to win the White House without winning Zapata County since Woodrow Wilson in 1916.[181] Because of Trump's substantial gains in heavily Hispanic areas, Biden's best performance in Texas came not from the southern border region, but Travis County, encompassing the college-educated, cosmopolitan, liberal bastion of Austin, home to the University of Texas, where he won the highest percentage for a Democrat since Harry S. Truman in 1948. Biden also improved throughout the three most significant metropolitan areas in Texas. While not significantly outperforming Clinton in Harris and Bexar counties, he did make considerable inroads into their surrounding suburbs, thus eking out narrow wins in Greater Houston and Greater San Antonio,[182][183] the first time a Democratic presidential nominee had accomplished such a feat in the 21st century. However, in the former, gains were incredibly mixed. Trump saw substantial growth in Houston's north and east, home to large concentrations of Latinos. He also improved in diverse Alief, along Harris County's southwest border, which is heavily Hispanic, Filipino, and Vietnamese. On the other hand, Biden continued Clinton's gains in the wealthy college-educated "Houston Arrow" suburbs in the city's west, though his improvements were significantly more minor.[184] Perhaps the biggest reason for Biden narrowing the Lone Star State's margin of victory was the surge of Democratic support in the Dallas–Fort Worth metroplex, the largest metropolitan area in the state, which he also narrowly won. He scored nearly 65% of the vote in Dallas County, the highest percentage won by a Democrat since 1940. Additionally, Biden narrowly flipped Tarrant County, winning by fewer than 2,000 votes. Tarrant County is home to the fifth-largest city in Texas, Fort Worth, and had not been won by a Democrat since 1964, when favorite son Lyndon B. Johnson carried it. His growth in the heavily Republican Fort Worth suburbs, which historically kept Democratic candidates from capturing Tarrant, was a critical factor in winning the county and the Metroplex as a whole. Biden improved substantially in the large DFW suburbs of Collin County and Denton County, which have rapidly grown and diversified in the past decade, narrowing Trump's victory margins from 16.57% and 20% in 2016, down to 4.37% and 8.08%, respectively. Both of their county seats (the two suburban cities of McKinney and Denton, respectively) have trended leftward since 2016 due to the influx of younger professionals and families in the past decade, which shifted to the Democrats in this election. Biden also won the city of Plano, the largest city in Collin County, and narrowly won the city of Allen.[185][186] In 2021, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton stated on Steve Bannon's podcast War Room that without blocking Harris County from sending out applications for mail-in ballots to registered voters, Trump would have lost the state.[187] Edison exit polls [edit] 2020 presidential election in Texas by demographic subgroup (Edison exit polling)[188][189] Demographic subgroup Biden Trump % of total vote Total vote 46.48 52.06 100 Ideology Liberals 88 11 17 Moderates 66 32 38 Conservatives 13 86 45 Party Democrats 96 4 30 Republicans 5 94 41 Independents 51 45 29 Gender Men 40 57 45 Women 51 48 55 Race/ethnicity White 33 66 60 Black 90 9 12 Latino 58 41 23 Asian 63 30 3 Other 42 56 2 Age 18–24 years old 58 38 8 25–29 years old 55 42 6 30–39 years old 50 47 14 40–49 years old 47 51 15 50–64 years old 43 56 30 65 and older 41 58 26 Sexual orientation LGBT 72 27 5 Not LGBT 43 56 95 Education High school or less 40 59 17 Some college education 42 57 28 Associate degree 51 47 16 Bachelor's degree 48 50 24 Postgraduate degree 54 44 15 Income Under $30,000 52 47 12 $30,000–49,999 63 35 16 $50,000–99,999 44 55 35 $100,000–199,999 43 56 26 Over $200,000 54 42 10 Issue regarded as most important Racial inequality 93 5 18 Coronavirus 88 10 14 Economy 15 84 40 Crime and safety 16 83 10 Health care 78 21 11 Region East 26 72 14 Dallas/Ft. Worth 54 45 24 Houston area 53 46 21 South Central 51 48 15 West 22 76 11 Southwest 57 42 16 Area type Urban 56 42 42 Suburban 41 57 51 Rural 25 74 7 Family's financial situation today Better than four years ago 22 76 46 Worse than four years ago 89 11 18 About the same 70 29 35 See also [edit] United States presidential elections in Texas Voter suppression in the United States 2019–2020: Texas 2020 Texas elections 2020 United States presidential election 2020 Democratic Party presidential primaries 2020 Republican Party presidential primaries 2020 United States elections Notes [edit] Partisan clients Samples References [edit] Further reading [edit] "Democrats eye Arizona, Georgia and Texas as potentially winnable", Theguardian.com, UK, September 5, 2020 Nick Corasaniti; Stephanie Saul; Patricia Mazzei (September 13, 2020), "Big Voting Decisions in Florida, Wisconsin, Texas: What They Mean for November", The New York Times, archived from the original on September 13, 2020, Both parties are waging legal battles around the country over who gets to vote and how David Weigel; Lauren Tierney (October 4, 2020), "The seven political states of Texas", Washingtonpost.com, archived from the original on October 5, 2020 David Wasserman (October 6, 2020), "The 10 Bellwether Counties That Show How Trump Is in Serious Trouble", The New York Times . (Describes bellwether Collin County, Texas) Carrasco, Luis (November 8, 2020). "Essay: What happened in the Valley? Latino voters were for Democrats to lose — and they did". Houston Chronicle. - Opinion piece
1437	dbpedia	0	19	https://sk.sagepub.com/cqpress/vital-statistics-on-american-politics-2017-2020/i718.xml	en				[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null
1437	dbpedia	2	98	https://www.vpap.org/offices/house-of-delegates-57/district/	en	District Profile: House of Delegates District 57	https://s3.amazonaws.com…ase/share_fb.png	https://s3.amazonaws.com…ase/share_fb.png	[ "https://s3.amazonaws.com/vpap-production/media/photos/entities/owend_333247.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/vpap-production/static/base/facebook.svg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/vpap-production/static/core/socialshare/socialshare_x.svg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/vpap-production/static/base/insta.svg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/vpap-production/static/base/youtube.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Your Window into Virginia Politics	en	https://s3.amazonaws.com…e-touch-icon.png	The Virginia Public Access Project	https://www.vpap.org/offices/house-of-delegates-57/district/	The Virginia Public Access Project is a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt corporation. ©2024 The Virginia Public Access Project
1437	dbpedia	3	83	https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/malapportionment-of-the-us-house-of-representatives-19402020/DB7E003B2FAC67D64DA2DFF7957F37DD	en	The Malapportionment of the US House of Representatives: 1940–2020	https://static.cambridge…-size-image=true	https://static.cambridge…-size-image=true	[ "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/icn_circle__btn_close_white.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.png", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://static.cambridge.org/covers/PSC_0_0_0/ps-political-science-and-politics.jpg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/share-icon.cbcfad8.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/close-icon.194b28a.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/cite-icon.44eaaa4.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/rights-icon.d4a677c.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/link-icon.edd0163.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/pdf-icon.6d46a59.svg", "https://assets.crossref.org/logo/crossref-logo-100.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a9/Google_Scholar_logo_2015.PNG", "https://assets.crossref.org/logo/crossref-logo-100.png", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/cambridge_logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Ruoxi Li" ]	null	The Malapportionment of the US House of Representatives: 1940–2020 - Volume 55 Issue 4	en	/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico	Cambridge Core	https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/abs/malapportionment-of-the-us-house-of-representatives-19402020/DB7E003B2FAC67D64DA2DFF7957F37DD	In the latest round of the apportionment of the US House of Representatives following the 2020 Census, the State of New York lost a seat by an extremely small margin: if a mere 89 people were added to the state’s population of 20 million, the state would have kept the seat. Political observers pointed to the tendency of the US Census to undercount minority and immigrant populations as the primary culprit. However, New York’s seat loss is as much an issue of apportionment as it is of counting. The current apportionment method used by the federal government, Huntington-Hill’s method, is biased against more populous states such as New York. If an alternative apportionment method were used, such as Webster’s method, New York would have kept the seat. This article discusses four historical apportionment methods: Hamilton’s method, Huntington-Hill’s method, Jefferson’s method, and Webster’s method. These methods are evaluated against the three criteria of within-quota, consistency, and unbiasedness. The article shows that Huntington-Hill’s method has produced biased apportionment results in eight of nine apportionments since its official adoption in 1941. The article concludes with a recommendation for replacing the current apportionment method with the only unbiased divisor method: Webster’s method.
1437	dbpedia	3	56	https://www.history.com/topics/19th-century/chinese-exclusion-act-1882	en	Chinese Exclusion Act: 1882, Definition & Immigrants	https://assets.editorial…es-615310970.jpg	https://assets.editorial…es-615310970.jpg	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=3005002&cs_ucfr=1&cv=3.6&cj=1", "https://www.history.com/assets/images/history/logo.svg", "https://www.history.com/assets/images/history/logo.svg", "https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=640&height=426.66666666666663&crop=640%3A426.66666666666663%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 640w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=750&height=500&crop=750%3A500%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 750w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=828&height=552&crop=828%3A552%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 828w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=1080&height=540&crop=1080%3A540%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 1080w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=1248&height=624&crop=1248%3A624%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 1248w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=1920&height=960&crop=1920%3A960%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 1920w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=2048&height=1024&crop=2048%3A1024%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 2048w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2009/10/angel-island-immigration-station-gettyimages-615310970.jpg?width=3840&height=1920&crop=3840%3A1920%2Csmart&quality=75&auto=webp 3840w", "https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=16&quality=75&auto=webp 16w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=32&quality=75&auto=webp 32w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=48&quality=75&auto=webp 48w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=64&quality=75&auto=webp 64w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=96&quality=75&auto=webp 96w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=128&quality=75&auto=webp 128w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=256&quality=75&auto=webp 256w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=392&quality=75&auto=webp 392w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=640&quality=75&auto=webp 640w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=750&quality=75&auto=webp 750w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=828&quality=75&auto=webp 828w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=1080&quality=75&auto=webp 1080w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=1248&quality=75&auto=webp 1248w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=1920&quality=75&auto=webp 1920w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=2048&quality=75&auto=webp 2048w, https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2024/06/IHBANNER-1.jpg?width=3840&quality=75&auto=webp 3840w" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Chinese Exclusion Act: 1882, Definition & Immigrants \| HISTORY", "History.com Staff" ]	2018-08-24T16:50:33+00:00	The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was one of several discriminatory U.S. laws that curbed Chinese immigration and made Chinese people ineligible for naturalization.	en	https://www.history.com/…e-touch-icon.png	HISTORY	https://www.history.com/topics/19th-century/chinese-exclusion-act-1882	Chinese Immigration in America The Opium Wars (1839-42, 1856-60) of the mid-nineteenth century between Great Britain and China left China heavily in debt. Additionally, floods and drought contributed to an exodus of peasants from their farms, and many left the country to find work. When gold was discovered in the Sacramento Valley of California in 1848, a large uptick in Chinese immigrants entered the United States to join the California Gold Rush. Following an 1852 crop failure in China, over 20,000 Chinese immigrants came through the custom house in San Francisco (up from 2,716 the previous year) looking for work. Violence soon broke out between white miners and the new arrivals, much of it racially charged. In May 1852, California imposed a Foreign Miners License Tax of $3 month meant to target Chinese miners, and crime and violence escalated. An 1854 California Supreme Court case, People v. Hall, ruled that the Chinese, like Black Americans and Native Americans, were not allowed to testify in court, making it effectively impossible for Chinese immigrants to seek justice against the mounting violence. By 1870, Chinese miners had paid $5 million to the state of California via the Foreign Miners License Tax, yet they faced continuing discrimination at work and in their camps. Purpose of the Chinese Exclusion Act Meant to curb the influx of Chinese immigrants to the United States—particularly California—the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 suspended Chinese immigration for ten years and declared Chinese immigrants ineligible for naturalization. President Chester A. Arthur signed it into law on May 6, 1882. Chinese-Americans already in the country challenged the constitutionality of the discriminatory acts, but their efforts failed. Geary Act of 1892 Proposed by California congressman Thomas J. Geary, the Geary Act went into effect on May 5, 1892. It reinforced and extended the Chinese Exclusion Act’s ban on Chinese immigration for an additional ten years. It also required Chinese residents in the United States to carry special documentation—certificates of residence—from the Internal Revenue Service. Immigrants who were caught not carrying the certificates were sentenced to hard labor and deportation, and bail was only an option if the accused were vouched for by a “credible white witness.” China’s government protested these discriminatory laws, but with anti-immigrant sentiment at fever pitch in the United States, there was little they could do. Chinese Americans were finally allowed to testify in court after the 1882 trial of laborer Yee Shun, though it would take decades for the immigration ban to be lifted. Impact of Chinese Exclusion Act The Supreme Court upheld the Geary Act in Fong Yue Ting v. United States in 1893, and in 1902 Chinese immigration was made permanently illegal. The legislation proved very effective, and the Chinese population in the United States sharply declined. American experience with Chinese exclusion spurred later movements for immigration restriction against other "undesirable" groups such as Middle Easterners, Hindu and East Indians and the Japanese with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1924. Chinese immigrants and their American-born families remained ineligible for citizenship until 1943 with the passage of the Magnuson Act. By then, the U.S. was embroiled in World War II and sought to improve relations with an important Asian ally. READ MORE: Before the Chinese Exclusion Act, This Anti-Immigrant Law Targeted Asian Women Sources
1437	dbpedia	0	54	https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2013/09/26/stranglehold-our-politics/	en	The Stranglehold on Our Politics \| Elizabeth Drew	https://www.nybooks.com/…/NYR_800x800.png	https://www.nybooks.com/…/NYR_800x800.png	[ "https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/nyrb081524.jpg?w=360", "https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/nyrb081524.jpg?w=652", "http://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/drew_1-092613.jpg", "http://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/drew_2-092613.jpg", "https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/2013-09-26.png?w=165", "https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/2013-09-26.png?w=165", "https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Art_ParisRevNYRoB_Sum2024.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "ELIZABETH DREW" ]	2013-09-26T00:00:00	Most of the electorate can’t be bothered with midterm elections, and this has had large consequences—none of them good—for our political system and our country. Voting for a president might be exciting or dutiful, worth troubling ourselves for. But the midterms, in which a varying number of governorships are up for election, as well as the entire House of Representatives and one third of the Senate, just don’t seem worth as much effort. Such inaction is a political act in itself, with major effects.	en	https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/themes/nyrb_2020/img/favicon.ico	The New York Review of Books	https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2013/09/26/stranglehold-our-politics/	Most of the electorate can’t be bothered with midterm elections, and this has had large consequences—none of them good—for our political system and our country. Voting for a president might be exciting or dutiful, worth troubling ourselves for. But the midterms, in which a varying number of governorships are up for election, as well as the entire House of Representatives and one third of the Senate, just don’t seem worth as much effort. Such inaction is a political act in itself, with major effects. In the past ten elections, voter turnout for presidential contests—which requires a tremendous and expensive effort by the campaigns—has ranged from 51.7 to 61.6 percent, while for the midterms it’s been in the high thirties. Turnout was highest for the two midterms in which the Republicans made their greatest gains: in 1994, when Clinton was president, it was 41.1 percent and in 2010 it was 41.6 percent. In 2006, when Bush was president, the Democrats took over the House and Senate and won most of the governorships, turnout was the next highest, 40.4 percent. The quality of the candidates, the economy, and many unexpected issues of course determine the atmosphere of an election; but in the end turnout is almost always decisive. The midterms, with their lower turnout, reward intensity. In 2010, the Republicans were sufficiently worked up about the new health care law and an old standby, “government spending,” particularly the stimulus bill, to drive them to the polls in far larger numbers than the Democrats. A slight upward tick in turnout numbers can have a disproportionate impact in Congress and many of the states, and therefore the country as a whole. The difference in turnout caused such a change in 2010; in fact, the Republicans gained sixty-three House seats and took control of both the governorships and the legislatures in twelve states; the Democrats ended up with control of the fewest state legislative bodies since 1946. The midterms go a long way toward explaining the dismaying spectacle in Washington today. State elections bear much of the responsibility for the near paralysis in Congress thus far this year and the extremism that has gripped the House Republicans and is oozing over into the Senate. The difference in the turnouts for presidential and midterm elections means that there are now almost two different electorates. Typically, the midterm electorate is skewed toward the white and elderly. In 2010 the youth vote dropped a full 60 percent from 2008. Those who are disappointed with the president they helped elect two years earlier and decide to stay home have the same effect on an election as those who vote for the opposition candidate. Little wonder, then, that there can be such a gulf between the president and Congress, particularly the House of Representatives—but also between the president and the governments of most of the twenty-four states over which the Republicans now maintain complete control; almost half of these were elected in 2010. Democrats have complete control over fourteen states. The Republican-controlled states include almost all the most populous ones outside of New York and California. Since the midterms of 2010 the Republicans in most of these states have pursued coordinated, highly regressive economic policies and a harsh social agenda. Thus, while there’s largely been stalemate in Washington, sweeping social and economic changes that are entirely at odds with how the country voted in the last presidential election have been taking place in Republican-controlled states. As a result of the relative lack of interest in state elections, we now have the most polarized political system in modern American history. It’s also the least functional. Many state governments’ policies are not just almost completely divorced from what is going on at the federal level—but also in some cases what is prescribed by law and the Constitution. Systemic factors based in state politics explain more about our national political condition than tired arguments in Washington over who is at fault for what does or doesn’t—mainly doesn’t—happen at the federal level. The dysfunction begins in the states. The 2010 elections were the single most important event leading up to the domination of the House by the Republican far right. Both the recession and organized agitation by the Tea Party over the newly passed health care law—“spontaneous” campaigns guided from Washington by the old pros Karl Rove and Dick Armey, and funded by reactionary business moguls—helped the Republicans, and especially the most radical elements in the party, sweep into the majority in the House of Representatives and take control of twelve additional states, including Ohio, Florida, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan. The Republicans who took over states in 2010 reset our politics. Among other things, they made the House of Representatives unrepresentative. In 2012 Democrats won more than 1.7 million more votes for the House than the Republicans did, but they picked up only eight seats. (This was the largest discrepancy between votes and the division of House seats since 1950.) Advertisement Thus, while Obama won 51.1 percent of the popular vote in 2012, as a result of the redistricting following 2010 the Republican House majority represents 47.5 percent as opposed to 48.8 percent for the Democrats, or a minority of the voters for the House in 2012. Take the example of the Ohio election: Obama won the state with 51 percent of the vote, but because of redistricting, its House delegation is 75 percent Republican and 25 percent Democratic. The state government’s power over the redrawing of congressional districts every ten years is probably the single most determining factor of our political situation. It’s clear that the Republicans were successful in winning and using the 2010 elections as a prelude to the most distorted and partisan redistricting in modern times. Their approach was so different in degree as to be a difference in substance—and the post-2010 politics in Washington resemble nothing that has gone before. There has been something of a war raging among students of electoral politics over the role of redistricting in our current situation. But Sam Wang of Princeton, a neuroscientist who founded the Princeton Election Consortium, wrote in The New York Times earlier this year: Political scientists have identified other factors that have influenced the relationship between votes and seats in the past. Concentration of voters in urban areas can, for example, limit how districts are drawn, creating a natural packing effect. But in 2012 the net effect of intentional gerrymandering was far larger than any one factor. Moreover, the redistricting has become different from the process that we learned about in civics classes. Traditional “gerrymandering,” which had been practiced since the early 1800s, involved drawing weirdly shaped districts for the purpose of protecting incumbents. But in recent years redistricting has developed into a vicious fight for control of redistricting—though the shape of the districts can be just as weird. The Republicans have made the greater effort to shape the House to their benefit, through a deliberate two-step process: first, win state elections so as to control the redistricting, and then redistrict to give the party as much advantage as possible in the House. Though they’ve done their own self-interested redistricting, Democrats haven’t been as zealous about controlling reapportionment. Still, through the combination of both parties’ actions, they have ended up with more safe seats than before. There was just one problem: when the Republicans began their intense effort in the run-up to 2010 to take over state legislatures and draw districts free of serious Democratic challengers, they failed to anticipate that this would leave their members more vulnerable to challenges from the right. The fear of being defeated in local contests by even more radical Republicans has also taken hold in the state legislatures, which in turn affects the nature of the House. The more established House Republicans, including the leaders, now live in terror of a putsch from the most extreme right-wing elements of their caucus, in particular the Tea Party. They are not yet a majority of the party but they have the power to behave like one through their use of fear. A lamentable result of the effort to draw safe districts is that only an estimated thirty-five House seats out of 435 will actually be competitive in the 2014 election. Therein lies the source of the near paralysis of the federal government. Nate Silver wrote in the The New York Times after the 2012 election that while there had been earlier periods of great partisanship, in particular between 1880 and 1920, “it is not clear that there have been other periods when individual members of the House had so little to deter them from highly partisan behavior.” Under these circumstances, it’s harder than ever before to put together bipartisan coalitions to pass major legislation, as had long been done for civil rights bills and other major changes in economic, social, and even environmental policy. The fact that Obama had to pass the health care law with almost no Republican support rendered it more vulnerable later. The Republicans’ limp and deceptive explanation for their opposition to the law is that the Democrats left them out of consideration of the bill (which was actually based on Republican ideas). The Republicans who took over the states following the 2010 elections arrived with an agenda strongly based on model laws supplied by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), heavily funded by the Koch brothers along with some other big corporations. The other group that benefited most from the 2010 elections was the passionately anti-abortion Christian right—which is not only an essential part of the national Republican Party’s base but also dominates the Republican Party in about twenty states, and has a substantial influence in more than a dozen other state parties. The Christian right is tremendously effective in motivating its followers to go to the polls—and then threaten a loss of support if their agenda isn’t adopted. Advertisement The overall result of the new Republican domination has been that these states have cut taxes on the wealthy and corporations and moved toward a more comprehensive sales tax; slashed unemployment benefits; cut money for education and various public services; and sought to break the remaining power of the unions. Not only did Republican officials in these states manipulate the constitutionally guaranteed right to vote in their effort to win the presidency in 2012 and preserve their own power by keeping Democratic supporters from voting, but they are at it again. The constitutional right to abortion granted under Roe v. Wade has been flouted. The new strategy among anti-abortion forces is to limit legal abortions to the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. Several states have adopted this measure and others are in the process of doing so. Pregnant women’s privacy has also been invaded through state measures requiring them to be subjected to transvaginal ultrasound examinations of the fetus, and forcing them to look at or hear described the result of any sonogram. Doctors have been ordered by state law to lie to women about supposed dire consequences of abortion, for example that abortions can lead to breast cancer. Abortion clinics in some states have been shut down or eliminated. Funding for other medical services for women, such as mammograms, has also been greatly reduced. Many of these state laws are under legal challenge and some of them may end up in the Supreme Court. Roe v. Wade may be doomed. North Carolina provides the most dramatic example of what can happen to a state in just three years. It was formerly a progressive southern state, racially tolerant, and a proud leader in education. Obama carried North Carolina in 2008. But the Republicans won the legislature in 2010, and in 2012 they won the governorship. In addition, as a result of their redistricting after 2010, in 2012 they gained “super-majorities” in the legislature. Since then, the Republican governor and legislature have made drastic cuts in unemployment insurance and tax credits to low-income workers. The legislature is leaning toward passing proposals to reduce the number of teaching assistants and aid to college students, and it has cut the number of openings for children in state-run pre-kindergarten programs. Proposals are pending to flatten the income tax, expand the sales tax, and kill the estate tax. The North Carolina legislature also passed a law to bar the courts from applying sharia law, making it the seventh state to do so. In reality, there’s no threat that courts will start interpreting the laws according to sharia doctrine, but Republican state lawmakers say they’re taking “preemptive” action. Oklahoma’s prohibition of sharia law was recently held unconstitutional by a federal court (as singling out a religion). North Carolina has also adopted the most severe restrictions in the country both on abortion and on voting rights. It makes the impediments to voting that were used in 2012 seem meager by comparison. Its sole remaining abortion clinic is being shut down. North Carolina is one of the states that, as a result of the Supreme Court’s decision in June, was liberated from the requirement of the 1965 Voting Rights Act that it get prior clearance from the Justice Department before making changes in its voting laws. Texas and North Carolina, both under Republican control, were the first to savor their freedom by making it harder than ever for minorities, students, and the elderly poor to vote. A former North Carolina Democratic official said to me, “They do all these things and then they pass voting rights laws to keep us from voting them out of office.” In 2014, thirty-six governorships, an unusually large number, will be up for election, including in such important swing states in presidential elections as Ohio, Wisconsin, Florida, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Until 2010, all of them but Florida were governed by Democrats and carried by Obama, but since then they have been governed by Republicans determined to impose highly conservative policies on previously Democratic states carried by Obama. Who controls the country’s statehouses can matter a lot in presidential elections. For one thing, that’s where the rules and conditions for voting are set. In 2012 we saw the Republican governor of Florida and the attorney general of Ohio cut the number of polling places and the number of days and hours they were open in an obvious effort to limit the votes of blacks and other minorities, as well as poor seniors. Though great numbers of voters rose up and insisted on casting their ballots, it’s still the case that large numbers—estimated at a minimum at hundreds of thousands—were prevented from voting. And in a close election a governor can be of significant aid to the national candidate: the state’s party machinery and the governor’s political network can be called on to help out. The ultimate example of how helpful a governor can be was provided by Jeb Bush in Florida in 2000. As early as November of this year, two states, Virginia and New Jersey, will hold their contests for governor and senator. Usually of interest only to political obsessives, both states’ elections will be more widely watched for their implications for the 2016 presidential race, ridiculously early as it may be for that. In New Jersey, Governor Chris Christie, a relatively moderate Republican, is generally expected to be reelected easily but if he runs for president the main questions are whether his pugnacious style will be popular outside the state and how he will deal with the party base. Virginia is more significant for national politics because it’s a swing state in federal elections—it was crucial to Obama’s reelection victory. The Virginia race for governor this November is an embarrassment. The Republican candidate, Ken Cuccinelli, who is even further to the right than Bob McDonnell, the current governor (who cannot run again), most famously wants to make consensual sodomy illegal in Virginia. That the proposal has been met with derision—and also some fright—and is clearly unconstitutional does not deter him. Cuccinelli’s campaign is also suffering from the recent squalid revelations about McDonnell, who had already won national attention for backing transvaginal ultrasounds of women seeking abortions. McDonnell and his wife accepted considerable financial favors from a wealthy businessman whose products he then promoted—among other gifts, he picked up the cost of their daughter’s wedding and treated Mrs. McDonnell to a shopping spree at Bergdorf’s. Now Cuccinelli has been found taking favors from the same businessman, if on a more modest scale. The Democratic nominee, Terry McAuliffe, the backslapping politician and businessman and close pal of the Clintons, has a problem of his own: one of his companies is under investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commission. To assure that this got a lot of publicity and to try to counter Cuccinelli’s problems, the right-wing activist David Bossie, founder of Citizens United, which brought the famous case of that name to the Supreme Court, has made a film (Fast Terry) charging McCauliffe with sleazy business practices. For good measure the Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, who is black, has called the Obamas communists who “don’t understand our country, I don’t think they even like it.” Critical to the 2013–2014 midterm elections will be attempts to destroy the new health care law—the one issue the Republicans have found most effective for rallying their forces; that and “spending,” even as the deficit steadily declines, are the only two issues on which they have taken a real position. The obsessive attempt by conservative Republicans to prevent “Obamacare” from being implemented may be without precedent but it isn’t without purpose. By playing on people’s fears—proposed changes in health care arouse anxiety as no other domestic issue does—they are seeking to advance their own political cause. Even after it failed, “Hillarycare” was a major factor in the 1994 Republican sweep. What began in 2009 as a movement to block passage of the health care program championed by Obama was transformed in 2010 into a furious reaction to its becoming law that was used as the organizing force in seeking Republican gains in those midterm elections. Since it worked then, why not have another go at it? The seemingly futile effort to repeal the law isn’t as silly as it seems. The forty roll-call votes by House Republicans to repeal it aren’t useless, even if there isn’t a chance that the Senate will agree. The Republican base strongly approves of these votes. The base has been mobilized around opposition to the health care law as a force for the midterms (and beyond) by the principal organizers and funders of the Tea Party in Washington as well as by the Heritage Foundation, the supposed think tank now headed by former South Carolina senator Jim DeMint. While in the Senate DeMint promoted Tea Party candidates for senator, several of them fools who flamed out. The votes not only help the Republicans raise money; they also provide protection for members trying to fend off attacks or challengers, enabling them to say, “I voted to kill Obamacare forty times.” The Republicans are racing against the fact that some popular parts of the Affordable Care Act, such as the elimination of pre-conditions as a barrier for getting insurance and allowing parents to cover their children up to the age of twenty-six, have already gone into effect. If the complex health care program is seen as successful on the whole, Obama and the Democrats could get long-term credit for it, just as the Democrats did from Medicare. If the Republican fantasy were to come true and they somehow killed it off, Obama’s principal achievement will have been eliminated. Both parties understand that a health care program undergoing a lot of turmoil in 2014 spells trouble for the Democrats. Egged on by a campaign run by FreedomWorks, the Tea Party stronghold in Washington, D.C., more than half (or twenty-seven) states have rejected the expansion of Medicaid for the ailing and elderly poor; and a majority of the states have also refused to set up the exchanges through which people can shop for medical insurance at presumably competitive prices. (This is partly a grandstanding gesture because the federal government will set up the exchanges in those states instead.) FreedomWorks has urged people to burn their nonexistent “health care cards,” and it and other conservative groups are urging young people not to sign up for the new health insurance, and pay a penalty instead. The success of the plan depends on a certain number of healthy young people buying insurance on the exchanges in order to keep prices down for everyone else. But in their zeal to eliminate a law that’s been passed and is on the books, congressional Republicans may have built their own trap. Whatever they do in the name of getting rid of the program or cutting it back is attacked by the most militant Republicans as insufficient; there’s always a more drastic proposal, and a demand from the base that they support it. A recent idea—backed by Senators Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio, and Mike Lee—was that the government be shut down unless “Obamacare” is defunded. But some senior Republicans with memories of the calamity to their party caused by the Newt Gingrich–led shutdown in 1995–1996, as well as governors with national ambitions, were outspoken in calling this a stupid idea. Cruz, at the center of the effort, showed in his first weeks in the Senate that he’s not above McCarthyite tactics (as in the Hagel hearings); and he freely breaks the rules and understandings by which the Senate functions at all. Most uncommonly, he is actually hated and feared by most of his colleagues (including Republicans)—such strong feelings about a fellow senator are rare. The Harvard Law graduate and able advocate before the Supreme Court dismissed his senior Republicans’ concerns and in his mellifluous tone said that they were misreading history, and he carried on a crusade for a shutdown, which few of his colleagues liked. But the ruffian Cruz overstepped and made a big mistake. As he traveled around with DeMint, he aroused great cheers from crowds at town meetings in August—but his colleagues held firm; no additional sponsors of the shutdown proposal came forth. Beyond that, Cruz and DeMint threatened Senate Republicans—true conservatives such as Tom Coburn and Lindsay Graham—who refused to back the shutdown with primary challenges. (Cruz is far more intelligent than DeMint but in defying the leaders of his party he is following his own agenda.) The base doesn’t mind if he’s unpopular in Washington, though. Struggling once more to convince his far-right caucus members to take a less self-damaging route than the shutdown, the beleaguered Speaker John Boehner suggested that instead of shutting down the government unless Obamacare is defunded or postponed—anything to keep it from going into effect by the 2014 elections—they delay passing an increase in the debt ceiling. Holding up the debt ceiling in 2011 brought all kinds of obloquy down on the heads of the House Republicans and also stupidly hurt the credit standing of the US. Boehner has been leaping from ice floe to ice floe, each one more dangerous. So far his strategy of postponing calamity has worked—but what happens if he runs out of ice floes? The agony of the current Republican Party is that most of the far right isn’t concerned about the possible effects of their tactics on the national party—on its ability to win not just the next presidential election but also other offices down the line. The Tea Party members of Congress are responding to their districts. But the mainstream Republicans are panicked that they have lost four out of the last six presidential elections, and they have yet to figure out how to placate their base in the nomination process and still win the general election. But the far right has its own version of reality. Some even plan to run for president on it. As a result of the centrifugal forces that have taken over our politics, we have ended up with warring political blocs, not with the federal system envisioned by the Founders. Instead of cooperative interaction among the states and the federal government, we have a series of struggles between them. Federal laws are blocked or degraded in many of the states, and state obligations are unmet. After the country reelected a Democratic president in 2012, the Republicans continued to refuse to recognize his legitimacy and they opposed virtually his every policy proposal. (Whether immigration will break this pattern is up in the air.) Meanwhile the most sweeping changes in domestic policy are taking place in states dominated by Republicans. As it turns out, 56 percent of the population, and 60 percent of poor children, live in these states. The new turbulence between the federal government and the states and between the president and Congress has been exacerbated by midterm elections. The turbulence has been spreading across our governing institutions—putting the very workability of the American political system in jeopardy. With the House in the grip of the very far right, the wreckers have made it almost impossible for Boehner to lead—and Obama to govern. The madness has been seeping into the usually more staid Senate, to the point where freshman radicals—Rand Paul, Cruz, and Rubio, with the Tea Party at their backs and a presidential gleam in their eyes—can break with longstanding precedent and courtesies and presume to define the national agenda. Minority leader Mitch McConnell is being challenged for renomination by a Tea Party member, which has limited his leadership capacities and his judgment. The turbulence has spread into the Supreme Court. Our federal organism is a delicate instrument, one that can work reasonably well only if its caretakers proceed on the basis of understandings and restraint. The seeds of this situation were planted in the 1994 midterm election that swept the former back bencher Newt Gingrich into the Speakership of the House. Gingrich rashly maneuvered himself into a government shutdown that ended in disaster for the Republicans. (Bill Clinton outmaneuvered Gingrich, and the public didn’t at all appreciate the shutdown of federal services.) There is no evidence that Gingrich had thought through the consequences. He thus spawned the consequence-free politics that is now bedeviling our system of government. In 2009, for the first time, defeat of the incoming president in the next election became the opposition party’s explicit governing principle. If that meant blocking measures to improve the economy, or preventing the filling of important federal offices to keep the government running, so be it. Wrecking became the order of the day. Confrontation became the goal in itself. Now the rightward trend in Republican politics is feeding on itself, becoming even more extreme until the preposterous becomes conceivable. Can this chokehold on our politics be broken? Several states are considering the possible removal of the power to control redistricting from the politicians who stand to benefit from their own decisions. Arizona and California have adopted independent commissions to redraw districts. Theoretically, Congress could pass legislation requiring the states to reform their redistricting practices for federal elections; but that would require a sufficiently powerful movement—of which there is no sign—to put pressure on members of Congress to act against their own perceived interest. The citizens of a state have it within their power to press for such changes in the nature of their state governments and the consequent effects on their immediate lives as well as the functioning of the nation’s political system. By rousing themselves to vote, they could have a stronger voice in filling state offices that may not seem so exciting but are highly consequential. Is it possible that the off-year elections could be taken almost as seriously as the presidential ones? The radicalism of the right has become so extreme that it may have unintentionally provided an impetus in that direction. In the end only the members of the electorate can restore the institutions and procedures that make our democratic system work, starting with the next chance they get.
1437	dbpedia	0	49	https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/index-alpha/c.html	en	Federal Records Guide: Alphabetical Index - C	https://www.archives.gov…/naralogo-og.png	https://www.archives.gov…/naralogo-og.png	[ "https://www.archives.gov/sites/all/themes/nara/images/nara-print-logo.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2016-08-15T17:30:38-04:00	Note: This alphabetical index to the Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the United States is based on a paper version with the same title compiled in 1995. The index does not reflect updates to the Guide. The updated web version of the Guide can be searched with the Search the Guide feature.	en	https://www.archives.gov…s/apple-icon.png	National Archives	https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/index-alpha/c.html	Note: This alphabetical index to the Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the United States is based on a paper version with the same title compiled in 1995. The index does not reflect updates to the Guide. The updated web version of the Guide can be searched with the Search the Guide feature. See also: Search the Guide Statistical Summary of Holdings by Record Group Number Record Groups by Clusters
1437	dbpedia	1	6	https://sk.sagepub.com/cqpress/vital-statistics-on-american-politics-2017-2020/i718.xml	en				[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null
1437	dbpedia	3	71	https://dbpedia.org/page/1882_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections	en	About: 1882 United States House of Representatives elections	http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/John_Griffin_Carlisle,_Brady-Handy_photo_portrait,_ca1870-1880.jpg?width=300	http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/John_Griffin_Carlisle,_Brady-Handy_photo_portrait,_ca1870-1880.jpg?width=300	[ "https://dbpedia.org/statics/images/dbpedia_logo_land_120.png", "http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:FilePath/John_Griffin_Carlisle,_Brady-Handy_photo_portrait,_ca1870-1880.jpg?width=300", "https://dbpedia.org/statics/images/virt_power_no_border.png", "https://dbpedia.org/statics/images/LoDLogo.gif", "https://dbpedia.org/statics/images/sw-sparql-blue.png", "https://dbpedia.org/statics/images/od_80x15_red_green.png", "https://www.w3.org/Icons/valid-xhtml-rdfa" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	The 1882 United States House of Representatives elections were held during President Chester A. Arthur's term. Arthur's Republican Party was badly defeated, losing its majority to the opposition Democratic Party after a campaign that focused on the resistance of Republican leaders to reforming the Spoils system under which government jobs were handed to supporters of winning candidates. After the election, Arthur agreed with the Democrats to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, establishing a professional civil service. However, his actions were too late, as the image of the Republican Party as corrupt was already engrained in the minds of voters. This election also saw the decline of the pro-paper money Greenback Party, and the pick up of several Virginian seats by the Readjuster			DBpedia	http://dbpedia.org/resource/1882_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections	dbo:abstract The 1882 United States House of Representatives elections were held during President Chester A. Arthur's term. Arthur's Republican Party was badly defeated, losing its majority to the opposition Democratic Party after a campaign that focused on the resistance of Republican leaders to reforming the Spoils system under which government jobs were handed to supporters of winning candidates. After the election, Arthur agreed with the Democrats to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, establishing a professional civil service. However, his actions were too late, as the image of the Republican Party as corrupt was already engrained in the minds of voters. This election also saw the decline of the pro-paper money Greenback Party, and the pick up of several Virginian seats by the Readjuster Party which promoted fiscal responsibility and shunned elitism, though the Virginia-based Readjuster Party all but disappeared following this election. (en) Die Wahlen zum Repräsentantenhaus der Vereinigten Staaten 1882 fanden am 7. November 1882 statt. Dabei wurden in den Vereinigten Staaten die Abgeordneten des Repräsentantenhauses gewählt. In fünf Staaten wurde bereits zwischen dem 5. Juni und dem 10. Oktober gewählt. Die Wahlen waren Teil der allgemeinen Wahlen zum 48. Kongress der Vereinigten Staaten in jenem Jahr, bei denen auch ein Drittel der US-Senatoren gewählt wurden. Da die Wahlen etwa in der Mitte der Amtszeit des seit September 1881 amtierenden Republikanischen Präsidenten Chester A. Arthur stattfanden (Midterm Election), galten sie auch als Votum über die bisherige Politik des Präsidenten. Zum Zeitpunkt der Wahlen bestanden die Vereinigten Staaten aus 38 Bundesstaaten. Die Zahl der zu wählenden Abgeordneten war 325. Die Sitzverteilung basierte auf der Volkszählung von 1880. Diese begründete auch den Anstieg der Sitze im Repräsentantenhaus. Bei den Wahlen mussten die Republikaner schwere Verluste hinnehmen. Trotz der Anhebung der Sitze konnten sie davon nicht profitieren. Sie verloren sogar im Vergleich zu den Wahlen zwei Jahre zuvor 34 Sitze. Die Demokraten waren die großen Gewinner der Wahl. Sie erreichten 196 Mandate und konnten damit die absolute Mehrheit erringen. Die United States Greenback Party, die für den permanenten Gebrauch von Banknoten (Papiergeld) eintrat und die vor allem in der Landwirtschaft ihre Wähler hatte, verlor acht Sitze und kam nur noch auf zwei Mandate. Der Grund für den Wahlsieg der Demokraten war vor allem das Bestreben der Republikaner zum Erhalt des damals bestehenden Systems der Ämtervergabe im öffentlichen Dienst. Nach diesem System wurden alle Ämter von der gerade regierenden Partei besetzt. Die Demokraten traten für eine Reform ein, die dann im Jahr 1883 mit dem Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act auch vollzogen wurde. Dadurch sollte fachliche Qualifikationen für ein Verwaltungsamt wichtiger sein als politische Parteizugehörigkeit. Das lange Festhalten der Republikaner am alten System wurde von den Wählern als Unterstützung von Korruption bewertet. Ein Einlenken der Partei kurz vor der Wahl kam zu spät. Wahlberechtigt und wählbar waren nur Männer. Frauen waren noch bis 1920 auf Bundesebene von Wahlen ausgeschlossen. Vor allem in den Südstaaten war das Wahlrecht durch Gesetze eingeschränkt, die das Wahlrecht an ein bestimmtes Steueraufkommen knüpften. Dadurch wurden ärmere Weiße, vor allem aber viele Afro-Amerikaner vom Wahlrecht ausgeschlossen. (de) 1882년 미국 하원의원 선거는 1882년 미국에서 치러진 하원의원 선거로, 제임스 가필드 대통령의 암살로 대통령직을 승계한 체스터 아서 대통령이 민주당의 엽관제 개혁에 반대하면서, 공화당은 참패하고, 민주당이 과반을 달성했다. (ko) rdfs:comment 1882년 미국 하원의원 선거는 1882년 미국에서 치러진 하원의원 선거로, 제임스 가필드 대통령의 암살로 대통령직을 승계한 체스터 아서 대통령이 민주당의 엽관제 개혁에 반대하면서, 공화당은 참패하고, 민주당이 과반을 달성했다. (ko) The 1882 United States House of Representatives elections were held during President Chester A. Arthur's term. Arthur's Republican Party was badly defeated, losing its majority to the opposition Democratic Party after a campaign that focused on the resistance of Republican leaders to reforming the Spoils system under which government jobs were handed to supporters of winning candidates. After the election, Arthur agreed with the Democrats to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, establishing a professional civil service. However, his actions were too late, as the image of the Republican Party as corrupt was already engrained in the minds of voters. This election also saw the decline of the pro-paper money Greenback Party, and the pick up of several Virginian seats by the Readjuster (en) Die Wahlen zum Repräsentantenhaus der Vereinigten Staaten 1882 fanden am 7. November 1882 statt. Dabei wurden in den Vereinigten Staaten die Abgeordneten des Repräsentantenhauses gewählt. In fünf Staaten wurde bereits zwischen dem 5. Juni und dem 10. Oktober gewählt. Die Wahlen waren Teil der allgemeinen Wahlen zum 48. Kongress der Vereinigten Staaten in jenem Jahr, bei denen auch ein Drittel der US-Senatoren gewählt wurden. Da die Wahlen etwa in der Mitte der Amtszeit des seit September 1881 amtierenden Republikanischen Präsidenten Chester A. Arthur stattfanden (Midterm Election), galten sie auch als Votum über die bisherige Politik des Präsidenten. (de)
1437	dbpedia	3	67	https://www.census.gov/topics/population/older-aging.html	en	Older Population and Aging	https://www.census.gov/c…sharing-card.jpg	https://www.census.gov/c…sharing-card.jpg	[ "https://www.census.gov/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/digital-services/resources/img/us_flag_small.png", "https://www.census.gov/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/digital-services/resources/img/icon-dot-gov.svg", "https://www.census.gov/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/digital-services/resources/img/icon-https.svg", "https://www.census.gov/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/census-pattern-library/resources/images/USCENSUS_IDENTITY_SOLO_BLACK_1.5in_R_no_padding.svg", "https://www.census.gov/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/census-pattern-library/resources/images/USCENSUS_IDENTITY_SOLO_BLACK_1.5in_R_no_padding.svg", "https://census.gov/ratingtool/images/like-hand-3122.svg", "https://census.gov/ratingtool/images/unlike-hand-3123.svg", "https://census.gov/ratingtool/images/exclamation-icon.png", "https://census.gov/ratingtool/images/angle-circle-arrow-right.png", "https://census.gov/ratingtool/images/angle-circle-arrow-right-hover.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "Older and Aging" ]	null	[ "US Census Bureau" ]	2024-05-01T12:12:43.955000-04:00	Detailed information and statistics on population older population and aging.		/etc.clientlibs/census/clientlibs/common-site/resources/icons/android-chrome-192x192.png	Census.gov	https://www.census.gov/topics/population/older-aging.html	Official websites use .gov A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States. Secure .gov websites use HTTPS A lock ( Lock A locked padlock ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Age and Sex Focusing on a population’s age and sex composition is one of the most basic ways to understand population change over time. Ancestry Ancestry refers to a person’s ethnic origin or descent, "roots," or heritage, or the place of birth of the person or the person’s parents or ancestors. Computer and Internet Use The U.S. Census Bureau has been collecting data on computers and Internet use sporadically since 1984. Foreign-Born The foreign-born population includes anyone who is not a U.S. citizen at birth, including those who have become U.S. citizens through naturalization. Hispanic Origin People who identify with the terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” are those who classify themselves in one of the specific Hispanic or Latino categories. International The U.S. Census Bureau conducts demographic, economic, and geographic studies of other countries and strengthens statistical development around the world. Language Use Language use, English-speaking ability, and linguistic isolation data are collected in the ACS. Migration/Geographic Mobility Migration and geographic mobility both refer to the movement of people within and across boundaries, such as county or state lines. Population Estimates Annual estimates for the U.S., states, counties, cities, etc. Components of population change (births, deaths and migration) for U.S., states and counties. Race The data on race and ethnicity were derived from answers to the question on race and ethnicity that was asked of individuals in the United States. Racial and Ethnic Diversity The concept of racial and ethnic diversity refers to the representation and relative size of different racial and ethnic groups within a population. Sexual Orientation & Gender Identity (SOGI) U.S. Census Bureau data on these topics can help measure the growing diverse, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) populations.
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]	2005-01-25T21:50:39+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections	House elections for the 47th U.S. Congress 1880 United States House of Representatives elections All 293 seats in the United States House of Representatives 147 seats needed for a majority Majority party Minority party Leader Joseph Keifer Samuel Randall Party Republican Democratic Leader's seat Ohio 4th Pennsylvania 3rd Last election 132 seats 141 seats Seats won 151[1][a] 128[1][a] Seat change 19 13 Popular vote 4,080,609 4,330,113 Percentage 44.94% 47.68% Swing 5.38% 3.48% Third party Fourth party Party Greenback Readjuster Last election 13 seats 0 seats Seats won 10[1][a] 2 Seat change 3 2 Popular vote 504,097 56,058 Percentage 5.55% 0.62% Swing 6.74% New Fifth party Party Independent Last election 7 seats[b] Seats won 2[c] Seat change 5 Popular vote 99,511 Percentage 1.10% Swing 1.65% Results Democratic gain Democratic hold Republican gain Republican hold Independent gain Independent hold Greenback gain Greenback hold Readjuster gain Speaker before election Samuel Randall Democratic Elected Speaker Joseph Keifer Republican The 1880 United States House of Representatives elections were held for the most part on November 2, 1880, with five states holding theirs early between June and October. They coincided with the 1880 presidential election which was won by James A. Garfield, who was a member of the House at the time. Elections were held for 293 seats of the United States House of Representatives, representing 38 states, to serve in the 47th United States Congress. This was the first time that every state held their regular House elections on or before Election Day. Special elections were also held throughout the year. Issues such as Civil War loyalties, tariffs, graft and corruption dominated the year's elections, though none became substantive a national issue. The economy was growing stronger after emerging from a long Depression. It was in this political environment that Garfield's Republican Party gained 19 seats and regained control of the House from the Democratic Party. The Greenback Party, an emerging party of workers and farmers, also lost seats in these elections, after gaining more than a dozen two years earlier.[3][4] ↓ 131 10 151 Democratic Gb Republican State Type Total seats Democratic Greenback Republican Seats Change Seats Change Seats Change Alabama District 8 6 1 1 1 1 Arkansas District 4 4 0 0 California District 4 2 1 0 2 1 Colorado At-large 1 0 0 1 Connecticut District 4 1 0 3 Delaware At-large 1 1 0 0 Florida District 2 1 0 1 Georgia District 9 9[d] 0 0 Illinois District 19 6 0 1 13 1 Indiana District 13 5 1 0 8 2 Iowa District 9 1 1 0 2 8 1 Kansas District 3 0 0 3 Kentucky District 10 9 1 0 1 1 Louisiana District 6 5 1 0 1 1 Maine[e] District 5 0 2 3 Maryland District 6 5 0 1 Massachusetts District 11 1 0 10 Michigan District 9 0 0 9 Minnesota District 3 0 1 0 3 1 Mississippi District 6 5 1 0 1 1 Missouri District 13 7 5 4 3 2 2 Nebraska At-large 1 0 0 1 Nevada At-large 1 1 1 0 0 1 New Hampshire District 3 0 0 3 New Jersey District 7 3 0 4 New York District 33[f] 12 3 0 20 4 North Carolina District 8 7 1 0 1 1 Ohio[e] District 20 5 6 0 15 6 Oregon[e] At-large 1 0 1 0 1 1 Pennsylvania District 27 7 1 2 18 1 Rhode Island District 2 0 0 2 South Carolina District 5 4 1 0 1 1 Tennessee District 10 7 2 0 3 2 Texas[e] District 6 5 1 0 Vermont[e] District 3 0 0 1 3 1 Virginia District 9 7[g] 1 0 2 1 West Virginia District 3 3 0 0 Wisconsin District 8 2 1 0 6 1 Total 293[f] 131[1] 44.7% 13 10[1] 3.4% 4 151[1] 51.5% 16 In 1845, Congress passed a law providing for a uniform nationwide date for choosing Presidential electors.[5] This law did not affect election dates for Congress, which remained within the jurisdiction of State governments, but over time, the States moved their Congressional elections to this date as well. In 1880, no states held their elections after Election Day for the first time (California was the last state to hold late elections, in 1878). But 5 states, with 35 seats among them, held their elections before the rest of the states: June 1 Texas June 7 Oregon September 7 Vermont September 13 Maine October 12 Ohio District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Missouri 7 Alfred M. Lay Democratic 1878 Incumbent died December 8, 1879. New member elected January 10, 1880.[6] Democratic hold. Successor seated January 26, 1880.[7] Successor later lost re-election to the next term, see below. ▌Y John F. Philips (Democratic) 53.62% ▌Joseph W. McClurg (Republican) 36.20% ▌William C. Alldridge (Greenback) 10.18%[6] New York 32 Ray V. Pierce Republican 1878 Incumbent resigned September 18, 1880. New member elected November 2, 1880.[8] Democratic gain. Successor seated December 6, 1880.[7] Successor also elected to the next term, see below. ▌Y Jonathan Scoville (Democratic) 50.06% ▌Myron R. Bush (Republican) 49.17% ▌William S. Smith (Greenback) 0.77%[8] Alabama 6 Burwell B. Lewis Democratic 1874 1876 (Lost) 1878 Incumbent resigned October 1, 1880, to become President of the University of Alabama. New member elected sometime in 1880.[citation needed] Democratic hold. Successor seated December 8, 1880.[7] Successor had not been a candidate to the next term, see below. ▌Y Newton N. Clements (Democratic) Unopposed[9] Ohio 19 James A. Garfield Republican 1862 Incumbent resigned November 8, 1880, to become U.S. president. New member elected November 30, 1880.[10] Republican hold. Successor seated December 13, 1880.[7] Successor had already been elected to the next term, see below. ▌Y Ezra B. Taylor (Republican) 89.99% ▌Charles D. Adams (Democratic) 9.15%[10] New Hampshire 3 Evarts Worcester Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent died November 30, 1880. New member elected December 28, 1880.[11] Republican hold. Successor seated January 8, 1881.[12] Successor was also elected to the next term. ▌Y Ossian Ray (Republican) 64.17% ▌Jewett D. Hosley (Democratic) 34.82% Others 1.01%[11] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Hampshire 3 Evarts Worcester Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent member-elect died November 30, 1880, having just been re-elected. New member elected December 28, 1880.[13] Republican hold. Successor was also elected to finish the current term. ▌Y Ossian Ray (Republican) 65.18% ▌Jewett D. Hosley (Democratic) 34.82%[13] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Alabama 1 Thomas H. Herndon Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas H. Herndon (Democratic) 53.78% ▌James Gillett (Republican) 30.01% ▌Frank H. Threatt (Independent) 12.35% ▌George M. Mott (Greenback) 3.86%[14] Alabama 2 Hilary A. Herbert Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Hilary A. Herbert (Democratic) 59.76% ▌Paul Strobach (Republican) 40.01%[15] Alabama 3 William J. Samford Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William C. Oates (Democratic) 65.04% ▌A. A. Mabson (Republican) 34.54%[16] Alabama 4 Charles M. Shelley Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James Q. Smith (Republican) 52.53% ▌Charles M. Shelley (Democratic) 39.74% ▌William J. Stevens (Republican) 7.73%[17] Alabama 5 Thomas Williams Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Williams (Democratic) Unopposed[18] Alabama 6 Newton N. Clements Democratic 1880 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Goldsmith W. Hewitt (Democratic) Unopposed[19] Alabama 7 William H. Forney Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William H. Forney (Democratic) 71.37% ▌Arthur Bingham (Republican) 28.63%[20] Alabama 8 William M. Lowe Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William M. Lowe (Greenback) 51.63% ▌Joseph Wheeler (Democratic) 48.38%[21] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Arkansas 1 Poindexter Dunn Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Poindexter Dunn (Democratic) 60.2% ▌John R. Johnson (Republican) 39.8%[22] Arkansas 2 William F. Slemons Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y James Kimbrough Jones (Democratic) 47.3% ▌Jonathan W. Williams (Republican) 41.5% ▌Rufus King Garland Jr. (Greenback) 11.2%[23] Arkansas 3 Jordan E. Cravens Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jordan E. Cravens (Democratic) 57.7% ▌Thomas Boles (Republican) 42.3%[24] Arkansas 4 Thomas M. Gunter Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Gunter (Democratic) 42.8% ▌Samuel West Peel (Ind. Democratic) 33.2% ▌Samuel Murphy (Republican) 23.9%[25] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates California 1 Horace Davis Republican 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y William Rosecrans (Democratic) 51% ▌Horace Davis (Republican) 47.3% ▌Stephen Maybell (Greenback) 1.7% California 2 Horace F. Page Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Horace F. Page (Republican) 53.6% ▌John R. Glascock (Democratic) 45.7% ▌Benjamin Todd (Greenback) 0.7% California 3 Campbell P. Berry Democratic 1879 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Campbell P. Berry (Democratic) 51.1% ▌George A. Knight (Republican) 48.2% ▌A. Musselman (Greenback) 0.6% California 4 Romualdo Pacheco Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Romualdo Pacheco (Republican) 45.8% ▌Wallace Leach (Democratic) 45.3% ▌J. F. Godfrey (Greenback) 8.9% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Colorado at-large James B. Belford Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James B. Belford (Republican) 50.8% ▌Robert S. Morrison (Democratic) 46.0% ▌Joseph Murray (Greenback) 3.2%[26] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Connecticut 1 Joseph R. Hawley Republican 1878 Incumbent retired when elected U.S. senator. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John R. Buck (Republican) 52.6% ▌George Beach (Democratic) 46.7%[27] Connecticut 2 James Phelps Democratic 1875 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James Phelps (Democratic) 51.7% ▌Thomas Wallace (Republican) 48.0%[28] Connecticut 3 John T. Wait Republican 1876 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John T. Wait (Republican) 65.1% ▌Marvin H. Sanger (Democratic) 33.7%[29] Connecticut 4 Frederick Miles Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Frederick Miles (Republican) 50.3% ▌George W. Peet (Democratic) 48.8%[30] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Delaware at-large Edward L. Martin Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward L. Martin (Democratic) 50.85% ▌John W. Houston (Republican) 48.71%[31] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Florida 1 Robert H. M. Davidson Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert H. M. Davidson (Democratic) 57.2% ▌George W. Witherspoon (Republican) 42.3% ▌Livingston W. Bethel (Independent) 0.5% Florida 2 Noble A. Hull Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Jesse J. Finley (Democratic) 52.3% ▌Horatio Bisbee Jr. (Republican) 47.7% Election successfully contested. New member seated June 1, 1882. Republican gain. ▌Y Horatio Bisbee Jr. (Republican) 50.8% ▌Jesse J. Finley (Democratic) 49.2%[32] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Georgia 1 John C. Nicholls Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George R. Black (Democratic) 64.4% ▌Jonathan F. Collins (Republican) 35.6%[33] Georgia 2 William E. Smith Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Henry G. Turner (Democratic) 64.6% ▌Benjamin F. Brimberry (Republican) 35.4%[34] Georgia 3 Philip Cook Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Philip Cook (Democratic) 68.7% ▌S. Wise Parker (Republican) 31.3%[35] Georgia 4 Henry Persons Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Hugh Buchanan (Democratic) 58.0% ▌Joseph F. Pou (Ind. Democratic) 42.0%[36] Georgia 5 Nathaniel J. Hammond Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nathaniel J. Hammond (Democratic) 62.6% ▌W. S. Clark (Republican) 37.4%[37] Georgia 6 James H. Blount Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James H. Blount (Democratic) Unopposed[38] Georgia 7 William H. Felton Independent Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Judson C. Clements (Democratic) 51.9% ▌William H. Felton (Ind. Democratic) 48.1%[39] Georgia 8 Alexander H. Stephens Democratic 1873 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alexander H. Stephens (Democratic) Unopposed[40] Georgia 9 Emory Speer Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Emory Speer (Ind. Democratic) 59.6% ▌Hiram P. Bell (Democratic) 40.4%[41] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Illinois 1 William Aldrich Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Aldrich (Republican) 53.8% ▌John Mattocks (Democratic) 43.5% ▌J. J. Altpeter (Socialist) 1.5% ▌Richard Powers (Greenback) 1.3%[42] Illinois 2 George R. Davis Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George R. Davis (Republican) 54.8% ▌John F. Farnsworth (Democratic) 42.6% ▌Richard Lovering (Socialist) 1.4% ▌Charles G. Dixon (Greenback) 1.2%[43] Illinois 3 Hiram Barber Jr. Republican 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Charles B. Farwell (Republican) 57.3% ▌Perry H. Smith (Democratic) 41.0%[44] Illinois 4 John C. Sherwin Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John C. Sherwin (Republican) 68.9% ▌Norman C. Warner (Democratic) 27.2% ▌E. W. Blaisdell (Greenback) 3.9%[45] Illinois 5 Robert M. A. Hawk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert M. A. Hawk (Republican) 59.5% ▌Larmont G. Johnson (Democratic) 26.0% ▌John M. King (Greenback) 14.5%[46] Illinois 6 Thomas J. Henderson Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas J. Henderson (Republican) 57.6% ▌Bernard H. Truesdell (Democratic) 33.3% ▌P. L. McKinney (Greenback) 9.1%[47] Illinois 7 Philip C. Hayes Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y William Cullen (Republican) 53.8% ▌Daniel Evans (Democratic) 39.1% ▌Royal E. Barber (Greenback) 7.1%[48] Illinois 8 Greenbury L. Fort Republican 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Lewis E. Payson (Republican) 54.4% ▌Robert R. Wallace (Democratic) 45.6%[49] Illinois 9 Thomas A. Boyd Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John H. Lewis (Republican) 46.5% ▌John S. Lee (Democratic) 45.4% ▌William H. Reynolds (Greenback) 8.1%[50] Illinois 10 Benjamin F. Marsh Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin F. Marsh (Republican) 50.4% ▌Robert Holloway (Democratic) 47.2% ▌George C. Meadar (Greenback) 2.4%[51] Illinois 11 James W. Singleton Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James W. Singleton (Democratic) 55.6% ▌William H. Edgar (Republican) 38.9% ▌A. B. Allen (Greenback) 5.5%[52] Illinois 12 William M. Springer Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William M. Springer (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Isaac L. Morrison (Republican) 43.8% ▌Hyman M. Miller (Greenback) 4.6%[53] Illinois 13 Adlai Stevenson I Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Dietrich C. Smith (Republican) 50.5% ▌Adlai Stevenson I (Democratic) 49.5%[54] Illinois 14 Joseph G. Cannon Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph G. Cannon (Republican) 52.6% ▌James B. Scott (Democratic) 47.4%[55] Illinois 15 Albert P. Forsythe Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Samuel W. Moulton (Democratic) 53.5% ▌Albert P. Forsythe (Greenback) 46.5%[56] Illinois 16 William A. J. Sparks Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William A. J. Sparks (Democratic) 50.2% ▌Plateruy E. Heasmer (Republican) 45.4% ▌George W. Rutherford (Greenback) 4.3%[57] Illinois 17 William R. Morrison Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William R. Morrison (Democratic) 51.5% ▌John B. Hay (Republican) 48.5%[58] Illinois 18 John R. Thomas Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John R. Thomas (Republican) 51.1% ▌William Hartzell (Democratic) 45.9% ▌A. B. Roberson (Greenback) 3.0%[59] Illinois 19 Richard W. Townshend Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard W. Townshend (Democratic) 52.9% ▌Charles W. Pavey (Republican) 42.8% ▌Samuel E. Flaomagam (Greenback) 4.3%[60] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Indiana 1 William Heilman Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Heilman (Republican) 48.4% ▌John Jay Kleiner (Democratic) 47.6% ▌Christian Kramer (Greenback) 4.0%[61] Indiana 2 Thomas R. Cobb Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas R. Cobb (Democratic) 54.3% ▌James Braden (Republican) 43.2% ▌John C. Albert (Greenback) 2.5%[62] Indiana 3 George A. Bicknell Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Strother M. Stockslager (Democratic) 55.2% ▌A. P. Charles (Republican) 42.6% ▌Moses Poindexter (Greenback) 2.2%[63] Indiana 4 Jeptha D. New Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William S. Holman (Democratic) 52.0% ▌John O. Cravens (Republican) 46.7% ▌William H. Dunn (Greenback) 1.3%[64] Indiana 5 None (New seat) New seat. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Courtland C. Matson (Democratic) 49.5% ▌W. B. Treat (Republican) 46.9% ▌J. H. Robinson (Greenback) 3.6%[65] Indiana 6 Thomas M. Browne Redistricted from the 5th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Browne (Republican) 62.2% ▌M. B. Miller (Democratic) 35.6% ▌M. W. Lee (Greenback) 2.2%[66] Indiana 7 Gilbert De La Matyr Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Stanton J. Peelle (Republican) 48.2% ▌Casabianca Byfield (Democratic) 46.0% ▌Gilbert De La Matyr (Greenback) 5.8%[67] Indiana 8 Abraham J. Hostetler Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Robert B. F. Peirce (Republican) 49.0% ▌Bayless W. Hanna (Democratic) 43.1% ▌John W. Copner (Greenback) 7.9%[68] Indiana 9 Godlove S. Orth Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Godlove S. Orth (Republican) 49.6% ▌William R. Myers (Democratic) 47.4% ▌J. M. Armantrout (Greenback) 3.0%[69] William R. Myers Redistricted from the 6th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. Democratic loss. Indiana 10 None (New seat) New seat. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Mark L. De Motte (Republican) 51.4% ▌John N. Skinner (Democratic) 48.6%[70] Indiana 11 Calvin Cowgill Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George W. Steele (Republican) 49.2% ▌James R. Slack (Democratic) 45.5% ▌John Studebaker (Greenback) 5.3%[71] Indiana 12 Walpole G. Colerick Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Walpole G. Colerick (Democratic) 51.1% ▌Robert S. Taylor (Republican) 48.9%[72] Indiana 13 John Baker Republican 1874 Incumbent retired. Republican loss. ▌Y William H. Calkins (Republican) 49.1% ▌Daniel McDonald (Democratic) 46.0% ▌John Carter (Greenback) 4.9%[73] William H. Calkins Redistricted from the 10th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Iowa 1 Moses A. McCoid Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Moses A. McCoid (Republican) 53.9% ▌W. B. Culbertson (Democratic) 38.2% ▌Daniel P. Stubbs (Greenback) 7.9%[74] Iowa 2 Hiram Price Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Sewall S. Farwell (Republican) 54.9% ▌Roderick Rose (Democratic) 41.2% ▌Sindley Hoofries (Greenback) 3.9%[75] Iowa 3 Thomas Updegraff Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Updegraff (Republican) 51.8% ▌William G. Stewart (Democratic) 41.7% ▌M. H. Moore (Greenback) 6.5%[76] Iowa 4 Nathaniel C. Deering Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nathaniel C. Deering (Republican) 65.4% ▌Joseph S. Root (Democratic) 26.1% ▌M. B. Doolittle (Greenback) 6.5% ▌Ephraim J. Dean (Temperance) 2.0%[77] Iowa 5 William G. Thompson Republican 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William G. Thompson (Republican) 59.9% ▌R. E. Austin (Democratic) 33.8% ▌A. F. Palmer (Greenback) 6.3%[78] Iowa 6 James B. Weaver Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired to run for U.S. President. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Marsena E. Cutts (Republican) 50.1% ▌John C. Cook (Democratic) 49.9%[79] Election successfully contested. New member seated March 3, 1883. Democratic gain. Iowa 7 Edward H. Gillette Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John A. Kasson (Republican) 54.1% ▌Edward H. Gillette (Greenback) 45.3%[81] Iowa 8 William F. Sapp Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y William P. Hepburn (Republican) 56.3% ▌Robert Percival (Democratic) 30.0% ▌H. C. Ayres (Greenback) 13.7%[82] Iowa 9 Cyrus C. Carpenter Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Cyrus C. Carpenter (Republican) 63.4% ▌P. M. Guthrie (Democratic) 30.5% ▌Daniel Campbell (Greenback) 6.1%[83] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Kansas 1 John A. Anderson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John A. Anderson (Republican) 61.8% ▌C. C. Burnes (Democratic) 28.9% ▌John Davis (Greenback) 9.3%[84] Kansas 2 Dudley C. Haskell Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Dudley C. Haskell (Republican) 56.4% ▌Louis F. Green (Democratic) 43.6%[85] Kansas 3 Thomas Ryan Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Ryan (Republican) 60.9% ▌J. Wade McDonald (Democratic) 25.2% ▌David P. Mitchell (Greenback Labor) 13.9%[86] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Kentucky 1 Oscar Turner Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected as a Democrat. Democratic gain. ▌Y Oscar Turner (Democratic) 53.6% ▌Rodolphus B. Ratliff (Republican) 29.6% ▌W. W. Tice (Democratic) 16.7%[87] Kentucky 2 James A. McKenzie Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James A. McKenzie (Democratic) 52.0% ▌John Feland (Republican) 29.5% ▌Charles W. Cook (Greenback) 18.5%[88] Kentucky 3 John W. Caldwell Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John W. Caldwell (Democratic) 50.7% ▌Manilus T. Flippin (Republican) 42.6% ▌George Wright (Greenback) 6.7%[89] Kentucky 4 J. Proctor Knott Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Proctor Knott (Democratic) 59.2% ▌William T. Thurmond (Republican) 28.4% ▌L. E. Green (Greenback) 12.1%[90] Kentucky 5 Albert S. Willis Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Albert S. Willis (Democratic) 48.5% ▌Thomas E. Burns (Republican) 34.3% ▌Thomas Hays (Democratic) 15.4% ▌Thomas J. Key (Greenback) 1.8%[91] Kentucky 6 John G. Carlisle Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John G. Carlisle (Democratic) 63.7% ▌Oliver H. Root (Republican) 36.3%[92] Kentucky 7 Joseph C. S. Blackburn Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph C. S. Blackburn (Democratic) 70.6% ▌Lycander Hord (Republican) 23.9% ▌William C. Goodloe (Republican) 5.1%[93] Kentucky 8 Philip B. Thompson Jr. Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Philip B. Thompson Jr. (Democratic) 53.0% ▌Speed S. Fry (Republican) 44.6% ▌T. J. Cooper (Greenback) 2.4%[94] Kentucky 9 Thomas Turner Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John D. White (Republican) 53.5% ▌Thomas Turner (Democratic) 46.5%[95] Kentucky 10 Elijah Phister Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Elijah Phister (Democratic) 51.8% ▌George M. Thomas (Republican) 48.2%[96] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Louisiana 1 Randall L. Gibson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Randall L. Gibson (Democratic) 66.5% ▌A. J. Ker (Republican) 33.5%[97] Louisiana 2 E. John Ellis Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y E. John Ellis (Democratic) 60.0% ▌Michael Hahn (Republican) 40.0%[98] Louisiana 3 Joseph H. Acklen Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Chester B. Darrall (Republican) 63.2% ▌J. S. Billiu (Democratic) 36.8%[99] Louisiana 4 Joseph B. Elam Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Newton C. Blanchard (Democratic) 88.4% ▌A. C. Wells (Republican) 11.6%[100] Louisiana 5 J. Floyd King Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Floyd King (Democratic) 82.2% ▌R. H. Lanier (Republican) 17.8%[101] Louisiana 6 Edward W. Robertson Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward W. Robertson (Democratic) 64.9% ▌Alexander Smith (Republican) 35.1%[102] Maine held elections for its five members on September 13, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Maine 1 Thomas B. Reed Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas B. Reed (Republican) 49.8% ▌Samuel J. Anderson (Democratic) 49.4%[103] Maine 2 William P. Frye Republican 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William P. Frye (Republican) 53.7% ▌Frank M. Fogg (Greenback) 45.9%[104] Maine 3 Stephen Lindsey Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Stephen Lindsey (Republican) 50.8% ▌William Philbrick (Greenback) 49.2%[105] Maine 4 George W. Ladd Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Ladd (Greenback) 51.6% ▌Charles A. Boutelle (Republican) 48.4%[106] Maine 5 Thompson H. Murch Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thompson H. Murch (Greenback) 51.7% ▌Seth L. Milliken (Republican) 48.3%[107] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Maryland 1 Daniel M. Henry Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George W. Covington (Democratic) 54.0% ▌Washington A. Smith (Republican) 45.6%[108] Maryland 2 Joshua F. C. Talbott Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joshua F. C. Talbott (Democratic) 52.6% ▌Edward H. Webster (Republican) 47.2%[109] Maryland 3 William Kimmel Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Fetter S. Hoblitzell (Democratic) 57.6% ▌Joshua Horner (Republican) 42.1%[110] Maryland 4 Robert M. McLane Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert M. McLane (Democratic) 53.6% ▌George C. Maund (Republican) 46.2%[111] Maryland 5 Eli J. Henkle Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Andrew G. Chapman (Democratic) 53.2% ▌William R. Wilmer (Republican) 46.6%[112] Maryland 6 Milton Urner Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Milton Urner (Republican) 50.5% ▌James M. Schley (Democratic) 48.2% ▌Nathaniel Lerner (Greenback) 1.3%[113] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Massachusetts 1 William W. Crapo Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William W. Crapo (Republican) 69.88% ▌Charles G. Davis (Democratic) 28.44% ▌Whitman Chace (Democratic) 0.64% ▌Rodney French (Prohibition) 0.54% ▌Henry B. Maglathhia (Unknown) 0.50% Massachusetts 2 Benjamin W. Harris Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin W. Harris (Republican) 62.81% ▌Edgar E. Dean (Democratic) 35.81% ▌Charles G. Davis (Democratic) 0.52% ▌Joseph Sherman (Prohibition) 0.43% ▌Whitman Chace (Greenback) 0.43% Massachusetts 3 Walbridge A. Field Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ambrose A. Ranney (Republican) 51.92% ▌Axel Dearborn (Democratic) 47.73% ▌Orrin Fairbanks (Greenback) 0.30% ▌Henry D. Cushing (Prohibition) 0.06% Massachusetts 4 Leopold Morse Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Leopold Morse (Democratic) 49.39% ▌Francis B. Hayes (Republican) 48.86% ▌William Gaston (Greenback) 1.03% ▌Gustavius B. Hutchinson (Prohibition) 0.39% ▌Scattering 0.33% Massachusetts 5 Selwyn Z. Bowman Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Selwyn Z. Bowman (Republican) 55.98% ▌Lucius Beebe (Democratic) 39.34% ▌James N. Buffum (Greenback) 4.68% Massachusetts 6 George B. Loring Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Eben F. Stone (Republican) 54.27% ▌Eben Moody Boynton (Democratic) 45.73% Massachusetts 7 William A. Russell Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William A. Russell (Republican) 58.84% ▌Samuel N. Aldrich (Democratic) 39.38% ▌Levi H. Whitney (Greenback) 1.79% Massachusetts 8 William Claflin Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John W. Candler (Republican) 58.21% ▌Charles T. Russell (Democratic) 40.37% ▌James L. Babcock (Greenback) 1.07% ▌George W. Stacey (Prohibition) 0.35% Massachusetts 9 William W. Rice Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William W. Rice (Republican) 61.69% ▌Matthew J. McCafferty (Democratic) 36.86% ▌Aaron B. Brown (Greenback) 1.45% Massachusetts 10 Amasa Norcross Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Amasa Norcross (Republican) 62.96% ▌Henry Elijah Alvord (Democratic) 34.80% ▌Levi Stockbridge (Greenback) 2.24% Massachusetts 11 George D. Robinson Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George D. Robinson (Republican) 58.33% ▌Albert C. Woodworth (Democratic) 41.00% ▌E. W. Dickenson (Greenback) 0.41% ▌Charles A. Merrill (Prohibition) 0.26% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Michigan 1 John S. Newberry Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Henry W. Lord (Republican) 49.9% ▌William C. Maybury (Democratic) 48.1% ▌Lyman E. Stowe (Greenback) 2.0%[114] Michigan 2 Edwin Willits Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edwin Willits (Republican) 50.6% ▌William H. Waldby (Democratic) 44.4% ▌G. B. Chester (Greenback) 4.5%[115] Michigan 3 Jonas H. McGowan Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Edward S. Lacey (Republican) 52.9% ▌Eugene Pringle (Democratic) 24.2% ▌Henry C. Hodge (Greenback) 22.3%[116] Michigan 4 Julius C. Burrows Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Julius C. Burrows (Republican) 53.5% ▌O. W. Powers (Democratic) 34.8% ▌H. Chamberlain Yaple (Greenback) 11.7%[117] Michigan 5 John W. Stone Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George W. Webber (Republican) 52.2% ▌Leonard H. Randall (Democratic) 26.1% ▌John C. Blanchard (Greenback) 21.7%[118] Michigan 6 Mark S. Brewer Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Oliver L. Spaulding (Republican) 49.5% ▌Edwin B. Winans (Democratic) 38.3% ▌Josiah Begole (Greenback) 12.0%[119] Michigan 7 Omar D. Conger Republican 1868 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Omar D. Conger (Republican) 53.4% ▌Cyrenius P. Black (Democratic) 42.2% ▌John J. Watkins (Greenback) 4.4%[120] Michigan 8 Roswell G. Horr Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Roswell G. Horr (Republican) 48.3% ▌Timothy E. Tarsney (Democratic) 43.0% ▌William Smith (Greenback) 8.7%[121] Michigan 9 Jay A. Hubbell Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jay A. Hubbell (Republican) 60.3% ▌Edwin S. Pratt (Democratic) 37.7% ▌George Parmelee (Greenback) 2.1%[122] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Minnesota 1 Mark H. Dunnell Republican 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Mark H. Dunnell (Republican) 49.1% ▌Henry R. Wells (Democratic) 30.2% ▌William G. Ward (Republican) 16.8% ▌D. H. Roberts (Prohibition) 2.1% ▌C. H. Roberts (Greenback) 1.6%[123] Minnesota 2 Henry Poehler Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Horace B. Strait (Republican) 56.3% ▌Henry Poehler (Democratic) 42.9%[124] Minnesota 3 William D. Washburn Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William D. Washburn (Republican) 59.7% ▌Henry Hastings Sibley (Democratic) 39.0% ▌Ebenezer Ayers (Greenback) 1.2%[125] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Mississippi 1 Henry L. Muldrow Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry L. Muldrow (Democratic) 74.74% ▌Joseph L. Morphis (Republican) 19.79% ▌T. W. Davidson (Greenback) 5.47%[126] Mississippi 2 Van. H. Manning Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Van. H. Manning (Democratic) 52.90% ▌George M. Buchanan (Republican) 34.67% ▌Thomas W. Harris (Greenback) 12.43%[127] Mississippi 3 Hernando Money Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Hernando Money (Democratic) 80.78% ▌John G. Gunn (Greenback) 19.23%[128] Mississippi 4 Otho R. Singleton Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Otho R. Singleton (Democratic) 76.70% ▌W. A. Drennan (Republican) 23.30%[129] Mississippi 5 Charles E. Hooker Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles E. Hooker (Democratic) 61.59% ▌J. Bots Deason (Ind. Republican) 32.41% ▌Isaac N. Osborn (Republican) 4.84% ▌William Patterson (Greenback) 1.16%[130] Mississippi 6 James R. Chalmers Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James R. Chalmers (Democratic) 62.97% ▌John R. Lynch (Republican) 37.03%[131] Election successfully contested. New member seated April 29, 1882. Republican gain. ▌Y John R. Lynch (Republican) 52.47% ▌James R. Chalmers (Democratic) 47.53%[132] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Missouri 1 Martin L. Clardy Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Martin L. Clardy (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Thomas C. Fletcher (Republican) 48.2%[133] Missouri 2 Erastus Wells Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Thomas Allen (Democratic) 55.4% ▌Myer Rosenblatt (Republican) 44.6%[134] Missouri 3 Richard G. Frost Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard G. Frost (Democratic) 50.5% ▌Gustavus Sessinghaus (Republican) 49.5%[135] Election successfully contested. New member seated March 2, 1883. Republican gain. ▌Y Gustavus Sessinghaus (Republican) 50.4% ▌Richard G. Frost (Democratic) 49.6%[136] Missouri 4 Lowndes H. Davis Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Lowndes H. Davis (Democratic) 94.1% ▌T. C. Simpson (Greenback) 5.9%[137] Missouri 5 Richard P. Bland Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard P. Bland (Democratic) 54.6% ▌R. B. Palmer (Greenback) 45.4%[138] Missouri 6 James R. Waddill Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Ira S. Haseltine (Greenback) 50.1% ▌James R. Waddill (Democratic) 49.9%[139] Missouri 7 John F. Philips Democratic 1880 (special) Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Theron M. Rice (Greenback) 50.8% ▌John F. Philips (Democratic) 49.2%[140] Missouri 8 Samuel L. Sawyer Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Robert T. Van Horn (Republican) 33.2% ▌D. C. Allen (Democratic) 31.6% ▌John T. Crisp (Ind. Democratic) 30.8% ▌Frank H. Clark (Greenback) 4.8%[141] Missouri 9 Nicholas Ford Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nicholas Ford (Greenback) 50.002% ▌James Craig (Democratic) 49.997%[142] Missouri 10 Gideon F. Rothwell Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Joseph H. Burrows (Greenback) 50.1% ▌Charles H. Mansur (Democratic) 49.9%[143] Missouri 11 John B. Clark Jr. Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John B. Clark Jr. (Democratic) 69.8% ▌I. C. Heberling (Greenback) 30.2%[144] Missouri 12 William H. Hatch Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William H. Hatch (Democratic) 53.3% ▌John M. London (Greenback) 46.7%[145] Missouri 13 Aylett H. Buckner Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Aylett H. Buckner (Democratic) 70.0% ▌E. G. Haley (Greenback) 30.0%[146] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Nebraska at-large Edward K. Valentine Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward K. Valentine (Republican) 62.37% ▌James E. North (Democratic) 28.00% ▌Allen Root (Greenback) 4.81% ▌Scattering 4.83%[147] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Nevada at-large Rollin M. Daggett Republican 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y George W. Cassidy (Democratic) 53.4% ▌Rollin M. Daggett (Republican) 46.6%[148] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Hampshire 1 Joshua G. Hall Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joshua G. Hall (Republican) 51.5% ▌John W. Sanborn (Democratic) 47.6%[149] New Hampshire 2 James F. Briggs Republican 1877 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James F. Briggs (Republican) 52.4% ▌Alvah W. Sulloway (Democratic) 47.1%[150] New Hampshire 3 Evarts W. Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Evarts W. Farr (Republican) 51.3% ▌George A. Bingham (Democratic) 47.7%[151] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Jersey 1 George M. Robeson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George M. Robeson (Republican) 53.6% ▌Joseph D. Carter (Democratic) 44.2% ▌Charles J. Hollis (Greenback) 2.0%[152] New Jersey 2 Hezekiah B. Smith Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y J. Hart Brewer (Republican) 52.4% ▌Hezekiah B. Smith (Democratic) 46.6% ▌Samuel A. Dobbins (Greenback) 1.0%[153] New Jersey 3 Miles Ross Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Miles Ross (Democratic) 53.3% ▌Chilion Robbins (Republican) 45.8%[154] New Jersey 4 Alvah A. Clark Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Henry S. Harris (Democratic) 56.1% ▌Judson Kilpatrick (Republican) 42.4% ▌George H. Larison (Greenback) 1.5%[155] New Jersey 5 Charles H. Voorhis Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John Hill (Republican) 52.0% ▌Augustus W. Cutler (Democratic) 47.0% ▌Erastus Potter (Greenback) 1.0%[156] New Jersey 6 John L. Blake Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Phineas Jones (Republican) 53.3% ▌Edward Balbach (Democratic) 46.7%[157] New Jersey 7 Lewis A. Brigham Republican 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Augustus A. Hardenbergh (Democratic) 56.7% ▌Lewis A. Brigham (Republican) 42.8%[158] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New York 1 James W. Covert Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Perry Belmont (Democratic) 53.1% ▌John A. King (Republican) 46.4%[159] New York 2 Daniel O'Reilly Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y William E. Robinson (Democratic) 61.3% ▌Daniel O'Reilly (Ind. Democratic) 37.0% ▌James A. Van Brunt (Independent) 1.2%[160] New York 3 Simeon B. Chittenden Republican 1874 (special) Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Independent gain. ▌Y J. Hyatt Smith (Independent) 51.5% ▌Simeon B. Chittenden (Republican) 48.1%[161] New York 4 Archibald M. Bliss Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Archibald M. Bliss (Democratic) 57.2% ▌Daniel W. Talmage (Republican) 41.7% ▌C. Osborne Ward (Greenback) 1.1%[162] New York 5 Nicholas Muller Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Benjamin Wood (Democratic) 47.7% ▌Nicholas Muller (Ind. Democratic) 40.8% ▌Charles G. Brockmeiser (Greenback) 11.3%[163] New York 6 Samuel S. Cox Democratic 1873 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Samuel S. Cox (Democratic) 70.4% ▌Victor Heimberger (Republican) 29.6%[164] New York 7 Edwin Einstein Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y P. Henry Dugro (Democratic) 49.5% ▌William W. Astor (Republican) 48.8% ▌Alexander Henninger (Independent) 1.7%[165] New York 8 Anson G. McCook Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Anson G. McCook (Republican) 58.2% ▌John G. Davis (Democratic) 41.7%[166] New York 9 Fernando Wood Democratic 1866 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Fernando Wood (Democratic) 38.1% ▌John L. Hunt (Republican) 32.8% ▌John Hardy (Ind. Democratic) 29.0%[167] New York 10 James O'Brien Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Abram Hewitt (Democratic) 64.7% ▌James Polcott (Republican) 34.7%[168] New York 11 Levi P. Morton Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Levi P. Morton (Republican) 55.0% ▌James W. Gerard (Democratic) 45.0%[169] New York 12 Waldo Hutchins Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Waldo Hutchins (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Alexander Taylor (Republican) 48.2%[170] New York 13 John H. Ketcham Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Ketcham (Republican) 56.9% ▌Edward L. Gaul (Democratic) 42.8%[171] New York 14 John W. Ferdon Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Lewis Beach (Democratic) 49.8% ▌Charles T. Pierson (Republican) 48.3% ▌Addison J. Clements (Greenback) 1.8%[172] New York 15 William Lounsbery Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Thomas Cornell (Republican) 50.7% ▌John S. Pindar (Democratic) 48.4%[173] New York 16 John M. Bailey Republican 1878 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Michael N. Nolan (Democratic) 52.7% ▌Samuel O. Vanderpoel (Republican) 46.7%[174] New York 17 Walter A. Wood Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Walter A. Wood (Republican) 80.9% ▌Richard H. Ferguson (Democratic) 19.1%[175] New York 18 John Hammond Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John Hammond (Republican) 58.6% ▌Thaddeus H. Walker (Democratic) 38.4% ▌Daniel F. Keeffe (Greenback) 2.9%[176] New York 19 Amaziah B. James Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Abraham X. Parker (Republican) 66.7% ▌Albert Andrus (Democratic) 31.8%[177] New York 20 John H. Starin Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George West (Republican) 56.3% ▌Nicholas H. Decker (Democratic) 42.8%[178] New York 21 David Wilber Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ferris Jacobs Jr. (Republican) 51.9% ▌Franklin R. Gilbert (Democratic) 44.8% ▌Games L. Halsey (Greenback) 2.9%[179] New York 22 Warner Miller Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Warner Miller (Republican) 55.3% ▌Dennis O'Brien (Democratic) 44.4%[180] New York 23 Cyrus D. Prescott Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Cyrus D. Prescott (Republican) 52.8% ▌Richard E. Sutton (Democratic) 45.6% ▌John Ryan (Greenback) 1.1%[181] New York 24 Joseph Mason Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph Mason (Republican) 58.7% ▌Benjamin F. Lewis (Democratic) 38.2% ▌Charles P. Nash (Greenback) 2.6%[182] New York 25 Frank Hiscock Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Frank Hiscock (Republican) 57.5% ▌William C. Reiger (Democratic) 42.4%[183] New York 26 John H. Camp Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Camp (Republican) 56.4% ▌Frederick H. Van Auken (Democratic) 40.5% ▌Martin L. Walley (Greenback) 3.1%[184] New York 27 Elbridge G. Lapham Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Elbridge G. Lapham (Republican) 55.3% ▌Clement W. Bennett (Democratic) 43.2% ▌Albert Heath (Greenback) 1.5%[185] New York 28 Jeremiah W. Dwight Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jeremiah W. Dwight (Republican) 54.8% ▌Frederick Davis (Democratic) 42.4% ▌John D. Wagner (Greenback) 2.8%[186] New York 29 David P. Richardson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y David P. Richardson (Republican) 52.4% ▌Thomas K. Beecher (Democratic) 47.6%[187] New York 30 John Van Voorhis Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John Van Voorhis (Republican) 55.4% ▌Albert S. Warner (Democratic) 43.1% ▌Leonard Henkle (Greenback) 1.4%[188] New York 31 Richard Crowley Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard Crowley (Republican) 54.8% ▌Robert S. Stevens (Democratic) 44.7%[189] New York 32 Vacant Rep. Ray V. Pierce (R) resigned September 18, 1880. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Jonathan Scoville (Democratic) 50.0% ▌Myron R. Bush (Republican) 49.2%[190] New York 33 Henry Van Aernam Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry Van Aernam (Republican) 58.6% ▌George Van Campen (Democratic) 35.6% ▌John A. Gould (Greenback) 4.7% ▌Walter A. Sellers (Prohibition) 1.2%[191] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates North Carolina 1 Jesse J. Yeates Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Louis C. Latham (Democratic) 50.9% ▌Cyrus W. Grandy (Republican) 49.1%[192] North Carolina 2 William H. Kitchin Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Orlando Hubbs (Republican) 57.2% ▌William H. Kitchin (Democratic) 42.5%[193] North Carolina 3 Daniel L. Russell Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y John W. Shackelford (Democratic) 51.1% ▌William P. Canaday (Republican) 46.9% ▌H. R. Komegay (Greenback) 2.0%[194] North Carolina 4 Joseph J. Davis Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William R. Cox (Democratic) 51.9% ▌Moses A. Bledsoe (Republican) 48.1%[195] North Carolina 5 Alfred M. Scales Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alfred M. Scales (Democratic) 52.7% ▌Thomas B. Keogh (Republican) 45.1% ▌John R. Winston (Greenback) 2.2%[196] North Carolina 6 Walter L. Steele Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Clement Dowd (Democratic) 57.0% ▌William R. Myers (Republican) 43.0%[197] North Carolina 7 Robert F. Armfield Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert F. Armfield (Democratic) 53.9% ▌David M. Furches (Republican) 46.1%[198] North Carolina 8 Robert B. Vance Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert B. Vance (Democratic) 64.9% ▌Nathaniel Atkinson (Ind. Republican) 28.8% ▌Samuel L. Love (Greenback) 6.1%[199] Ohio held elections for its twenty members on October 12, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Ohio 1 Benjamin Butterworth Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Butterworth (Republican) 52.0% ▌Samuel F. Hunt (Democratic) 47.9%[200] Ohio 2 Thomas L. Young Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas L. Young (Republican) 51.5% ▌Henry B. Banning (Democratic) 48.5%[201] Ohio 3 William D. Hill Redistricted from the 6th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Henry L. Morey (Republican) 49.7% ▌Durbin Ward (Democratic) 49.6%[202] Ohio 4 John A. McMahon Redistricted from the 3rd district Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Emanuel Shultz (Republican) 50.0% ▌John A. McMahon (Democratic) 49.3%[203] Ohio 5 Benjamin Le Fevre Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Le Fevre (Democratic) 60.1% ▌William K. Boone (Republican) 39.5%[204] Ohio 6 Frank H. Hurd Redistricted from the 7th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James M. Ritchie (Republican) 49.4% ▌Frank H. Hurd (Democratic) 47.7%[205] Ohio 7 Ebenezer B. Finley Redistricted from the 8th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John P. Leedom (Democratic) 52.6% ▌Alphonso Hart (Republican) 47.4%[206] Ohio 8 J. Warren Keifer Redistricted from the 4th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Warren Keifer (Republican) 57.3% ▌Frank Chance (Democratic) 41.3%[207] Ohio 9 Henry L. Dickey Redistricted from the 11th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James S. Robinson (Republican) 51.0% ▌Caleb H. Norris (Democratic) 47.8% ▌J. A. Mouser (Greenback) 1.2%[208] Ohio 10 Thomas Ewing Jr. Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John B. Rice (Republican) 50.9% ▌Morgan Shaffer (Democratic) 47.1% ▌John J. Seitz (Greenback) 1.7%[209] Ohio 11 Henry S. Neal Redistricted from the 12th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry S. Neal (Republican) 52.9% ▌William A. Hutchins (Democratic) 46.3%[210] Ohio 12 George L. Converse Redistricted from the 9th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George L. Converse (Democratic) 54.4% ▌John Groce (Republican) 43.9% ▌Isaac B. Williams (Greenback) 1.3%[211] Ohio 13 Gibson Atherton Redistricted from the 14th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Gibson Atherton (Democratic) 53.0% ▌Appleton B. Clarke (Republican) 46.1%[212] Ohio 14 George W. Geddes Redistricted from the 15th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Geddes (Democratic) 59.3% ▌S. Ellis Fink (Republican) 40.5%[213] Ohio 15 Adoniram J. Warner Redistricted from the 13th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Rufus Dawes (Republican) 50.1% ▌Adoniram J. Warner (Democratic) 48.5%[214] Ohio 16 Jonathan T. Updegraff Redistricted from the 18th district Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jonathan T. Updegraff (Republican) 54.2% ▌James F. Charlesworth (Democratic) 45.7%[215] Ohio 17 William McKinley Redistricted from the 16th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William McKinley (Republican) 53.5% ▌Leroy D. Thoman (Democratic) 44.1% ▌Charles Jenkins (Greenback) 2.1%[216] Ohio 18 James Monroe Redistricted from the 17th district Republican 1870 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Addison S. McClure (Republican) 57.0% ▌David L. Wadsworth (Democratic) 41.4% ▌Peter J. Rice (Greenback) 1.0%[217] Ohio 19 James A. Garfield Republican 1862 Incumbent retired to run for U.S. President. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ezra B. Taylor (Republican) 67.4% ▌Charles D. Adams (Democratic) 29.9% ▌W. H. Miller (Greenback) 2.1%[218] Ohio 20 Amos Townsend Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Amos Townsend (Republican) 56.0% ▌John Hutchins (Democratic) 41.6% ▌A. M. Jackson (Greenback) 1.6%[219] Oregon held its election early on June 7, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Oregon at-large John Whiteaker Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Melvin Clark George (Republican) 51.4% ▌John Whiteaker (Democratic) 47.8% ▌James K. Sears (Greenback) 0.8%[220] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Pennsylvania 1 Henry H. Bingham Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry H. Bingham (Republican) 57.2% ▌George R. Snowden (Democratic) 42.8%[221] Pennsylvania 2 Charles O'Neill Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles O'Neill (Republican) 60.9% ▌A. S. Hartranft (Democratic) 39.0% ▌J. W. Schuckers (Greenback) 0.1%[222] Pennsylvania 3 Samuel J. Randall Democratic 1862 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Samuel J. Randall (Democratic) 57.8% ▌Benjamin L. Berry (Republican) 42.0% ▌DeWitt C. Davis (Greenback) 0.2%[223] Pennsylvania 4 William D. Kelley Republican 1860 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William D. Kelley (Republican) 61.2% ▌George Bull (Democratic) 38.8%[224] Pennsylvania 5 Alfred C. Harmer Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alfred C. Harmer (Republican) 57.2% ▌John K. Folwell (Democratic) 42.2% ▌Uriah S. Stephens (Greenback) 0.5%[225] Pennsylvania 6 William Ward Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Ward (Republican) 60.3% ▌R. Jones Monaghan (Democratic) 38.9% ▌Samuel Cornett (Prohibition) 0.7%[226] Pennsylvania 7 William Godshalk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Godshalk (Republican) 52.6% ▌John Slingluff (Democratic) 47.1% ▌R. R. Tomlinson (Greenback) 0.3%[227] Pennsylvania 8 Hiester Clymer Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Daniel Ermentrout (Democratic) 63.1% ▌J. Howard Jacobs (Republican) 36.0% ▌P. J. Altenderfer (Greenback) 0.9%[228] Pennsylvania 9 A. Herr Smith Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y A. Herr Smith (Republican) 64.3% ▌J. L. Steinmetz (Democratic) 35.2% ▌E. S. Heaney (Greenback) 0.5%[229] Pennsylvania 10 Reuben K. Bachman Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William Mutchler (Democratic) 61.3% ▌Hiram H. Fisher (Republican) 38.1% ▌William Howard (Greenback) 0.6%[230] Pennsylvania 11 Robert Klotz Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert Klotz (Democratic) 62.3% ▌William J. Scott (Republican) 36.1% ▌J. B. Robison (Greenback) 1.6%[231] Pennsylvania 12 Hendrick B. Wright Greenback 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Joseph A. Scranton (Republican) 47.1% ▌Daniel W. Connolly (Democratic) 38.3% ▌Hendrick B. Wright (Greenback) 14.5% ▌Ambrose F. Brundage (Prohibition) 0.1%[232] Pennsylvania 13 John W. Ryon Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Charles N. Brumm (Greenback) 52.2% ▌John W. Ryon (Democratic) 47.8%[233] Pennsylvania 14 John W. Killinger Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Samuel F. Barr (Republican) 52.7% ▌Grant Weldman (Democratic) 45.4% ▌J. Adam Cake (Greenback) 2.0%[234] Pennsylvania 15 Edward Overton Jr. Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Cornelius C. Jadwin (Republican) 55.2% ▌Robert H. Packer (Democratic) 41.2% ▌Joshua Burrows (Greenback) 2.9% ▌L. A. Smith (Prohibition) 0.6%[235] Pennsylvania 18 Horatio G. Fisher Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Horatio G. Fisher (Republican) 51.1% ▌Robert M. Speer (Democratic) 48.9%[238] Pennsylvania 20 Seth H. Yocum Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Andrew G. Curtin (Democratic) 54.7% ▌Thomas H. Murray (Republican) 45.3%[240] Pennsylvania 21 Morgan W. Rise Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Morgan W. Rise (Democratic) 53.7% ▌James E. Sayers (Republican) 34.5% ▌George W. Minor (Greenback) 11.8%[241] Pennsylvania 22 Russell Errett Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Russell Errett (Republican) 53.3% ▌James H. Hopkins (Democratic) 41.1% ▌Michael J. Sullivan (Greenback) 5.6%[242] Pennsylvania 23 Thomas M. Bayne Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Bayne (Republican) 63.2% ▌George T. Miller (Democratic) 33.5% ▌Jonathan H. Stevenson (Greenback) 3.3%[243] Pennsylvania 24 William S. Shallenberger Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William S. Shallenberger (Republican) 56.6% ▌J. Murray Clark (Democratic) 39.9% ▌Henry M. Close (Greenback) 3.5%[244] Pennsylvania 25 Harry White Republican 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y James Mosgrove (Greenback) 51.2% ▌Harry White (Republican) 48.8%[245] Pennsylvania 26 Samuel B. Dick Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Samuel H. Miller (Republican) 47.9% ▌James H. Caldwell (Democratic) 40.7% ▌William C. Plummer (Greenback) 10.6% ▌Cyrus Cummings (Prohibition) 0.9%[246] Pennsylvania 27 James H. Osmer Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Lewis F. Watson (Republican) 52.0% ▌Alfred Short (Democratic) 47.7% ▌L. G. Rosenbury (Prohibition) 0.4%[247] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Rhode Island 1 Nelson W. Aldrich Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nelson W. Aldrich (Republican) 66.6% ▌Isaac Lawrence (Democratic) 32.2% ▌Henry Cram (Greenback) 1.2%[248] Rhode Island 2 Latimer W. Ballou Republican 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Jonathan Chace (Republican) 58.1% ▌Franklin Treat (Democratic) 41.2% ▌John F. Smith (Greenback) 0.6%[249] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates South Carolina 1 John S. Richardson Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John S. Richardson (Democratic) 63.3% ▌Samuel J. Lee (Republican) 36.7% South Carolina 2 Michael P. O'Connor Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Michael P. O'Connor (Democratic) 58.8% ▌Edmund W. M. Mackey (Republican) 41.2% South Carolina 3 D. Wyatt Aiken Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y D. Wyatt Aiken (Democratic) 74.1% ▌C. J. Stollbrand (Republican) 25.9% South Carolina 4 John H. Evins Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Evins (Democratic) 69.7% ▌A. Blythe (Republican) 29.3% ▌J. Hendrix McLane (Greenback) 1.0% South Carolina 5 George D. Tillman Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George D. Tillman (Democratic) 60.4% ▌Robert Smalls (Republican) 39.6% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Tennessee 1 Robert L. Taylor Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Augustus H. Pettibone (Republican) 52.47% ▌Robert L. Taylor (Democratic) 47.53%[250] Tennessee 2 Leonidas C. Houk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Leonidas C. Houk (Republican) 65.08% ▌Thomas L. Williams (Democratic) 34.92%[251] Tennessee 3 George G. Dibrell Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George G. Dibrell (Democratic) 53.58% ▌Xenophon Wheeler (Republican) 41.49% ▌John James (Greenback) 4.93%[252] Tennessee 4 Benton McMillin Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benton McMillin (Democratic) 64.95% ▌R. C. Sanders (Republican) 35.05%[253] Tennessee 5 John M. Bright Democratic 1870 Incumbent lost re-election as an Independent Democrat. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Richard Warner (Democratic) 36.30% ▌John M. Bright (Ind. Democratic) 29.44% ▌J. H. Holman (Republican) 23.70% ▌Lewis Tillman (Greenback) 10.56%[254] Tennessee 6 John F. House Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John F. House (Democratic) 60.57% ▌Andrew M. McClain (Republican) 36.38% ▌B. F. Brooks (Ind. Democratic) 3.05%[255] Tennessee 7 Washington C. Whitthorne Democratic 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Washington C. Whitthorne (Democratic) 57.99% ▌A. M. Hughes (Republican) 42.02%[256] Tennessee 8 John D. C. Atkins Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John D. C. Atkins (Democratic) 46.62% ▌Samuel W. Hawkins (Republican) 41.84% ▌W. E. Travis (Democratic) 11.54%[257] Tennessee 9 Charles B. Simonton Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles B. Simonton (Democratic) 52.79% ▌J. T. Shackleford (Republican) 47.21%[258] Tennessee 10 H. Casey Young Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y William R. Moore (Republican) 54.79% ▌H. Casey Young (Democratic) 47.05% ▌Thomas A. Hamilton (Republican) 2.17% ▌G. L. Harris (Greenback) 0.11%[259] Texas held elections for its six members on June 1, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Texas 1 John H. Reagan Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Reagan (Democratic) 77.7% ▌S. R. Withers (Republican) 22.3%[260] Texas 2 David B. Culberson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y David B. Culberson (Democratic) 68.6% ▌Henry F. O'Neal (Greenback) 31.4%[261] Texas 3 Olin Wellborn Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Olin Wellborn (Democratic) 78.7% ▌Jerome C. Kirby (Greenback) 21.3%[262] Texas 4 Roger Q. Mills Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Roger Q. Mills (Democratic) 62.6% ▌John T. Brady (Greenback) 37.4%[263] Texas 5 George W. Jones Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Jones (Greenback) 50.3% ▌Seth Shepard (Democratic) 49.7%[264] Texas 6 Christopher C. Upson Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Christopher C. Upson (Democratic) 97.3% ▌D. B. Robertson (Greenback) 2.3%[265] Vermont held elections for its three members on September 7, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Vermont 1 Charles H. Joyce Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles H. Joyce (Republican) 68.7% ▌Jean J. Randall (Democratic) 29.7% ▌Carlos C. Martin (Greenback) 1.6%[266] Vermont 2 James M. Tyler Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James M. Tyler (Republican) 69.2% ▌Daniel Campbell (Democratic) 29.0% ▌John B. Mead (Independent) 1.8%[267] Vermont 3 Bradley Barlow Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y William W. Grout (Republican) 60.6% ▌John W. Currier (Democratic) 30.6% ▌Fletcher Tarbell (Greenback) 6.2% ▌H. Henry Powers (Independent) 2.5%[268] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Virginia 1 Richard L. T. Beale Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George T. Garrison (Democratic) 48.2% ▌John W. Woltz (Republican) 42.6% ▌John Critcher (Readjuster) 9.2%[269] Virginia 2 John Goode Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John F. Dezendorf (Republican) 52.6% ▌John Goode (Democratic) 34.6% ▌Benjamin W. Lacy (Readjuster) 12.8%[270] Virginia 3 Joseph E. Johnston Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George D. Wise (Democratic) 55.9% ▌John S. Wise (Readjuster) 43.8% ▌H. L. Pelonze (Republican) 0.2%[271] Virginia 4 Joseph Jorgensen Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph Jorgensen (Republican) 70.1% ▌Samuel F. Coleman (Democratic) 29.2% ▌William E. Cameron (Independent) 0.7%[272] Virginia 5 George Cabell Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Cabell (Democratic) 51.9% ▌John T. Stovall (Readjuster) 48.1%[273] Virginia 6 John R. Tucker Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John R. Tucker (Democratic) 59.6% ▌James A. Frazier (Readjuster) 40.4%[274] Virginia 7 John T. Harris Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Readjuster gain. ▌Y John Paul (Readjuster) 49.3% ▌Henry C. Allen (Democratic) 45.9% ▌William P. Moseley (Republican) 4.8%[275] Virginia 8 Eppa Hunton Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John S. Barbour Jr. (Democratic) 56.6% ▌Sampson P. Bagley (Republican) 33.4% ▌James H. Williams (Readjuster) 10.0%[276] Virginia 9 James B. Richmond Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Readjuster gain. ▌Y Abram Fulkerson (Readjuster) 40.7% ▌Connally F. Trigg (Democratic) 38.3% ▌G. G. Goodell (Republican) 18.4% ▌Fayette McMullen (Independent) 2.5%[277] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates West Virginia 1 Benjamin Wilson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Wilson (Democratic) 46.55% ▌John H. Hutchinson (Republican) 46.27% ▌James Bassell (Greenback) 7.18%[278] West Virginia 2 Benjamin F. Martin Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John B. Hoge (Democratic) 50.77% ▌J. T. Hoke (Republican) 42.88% ▌Daniel D. T. Farnsworth (Greenback) 6.35%[279] West Virginia 3 John E. Kenna Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John E. Kenna (Democratic) 57.08% ▌Henry I. Walker (Republican) 42.92%[280] Wisconsin elected eight members of congress on Election Day, November 2, 1880.[281][282] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Wisconsin 1 Charles G. Williams Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles G. Williams (Republican) 61.0% ▌Clinton Babbitt (Democratic) 37.8% ▌A. H. Craig (Greenback) 1.1% Wisconsin 2 Lucien B. Caswell Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Lucien B. Caswell (Republican) 52.0% ▌Jared C. Gregory (Democratic) 46.6% ▌Robert P. Main (Greenback) 1.4% Wisconsin 3 George C. Hazelton Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George C. Hazelton (Republican) 55.6% ▌Montgomery M. Cothren (Democratic) 44.3% ▌S. N. Jones (Greenback) 0.2% Wisconsin 4 Peter V. Deuster Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Peter V. Deuster (Democratic) 53.7% ▌Casper Sanger (Republican) 45.9% ▌George Godfrey (Greenback) 0.4% Wisconsin 5 Edward S. Bragg Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward S. Bragg (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Elihu Colman (Republican) 44.8% ▌John E. Thomas (Greenback) 3.6% Wisconsin 6 Gabriel Bouck Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Richard W. Guenther (Republican) 52.5% ▌Gabriel Bouck (Democratic) 43.8% ▌L. A. Stewart (Greenback) 3.7% Wisconsin 7 Herman L. Humphrey Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Herman L. Humphrey (Republican) 64.6% ▌George Y. Freeman (Democratic) 30.7% ▌Joel Foster (Greenback) 4.7% Wisconsin 8 Thaddeus C. Pound Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thaddeus C. Pound (Republican) 56.8% ▌Willis C. Silverthorn (Democratic) 43.0% ▌James Meehan (Greenback) 0.1% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Arizona Territory John G. Campbell Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Granville H. Oury (Democratic)[283] Dakota Territory Granville G. Bennett Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Richard F. Pettigrew (Republican)[284] Idaho Territory George Ainslie Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Ainslie (Democratic) 56.92% ▌Alanson Smith (Republican) 31.83% ▌Mason Brayman (Independent) 11.24%[285] Montana Territory Martin Maginnis Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Martin Maginnis (Democratic) 54.94% ▌Wilbur F. Sanders (Republican) 45.06%[286] New Mexico Territory Mariano S. Otero Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Tranquilino Luna (Republican)[287] Utah Territory George Q. Cannon Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Q. Cannon (Republican) 93.2% ▌Allen G. Campbell (Democratic) 6.8%[288] Election successfully contested by Allen G. Campbell (D). Congress refused to seat representative-elect. Republican loss. Washington Territory Thomas H. Brents Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas H. Brents (Republican) 55.7% ▌Thomas Burke (Democratic) 44.3%[289] Wyoming Territory Stephen W. Downey Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Morton E. Post (Democratic) 50.96% ▌A. H. Swan (Republican) 49.04%[290] 1880 United States elections 1880 United States presidential election 1880–81 United States Senate elections 1881 United States House of Representatives elections 46th United States Congress 47th United States Congress Dubin, Michael J. (March 1, 1998). United States Congressional Elections, 1788-1997: The Official Results of the Elections of the 1st Through 105th Congresses. McFarland and Company. ISBN 978-0786402830. Martis, Kenneth C. (January 1, 1989). The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress, 1789-1989. Macmillan Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0029201701. Moore, John L., ed. (1994). Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections (Third ed.). Congressional Quarterly Inc. ISBN 978-0871879967. "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives* 1789–Present". Office of the Historian, House of United States House of Representatives .
1437	dbpedia	3	47	https://socialwelfare.library.vcu.edu/woman-suffrage/rankin-jeannette-1880-1973/	en	Rankin, Jeannette (1880–1973)	https://socialwelfare.li…6/08/R000055.jpg	https://socialwelfare.li…6/08/R000055.jpg	[ "https://socialwhp.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/R000055.jpg", "https://socialwhp.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/21576f56-3733-4db2-91c1-2be80e4815a5.jpg.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2016-08-16T14:56:16+00:00	Jeannette Rankin’s life was filled with extraordinary achievements: she was the first woman elected to Congress, one of the few suffragists elected to Congress, and the only Member of Congress to v…	en	https://socialwhp.wpengi…swhp/favicon.png	Social Welfare History Project	https://socialwelfare.library.vcu.edu/woman-suffrage/rankin-jeannette-1880-1973/	Jeannette Rankin – First Woman Elected to the U.S. Congress Jeannette Rankin’s life was filled with extraordinary achievements: she was the first woman elected to Congress, one of the few suffragists elected to Congress, and the only Member of Congress to vote against U.S. participation in both World War I and World War II. “I may be the first woman member of Congress,” she observed upon her election in 1916. “But I won’t be the last.”1 Jeannette Rankin, the eldest daughter of a rancher and a schoolteacher, was born near Missoula, Montana, on June 11, 1880. She graduated from Montana State University (now the University of Montana) in 1902 and attended the New York School of Philanthropy (later the Columbia University School of Social Work). After a brief period as a social worker in Spokane, Washington, Rankin entered the University of Washington in Seattle. It was there that she joined the woman suffrage movement, a campaign that achieved its goal in Washington State in 1910. Rankin became a professional lobbyist for the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Her speaking and organizing efforts helped Montana women gain the vote in 1914. When Rankin decided in 1916 to run for a House seat from Montana, she had two key advantages: her reputation as a suffragist and her politically well-connected brother, Wellington, who financed her campaign. Some national woman suffrage leaders feared she would lose and hurt the cause. The novelty of a woman running for Congress, however, helped Rankin secure a GOP nomination for one of Montana’s two At-Large House seats on August 29, 1916.2 Rankin ran as a progressive, pledging to work for a constitutional woman suffrage amendment and emphasizing social welfare issues. Long a committed pacifist, she did not shy away from letting voters know how she felt about possible U.S. participation in the European war that had been raging for two years: “If they are going to have war, they ought to take the old men and leave the young to propagate the race.”3 Rankin came in second, winning one of Montana’s seats. She trailed the frontrunner, Democratic Representative John M. Evans, by 7,600 votes, but she topped the next candidate— another Democrat–by 6,000 votes. Rankin ran a nonpartisan campaign in a Democratic state during a period of national hostility toward parties in general. And this was the first opportunity for Montana women to vote in a federal election. “I am deeply conscious of the responsibility resting upon me,” read her public victory statement.4 Rankin’s service began dramatically when Congress was called into an extraordinary April session after Germany declared unrestricted submarine warfare on all Atlantic shipping. On April 2, 1917, she arrived at the Capitol to be sworn in along with the other Members of the 65th Congress (1917–1919).5 Escorted by her Montana colleague, Rankin looked like “a mature bride rather than a strong-minded female,” an observer wrote, “… When her name was called the House cheered and rose, so that she had to rise and bow twice, which she did with entire self-possession.”6 That evening, Congress met in Joint Session to hear President Woodrow Wilson ask to “make the world safe for democracy” by declaring war on Germany. The House debated the war resolution on April 5th. Given Rankin’s strong pacifist views, she was inclined against war. Colleagues in the suffrage movement urged caution, fearing that a vote against war would tarnish the entire cause. Rankin sat out the debate over war, a decision she later regretted.7 She inadvertently violated House rules by making a brief speech when casting her vote. “I want to stand by my country, but I cannot vote for war,” she told the House. “I vote no.”8 The final vote was 374 for the war resolution and 50 against. The Helena Independent likened her to “a dagger in the hands of the German propagandists, a dupe of the Kaiser, a member of the Hun army in the United States, and a crying schoolgirl”—even though Montana mail to Rankin’s office ran against U.S. intervention.9 NAWSA distanced the suffrage movement from Rankin: “Miss Rankin was not voting for the suffragists of the nation—she represents Montana.”10 Others, such as Representative Fiorello LaGuardia of New York, were quick to defend her.11 As the first woman Member, Rankin was on the frontlines of the national suffrage fight. During the fall of 1917 she advocated the creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage, and when it was created she was appointed to it.12 When the special committee reported out a constitutional amendment on woman suffrage in January 1918, Rankin opened the very first House Floor debate on this subject.13 “How shall we answer the challenge, gentlemen?” she asked. “How shall we explain to them the meaning of democracy if the same Congress that voted to make the world safe for democracy refuses to give this small measure of democracy to the women of our country?”14 The resolution narrowly passed the House amid the cheers of women in the galleries, but it died in the Senate.15 Rankin did not ignore her Montana constituency in the midst of this activity. She was assigned to the Committee on Public Lands, which was concerned with western issues. When a mine disaster in Butte resulted in a massive protest strike by miners over their working conditions, violence soon broke out. Responding to pleas from more-moderate miner unions, Rankin unsuccessfully sought help from the Wilson administration through legislation and through her personal intervention in the crisis. These efforts failed as the mining companies refused to meet with either her or the miners.16 Rankin expected the mining interests to extract a cost for her support of the striking miners. “They own the State,” she noted. “They own the Government. They own the press.”17 Prior to the 1918 election, the Montana state legislature passed legislation replacing the state’s two At-Large seats with two separate districts, and Rankin found herself in the overwhelmingly Democratic western district.18 Faced with the possibility of running against an incumbent or running in a district controlled by the other party, she decided to run for the U.S. Senate. Rankin ran on the slogan “Win the War First,” promising to support the Wilson administration “to more efficiently prosecute the war.”19 In a three-way contest, Rankin came in second in the Republican senatorial primary, less than 2,000 votes behind the winner.20 Charges that Republicans were bribing her to withdraw compelled her to undertake what she knew was an impossible task—running in the general election on a third-party ticket. “Bribes are not offered in such a way that you can prove them, and in order to prove that I didn’t accept a bribe I had to run,” she would later recall.21 The incumbent, Democratic Senator Thomas Walsh, did not underestimate Rankin: “If Miss R. had any party to back her she would be dangerous.”22 In the end, Rankin finished third, winning a fifth of the total votes cast, while Walsh won re-election with a plurality. Ironically, the Republican candidate for Rankin’s House district narrowly won.23 Afterwards, Rankin divided her time between pacifism and social welfare. She attended the Women’s International Conference for Permanent Peace in Switzerland in 1919 and joined the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. In 1928, she founded the Georgia Peace Society after purchasing a farm in that state. Rankin became the leading lobbyist and speaker for the National Council for the Prevention of War from 1929 to 1939. She also remained active in advocating social welfare programs. During the early 1920s she was a field secretary for the National Consumers’ League. Rankin’s activities largely consisted of lobbying Congress to pass social welfare legislation, such as the Sheppard–Towner bill and a constitutional amendment banning child labor. It was the looming war crisis in 1940 that brought Rankin back to Congress. She returned to Montana with her eye on the western House district held by first-term Republican Representative Jacob Thorkelson—an outspoken anti-Semite.24 Rankin drew on her status as the first woman elected to Congress to speak throughout the district to high school students on the issue of war and peace. When the Republican primary results were in, Rankin defeated three candidates, including the incumbent.25 In the general election, she faced Jerry J. O’Connell, who had been ousted by Thorkelson from Congress in the previous election. Rankin went into the race confident that the mining industry no longer carried the hefty political influence she faced earlier.26 Eminent Progressives endorsed her: Senator Robert M. LaFollette, Jr., of Wisconsin and Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia of New York City.27 On election day Rankin won re-election to the House with 54 percent of the votes cast for a second term—just less than a quarter of a century after she was elected to her first term.28 “No one will pay any attention to me this time,” the victor predicted. “There is nothing unusual about a woman being elected.”29 As it had 24 years earlier, the threat of war dominated the start of Rankin’s new term. She gained appointments to the Committee on Public Lands and the Committee on Insular Affairs, two lower-tier committees that, nevertheless, proved useful to her western constituency. By the time of Rankin’s election, the war in Europe was in full force and a debate about U.S. involvement had broken out. In this raging debate, Rankin had taken an arms-length attitude towards the leading isolationist group, the America First Committee. Largely made up of opponents to the New Deal policies of Franklin Roosevelt. Rankin found herself out of sympathy with much of their domestic agenda.30 Nevertheless, Rankin made her pacifist views known early in the session. During deliberations over the Lend-Lease Bill to supply the Allied war effort, she offered an unsuccessful amendment in February 1941 requiring specific congressional approval for sending U.S. troops abroad. “If Britain needs our material today,” she asked, “will she later need our men?”31 In May she introduced a resolution condemning any effort “to send the armed forces of the United States to fight in any place outside the Western Hemisphere or insular possessions of the United States.”32 She repeated her request the following month to no avail. That Rankin’s stance was not an unusual one was demonstrated by the close margin granting President Franklin Roosevelt’s request to allow American merchant ships to be armed in the fall of 1941.33 Rankin was en route to Detroit on a speaking engagement when she heard of the attack on Pearl Harbor by the Japanese. She returned to Washington the next morning, determined to oppose U.S. participation in the war. Immediately after President Roosevelt addressed a Joint Session of Congress, the House and Senate met to deliberate on a declaration of war.34 Rankin repeatedly tried to gain recognition once the first reading of the war resolution was completed in the House. In the brief debate on the resolution, Speaker Sam Rayburn of Texas refused to recognize her and declared her out of order. Other Members called for her to sit down. Others approached her on the House Floor, trying to convince her to either vote for the war or abstain.35 When the roll call vote was taken, Rankin voted “No” amid what the Associated Press described as “a chorus of hisses and boos.”36 Rankin went on to announce, “As a woman I can’t go to war, and I refuse to send anyone else.”37 The war resolution passed the House 388–1. Condemnation of her stand was immediate and intense, forcing Rankin briefly to huddle in a phone booth before receiving a police escort to her office.38 “I voted my convictions and redeemed my campaign pledges,” she told her constituents.39 “Montana is 100 percent against you,” wired her brother Wellington.40 In private, she told friends “I have nothing left but my integrity.”41 The vote essentially made the rest of Rankin’s term irrelevant. Having made her point, she only voted “present” when the House declared war on Germany and Italy.42 She found that her colleagues and the press simply ignored her. She chose not to run for re-election in 1942, and her district replaced the isolationist Republican with an internationalist Democrat who had served in three branches of the military, Mike Mansfield. Rankin continued to divide her time between Montana and Georgia in the years after she left Congress. India became one of her favorite excursions; she was drawn by the nonviolent protest tactics of Mohandas K. Gandhi. During the Vietnam War, she led the Jeannette Rankin Brigade, numbering 5,000, in a protest march on Washington in January 1968 that culminated in the presentation of a peace petition to House Speaker John McCormack of Massachusetts. Her 90th birthday in 1970 was celebrated in the Rayburn House Office Building with a reception and dinner. At the time of her death, on May 18, 1973, in Carmel, California, Rankin was considering another run for a House seat to protest the Vietnam War.
1437	dbpedia	0	12	https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/republican-party-politics-and-the-american-south-18651968/attempt-to-rebuild-the-republican-party-in-the-south-18771896/083491D18F9B376577C293DCDCB9BF20	en	The Attempt to Rebuild the Republican Party in the South, 1877–1896 (Chapter 4)	https://www.cambridge.or…hare_600x600.jpg	https://www.cambridge.or…hare_600x600.jpg	[ "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/icn_circle__btn_close_white.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.png", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://assets.cambridge.org/97813166/10923/cover/9781316610923.jpg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/share-icon.cbcfad8.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/close-icon.194b28a.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/cite-icon.44eaaa4.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/cambridge_logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Boris Heersink", "Fordham University", "New York", "Jeffery A. Jenkins", "University of Southern California" ]	null	Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 - March 2020	en	/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico	Cambridge Core	https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/republican-party-politics-and-the-american-south-18651968/attempt-to-rebuild-the-republican-party-in-the-south-18771896/083491D18F9B376577C293DCDCB9BF20	During the latter half of the Reconstruction era, Republicans in the South faced major electoral defeats due to the enfranchisement of white voters, dismal economic conditions, and Democratic Party-sponsored terror against black voters. As a result, by 1877 the Democrats won unified control of state governments across the region – and largely held it for the succeeding two decades. Yet this decline in Republican electoral strength did not reduce the South’s influence at the GOP national convention. Indeed, from 1877 to 1896, the eleven states of the former Confederacy made up around 25 percent of Republican convention delegates. There were three reasons for this. First, many Republican national leaders remained hopeful that the end of Reconstruction was not the final word on the GOP’s role in the South and believed that a winning electoral strategy could be devised for the party to remain a viable political force in the South. Second, Southern delegates passionately – and, to a large extent, correctly – argued that their states’ inability to produce electoral votes and congressional seats for the GOP was due to Democratic sabotage of the electoral process. With Southern blacks increasingly excluded from the democratic process at home, the Republican National Convention remained one of the few remaining political arenas in which they could participate. For the party of Lincoln to try and strip these delegates of their role within the party was, for some, problematic. Finally, Southern delegates were very helpful to presidential hopefuls from other parts of the country because their support could be easily acquired through patronage and other forms of bribery. Thus, whoever could afford to court the South could go into the convention with a sizable bloc of votes.
1437	dbpedia	3	10	https://www.senate.gov/history/1878.htm	en	U.S. Senate: Origins of the Modern Senate: 1878			[ "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/usFlag.png", "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/senate_logo.png", "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/senate_logo_footer.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2023-09-08T00:00:00	_Origins of the Modern Senate: 1878-1920		/resources/images/us_sen.ico		null	Origins of the Modern Senate: 1878-1920 This collection of brief essays describes important events and personalities in Senate history, and highlights recurring themes in the Senate's institutional development during the years 1878 to 1920. Many elements of the modern Senate developed during this period, including the evolution of Senate leaders, modernization of committees, and the establishment of direct election of senators (click on title for full story). January 22, 1879 James Shields holds a Senate service record that no other senator is ever likely to surpass. Beginning with his election to the United States Senate from Illinois in 1849, he went on to represent Minnesota in the Senate in 1858, and then Missouri in 1879. He is the only senator to have represented three different states. February 14, 1879 When Senator Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi took up the Senate gavel in 1879, it was a historic moment. Only the second African American to serve in the Senate, Bruce became the first to preside over the Senate. March 18, 1881 As the constitutional president of the Senate, the vice president alone can cast a tie-breaking vote in the Senate. In 1881, with the Senate divided between 37 Republicans and 37 Democrats (along with two independents), Vice President Chester Arthur's tie-breaking vote decided some of the most important issues of the day. May 16, 1881 It was a gamble, but flamboyant New York senator Roscoe Conkling was a gambler by nature. Angered over President James Garfield's refusal to abide by the tradition of "senatorial courtesy" in filling a patronage position, Conkling and fellow senator Thomas Platt resigned in protest, hoping to be quickly re-elected by the state legislature. September 19, 1881 For the first time in its history, the Senate stood evenly divided between the two major parties. The balance of power, along with the ability to organize Senate committees and choose officers, rested on the votes of two Independents and the tie-breaking vote of Vice President Chester Arthur. A fierce battle erupted to win those key votes. When the assassination of President James Garfield elevated Arthur to the presidency, however, senators called a truce. May 8, 1884 Harry S. Truman was born on May 8, 1884. In January 1935 he took his oath for the first time as United States senator from Missouri. Truman quickly became popular among his colleagues, who appreciated his folksy personality, his modesty, and his diligence. September 2, 1884 Many considered Senator Henry B. Anthony of Rhode Island to be the "father of the Senate." At the time of his death in 1884, Anthony had served in the U.S. Senate for a quarter century. Today, he is remembered mostly for the "Anthony Rule," which allowed for efficient processing of noncontroversial bills. March 31, 1885 The Senate Seal, based on the Great Seal of the United States and used to authenticate impeachment and treaty documents, dates back to 1885 and represents the third design of the seal since 1789. May 13, 1886 In 1886 the Senate honored former Vice President Henry Wilson, who had died in office 11 years earlier, with a finely sculpted marble bust by Daniel Chester French. Three years later, to celebrate the Senate's centennial, the marble likenesses of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were unveiled. With the three statues in place in the Capitol, the Senate began its oldest (and still continuing) art collection. February 4, 1887 On February 4, 1887, both the Senate and House passed the Interstate Commerce Act, which applied the Constitution's "Commerce Clause"—granting Congress the power "to Regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States"—to regulating railroad rates. The legislation showed that Congress could apply the Commerce Clause more expansively to national issues if they involved commerce across state lines. After 1887, the national economy grew much more integrated, making almost all commerce interstate and international. That development turned the Commerce Clause into a powerful legislative tool for addressing national problems. February 26, 1887 John Ingalls represented Kansas in the Senate in the late 19th century. A dynamic and caustic orator, Ingalls served as president pro tempore from 1887 to 1891, spending many hours in the presiding officer's chair. March 6, 1888 For more than half of the Senate's existence, its members enjoyed conducting executive business with the Senate Chamber's doors locked. Pressure from the state legislatures, which then elected senators, combined with routine leakes of information, caused a change in policy. August 7, 1893 The Democratic Party seized control with the 1892 elections, capturing the presidency and both houses of Congress for the first time since the Civil War. It was clear a new era had arrived when Senate Democrats chose a former Confederate general to serve as secretary of the Senate. October 1893 The framers of the Constitution sought to prevent a lack of quorum by providing that a minority of members may "compel" absent colleagues to attend. But the Constitution leaves it up to each chamber to determine precisely how. Throughout the Senate's history, members have devised a variety of tactics for "quorum busting," as well as tactics to compel attendence. June 17, 1894 Senator John Sherman hoped to become president in 1880, but his party chose instead to nominate James Garfield. Denied the presidency, the veteran senator continued to serve in the Senate for nearly two decades, sponsoring the "Sherman Antitrust Act" in 1890 and becoming the longest-serving senator in 1894. November 3, 1896 Marcus A. Hanna of Ohio excelled in business before applying his considerable talent and enormous wealth to politics. He served in the Senate from 1897 until his death in 1904, but his greatest fame rests not in his Senate service but rather in his role as presidential "kingmaker." Beginning in the 1870s, Hanna used his political acumen and personal wealth to bolster the presidential campaigns of several fellow Ohioans, including Rutherford Hayes and James Garfield. In 1896 it was Hanna who devised the successful strategy that put William McKinley in the White House. November 6, 1898 On November 6, 1898, a gas leak in the basement of the U.S. Capitol resulted in an explosion, just north of the Rotunda on the Senate side, which heaved the floor upward spewing brick, plaster, and dense black smoke in all directions. As the intense fire raced up an elevator shaft to the upper floors, it melted steel, cracked stone, and incinerated priceless records. December 28, 1898 Justin S. Morrill spent 12 years representing the state of Vermont in the U.S. House of Representatives, and another 32 years in the U.S. Senate. He became an expert on the nation's financial affairs and chaired the Senate FInance Committee for 17 years—a record that still stands. Justin Morrill died on December 28, 1898. February 22, 1902 Senator John McLaurin of South Carolina burst into the Senate Chamber on Washington's Birthday in 1902 and accused his fellow South Carolinian, "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman, of a "willful, malicious, and deliberate lie." The ensuing fistfight threw the Senate into chaos and resulted in new Senate rules on decorum and behavior. March 6, 1903 The Senate Democrats were in disarray in 1903. Unable to hold control of the Senate since the Civil War, they turned to Maryland senator Arthur Gorman to chair the Democratic caucus. To organize the party, take back the Senate, and effectively shape legislation, Gorman adopted a "binding rule" to maintain party unity. March 16, 1903 In 1903, the Senate Democratic caucus, under the leadership of Maryland Senator Arthur Gorman, adopted a "binding caucus" rule by which all members agreed to support any issue that received a two-thirds vote of the whole caucus. They also created the post of Democratic Conference Secretary. Within ten years, the Democrats regained their majority in the Senate. February 17, 1906 Hired by publisher William Randolph Hearst, novelist David Graham Phillips published a series of investigative articles titled "The Treason of the Senate." Even though Phillip's "muckraking" reports were based largely on exaggeration and innuendo, the articles shaped public opinion and played a key role in the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution, which established direct popular election of U.S. senators. April 18, 1906 Early in the afternoon of April 18, 1906, senators received a message by telegraph that a massive earthquake had, that morning, turned San Francisco and its surrounding areas into a zone of unimaginable human suffering. The Senate promptly suspended other business and proposed an emergency appropriation of $500,000 for the War Department to provide necessary supplies and transportation. April 19, 1906 During the early years of the Senate, it was not uncommon for a new senator to wait a year, or maybe two, before delivering his "maiden speech" in the Senate Chamber. This tradition has diminished through the years, but a new senator's "maiden speech" is still an important event. April 12, 1907 A half dozen years before he became president, Woodrow Wilson delivered a series of lectures on the U.S. Congress in which he described members of the Senate as experienced, professional, and wise. After a few years in the White House, however, Wilson dismissed that same group of men as "a lot of old women" and a "little group of willful men." May 29, 1908 During a filibuster, Wisconsin Republican Robert La Follette drank spoiled eggnog. Despite the toxic level of bacteria in his drink, and its subsequent ill effects, La Follette managed to set a single-speech record of 18 hours and 23 minutes. August 4, 1908 It is a record still unbroken. William Boyd Allison of Iowa chaired the powerful Senate Committee on Appropriations for a quarter century. When he died in 1908, an era died with this "Old Lion" of the Senate. January 1, 1909 With the 1960 publication of his widely-read book, The Conscience of a Conservative, Arizona senator Barry Goldwater became the leader of a new conservative political movement. Goldwater's influence grew in 1964 when he was the Republican nominee for president. Following his defeat by Democratic candidate Lyndon Johnson, Goldwater returned to the Senate for another three terms. As Arizona's elder statesman, he nurtured the conservative movement he helped to found. March 25, 1911 On March 25, 1911, 146 women who labored in the garment industry lost their lives in the Triangle Shirtwaist Company fire in New York City. In response, the state created the New York State Factory Investigating Committee, chaired by Assemblyman (later Governor) Al Smith, and State Senator (later U.S. Senator) Robert F. Wagner. Wagner carried his concerns about working conditions to Washington when he was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1926. April 27, 1911 Representative Victor Berger was frustrated. Continuing scandals involving corrupted state legislatures electing U.S. senators led many to join the reform movement that eventually brought about the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution. Berger took it a step further. His resolution called for an amendment to abolish the United States Senate. May 11, 1911 As the Senate moved into the twentieth century, gone were many of the "old guards" of the previous century—Republican senators who controlled action in committee and on the floor. One such senator was William Frye of Maine, the long-time president pro tempore. With Senate Democrats on the rise to challenge the Republican control, however, choosing a new president pro tempore was no easy matter. May 27, 1911 In 2011 the Senate passed a special resolution to commemorate the centennial of Hubert Humphrey's birth on May 27, 1911. As senator from Minnesota, as vice president, and as presidential candidate, Hubert Humphrey was a powerful and influential advocate for civil rights and economic equality. He served as floor manager for the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. July 14, 1911 In the aftermath of the Civil War, tens of thousands of disabled veterans sought some means of support. Some survived on pensions, while others sought charity. Many hoped to obtain government jobs. Republican senators, in the majority in all but four years from 1861 to 1913, used their power of patronage to employ as many Union veterans as possible. When the Democrats gained control of the Senate in 1913, 29 of these "old soldiers" were still on the Senate payroll. May 31, 1912 Born on May 31, 1912, Henry "Scoop" Jackson served in the U.S. Senate for 30 years. During that time, he chaired the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, became the first chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, and also chaired the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Senator Jackson's legislative accomplishments were numerous, but one small action serves as a measure of the man. July 13, 1912 Mark Twain captured it in his novel, The Gilded Age. Prior to the 17th Amendment to the Constitution, which established direct popular election of U.S. senators, the process of state legislatures choosing senators had become flawed and corrupted. One such case of corruption, involving Senator Samuel Pomeroy's bribery of a state legislator, fueled reform, ended a Senate career, and gained a form of fictional immortality. January 28, 1913 Key Pittman of Nevada won a seat in the Senate by the smallest of margins, just 89 votes, and he won that seat by a direct popular vote months before the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution established direct election of senators. March 15, 1913 In response to a series of economic crises since 1907, and the development of the new Federal Reserve System, the Senate created a Committee on Banking in 1913. To chair the new committee, senators turned to Robert Owen of Oklahoma, a man of Native-American descent who had built a career on financial and banking expertise. May 28, 1913 The Democrats had majority control of the Senate in 1913, but they struggled to keep their members organized and united. In order to enforce attendance at caucus meetings and round up votes, senators created the position of "party whip." June 2, 1913 President Woodrow Wilson warned the nation of the insidious influence of lobbyists on Capitol Hill in 1913. In response, and in the midst of a media frenzy, the Senate launched an investigation into Wilson's charges and demanded full public disclosure of senators' finances. December 23, 1913 It took many months and nearly straight party-line voting, but on December 23, 1913, the Senate passed and President Woodrow Wilson signed the Federal Reserve Act. March 9, 1914 Ailing and aged, Senator Ben Tillman worried about his colleagues, who worked in a Senate Chamber so filled with tobacco smoke that he likened it to a beer garden. To ease his own discomfort and protect the health of others, Tillman resolved to ban smoking in the historic chamber. July 2, 1915 To protest the United States' growing involvement in World War I, former Harvard professor Erich Muenter slipped into the U.S. Capitol late one night and placed a deadly time bomb in the Senate wing. As he watched from the safe distance of Union Station, the bomb rocked the Capitol, causing great damage to the historic Senate Reception Room. March 8, 1917 In March 1917, President Woodrow Wilson, after suffering a series of legislative losses owing to filibusters, demanded that the Senate adopt a cloture rule. On March 8, 1917, the Senate agreed to a rule that required a two-thirds majority to end debate and permitted each member to speak for an additional hour after that before voting on final passage. April 2, 1917 It was a tense day on Capitol Hill. President Woodrow Wilson had asked Congress for a declaration of war against Germany. As senators faced a vote on the issue, constituents bombarded them with opinions. One such confrontation between senator and constituents ended in violence. October 6, 1917 On October 6, 1917, Robert La Follette delivered the most famous address of his Senate career—a classic defense of the right to free speech in times of war. Although this three-hour address won him many admirers, it also launched a Senate investigation into possible treasonable conduct. September 30, 1918 It seemed that the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, establishing female suffrage, would die—once again—on Capitol Hill. Facing growing pressure from suffragists, and bending to the pressures of war-time realities, Woodrow Wilson asked the Senate to put aside its objections and allow the amendment to pass. October 25, 1918 Until October 25, 1918, few responsible political observers would have predicted the outcome of that year's November 5 congressional elections. Although the Democrats controlled the Senate and House, a shift of just a few seats in each chamber could return both bodies to Republican control for the first time in eight years. November 5, 1918 One of the most famous names in congressional history is that of Jeannette Rankin. The Montana Republican carries the distinction of being the first woman elected to the U.S. Congress. What is less well known about Jeannette Rankin is that she ran for a seat in the U.S. Senate in 1918. June 4, 1919 On June 4, 1919, the Senate approved the Woman Suffrage Amendment, clearing the way for state ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. That success did not come easily. It took years of activism by suffragists, and some brilliant maneuvering by one particular female lobbyist, to gain Senate support for a woman's right to vote. July 10, 1919 President Wilson cared so deeply about the Treaty of Versailles that he delivered the document in person to the United States Senate. As he made his case for approving the treaty, however, his failing health and weakened condition became all too obvious to everyone present. October 28, 1919 On October 28, 1919, the United States Senate voted 65 to 20 to override President Woodrow Wilson's veto of the Volstead Act. Since the House had also voted to overturn the veto, America entered the Prohibition era. November 19, 1919 On November 19, 1919, the Senate rejected a peace treaty for the first time in its History. Many factors led to this vote--most notably, the bitter animosity between Democratic President Woodrow Wilson and Republican Majority Leader Henry Cabot Lodge. January 15, 1920 The death of Senate Democratic Leader Thomas Martin in November 1919 touched off a battle among Senate Democrats that revealed a deeply divided party. On January 15, 1920, members of the Senate Democratic caucus met to elect a new floor leader. Preliminary headcounts indicated that the two candidates each had 19 votes. Something had to be done to break the deadlock. May 12, 1920 For many years, the Senate noted the arrival of spring with a poetic speech of welcome by Senator Robert C. Byrd. While Senator Byrd faithfully followed the calendar, senators in the early twentieth century heralded that season by following the habits of a junior senator from Colorado named Charles Thomas. May 27, 1920 By the dawn of the 20th century, there were more than 60 Senate committees in existence, many of them serving no purpose other than providing space and clerical assistance to a senator. In 1920, as part of a larger effort to modernize government, the Senate eliminated 42 of these obsolete committees. November 2, 1920 Many think of a seat in the Senate as a stepping stone to the presidency, but history reveals a different story. In fact, since 1789 only three incumbent senators have successfully made that leap from the Senate Chamber to the White House.
1437	dbpedia	3	51	https://journals.lww.com/aosopen/fulltext/2022/03000/stricken_before_election__presidential_health.9.aspx	en	Annals of Surgery Open	https://images.journals.…00-00009.F1.jpeg	https://images.journals.…00-00009.F1.jpeg	[ "https://cdn.wolterskluwer.io/wk-logos/1.0.x/favicon.png?rev=43", "https://journals.lww.com/_layouts/15/images/spcommon.png?rev=43", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/ArticleViewerPreview.02196409-202203000-00009.F1.jpeg", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/ArticleViewerPreview.02196409-202203000-00009.F2.jpeg", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/ArticleViewerPreview.02196409-202203000-00009.F3.jpeg", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/ArticleViewerPreview.02196409-202203000-00009.F4.jpeg", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/ArticleViewerPreview.02196409-202203000-00009.F5.jpeg", "https://images.journals.lww.com/aosopen/XLargeThumb.02196409-202406000-00000.CV.jpeg", "https://journals.lww.com/_layouts/1033/IMAGES/OAKS.Journals/CAPrivacyPolicy.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	anagement, however, is the political maneuvering around each and the extraordinary lengths Presidents went to demonstrate their health to the American people. This article reviews these episodes, comparing and contrasting how each administration handled their crisis and what effect it had on the ensuing election—and thus the history of the United States....	en	https://cdn.wolterskluwe….0.x/favicon.png	LWW	https://journals.lww.com/aosopen/fulltext/2022/03000/stricken_before_election__presidential_health.9.aspx	INTRODUCTION The announcement on October 2, 2020, that President Trump had contracted COVID-19, promptly followed by his hospitalization, shocked the world and upended an ongoing election campaign.1 It also raised the question, “has this ever happened before?” Indeed it has. History may not repeat itself, but it does rhyme: since the 1880s, 6 Presidents have experienced health crises before a national election. Chester Arthur developed Bright’s Disease; Theodore Roosevelt was shot in a failed assassination attempt; Woodrow Wilson suffered multiple strokes; Franklin D. Roosevelt’s heart disease significantly worsened; Dwight D. Eisenhower experienced a heart attack, followed by an operation for bowel obstruction; and, as noted, Trump was infected with COVID-19. Despite some gross similarities among these episodes, they are more interesting to examine for their differences—not only in the disease processes and management but also how the health crises were handled politically and their influence on the election that followed. CHESTER A. ARTHUR Chester A. Arthur assumed office as the 21st president of the United States on September 20, 1881, following the assassination of President James Garfield.2 Early in his presidency, Arthur began experiencing fatigue. Dr. Brodie Herndon, Arthur’s brother-in-law, first recorded the President’s deteriorating health in February of 1882, noting that the President was “sick in body and soul,” possibly due to a complicated course of malaria.3,4 (Throughout the 19th century, malaria remained endemic to Washington, DC.)5 During the fall and winter of 1882, Arthur developed progressive fatigue, weight loss, anorexia, and peripheral edema. While the press continued to report that the President was ill from malaria, he was evaluated by several physicians for these additional symptoms and subsequently diagnosed with Bright’s disease. Roughly the modern equivalent of chronic kidney disease, Bright’s Disease (the first eponymously named condition) reflected contemporary understandings of progressive renal failure; despite efforts to elucidate the pathophysiology and natural history, there was no cure.6,7 Salem H. Wales, the former Surgeon General of the state of New York, diagnosed Arthur with Bright’s disease, later confirmed by a renowned contemporary physician in New York City, likely Alfred Loomis. Given popular knowledge of the poor prognosis associated with Bright’s Disease, the President and his physicians decided to keep the suspicion of this illness out of the public domain, going so far as to call it “pure fiction.”8 Throughout the final 2 years of his presidency, Arthur was noticeably ill, with episodes characterized by fluid retention, rigors, nausea, and colicky abdominal pain. He traveled to Florida and Yellowstone National Park, both to rejuvenate his health and simultaneously to prove his salubrity to a dubious press corps—an admittedly challenging combination (see Figure 1). As the 1884 presidential campaign approached, Arthur’s condition worsened. While not actively campaigning, which was common behavior for sitting presidents at the time, neither did he withdraw his name from consideration. After 4 rounds of voting during the national party convention, he lost the Republican nomination to the leading candidate, James G. Blaine of Maine, the sitting Secretary of State, a former US Senator, and also Speaker of the House. Blaine ultimately lost the presidential election to Grover Cleveland of the Democratic Party. It is unclear to what extent rumors of Arthur’s medical problems foiled his efforts at reelection, as hundreds of supporters voted for the sitting president, providing him the second highest delegate total in the first 3 presidential nomination ballots. Held in high regard by politicians, the media, and celebrities such as Mark Twain for his first term, an Arthur Republican ticket may well have defeated Cleveland in 1884. After leaving office, Arthur worked in a New York law firm, but due to declining health he rarely conducted business, spending most of his time at home, often in bed. With a diminished appetite, he lost weight and experienced progressive weakness. The story of his Bright’s disease finally became public in June of 1885 with an article in the New York Times. In November, Arthur suffered a stroke and died a day later at the age of 57. THEODORE ROOSEVELT Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th president of the United States, assumed office following the assassination of President William McKinley; Roosevelt was reelected in 1904. He declined to run in 1908, and William Howard Taft became president in 1909. When Taft ran for reelection in 1912, Roosevelt differed with him over a variety of policies including labor protections and tariffs. At the party convention in Chicago that summer, he challenged Taft for the Republican nomination. Taft ultimately was selected, and Roosevelt encouraged his delegates to walk out of the convention hall in protest.9 Having lost the Republican nomination, Roosevelt fulfilled his promise to campaign on a third-party platform. Now leading the Progressive “Bull Moose” Party, he ran against the Republican Taft and the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson. On October 14, Roosevelt, while campaigning through the Midwest, was standing in his parked-car waving to well-wishers outside the Gilpatrick Hotel in Milwaukee, Wisconsin when John Schrank shot him at close range with a 0.38 caliber revolver.10 Schrank, a 36-year-old schizophrenic unemployed bartender, did not believe Roosevelt should run for a third term. George Washington had limited the number of presidential terms to 2 in his September 1796 farewell address, intending to prevent any American president from becoming a monarch like King George III.11 Roosevelt was the first president since Washington to challenge this unwritten term limit. Technically, Roosevelt had only been elected president once, his first term having started after the assassination of William McKinley. Still, a variety of presidential scholars and lay individuals (including Schrank) thought Roosevelt was defying a standard established by Washington and opposed his actions. Fortunately, Schrank’s bullet passed through Roosevelt’s folded 50-page speech and careened off his metal glasses case before hitting his right chest. The bullet punctured the skin and subcutaneous tissue of the right chest but did not penetrate the pleural space.12 Interestingly, Roosevelt coughed into his hand after he was shot and noted there was no blood. He understood enough about chest injuries to know that hemoptysis following a chest wound suggested intrapleural penetration. His physician, Dr. Scurry L. Terrell, was traveling with the former President and recommended that he cancel the campaign event and proceed emergently to the local hospital. Roosevelt declined immediate medical care and asserted he was well enough to proceed to the Milwaukee Auditorium, where a large crowd awaited.10 He delivered his speech but after 84 minutes felt weak from blood loss and was driven to the Johnson Emergency Hospital in Milwaukee where he was met by local physicians. Colonel Roosevelt worried about the fragmented care that previous presidents (i.e., Garfield and McKinley) had received from teams of doctors.2,13 He wanted to transfer his care to Chicago where he thought the management might be more organized. Dr. Joseph Colt Bloodgood, visiting Milwaukee at the time, was also consulted about the ex-president’s injuries. Bloodgood had been William Halsted’s first chief resident and was exceptionally well-trained.14 He had strong family ties to the Milwaukee area where his brother, Wheeler P. Bloodgood, was a prominent lawyer and member of the Progressive Party who had made the local arrangements for Roosevelt’s trip. Dr. Bloodgood recommended that Roosevelt contact Dr. John B. Murphy of Chicago to assume his care.15 Murphy was a nationally prominent general surgeon noted for a variety of innovations including the right upper quadrant pain associated with cholecystitis, “Murphy’s sign.”16 At 11:25 pm, Roosevelt was taken by car to the Chicago and Northwestern Depot in Milwaukee and boarded the train just after midnight on October 15. While Roosevelt sat in his private carriage, the “Mayflower,” the departure was paused as local surgeons reviewed his chest x-ray to determine if the former President was safe to travel. His train finally arrived in Chicago at 3:32 am where he was seen by Dr. Murphy at 5:12 am before disembarking. An ambulance pulled to the side of the Mayflower at 6:16 am, and Roosevelt was taken directly to Mercy hospital where he remained for 7 days.10,15 Murphy repeated a chest x-ray (Figure 2) that again demonstrated that the bullet injured the 4th rib and had lodged just outside the pleural cavity between the 4th and 5th ribs anteriorly. During Roosevelt’s stay in the hospital, Woodrow Wilson and Howard Taft suspended their campaigns in deference to the former president’s injury.17 Roosevelt stated from his hospital bed on 17 October that he was ready to resume the race and encouraged Wilson and Taft to continue their efforts.18 Wilson officially restarted his campaign on October 27.19 Roosevelt did likewise later that month but never achieved his preinjury pace. He addressed large crowds in Madison Square Garden on October 30 and November 1, but polls continued to show Wilson leading both Roosevelt and Taft.20 Roosevelt eventually recovered his health but lost the 1912 election: he and Taft split the Republican vote allowing Wilson to win the election with 6,296,284 votes, which represented just over 41.8% of the voting electorate.21 Theodore Roosevelt lived the rest of his life in retirement without complication from the retained bullet in his chest wall. WOODROW WILSON Having won the 1912 election, Thomas Woodrow Wilson served as the 28th President of the United States. When contemplating running for a third term in 1920, he was severely hindered by his neurologic condition. Wilson suffered a series of strokes before and during his presidency.22 The first stroke in 1896 presented as weakness in his right hand. In 1906, another left him blind in his left eye, and in 1913 a minor stroke affected his left arm. Most devastating was the stroke that occurred on October 2, 1919, leaving him paralyzed on the left side and with only partial vision in the right eye (Figure 3). Confined to his bed for several weeks, he never recovered sufficiently to resume his full duties as president. Wilson’s second wife, Edith, and his physician, Cary Grayson, continued to manage the presidency in his stead. The public’s awareness of Wilson’s disability in February 1920 prompted Republicans to call for someone in the administration to certify that the President was “unable to discharge the powers and duties” of the office, as required by the Constitution. However, at the behest of the First Lady, Wilson’s doctor would not publicly comment on the President’s health; this event preceded the passage of the 25th amendment that later allowed the vice-president and cabinet to assume presidential powers. Despite his ongoing disability, Wilson not only served out his term but eagerly anticipated running for a third.23 Before the nominating convention, the President attempted to minimize his infirmity, so it would appear that his previous strokes would not prevent him from holding office again. In the spring of 1920, Wilson personally presided over cabinet meetings and took long rides in his car around Washington, DC, in an attempt to improve his public profile. Press releases and staged photographs touted his physical fitness. He entered the Democratic national convention in the summer of 1920 expecting party leaders to promote his candidacy. He planned to remain above the fray, then have party-elders nominate him when his competitors deadlocked, which was a reasonable strategy since no other leading candidate had emerged by July. Moreover, most Democrats supported Wilson’s policies, which aligned with the broader party platform. But Dr. Grayson rejected the idea of a third term for health reasons and communicated Wilson’s poor medical condition to party leaders before the convention.23 Ultimately, there were 22 ballots taken before the party nominated James M. Cox of Ohio as the candidate, paired with Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York as his running mate; Wilson’s name was never placed in nomination, largely due to his known condition. Cox was defeated by Warren G. Harding in the 1920 national election. Wilson opened a law practice in Washington, DC, in 1921, but he came to the office only once, and the practice subsequently closed a year later. He remained out of the public eye until his death on February 3, 1924, at the age of 67. FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT Cousin of Teddy, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected in 1932 as the country’s 32nd president and remains the only person to have served more than 2 terms in office. Although paralyzed from polio throughout most of his political career, in his third term he also became profoundly ill from heart disease, a condition he, his physicians, and his advisers carefully guarded from the public to ensure victory in a fourth national election. W. Bruce Fye has recently published a compelling analysis of these events based on updated research in his book Caring for the Heart.24 On February 2, 1944, FDR was admitted to the National Naval Medical Center for the removal of a sebaceous cyst on the back of his head; the procedure was uncomplicated, but preoperative examination discovered severe hypertension. This finding prompted an evaluation by Dr. Howard Bruenn, a Johns Hopkins medical school graduate and noted heart-specialist in New York City who served in the Navy as Chief of Cardiology at Bethesda Naval Hospital during World War II.25,26 Bruenn noted a blood pressure of 186/108, arteriovenous nicking of the retinal arteries, cardiomegaly on chest x-ray, and cyanosis; an EKG demonstrated dramatic T-wave inversions, which by 1941 were well-known to signify severe heart disease with poor prognosis. Boston surgeon Frank Lahey and Atlanta internist James Paullin traveled to Washington, DC, to offer second opinions. Agreeing with Bruenn, together they recommended bed rest, a low salt diet, and digitalis, which Roosevelt accepted. Lahey, distressed about FDR’s health, wrote a secret memo documenting his concern that the president would not survive a fourth term.27 FDR’s personal physician, Dr. Ross McIntire, an ENT by training and Surgeon General of the Navy, deliberately mis-led reporters at the ensuing press conference on April 4, excluding any mention of hypertension or heart failure in what he called a “satisfactory” physical. Despite this report—and the interventions prescribed by Bruenn et al—FDR’s blood pressure remained high, averaging 209/100 in the 100+ measurements between the end of March and D-Day on June 6.24 Problematically in 1944, few effective treatments for hypertension existed.28 The President decamped to Bernard Baruch’s South Carolina estate in April and remained there for almost a month, returning to Washington refreshed but still ill. In July of 1944, he accepted the Democratic Party’s nomination for a 4th term of office, although he refused to campaign against his rival, Thomas Dewey, during the war.27 That summer and fall, rumors, leaks, and photographs showing weight loss led to national speculation over FDR’s health. Concerned that reports of sickness would doom Roosevelt’s reelection chances, his advisors scheduled a parade through New York City in October, a public event designed to showcase his salubrity—and hide his infirmity. Under the direction of J. Edgar Hoover, the Federal Bureau of Investigation interrogated—and intimidated—several Mayo Clinic physicians who had been discussing FDR’s cardiac problems. McIntire continued to lie blatantly at press conferences, asserting the President was healthy and able.29 Roosevelt ultimately won reelection with 53.4% of the national vote, his smallest margin of victory, and one that easily could have been swayed by credible reports of his ill health. Throughout his fourth term, Roosevelt remained debilitated. His blood pressure on November 27, 1944 measured 260/150, prompting adjustments of his digitalis dose and more recommendations for rest. During his trip to the Crimean Conference in February, 1945 he developed pulsus alterans. By March, he had retreated to Warm Springs, Georgia for total rest. On April 12, Dr. Bruenn saw the President in the morning, who complained of a headache. In the early afternoon, his headache suddenly became severe (Figure 4). His blood pressure was 300/190, and he became unconscious, cold, and pale with wide dilation of his right pupil. Dr. Bruenn diagnosed a massive stroke and declared Franklin Delano Roosevelt dead at 3:35 pm on April 12, 1945.24,25 DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected the 34th president of the United States in 1952. During his first term, he suffered 2 major illnesses that both affected his decision to run for a second term and, ultimately, his chances of winning: a heart attack in September 1955 and a laparotomy for bowel obstruction in June of 1956. The heart attack of 23 September 1955 started with “indigestion” on a Denver, Colorado golf course.30,31 The President’s physician Howard Snyder treated these symptoms conservatively until the following morning when it became obvious that the President was having a significant cardiac event. On Saturday, September 24, the President’s press secretary announced that Eisenhower had a “mild” coronary thrombosis and was being transported to Fitzsimmons Army Hospital. There he was treated by Colonel Thomas Mattingly MD, chief of cardiology at Walter Reed Army Hospital, and Paul Dudley White MD, a well-known Harvard cardiologist remembered today for elucidating Wolff-Parkinson-White syndrome. By Saturday afternoon, Eisenhower’s vital signs stabilized, and he was thought to be improving. Unfortunately, the President went on to extend his infarct and developed a ventricular aneurysm, although this setback was deliberately hidden from the public. The size of the initial infarction and the early extension of the ischemic area resulted in a very slow recovery (Figure 5). He remained in Denver at Fitzsimmons Army Hospital until November 11, insisting that he stay long enough to walk out under his own power rather than be ferried by wheelchair—having served under FDR, Ike was well attuned to the importance of appearing hale. After briefly staying in the White House, the President went to his Gettysburg, Pennsylvania home to convalesce further. It was the middle of December, 1955 before he again managed a full day of work in the White House. On February 12, 1956, after an extensive exam at Walter Reed, he was declared fit by his doctors, although both White and Mattingly recommended against him running for another term; White was slowly and gracefully dismissed from the medical team and Mattingly was kept under close observation at Walter Reed. Eisenhower decided to run for a second term while recuperating from his heart attack, although withheld a formal declaration of his intentions until a February 29, 1956, news conference to limit questions about reelection while in the throes of illness.32 This determination was premature, because in the spring of 1956 Eisenhower developed symptoms of abdominal pain and was diagnosed with regional enteritis.33 His pain worsened until 8 June 1956, when he was admitted to Walter Reed for bowel obstruction due to a Crohn’s disease stricture. He underwent exploratory laparotomy and ileal bypass surgery on June 9 by Leonard Heaton, the future Surgeon General of the Army, Isidor Ravdin, the chair of surgery at the University of Pennsylvania, and several others.34 Heaton was quick to assure the public that President did not have cancer. Postoperatively, Drs. White and Mattingly followed the President’s cardiac condition, which fortunately did not disrupt an uneventful recuperation. After discharge from the hospital on postoperative day 18, the President underwent further recovery at his Gettysburg home. Once again, he reaffirmed his fitness to run for a second term, a judgment reinforced by the conclusions of a panel of 9 physicians. Like many of his predecessors trying to prove their health, he traveled publicly to Panama (with his surgical drain in place) to demonstrate he had the stamina to fulfill another 4 years in office. Eisenhower recovered fully and ran for his second term, which he won in a landslide despite Adlai Stevenson’s attempts to question his fitness for office. Eisenhower’s health problems did not end with reelection. He suffered a stroke of the middle cerebral artery on November 25, 1957, while still in office, from which he eventually made a full recovery. Repeated episodes of symptomatic cholelithiasis in 1966 led to an uneventful cholecystectomy in December of that year.35 His heart proved more problematic. Yet another myocardial infarction in 1965 curtailed his involvement in public affairs. He went on to have multiple heart attacks, ultimately leading to debilitating ischemic cardiomyopathy that required a lengthy admission to Walter Reed in 1968. His heart condition complicated a fourth and final laparotomy in February 1969 for bowel obstruction that also included a suprapubic catheter placement for prostatic hypertrophy. After spending almost a year in the since-named Eisenhower suite at Walter Reed Army Hospital, he died of congestive failure on March 28, 1969. Interestingly, an autopsy revealed a 1.5 cm adrenal pheochromocytoma that, in retrospect, may have partially explained his hypertension and heart disease.36 DONALD TRUMP In the fall of 2020, Donald J. Trump was running for president amid the international COVID-19 pandemic. On 1 October, a month before the general election, he developed respiratory symptoms and tested positive for COVID-19 on October 2. It is unclear where he acquired the disease, but Trump shunned wearing a facemask and had a variety of exposures to individuals with the disease in the preceding week.37,38 Just a few days prior, 150 mostly mask-less individuals gathered at the White House for the announcement of the President’s Supreme Court selection, several of whom later tested positive, including Hope Hicks, one of the president’s closest advisors.39–41 Recent revelations by Mark Meadows, his chief of staff, disclosed a positive test on September 26, 2021, before multiple public events hosted by the president, who reportedly tested negative thereafter.42 The President’s first known symptoms appeared during a fundraising trip to the Trump National Golf Club at Bedminister, New Jersey on October 1. Fatigued with a cough and nasal congestion, Trump tested positive upon returning to the White House that evening via a rapid test, later confirmed by PCR that same night. The First Lady, Melania Trump, simultaneously became symptomatic, with subsequent confirmation that she too had contracted COVID-19. News of the President’s test results came at 12:54 AM, October 2 via the President’s personal Twitter account—interestingly, his most “liked” Tweet to date.43 On Friday, October 2, the Marine One helicopter transported him to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center upon the recommendation of his physician, Dr. Sean Conley. Conley had obtained his doctorate from the Philadelphia College of Osteopathic Medicine in 2008 and served as a trauma surgeon in Afghanistan; he functioned as the spokesperson for Trump’s medical team that included a number of intensive care and infectious disease physicians. At the time, Trump was reportedly suffering from increasing upper respiratory symptoms, associated with a rising fever and worsening hypoxia, a condition that demanded supplemental oxygen.44 After admission, Trump was given Regn-cov2(8-gram dose), a monoclonal antibody preparation from Regeneron Pharmaceuticals that had yet to be approved by the FDA but was administered after a “compassionate use” request by the Walter Reed physicians. That same night, Trump was given the antiviral drug Remdesivir.45,46 While in Walter Reed, the President’s hypoxia worsened, requiring supplemental oxygen. He was treated with steroids (dexamethasone) on October 4 after another episode of hypoxia.47,48 Anxious to demonstrate his health to a worried American public (and electorate), Trump defied the recommendations of public health experts to take a motor-tour around Walter Reed National Medical Center. Widely criticized at the time, this publicity stunt exposed his Secret Service detail to the virus while sitting with Trump in his hermetically sealed presidential limousine.49 On regular doses of dexamethasone and Remdesivir, the President’s condition improved, and he was discharged at 7:00 pm on October 5.50 He continued to receive doses of Remdesivir and Regeneron after returning to the White House.46,51,52 On October 10, Dr. Conley stated that the President was no longer a transmission risk, as defined by undetectable subgenomic mRNA and a resolution of symptoms.53 After being discharged from the hospital, Trump restarted campaigning. He made his first public comments on October 10 and spoke to large crowds through the latter half of October.54,55 Polls, however, continued to forecast Trump trailing the Democratic nominee Joe Biden by at least 7 percentage points through the beginning of November.56 Biden had considerately slowed his campaigning during Trumps hospitalization in deference to the illness, in particular suspending ads that were viewed as “negative” on October 2.57 He also decreased his live events, but this was likely due to safety issues concerning the spread of COVID 19.58 The national election took place on November 3, and Biden received 51.3% of the popular vote and totaled 306 electoral votes to Trump’s 232 electoral votes. CONCLUSIONS Between 1880 and 2020, at least 6 presidents suffered severe health crises before a national election. Comparing and contrasting these incidents reveals interesting themes worthy of exploration, most centered around the question: how, if at all, did the various pathologies affect the subsequent voting (and in so doing, the history of this nation)? The 140-year gap included substantial medical advances: the Bright’s Disease that plagued Arthur and the hypertension that contributed to FDR’s death are both treatable conditions in 2021 that would be unlikely to influence chances of political victory today. Conversely, Wilson’s severe poststroke disabilities remain challenging to manage despite the technological and scientific improvements of the last century. The nature of the malady and the degree to which the patient was perceived to be at fault also factored heavily. At one end of the spectrum, Teddy Roosevelt, already a war hero, was shot by an assassin, a condition not just blameless but one that likely boosted his public image. On the other hand, many Americans felt Trump, with his willful disregard of public health measures such as facemasks and his insouciant approach to the pandemic generally, bore some responsibility for his condition, and that the illness epitomized a failure of leadership in controlling the epidemic. FDR, Wilson, and Arthur fall somewhere in the middle, suffering conditions relatively blameless but also recognized by contemporaries as untreatable and eventually fatal. While therapeutic strategies differed substantially for the various conditions over the years, it is interesting to note that most presidents sought out nationally reputed experts to treat their ailments. Arthur turned to a trusted family member as well as famous doctors in New York City. Teddy Roosevelt relied on Bloodgood and Murphy, 2 of the most accomplished and highly regarded surgeons of the day. His cousin FDR called upon an authority in heart disease to manage his hypertension on a daily basis while also consulting experts such as Frank Lahey for second opinions. Ike had both world-renowned cardiologists and surgeons guiding his care. All these presidents looked beyond both government/military circles and their existing general practitioner to seek outside, authoritative advice. Exceptions included Wilson, who relied on his established physician for a condition well-known to be untreatable, and Trump, whose staff physician led a team of on-call doctors at the military hospital, perhaps reflecting his distrust of the elite medical establishment. Tellingly, every president sought to hide his infirmity outright or otherwise minimize its severity. Arthur and Wilson both went to great lengths to conceal their diagnoses while embarking on public tours to demonstrate their fitness. Teddy Roosevelt, publicly shot, nonetheless delivered a speech that evening to prove his robust health was unaffected by a mere flesh wound; he repeatedly reassured the American people that he was fine and fit to serve. His cousin FDR, already debilitated by polio, was sensitive as to how the press wrote about—and how Americans thought about—his health. He took extraordinary measures to veil his heart disease from the public, with his personal physicians blatantly lying to the press and the FBI intimidating physicians into silence. Secrecy around World War II in general abetted FDR’s suppression. By the latter half of the 20th century, changes in media, technology, and general invasiveness into the private lives of public figures has made such masking increasingly difficult. Whereas presidents before 1950 could effectively hide their condition, those after 1950 instead focused on managing its presentation to the public. Both Eisenhower’s heart attack and bowel surgery were common knowledge with extensive press coverage. But Ike made sure to grant personal interviews to reporters to demonstrate his recovery, seeking to dispel any thoughts of being unable to serve a second term. He made repeated public appearances and even delayed his hospital discharge until he could walk in order to demonstrate his full recovery. Political Scientist Robert Gilbert has documented how Eisenhower carefully scripted accounts of his illnesses and manipulated events to improve his chances at reelection.31 Trump allegedly hid his first positive COVID test results for days before announcing his infection on Twitter after his condition deteriorated to where he assumed the news would soon leak online. Like his predecessors dating to Arthur, he took a public-relations tour around Washington DC to showcase his health; unlike his forebearers, Trump was still infected with a contagious disease. Subsequent reports indicated that his team minimized the severity of his condition to reassure Americans—and prospective voters.59,60 These efforts raise questions about the extent of medical privacy that is appropriate for public figures, a topic Baron Lerner has addressed in some depth.61 In America, citizens expect to know about conditions that might affect the ability of a candidate to fulfill his or her duties, particularly in such a critical role as President of the United States. Presidents, however, repeatedly demonstrated that they did not believe the public necessarily had a right to the truth about their health, evidenced by their robust efforts to hide information and/or downplay their illness. This deception appears to rise more from political calculations and concerns regarding electability rather than any abstract or personal notion of privacy, which complicates traditional bioethical arguments. Despite attempts to conceal information, there is no evidence to suggest these presidents refused treatment or received suboptimal care in the name of secrecy. Ultimately, it is impossible to determine to what extent these health crises affected any Presidential election. Every national contest depends on variables ranging from party appeal to contemporary political issues to reputation of the candidates. Still, it seems highly likely that Arthur did not receive his party’s nomination due to his suspected/known diagnosis of Bright’s Disease, with its terminal prognosis, thereby diminishing his party’s chances to retain the office. Teddy Roosevelt faced a nigh-impossible hurdle as a third-party candidate; his attempted assassination and campaign pause probably did not affect the end-results. Wilson also was a long-shot to break the traditional 2-term limit in 1920; his infirmity scuttled any chance he had. FDR clearly won despite suffering from severe heart disease, although his advisors were absolutely convinced that public knowledge of his poor health would doom the campaign. This fear led to extraordinary efforts at subterfuge. Similarly, Ike won reelection despite the heart attack and bowel operation but relied on physicians reassuring the American people of his good health. Broad popularity among Americans in 1952 also facilitated Ike’s victory. Trump’s loss in the 2020 election is one historians will analyze for years to come. Although he trailed in the polls before his COVID-19 infection, later results proved these tallies largely inaccurate. Trump connected best with voters in large rallies; his inability to do so in the waning months of campaign season (due to his own illness and the national pandemic) may well have contributed to defeat. As politicians enter office ever-older, future presidents will likely continue to suffer illnesses, some inconveniently timed around their reelection. History suggests they will seek to hide, minimize, and trivialize these conditions in an effort to convince the American people of their fitness for office. This desire stems from Americans insisting on super-human status from their politicians, perhaps based on the ill-founded belief that presidents are supposed to be (or appear to be) indestructible representatives of the country. Elucidating a history acknowledging otherwise may relieve some of this pressure and lead to more honest conversations concerning presidential health and electability.
1437	dbpedia	3	8	https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/233.html	en	Records of the United States House of Representatives	https://www.archives.gov/favicon.ico	https://www.archives.gov/favicon.ico	[ "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-blogs.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-facebook.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-flickr.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-rss-feeds.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-twitter-2.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/global-images/icons/connect/icon-youtube.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2016-10-12T00:00:00	Records of the United States House of Representatives in the holdings of the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. From the Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the U.S.	en	/favicon.ico		null	(Record Group 233) 1789-1990 33,059 cu. ft. Table of Contents 233.1 ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY 233.2 GENERAL RECORDS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 1789-1988 8,442 lin. ft. 233.3 RECORDS OF THE AGRICULTURE COMMITTEE 1820-1988 313 lin. ft. 233.4 RECORDS OF THE APPROPRIATIONS COMMITTEE 1865-1988 403 lin. ft. 233.5 RECORDS OF THE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1822-1988 1,813 lin. ft. 233.6 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO BANKING AND CURRENCY 1864-1988 338 lin. ft. 233.7 RECORDS OF THE BUDGET COMMITTEE 1974-88 164 lin. ft. 233.8 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO CLAIMS 1794-1946 1,481 lin. ft. 233.9 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO COMMERCE 1795-1988 1,004 lin. ft. 233.10 RECORDS OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COMMITTEE 1808-1988 281 lin. ft. 233.11 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO EDUCATION AND LABOR 1867-1988 424 lin. ft. 233.12 RECORDS OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1810-1988 1,435 lin. ft. 233.13 RECORDS OF THE GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1814-1988 3,601 lin. ft. 233.14 RECORDS OF THE HOUSE ADMINISTRATION COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1789-1988 1,667 lin. ft. 233.15 RECORDS OF THE INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1805-1988 1,968 lin. ft. 233.16 RECORDS OF THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE AND RELATED COMMITTEES 1813-1988 5,755 lin. ft. 233.17 RECORDS OF THE MERCHANT MARINE AND FISHERIES COMMITTEE 1877-1986 1,197 lin. ft. 233.18 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO THE POST OFFICE AND CIVIL SERVICE 1808-1988 434 lin. ft. 233.19 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO PUBLIC WORKS 1815-1988 853 lin. ft. 233.20 RECORDS OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES 1849-50, 1880-1988 144 lin. ft. 233.21 RECORDS OF THE SCIENCE AND ASTRONAUTICS COMMITTEE 1958-88 144 lin. ft. 233.22 RECORDS OF SELECT COMMITTEES 1789-1909, 1917-88 1,762 lin. ft. 233.22.1 Records of select committees, 1st-60th Congresses (1789- 1909) 233.22.2 Records of select committees, 61st-100th Congresses (1909-88) 233.23 RECORDS OF THE SMALL BUSINESS COMMITTEE 1975-88 51 lin. ft. 233.24 RECORDS OF THE STANDARDS OF OFFICIAL CONDUCT COMMITTEE 1969-88 205 lin. ft. 233.25 RECORDS OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1938-75 2,301 lin. ft. 233.25.1 Records of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities (1938-45) 233.25.2 Records of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (1945-69) and the House Committee on Internal Security (1969-75) 233.26 RECORDS OF THE VETERANS' AFFAIRS COMMITTEES 1924-88 668 lin. ft. 233.27 RECORDS OF THE WAYS AND MEANS COMMITTEE 1793-1988 1,905 lin. ft. 233.28 CARTOGRAPHIC RECORDS (GENERAL) 1828-1930 396 items 233.29 MOTION PICTURES (GENERAL) 233.30 VIDEO RECORDINGS (GENERAL) 1983-90 3,591 items 233.31 SOUND RECORDINGS (GENERAL) 233.32 MACHINE-READABLE RECORDS (GENERAL) 233.33 STILL PICTURES (GENERAL) 1880-96 208 images Top of Page 233.1 ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY Established: By Article I, Section 1, of the Constitution, approved September 17, 1787. First met, March 4, 1789. Functions: Exercises federal legislative authority jointly with the United States Senate. Has sole power of impeachment. Originates revenue bills, and by custom, appropriation bills. Elects the President in the event no candidate receives the votes of a majority of the electors. Finding Aids: Guide to the Records of the United States House of Representatives at the National Archives, 1789-1999: On-Line Edition. Charles E. Schamel, Mary Rephlo, Rodney Ross, David Kepley, Robert W. Coren, and James Gregory Bradsher, comps., Guide to the Records of the United States House of Representatives at the National Archives, 1789-1989: Bicentennial Edition (1989). Buford Rowland, Handy B. Fant, and Harold E. Hufford, comps., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the United States House of Representatives, 1789-1946, PI 113 (1959). Jose D. Lizardo, comp., "Inventory of the Records of the House of Representatives, 80th-87th Congress," (unpublished). Buford Rowland, Jose D. Lizardo, and George P. Perros, comps., Printed Hearings of the House of Representatives Found Among Its Committee Records in the National Archives of the United States, 1824-1958, SL 33 (1974). Security-Classified Records: This record group may include material that is security-classified. Specific Restrictions: As specified by House Resolution 5 (Congressional Record, 101st Cong., 1st sess., 1989, 135, pt. 1:72), records under the jurisdiction of the House are open to research after 30 years, except investigative records containing personal data, administrative records relating to personnel, records from hearings that are closed under rule 11 (now House Rule 7), and records for which access is specially designated by order of a committee. Records less than 30 years old that were made public before being transferred to the Archives are considered open. Related Records: Record copies of publications of the various committees of the United States House of Representatives in RG 287, Publications of the U.S. Government. Records of the U.S. Senate, RG 46. Records of Joint Committees of Congress, RG 128. Textual, photographic, and cartographic materials concerning the U.S. Capitol building, grounds, and related buildings, are in the custody of the Architect of the Capitol. RECORDS RECORD TYPES RECORD LOCATIONS QUANTITIES Textual Records National Archives Building 30,744 cu. ft. Maps and Charts College Park 1,200 items Motion Pictures College Park 65 reels Video Recordings College Park 3,627 items Sound Recordings Washington Area 1 item College Park 1,011 items Machine-Readable Records College Park 852 data sets Still Pictures College Park 314 images Note: Dates cited below are those of the records. Congresses reflect approximate corresponding Congressional sessions. Records of other subcommittees and investigations may be interfiled with the records of the full committees. Top of Page 233.2 GENERAL RECORDS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 1789-1988 8,442 lin. ft. Textual Records: Journals of legislative proceedings and minute books, 1789-1988. Original House bills, 1789-1988. Committee reports, 1861-1988. Original House documents, 1847-1988. Messages from the President, 1789-1988. Reports and communications, 1789- 1988. Committee papers of the Committee of the Whole, 1789-1988. Petitions and memorials of the Committee of the Whole, 1789-1988. Accompanying papers, 1789-1988. Tabled petitions and memorials, 1789-1988. Roll call votes, 1813-15. Records of the Office of the Clerk of the House, including record books, reports, and indexes, 1789-1988. Records of impeachment proceedings, 1789-1974. Microfilm Publications: M1264, M1265, M1404. Top of Page 233.3 RECORDS OF THE AGRICULTURE COMMITTEE 1820-1988 313 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions and memorials, committee papers, bill files, Executive communications, reports, correspondence, and hearing transcripts, 1820-1988. Related Records: Records of the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture, RG 16. Records of the Forest Service, RG 95. Top of Page 233.4 RECORDS OF THE APPROPRIATIONS COMMITTEE 1865-1988 403 lin. ft. Textual Records: Petitions, memorials, committee papers, minute books, docket books, bill files, and correspondence of the committee and its subcommittees as follows: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Appropriations351 ft.1865-198839th-100th SubcommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On the Works Progress Administration48 ft.1939-4076th To Investigate Subversive Activities5 ft.1943-4478th Finding Aids: George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the Appropriations Committee of the House of Representatives: Subcommittee on the Works Progress Administration, 1939-41, PI 107 (1958). Top of Page 233.5 RECORDS OF THE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1822-1988 1,813 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees and subcommittees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Military Affairs204 ft.1822-194617th-79th On the Militia3 ft.1835-191124th-67th On Naval Affairs65 ft.1822-194617th-79th On Armed Services1,440 ft.1947-8880th-100th SubcommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Procurement7 ft.1951-5282d On Defense Activities19 ft.1953-5483d On Special Investigations73 ft.1955-6884th-90th Finding Aids: George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of Records of the Military Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives Relating to an Investigation of the War Department, 1934-36, PI 80 (1955). Top of Page 233.6 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO BANKING AND CURRENCY 1864-1988 338 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Banking and Currency 355 ft. 1865-1988 39th-100th On Coinage, Weights, and Measures 10 ft. 1864-1946 38th-79th Top of Page 233.7 RECORDS OF THE BUDGET COMMITTEE 1974-88 164 lin. ft. Textual Records: Hearings, newspaper clippings, memorandums, and correspondence, 1974-88. Top of Page 233.8 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO CLAIMS 1794-1946 1,481 lin. ft. Textual Records: Bill files, petitions, memorials, committee papers, bound reports, minute books, docket books, individual claims, and case files of the following committees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Claims 363 ft. 1794-1946 3d-79th On Revolutionary Pensions 6 ft. 1813-25 13th-19th On Military Pensions 7 ft. 1825-31 19th-21st On Invalid Pensions 669 ft. 1831-1946 21st-79th On Revolutionary Pensions 24 ft. 1831-80 21st-46th On Pensions 148 ft. 1880-1946 46th-79th On Revolutionary Claims 19 ft. 1825-73 19th-42d On War Claims 224 ft. 1873-1946 43d-79th On Private Land Claims 21 ft. 1816-1911 14th-62d Related Records: Records of the Committee on the Judiciary include additional claims records among the petitions and memorials, 1813-65; accompanying papers, 1865-1903; general bill files, 1903-46; and Claims Subcommittee bills files, 1947-68. SEE 233.16. Top of Page 233.9 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO COMMERCE 1795-1988 1,004 lin. ft. Textual Records: Petitions, memorials, committee papers, minute books, docket books, and bill files of the following committees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Commerce and Manufactures 5 ft. 1795-1819 4th-15th On Manufactures 10 ft. 1819-1911 16th-61st On Commerce 74 ft. 1819-92 16th-51st On Interstate and Foreign Commerce 342 ft. 1892-1968 252d-90th On Industrial Arts and Expositions 3 ft. 1903-27 58th-69th On Energy and Commerce 571 ft. 1969-88 91st-100th Top of Page 233.10 RECORDS OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COMMITTEE 1808-1988 281 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files, 1808-1988. Top of Page 233.11 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO EDUCATION AND LABOR 1867-1988 424 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Education and Labor 1 ft. 1867-83 40th-48th On Education 13 ft. 1883-1946 48th-79th On Labor 26 ft. 1883-1946 48th-79th On Education and Labor 385 ft. 1947-88 80th-100th Top of Page 233.12 RECORDS OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1810-1988 1,435 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Foreign Affairs, and Predecessor Select Committees 1,435 ft. 1810-1988 11th-100th Top of Page 233.13 RECORDS OF THE GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1814-1988 3,601 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, bill files, minutes, and bound reports of the following committees and subcommittees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Public Expenditures 4 ft. 1814-80 13th-46th On Expenditures in the Navy Department 1 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures in the Post Office Department 13 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures in the Treasury Department 4 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures in the State Department 3 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures in the War Department 25 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures on the Public Buildings 2 ft. 1816-1927 14th-69th On Expenditures in the Interior Department 3 ft. 1860-1927 36th-69th On Expenditures in the Justice Department 2 ft. 1874-1927 43d-69th On Expenditures in the Agriculture Department 3 ft. 1889-1927 51st-69th On Expenditures in the Executive Departments 134 ft. 1927-52 70th-82d On Government Operations 3,074 ft. 1952-88 82d-100th Subcommittee Volume Dates Congresses On Federal Relations with International Organizations 3 ft. 1949-52 81st-82d On Government Operations 13 ft. 1949-52 81st-82d On Intergovernmental Relations 13 ft. 1949-52 81st-82d On Paroles 1 ft. 1947-48 80th On Procurement and Public Buildings 20 ft. 1947-48 80th On Surplus Property 28 ft. 1947-48 80th On Publicity and Propaganda 12 ft. 1947-48 80th On Investigating the Home Loan Board 10 ft. 1951-52 82d On Executive and Legislative Reorganization 38 ft. 1955-68 84th-90th On Foreign Operations and Government Information 3 ft. 1963-68 88th-90th On Foreign Operations and Monetary Affairs 8 ft. 1955-62 83d-87th On Government Activities 24 ft. 1957-69 85th-90th On Intergovernmental Relations 20 ft. 1953-68 83d-90th On International Operations 29 ft. 1953-58 83d-85th On Legal and Monetary Affairs 18 ft. 1955-68 84th-90th On Military Operations 30 ft. 1953-68 83d-90th On National Resources and Power 4 ft. 1963-68 88th-90th On Public Works and Resources 16 ft. 1955-58 84th-85th On Research and Technical Programs 20 ft. 1965-68 89th-90th On Special Studies 12 ft. 1967-68 90th On Government Information 7 ft. 1957-62 85th-87th Top of Page 233.14 RECORDS OF THE HOUSE ADMINISTRATION COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1789-1988 1,667 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, bill files, record or enrollment books, and bound volumes of the following committees and subcommittees: Committee Volume Dates Congresses On Elections 279 ft. 1789-1946 1st-79th On Election of the President, Vice President, and Representatives, in Congress 7 ft. 1893-1946 53d-79th On Enrolled Bills 9 ft. 1876-1946 44th-79th On the Library 25 ft. 1806-1946 9th-79th On Accounts 9 ft. 1803-1946 8th-79th On Printing 12 ft. 1846-1947 29th-79th On House Administration 1,011 ft. 1947-88 80th-100th Subcommittee Volume Dates Congresses On Accounts 185 ft. 1947-68 80th-90th On Elections 57 ft. 1947-68 80th-90th On Printing 16 ft. 1947-68 80th-90th On Library, Enrolled Bills, Disposition of Executive Papers, and Memorials 50 ft. 1947-68 80th-90th On Electrical and Mechanical Office Equipment 2 ft. 1955-68 84th-90th On Contracts 2 ft. 1965-68 89th-90th To Study Federal Printing and Paperwork 2 ft. 1955-58 84th-85th On Audits 1 ft. 1959-64 86th-88th Top of Page 233.15 RECORDS OF THE INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS COMMITTEE AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1805-1988 1,968 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Public Lands86 ft.1805-19519th-81st On Indian Affairs74 ft.1821-194617th-79th On Territories38 ft.1825-194619th-79th On Mines and Mining14 ft.1865-194639th-79th On Pacific Railroads6 ft.1865-191137th-61st On Irrigation and Reclamation13 ft.1893-194653d-79th On Insular Affairs12 ft.1899-194656th-79th On Interior and Insular Affairs1,734 ft.1951-8882d-100th * SEE ALSO nontextual descriptions. Maps (784 items): Printed, annotated, and manuscript maps used by the Subcommittee on Public Lands, 1975-85, including those used in the 1983 Asset Management Study proposed by the Reagan administration to show potential sales of federal lands; those showing proposed boundaries of wilderness areas, such as those of the California Roadless Area Review and Evaluation II (RARE II) studies; and others relating to such topics as geothermal areas, the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, and possible MX missile sites. SEE ALSO 233.28. Photographic Prints (78 images): Views of Round Pond, Wharton, and Enid, OK, taken in conjunction with the Oklahoma Railroad Bill, from the records of the House Committee on Territories, 1893-94 (TE, TRP, TW). SEE ALSO 233.33. Top of Page 233.16 RECORDS OF THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE AND RELATED COMMITTEES 1813-1988 5,755 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees and subcommittees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Patents45 ft.1837-194625th-79th On Immigration and Naturalization89 ft.1893-194653d-79th On Revision of Laws2 ft.1868-194640th-79th On Alcoholic Liquor Traffic3 ft.1879-192746th-69th On the Judiciary5,048 ft.1813-198813th-100th SubcommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses No. 1 (Immigration and Naturalization)145 ft.1947-6880th-90th No. 5 (Antitrust)309 ft.1947-6880th-90th To Investigate Immigration and Naturalization Problems2 ft.1949-5081st To Investigate the Justice Department29 ft.1951-5482d-83d On Submerged Lands2 ft.1955-5684th On State Taxation of Interstate Commerce26 ft.1961-6887th-90th On Reapportionment2 ft.1963-6488th On Civil Rights2 ft.1965-6689th On Judicial Behavior4 ft.1965-6689th Note: Records of subcommittees 2-4 are among the full committee records. Machine-Readable Records (1 data set): Records relating to the Judiciary Committee Inquiry into the Impeachment of President Nixon, prepared for use of the House Committee by the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities (Ervin Committee), and consisting of a master data base of abstracts for each item of evidence or session of testimony, 1973-74, with supporting documentation. SEE ALSO 233.32. Top of Page 233.17 RECORDS OF THE MERCHANT MARINE AND FISHERIES COMMITTEE 1877-1986 1,197 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files, 1877-1986. Top of Page 233.18 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO THE POST OFFICE AND CIVIL SERVICE 1808-1988 434 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Post Office and Post Roads149 ft.1808-194610th-79th On Reform in the Civil Service19 ft.1893-192453d-68th On the Civil Service25 ft.1924-4668th-79th On the Census2 ft.1901-4657th-79th On Post Office and Civil Service239 ft.1947-8880th-100th Top of Page 233.19 RECORDS OF COMMITTEES RELATING TO PUBLIC WORKS 1815-1988 853 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees and subcommittees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Roads and Canals7 ft.1815-6914th-40th On Railways and Canals4 ft.1869-192741st-70th On Levees and Improvements of the Mississippi River1 ft.1877-191145th-61st On Rivers and Harbors50 ft.1883-194648th-79th On Flood Control9 ft.1916-4664th-79th On Public Buildings and Grounds55 ft.1819-194616th-79th On Roads6 ft.1913-4663d-79th On Public Works645 ft.1947-8880th-100th SubcommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses To Investigate Questionable Trade Practices29 ft.1947-4880th On Federal Highway Program11 ft.1951-5282d On Roads3 ft.1947-4880th 1951-6882d-90th On Public Buildings and Grounds1 ft.1947-4880th 1951-6882d-90th On Federal-Aid Highway Program9 ft.1965-6889th-90th SEE ALSO nontextual descriptions. Maps and Charts (20 items): Printed maps and charts used by the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, 1880-1900. SEE ALSO 233.28. Top of Page 233.20 RECORDS OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES 1849-50, 1880-1988 144 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files, 1849-50, 1880-1988. Top of Page 233.21 RECORDS OF THE SCIENCE AND ASTRONAUTICS COMMITTEE 1958-88 144 lin. ft. Textual Records: Petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files, 1958-88. Top of Page 233.22 RECORDS OF SELECT COMMITTEES 1789-1909, 1917-88 1,762 lin. ft. Top of Page 233.22.1 Records of select committees, 1st-60th Congresses (1789-1909) Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, reports, resolutions, bills, amendments, affidavits, transcripts of hearings, correspondence, and other records of select committees on various subjects, 1789- 1909. Top of Page 233.22.2 Records of select committees, 61st-100th Congresses, (1909-88) Textual Records: Minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, reports, resolutions, bills, amendments, affidavits, transcripts of hearings, correspondence, and other records of the following select committees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses To Investigate Conditions Interfering With Interstate Commerce Between Illinois and Missouri2 ft.1917-1865th To Investigate Contracts and Expenditures Made by the War Department During the War110 ft.1919-2166th On U.S. Shipping Board Operations13 ft.1919-2166th-67th To Investigate the Preparation, Distribution, Sale, Payment, Retirement, Surrender, Cancellation, and Destruction of Government Bonds and Other Securities2 ft.1924-2568th Of Inquiry into Operation of the U.S. Air Services21 ft.1924-2568th-69th To Investigate Campaign Expenditures81 ft.192870th On Conservation of Wildlife Resources9 ft.1934-4673d-79th On Un-American Activities Authorized to Investigate Nazi Propaganda and Certain Other Propaganda Activities21 ft.1934-3573d-74th To Investigate Real Estate Bondholders' Reorganizations 247 ft.1934-3873d-75th On Government Organization6 ft.1937-4175th-76th To Investigate the National Labor Relations Board91 ft.1939-4076th To Investigate National Defense Migration65 ft.1940-4376th-78th To Investigate Air Accidents24 ft.1941-4377th-78th To Investigate Acts of Executive Agencies Beyond the Scope of Their Authority37 ft.1943-4678th-79th On Postwar Economic Policy and Planning1 ft.1944-4678th-79th On Postwar Military Policy10 ft.1944-4678th-79th To Investigate the Seizure of Montgomery Ward and Company1 ft.194478th To Investigate the Federal Communications Commission45 ft.1943-4578th To Investigate the Disposition of Surplus Property10 ft.194679th On Foreign Aid50 ft.1947-4880th To Investigate Commodity Transactions12 ft.1947-4880th To Investigate the Federal Communications Commission8 ft.194880th On Lobbying Activities22 ft.1949-5081st To Investigate the Use of Chemicals in Food and Cosmetics25 ft.1950-5281st-82d To Investigate Educational, Training, and Loan Guaranty Programs Under the G.I. Bill25 ft.1950-5281st-82d To Conduct an Investigation and Study of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre10 ft.1951-5282d To Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable Organizations60 ft.1952-5482d-83d To Investigate Communist Aggression Against Poland and Hungary** On Communist Aggression22 ft.1953-5483d On Survivor Benefits1 ft.1954-5583d-84th On Export Control5 ft.1961-6287th On Government Research46 ft.1963-6488th To Investigate Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.8 ft.196790th On Intelligence (Pike Committee)+1 ft.1952-7694th On Assassinations+400 ft.1976-7994th-96th On Aging157 ft.1977-8895th-100th SEE ALSO nontextual descriptions. ** Nontextual holdings only. + Portions relating to President Kennedy's assassination are administered by the National Archives as part of the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, described UNDER 272.1 Note. Microfilm Publications: M1167. Motion Pictures (49 reels): Testimony of witnesses before the Select Committee to Investigate Communist Aggression Against Poland and Hungary (Kersten Committee), 1954 (39 reels). Interviews with witnesses, testimony, hearings and proceedings, and exhibits created by or submitted to the House Select Committee on Assassinations during its investigation into the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., 1963-78 (10 reels). SEE ALSO 233.29. Video Recordings (36 items): Interviews with witnesses, testimony, hearings and proceedings, and exhibits created by or submitted to the House Select Committee on Assassinations during its investigation into the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., 1963-78. SEE ALSO 233.30. Sound Recordings (965 items): Interviews with witnesses, testimony, hearings and proceedings, and exhibits created by or submitted to the House Select Committee on Assassinations during its investigation into the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., 1963-78 (964 items). SEE ALSO the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection. "Keep the Faith, Baby," as recorded by Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., January 1967, from the records of the House Select Committee to Investigate Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (1 item, in Washington Area). SEE ALSO 233.31. Machine-Readable Records (851 data sets): Records of the House Select Committee on Assassinations relating to its investigation of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, 1976-79, with supporting documentation. SEE ALSO 233.32 and the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection. Photographic Prints (28 images): Soil erosion and wharf damage, Mississippi River, New Orleans, LA, from the records of the House Select Committee Relative to Appropriations for the Improvement of the Mississippi River, 1881 (NO). SEE ALSO 233.33. Finding Aids: George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the House of Representatives Select Committee of Inquiry into Operations of the United States Air Services, 1924-35, PI 108 (1958). Jose D. Lizardo, comp., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the House of Representatives Select Committee to Investigate Real Estate Bondholders' Reorganizations, 1934-38, PI 96 (1956). George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of Records of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives Investigating National Defense Migration, 1940-43, PI 71 (1954). George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of Records of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives to Investigate Air Accidents, 1941-43, PI 67 (1954). George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of Records of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives to Investigate Acts of Executive Agencies Beyond the Scope of Their Authority, 1943-46, PI 84 (1955). George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of Records of Certain Committees of the House of Representatives Investigating the Disposal of Surplus Property, 1946-48, PI 65 (1954). George P. Perros, comp., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives on Foreign Aid, 1947-48, PI 111 (1958). Top of Page 233.23 RECORDS OF THE SMALL BUSINESS COMMITTEE 1975-88 51 lin. ft. Textual Records: Printed committee hearings, reports, transcripts, and bill files, 1975-88. Top of Page 233.24 RECORDS OF THE STANDARDS OF OFFICIAL CONDUCT COMMITTEE 1969-88 205 lin. ft. Textual Records: Memorandums, correspondence, newspaper clippings, and committee papers, 1969-88. Top of Page 233.25 RECORDS OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY AND ITS PREDECESSORS 1938-75 2,301 lin. ft. Top of Page 233.25.1 Records of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities (1938-45) Textual Records: Correspondence, transcripts of hearings, and investigative records, 1938-45. Top of Page 233.25.2 Records of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (1945-69) and the House Committee on Internal Security (1969-75) Textual Records: Minutes of committee and subcommittee meetings, 1947-74. Records of the Administrative Section, including committee correspondence, records of the staff director, subject files, personnel files, and press releases, 1949-75. Records of the Editorial Section, 1946-75. Subject area reference files and other records of the Files and Reference Section, 1938-75. Records of the Financial Secretary, 1947-75. Investigative and other records of the Investigative Section, 1945-75. Records of the Research Section, 1945-74. Motion Pictures (16 reels): Exhibits at hearings on Students for a Democratic Society, 1969; on the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, 1970; and on the theory and practice of Communism, 1972. SEE ALSO 233.29. Sound Recordings (47 items): Ku Klux Klan meetings, offered as exhibits at committee hearings, 1965 (8 items). Interviews or speeches of members of Congress and prominent public figures, "Moscow Mail Bag" interviews, and interviews concerning the DuBois Clubs of America; press conference of students returning from Cuba; Oswald-Butler debate; and radio broadcasts, 1946-64 (39 items). SEE ALSO 233.31. Top of Page 233.26 RECORDS OF THE VETERANS' AFFAIRS COMMITTEES 1924-88 668 lin. ft. Textual Records: Minutes, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the following committees: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On World War Veterans Legislation65 ft.1924-4668th-79th On Veterans' Affairs605 ft.1947-8880th-100th Top of Page 233.27 RECORDS OF THE WAYS AND MEANS COMMITTEE 1793-1988 1,905 lin. ft. Textual Records: Transcribed reports, minute books, docket books, petitions, memorials, committee papers, and bill files of the committee and its subcommittees as follows: CommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Ways and Means1,849 ft.1793-19883d-100th SubcommitteeVolumeDatesCongresses On Administration of Internal Revenue Laws59 ft.1950-5381st-83d Top of Page 233.28 CARTOGRAPHIC RECORDS (GENERAL) 1828-1930 396 items Maps: Manuscript maps showing routes of federal troops, 1858 (1 item). Published maps prepared to accompany House documents, 1828-1930 (395 items). SEE Maps and Charts UNDER 233.19. SEE Maps UNDER 233.15. Finding Aids: Martin P. Claussen and Herman R. Friis, comps., Descriptive Catalog of Maps Published by Congress, 1817-1843 (1943). Top of Page 233.29 MOTION PICTURES (GENERAL) SEE UNDER 233.22.2 and 233.25.2. Top of Page 233.30 VIDEO RECORDINGS (GENERAL) 1983-90 3,591 items Television coverage of floor proceedings, 1983-90. SEE UNDER 233.22.2. Top of Page 233.31 SOUND RECORDINGS (GENERAL) SEE UNDER 233.22.2 and 233.25.2. Top of Page 233.32 MACHINE-READABLE RECORDS (GENERAL) SEE UNDER 233.16 and 233.22.2. Top of Page 233.33 STILL PICTURES (GENERAL) 1880-96 208 images Photographic Prints (208 images): Wharves and harbor, Bridgeport, CT; demolition of Flood Rock in Hell Gate channel, New York, NY; sinking of the vessel, Susan E. Peck, St. Marys River, MI; and lithograph of Representative John E. Russell of Massachusetts, 1880-93 (M, 8 images). Women of the Board of Lady Managers, supervisors of all aspects of 1893 World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, IL, concerning women; and views of fine arts exhibits, 1896 (WE, 200 images). SEE ALSO 233.15 and 233.22.2. Bibliographic note: Web version based on Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the United States. Compiled by Robert B. Matchette et al. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1995. 3 volumes, 2428 pages. Ordering information This Web version is updated from time to time to include records processed since 1995.
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"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/01/Flag_of_California.svg/32px-Flag_of_California.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6a/Jefferson_in_United_States.svg/180px-Jefferson_in_United_States.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9b/1982_California_gubernatorial_election_results_map_by_county.svg/180px-1982_California_gubernatorial_election_results_map_by_county.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/0a/Area_code_530.svg/180px-Area_code_530.svg.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	California's 1st congressional district is a U.S. congressional district in California. Doug LaMalfa, a Republican, has represented the district since January 2...	en			https://www.wikiwand.com/en/articles/California's_1st_congressional_district	"CA-01" redirects here. For other uses, see CA1 (disambiguation). California's 1st congressional district is a U.S. congressional district in California. Doug LaMalfa, a Republican, has represented the district since January 2013. Currently, it encompasses the northeastern part of the state. Since the 2022 election, it includes the counties of Butte, Colusa, Glenn, Lassen, Modoc, Shasta, Siskiyou, Sutter, and Tehama, and most of Yuba County. The largest cities in the district are Chico, Redding, and Yuba City.[1] Quick Facts Representative, Population (2022) ... Close Prior to redistricting in 2021, it included Butte County, Lassen County, Modoc County, Plumas County, Shasta County, Sierra County, Siskiyou County, Tehama County, most of Nevada County, part of Glenn County and part of Placer County. In the 2021 redistricting, it added the Yuba-Sutter area and removed most of its share of the Sierra Nevada.[4] Prior to 2013, the GOP last held the seat in 1998 when U.S. Representative Frank Riggs decided to run for the U.S. Senate. Riggs was replaced by long-time Democratic Assemblyman and State Senator Mike Thompson. Redistricting in 2001 added Democratic-leaning areas of Yolo County. John Kerry won the district in 2004 presidential election with 59.7% of the vote. Barack Obama carried the district in 2008 presidential election with 65.60% of the vote. The redistricting after the 2010 census made the district much more Republican-leaning; Mitt Romney and Donald Trump won the district by double digits in 2012, 2016, and 2020 respectively. More information #, County ... # County Seat Population 7 Butte Oroville 208,309 11 Colusa Colusa 21,917 21 Glenn Willows 28,805 35 Lassen Susanville 33,159 49 Modoc Alturas 8,661 89 Shasta Redding 182,139 93 Siskiyou Yreka 44,118 101 Sutter Yuba City 99,063 103 Tehama Red Bluff 65,498 Close Since the 2020 redistricting, California's 1st district is located in northeastern California. It encompasses Butte, Colusa, Glenn, Lassen, Modoc, Shasta, Siskiyou, Sutter, and Tehama Counties, as well as part Yuba County. Yuba County is split between this district and the 3rd district. They are partitioned by State Highway 70, Ellis Rd, and Union Pacific. The 1st district takes in the city of Marysville and the surrounding census-designated areas. Cities 10,000 people or more Chico – 101,475 Redding – 95,542 Yuba City – 70,117 Oroville – 20,737 Susanville – 16,728 Red Bluff – 14,710 Anderson – 11,323 Shasta Lake – 10,121 2,500-10,000 people Live Oak – 8,912 Corning – 8,244 Orland – 7,622 Gridley – 7,224 Colusa – 6,411 Willows – 6,072 Williams – 5,408 Wheatland – 3,873 Alturas – 2,715
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1437	dbpedia	3	93	https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1880	en	United States presidential election of 1880 \| Garfield vs. Hancock, Facts, Campaigns, & Results	https://cdn.britannica.c…Chicago-1880.jpg	https://cdn.britannica.c…Chicago-1880.jpg	[ "https://cdn.britannica.com/mendel/eb-logo/MendelNewThistleLogo.png", "https://cdn.britannica.com/mendel/eb-logo/MendelNewThistleLogo.png", "https://cdn.britannica.com/63/254663-049-B1899B84/Interactive-United-States-presidential-election-of-1880-James-A-Garfield-elected.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/27/71527-004-778A3F69/Republican-National-Convention-Chicago-1880.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/61/761-004-66555BB6/James-A-Garfield-1880.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/36/1136-004-79016E57/Winfield-Scott-Hancock.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/72/152072-004-BF58350C/Campaign-poster-James-A-Garfield-Chester-Arthur-1880.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/20/73720-004-AB217F0D/election-Results-American-Votes-Candidate-Sources-Political-1880.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/09/153009-131-58881A36/Washington-Monument-George-fireworks-obelisk-end-DC.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/69/172169-131-EC7BA047/White-House-Washington-DC-portico-USA-Pennsylvania.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/22/232222-050-C7D008B3/Hand-ballot-box-vote-election.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/11/257711-050-4C31777E/United-states-election-US-history.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/94/182194-131-A1441287/Andrew-Jackson-town-supporters-inauguration-way-1829.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/05/228405-131-07C0139F/pro-con-artwork.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/35/137235-131-D6F1442C/building-United-States-Supreme-Court-court-world-1935.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/84/203584-131-357FBE7D/speed-internet-technology-background.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/68/220368-131-C835E48E/United-States-electoral-college-votes-by-state.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/46/172446-131-3351BF8A/David-Cameron-Barack-Obama-talk-United-Kingdom-June-17-2013.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/12/119812-131-0032F7FC/Encyclopaedia-Britannica-First-Edition-Illustration-Ark-of-the-Covenant.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/16/191216-131-B288FFB5/Tulips-sculpture-group-colour-coating-stainless-steel-2004.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/73/124073-131-EA3EACC6/Tug-of-war-US-Naval-Academy-Maryland-Annapolis-2005.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/53/189853-131-02462668/Footraces-distances-Summer-Olympics.jpg?w=200&h=200&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/27/71527-050-A6C80C5F/Republican-National-Convention-Chicago-1880.jpg?w=400&h=300&c=crop", "https://cdn.britannica.com/61/761-004-66555BB6/James-A-Garfield-1880.jpg?w=300", "https://cdn.britannica.com/69/172169-131-EC7BA047/White-House-Washington-DC-portico-USA-Pennsylvania.jpg", "https://cdn.britannica.com/36/1136-050-B76A22F3/Winfield-Scott-Hancock.jpg?w=300", "https://cdn.britannica.com/72/152072-050-C7297DCC/Campaign-poster-James-A-Garfield-Chester-Arthur-1880.jpg?w=300" ]	[]	[]	[ "United States presidential election of 1880", "encyclopedia", "encyclopeadia", "britannica", "article" ]	null	[ "John M. Cunningham" ]	2011-06-16T00:00:00+00:00	United States presidential election of 1880 was an American presidential election held on November 2, 1880, in which Republican James A. Garfield defeated Democrat Winfield Scott Hancock.	en	/favicon.png	Encyclopedia Britannica	https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1880	The candidates Britannica Quiz U.S. Presidential History Quiz Because Pres. Rutherford B. Hayes had pledged to serve only one term, the run-up to the 1880 election saw both major parties eagerly seeking to designate a standard-bearer. The Stalwarts—a conservative faction of the Republican Party that included powerful party leaders such as New York Sen. Roscoe Conkling—favored former president Ulysses S. Grant. Though Grant’s presidency had been marred by scandal, in 1877–79 he had undertaken a well-publicized world tour that boosted his reputation both at home and abroad, and while he did not actively seek the nomination, it was understood that he would accept it if offered. Other Republican elements, however, rejected Grant out of a concern that his nomination would reopen fissures within the party and that a third term would set an unwise precedent. At the nominating convention in Chicago in early June, those opposed to Grant generally backed either Maine Sen. James G. Blaine or Secretary of the Treasury John Sherman. However, neither commanded wide support, and when the convention deadlocked, the anti-Grant faction united around Ohio Rep. James A. Garfield, who had eloquently campaigned for Sherman. Despite his own reluctance to become a candidate, Garfield won the nomination. Chester A. Arthur, a Stalwart who had served as the customs collector for the port of New York City, emerged as Garfield’s running mate. One of the most-discussed names on the Democratic side was the party’s previous nominee, former New York governor Samuel J. Tilden, who some thought deserved a chance to avenge his controversial loss of four years earlier. As the party’s convention—held in Cincinnati, Ohio, in late June—got under way, however, Tilden declared that he would not be a candidate. Despite challenges from an impressive slate of contenders, Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock, a Union commander during the Civil War and the respected military governor of Louisiana and Texas during Reconstruction, captured the nomination on the second ballot. The Democrats’ vice presidential nominee was former Indiana representative William H. English. The campaign and the election Several issues emerged as key concerns during the 1880 campaign. While the Republicans stressed the need for strong tariff protection in an effort to curb foreign competition in the economic marketplace, the Democratic platform called for a more-relaxed tariff policy. Both parties favored civil service reform, although the Democrats pressed the issue more vehemently, accusing both Garfield and Arthur of political corruption. (In particular, Garfield was alleged to have been involved in the Crédit Mobilier Scandal.) An aim to restrict Chinese immigration also featured in both parties’ platforms. In an era when it was still considered unseemly for a candidate to court voters actively, Garfield conducted the first “front-porch” campaign, from his home in Mentor, Ohio, where reporters and voters went to hear him speak. Hancock demonstrated the potential perils of personally addressing the media, however, when, in a newspaper interview in October, he claimed that “the tariff question is a local question,” a somewhat dubious remark that seemed to highlight his lack of political experience. Get a Britannica Premium subscription and gain access to exclusive content. Subscribe Now On election day Garfield triumphed with 214 electoral votes to Hancock’s 155. The popular vote totals were much closer, though, with Garfield edging Hancock by fewer than 10,000 votes. The electoral map attested to the country’s profound sectional divide, as Hancock carried every state that had belonged to the Confederacy as well as the border states of Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware. Additionally, 3 percent of voters cast ballots for the Greenback Party, which advocated an expanded currency along with government regulation of labor and industry. For the results of the previous election, see United States presidential election of 1876. For the results of the subsequent election, see United States presidential election of 1884. John M. Cunningham
1437	dbpedia	2	88	https://pressbooks.pub/ahistoryoftheunitedstates/chapter/politics-in-the-gilded-age-populists-and-progressives-1870-1919/	en	Chapter 9: Politics in the Gilded Age: Populists and Progressives, 1870	https://pressbooks.pub/a…avicon-32x32.png	https://pressbooks.pub/a…avicon-32x32.png	[ "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image1-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image2-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image3.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image4.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image5-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image6-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image7-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image8-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image9-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image10-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image11-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image12-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image13-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image14.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image15-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image16-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image17-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image18-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image19-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image20-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image21-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image22.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image23.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image24-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image25-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image26-1.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image27.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image28.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image29.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image30.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image31.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image32.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image33.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image34.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image35.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image36.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image37.jpg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image38.jpeg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image39.jpeg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/uploads/sites/1206/2022/09/image40.jpeg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/themes/pressbooks-book/packages/buckram/assets/images/cc-by-nc-sa.svg", "https://pressbooks.pub/app/themes/pressbooks-book/assets/images/yt_icon_mono_dark.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "John Mack" ]	null		en	https://pressbooks.pub/a…e-touch-icon.png		https://pressbooks.pub/ahistoryoftheunitedstates/chapter/politics-in-the-gilded-age-populists-and-progressives-1870-1919/	L. Frank Baum’s story of a Kansas girl and the magical land of Oz has become a classic of both film and screen, but it may have originated in part as an allegory of late nineteenth-century politics and the rise of the Populist movement. Source: Wikimedia Commons Chapter Outline Introduction,, Watch and Learn,, Questions to Guide your Reading 9.1 Political Corruption in Postbellum America 9.2 Farmers Revolt in the Populist Era 9.3 Social and Labor Unrest in the 1890s 9.4 The Progressive Spirit in America 9.5 New Voices for Women and African Americans 9.6 Progressivism in the White House 9.7 The United States Prepares for War 9.8 A New Home Front 9.9 From War to Peace Summary Timelines, Chapter 9 Self-Test, Chapter 9 Key Term Crossword Puzzle Introduction L. Frank Baum was a journalist who rose to prominence at the end of the nineteenth century. Baum’s most famous story, The Wizard of Oz, was published in 1900, but “Oz” first came into being years earlier, when he told a story to a group of schoolchildren visiting his newspaper office in South Dakota. He made up a tale of a wonderful land, and, searching for a name, he allegedly glanced down at his file cabinet, where the bottom drawer was labeled “O-Z.” Thus was born the world of Oz, where a girl from struggling Kansas hoped to get help from a “wonderful wizard” who proved to be a fraud. Since then, many have speculated that the story reflected Baum’s political sympathies for the Populist Party, which galvanized midwestern and southern farmers’ demands for federal reform. Whether he intended the story to act as an allegory for the plight of farmers and workers in late nineteenth-century America, or whether he simply wanted to write an “American fairy tale” set in the heartland, Populists looked for answers much like Dorothy did. And the government in Washington proved to be meek rather than magical. Women’s suffrage was one of many causes that emerged at this time, as Americans confronted the numerous challenges of the late nineteenth century. Starting in the late 1800s, women increasingly were working outside the home—a task almost always done for money, not empowerment—as well as pursuing higher education, both at universities that were beginning to allow women to enroll and at female-only schools. Often, it was educated middle-class women with more time and resources that took up causes such as child labor and family health. As more women led new organizations or institutions, such as the settlement houses, they grew to have a greater voice on issues of social change. By the turn of the century, a strong movement had formed to advocate for a woman’s right to vote. For three decades, suffragist groups pushed for legislation to give women the right to vote in every state. As the illustration to the left demonstrates, the western states were the first to grant women the right to vote; it would not be until 1920 that the nation would extend that right to all women. The western states were the first to allow women the right to vote, a freedom that grew out of the less deeply entrenched gendered spheres in the region. This illustration, from 1915, shows a suffragist holding a torch over the western states and inviting the beckoning women from the rest of the country to join her. Source: Wikimedia Commons Watch and Learn (Crash Course in History videos for chapter 9) The Gilded Age The Progressive Era Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois Women’s Suffrage Progressive Presidents America in World War 1 Questions to Guide Your Reading How does the term “Gilded Age” characterize American society in the late nineteenth century? In what ways is this characterization accurate or inaccurate? Did the Populist Party make a wise decision in choosing to support the Democratic Party’s candidate in the 1896 presidential election? Why or why not? Explain the fundamental differences between Roosevelt’s “New Nationalism” and Wilson’s “New Freedom.” Describe the multiple groups and leaders that emerged in the fight for the Progressive agenda, including women’s rights, African American rights, and workers’ rights. How were the philosophies, agendas, strategies, and approaches of these leaders and organizations similar and different? What made it difficult for all Progressive activists to present a united front? How did President Theodore Roosevelt’s “Square Deal” epitomize the notion that the federal government should serve as a steward protecting the public’s interests? How did the goals and reform agenda of the Progressive Era manifest themselves during the presidential administrations of Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson? What vestiges of Progressivism can we see in our modern lives—politically, economically, and socially? Which of our present-day political processes, laws, institutions, and attitudes have roots in this era? Why have they had such staying power? What changes did the war bring to the everyday lives of Americans? How lasting were these changes? What new opportunities did the war present for women and African Americans? What limitations did these groups continue to face in spite of these opportunities? 9.1 Political Corruption in Postbellum America The challenges Americans faced in the post-Civil War era extended far beyond the issue of Reconstruction and the challenge of an economy without slavery. Political and social repair of the nation was paramount, as was the correlative question of race relations in the wake of slavery. In addition, farmers faced the task of cultivating arid western soils and selling crops in an increasingly global commodities market, while workers in urban industries suffered long hours and hazardous conditions at stagnant wages. Farmers, who still composed the largest percentage of the U.S. population, faced mounting debts as agricultural prices spiraled downward. These lower prices were due in large part to the cultivation of more acreage using more productive farming tools and machinery, global market competition, as well as price manipulation by commodity traders, exorbitant railroad freight rates, and costly loans upon which farmers depended. For many, their hard work resulted merely in a continuing decline in prices and even greater debt. These farmers, and others who sought leaders to heal the wounds left from the Civil War, organized in different states, and eventually into a national third-party challenge, only to find that, with the end of Reconstruction, federal political power was stuck in a permanent partisan stalemate, and corruption was widespread at both the state and federal levels. As the Gilded Age unfolded, presidents had very little power, due in large part to highly contested elections in which relative popular majorities were razor thin. Two presidents won the Electoral College without a popular majority. Further undermining their efficacy was a Congress comprising mostly politicians operating on the principle of political patronage. Eventually, frustrated by the lack of leadership in Washington, some Americans began to develop their own solutions, including the establishment of new political parties and organizations to directly address the problems they faced. Out of the frustration wrought by war and presidential political impotence, as well as an overwhelming pace of industrial change, farmers and workers formed a new grassroots reform movement that, at the end of the century, was eclipsed by an even larger, mostly middle-class, Progressive movement. These reform efforts did bring about change—but not without a fight. THE GILDED AGE Mark Twain coined the phrase “Gilded Age” in a book he co-authored with Charles Dudley Warner in 1873, The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today. The book satirized the corruption of post-Civil War society and politics. Indeed, popular excitement over national growth and industrialization only thinly glossed over the stark economic inequalities and various degrees of corruption of the era. Politicians of the time largely catered to business interests in exchange for political support and wealth. Many participated in graft and bribery, often justifying their actions with the excuse that corruption was too widespread for a successful politician to resist. The machine politics of the cities, specifically Tammany Hall in New York, illustrate the kind of corrupt, but effective, local and national politics that dominated the era. Pages from Mark Twain’s The Gilded Age, published in 1873. The illustrations in this chapter reveal the cost of doing business in Washington in this new age of materialism and corruption, with the cost of obtaining a female lobbyist’s support set at $10,000, while that of a male lobbyist or a “high moral” senator can be had for $3,000. Source: Wikimedia Commons Nationally, between 1872 and 1896, the lack of clear popular mandates made presidents reluctant to venture beyond the interests of their traditional supporters. As a result, for nearly a quarter of a century, presidents had a weak hold on power, and legislators were reluctant to tie their political agendas to such weak leaders. On the contrary, weakened presidents were more susceptible to support various legislators’ and lobbyists’ agendas, as they owed tremendous favors to their political parties, as well as to key financial contributors, who helped them garner just enough votes to squeak into office through the Electoral College. As a result of this relationship, the rare pieces of legislation passed were largely responses to the desires of businessmen and industrialists whose support helped build politicians’ careers. What was the result of this political malaise? Not surprisingly, almost nothing was accomplished on the federal level. However, problems associated with the tremendous economic growth during this time continued to mount. More Americans were moving to urban centers, which were unable to accommodate the massive numbers of working poor. Tenement houses with inadequate sanitation led to widespread illness. In rural parts of the country, people fared no better. Farmers were unable to cope with the challenges of low prices for their crops and exorbitant costs for everyday goods. All around the country, Americans in need of solutions turned further away from the federal government for help, leading to the rise of fractured and corrupt political groups. THE ELECTION OF 1876 SETS THE TONE The election of Rutherford Hayes in 1876 set the stage for politically motivated agendas and widespread inefficiency in the White House for the next twenty-four years. Weak president after weak president took office, and, as mentioned above, not one incumbent was reelected. The populace, it seemed, preferred the devil they didn’t know to the one they did. Once elected, presidents had barely enough power to repay the political favors they owed to the individuals who ensured their narrow victories in cities and regions around the country. Their four years in office were spent repaying favors and managing the powerful relationships that put them in the White House. Everyday Americans were largely left on their own. Among the few political issues that presidents routinely addressed during this era were ones of patronage, tariffs, and the nation’s monetary system. As can be seen in the table below, every single president elected from 1876 through 1892 won despite receiving less than 50 percent of the popular vote. This established a repetitive cycle of relatively weak presidents who owed many political favors, which could be repaid through one prerogative power: patronage. As a result, the spoils system allowed those with political influence to ascend to powerful positions within the government, regardless of their level of experience or skill, thus compounding both the inefficiency of government as well as enhancing the opportunities for corruption. U.S. Presidential Election Results (1876–1896) Year Candidates Popular Vote Percentage Electoral Vote 1876 Rutherford B. Hayes 4,034,132 47.9% 185 Samuel Tilden 4,286,808 50.9% 184 Others 97,709 1.2% 0 1880 James Garfield 4,453,337 48.3% 214 Winfield Hancock 4,444,267 48.2% 155 Others 319,806 3.5% 0 1884 Grover Cleveland 4,914,482 48.8% 219 James Blaine 4,856,903 48.3% 182 Others 288,660 2.9% 0 1888 Benjamin Harrison 5,443,663 47.8% 233 Grover Cleveland 5,538,163 48.6% 168 Others 407,050 3.6% 0 1892 Grover Cleveland 5,553,898 46.0% 277 Benjamin Harrison 5,190,799 43.0% 145 Others 1,323,330 11.0% 22 1896 William McKinley 7,112,138 51.0% 271 William Jennings Bryan 6,510,807 46.7% 176 Others 315,729 2.3% 0 MONETARY POLICIES AND THE ISSUE OF GOLD VS SILVER Although political corruption, the spoils system, and the question of tariff rates were popular discussions of the day, none were more relevant to working-class Americans and farmers than the issue of the nation’s monetary policy and the ongoing debate of gold versus silver. There had been frequent attempts to establish a bimetallic standard, which in turn would have created inflationary pressures and placed more money into circulation that could have subsequently benefitted farmers. But the government remained committed to the gold standard, including the official demonetizing of silver altogether in 1873. Such a stance greatly benefitted prominent businessmen engaged in foreign trade while forcing more farmers and working-class Americans into greater debt. As farmers and working-class Americans sought the means by which to pay their bills and other living expenses, especially in the wake of increased tariffs as the century came to a close, many saw adherence to a strict gold standard as their most pressing problem. With limited gold reserves, the money supply remained constrained. The lack of meaningful monetary measures from the federal government would lead one group in particular who required such assistance—American farmers—to attempt to take control over the political process itself. This cartoon illustrates the potential benefits of a bimetal system, but the benefits did not actually extend to big business, which preferred the gold standard and worked to keep it. Source: Wikimedia Commons 9.1 Section Summary In the years following the Civil War, American politics were disjointed, corrupt, and, at the federal level, largely ineffective in terms of addressing the challenges that Americans faced. Local and regional politics, and the bosses who ran the political machines, dominated through systematic graft and bribery. Americans around the country recognized that solutions to the mounting problems they faced would not come from Washington, DC, but from their local political leaders. Thus, the cycle of federal ineffectiveness and machine politics continued through the remainder of the century relatively unabated. Meanwhile, in the Compromise of 1877, an electoral commission declared Rutherford B. Hayes the winner of the contested presidential election in exchange for the withdrawal of federal troops from South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida. As a result, Southern Democrats were able to reestablish control over their home governments, which would have a tremendous impact on the direction of southern politics and society in the decades to come. All told, from 1872 through 1892, Gilded Age politics were little more than political showmanship. The political issues of the day, including the spoils system versus civil service reform, high tariffs versus low, and business regulation, all influenced politicians more than the country at large. Very few measures offered direct assistance to Americans who continued to struggle with the transformation into an industrial society. 9.2 Farmers Revolt in the Populist Era The challenges that many American farmers faced in the last quarter of the nineteenth century were significant. They contended with economic hardships born out of rapidly declining farm prices, prohibitively high tariffs on items they needed to purchase, and foreign competition. One of the largest challenges they faced was overproduction, where the glut of their products in the marketplace drove the price lower and lower. Overproduction of crops occurred in part due to the westward expansion of homestead farms and in part because industrialization led to new farm tools that dramatically increased crop yields. As farmers fell deeper into debt, whether it be to the local stores where they bought supplies or to the railroads that shipped their produce, their response was to increase crop production each year in the hope of earning more money with which to pay back their debt. The more they produced, the lower prices dropped. To a hard-working farmer, the notion that their own overproduction was the greatest contributing factor to their debt was a completely foreign concept. In addition to the cycle of overproduction, tariffs were a serious problem for farmers. Rising tariffs on industrial products made purchased items more expensive, yet tariffs were not being used to keep farm prices artificially high as well. Therefore, farmers were paying inflated prices but not receiving them. Finally, the issue of gold versus silver as the basis of U.S. currency was a very real problem to many farmers. Farmers needed more money in circulation, whether it was paper or silver, in order to create inflationary pressure. Inflationary pressure would allow farm prices to increase, thus allowing them to earn more money that they could then spend on the higher-priced goods in stores. In short, farmers had a big stack of bills and wanted a big stack of money—be it paper or silver—to pay them. Neither was forthcoming from a government that cared more about issues of patronage and how to stay in the White House for more than four years at a time. This North Dakota sod hut, built by a homesteading farmer for his family, was photographed in 1898, two years after it was built. While the country was quickly industrializing, many farmers still lived in rough, rural conditions. Source: Wikimedia Commons FARMERS BEGIN TO ORGANIZE The initial response by increasingly frustrated and angry farmers was to organize into groups that were similar to early labor unions. Taking note of how the industrial labor movement had unfolded in the last quarter of the century, farmers began to understand that a collective voice could create significant pressure among political leaders and produce substantive change. While farmers had their own challenges, including that of geography and diverse needs among different types of famers, they believed this model to be useful to their cause. One of the first efforts to organize farmers came in 1867 with Oliver Hudson Kelly’s creation of the Patrons of Husbandry, more popularly known as the Grange. In the wake of the Civil War, the Grangers quickly grew to over 1.5 million members in less than a decade. Kelly believed that farmers could best help themselves by creating farmers’ cooperatives in which they could pool resources and obtain better shipping rates, as well as prices on seeds, fertilizer, machinery, and other necessary inputs. These cooperatives, he believed, would let them self-regulate production as well as collectively obtain better rates from railroad companies and other businesses. This print from the early 1870s, with scenes of farm life, was a promotional poster for the Grangers, one of the earliest farmer reform groups. Source: Wikimedia Commons The Farmers’ Alliance, a conglomeration of three regional alliances formed in the mid-1880s, took root in the wake of the Grange movement. In 1890, Dr. Charles Macune, who led the Southern Alliance, which was based in Texas and had over 100,000 members by 1886, urged the creation of a national alliance between his organization, the Northwest Alliance, and the Colored Alliance, the largest African American organization in the United States. Led by Tom Watson, the Colored Alliance, which was founded in Texas but quickly spread throughout the Old South, counted over one million members. Although they originally advocated for self-help, African Americans in the group soon understood the benefits of political organization and a unified voice to improve their plight, regardless of race. While racism kept the alliance splintered among the three component branches, they still managed to craft a national agenda that appealed to their large membership. All told, the Farmers’ Alliance brought together over 2.5 million members, 1.5 million white and 1 million black. The Farmers’ Alliance flag displays the motto: “The most good for the most PEOPLE,” clearly a sentiment they hoped that others would believe. Source: Wikimedia Commons The alliance movement, and the subsequent political party that emerged from it, also featured prominent roles for women. Nearly 250,000 women joined the movement due to their shared interest in the farmers’ worsening situation as well as the promise of being a full partner with political rights within the group, which they saw as an important step towards advocacy for women’s suffrage on a national level. The ability to vote and stand for office within the organization encouraged many women who sought similar rights on the larger American political scene. Prominent alliance spokeswoman, Mary Elizabeth Lease of Kansas, often spoke of membership in the Farmers’ Alliance as an opportunity to “raise less corn and more hell!” FROM ORGANIZATION TO POLITICAL PARTY Angry at the federal government’s continued unwillingness to substantively address the plight of the average farmer, Charles Macune and the Farmers’ Alliance chose to create a political party whose representatives—if elected—could enact real change. Put simply, if the government would not address the problem, then it was time to change those elected to power. In 1891, the alliance formed the Populist Party, or People’s Party, as it was more widely known. At their national convention in1892 in Omaha, Nebraska, they wrote the Omaha Platform to more fully explain to all Americans the goals of the new party. Written by Ignatius Donnelly, the statement vilified railroad owners, bankers, and big businessmen as all being part of a widespread conspiracy to control farmers. As for policy changes, the platform called for adoption of the subtreasury plan, government control over railroads, an end to the national bank system, the creation of a federal income tax, the direct election of U.S. senators, and several other measures, all of which aimed at a more proactive federal government that would support the economic and social welfare of all Americans. The People’s Party gathered for its nominating convention in Nebraska, where they wrote the Omaha Platform to state their concerns and goals. Source: Wikimedia Commons 9.2 Section Summary Factors such as overproduction and high tariffs left the country’s farmers in increasingly desperate straits, and the federal government’s inability to address their concerns left them disillusioned and worried. Uneven responses from state governments had many farmers seeking an alternative solution to their problems. Taking note of the labor movements growing in industrial cities around the country, farmers began to organize into alliances similar to workers’ unions; these were models of cooperation where larger numbers could offer more bargaining power with major players such as railroads. Ultimately, the alliances were unable to initiate widespread change for their benefit. Still, drawing from the cohesion of purpose, farmers sought to create change from the inside: through politics. They hoped the creation of the Populist Party in 1891 would lead to a president who put the people—and in particular the farmers—first. 9.3 Social and Labor Unrest in the 1890s Insofar as farmers wanted the rest of the country to share their plight, they got their wish. In 1893, the nation catapulted into the worst economic depression in its history to date. As the government continued to fail in its efforts to address the growing problems, more and more Americans sought relief outside of the traditional two-party system. To many industrial workers, the Populist Party began to seem like a viable solution. FROM FARMERS’ HARDSHIPS TO A NATIONAL DEPRESSION The late 1880s and early 1890s saw the American economy slide precipitously. The causes of the Depression of 1893 were manifold, but one major element was the speculation in railroads over the previous decades. The rapid proliferation of railroad lines created a false impression of growth for the economy as a whole. Banks and investors fed the growth of the railroads with fast-paced investment in industry and related businesses, not realizing that the growth they were following was built on a bubble. When the railroads began to fail due to expenses outpacing returns on their construction, the supporting businesses, from banks to steel mills, failed also. In a single year, from 1893 to 1894, unemployment estimates increased from 3 percent to nearly 19 percent of all working-class Americans. In some states, the unemployment rate soared even higher: over 35 percent in New York State and 43 percent in Michigan. At the height of this depression, over three million American workers were unemployed. By 1895, Americans living in cities grew accustomed to seeing the homeless on the streets or lining up at soup kitchens. Immediately following the economic downturn, people sought relief through their elected federal government. Just as quickly, they learned what farmers had been taught in the preceding decades: A weak, inefficient government interested solely in patronage and the spoils system in order to maintain its power was in no position to help the American people face this challenge. The federal government had little in place to support those looking for work or to provide direct aid to those in need. A notable example of the government’s failure to act was the story of Coxey’s Army. In the spring of 1894, businessman Jacob Coxey led a march of unemployed Ohioans from Cincinnati to Washington, DC, where leaders of the group urged Congress to pass public works legislation for the federal government to hire unemployed workers to build roads and other public projects. From the original one hundred protesters, the march grew to over five hundred as others joined along the route to the nation’s capital. Upon their arrival, not only were their cries for federal relief ignored, but Coxey and several other marchers were arrested for trespassing on the grass outside the U.S. Capitol. Frustration over the event led many angry workers to consider supporting the Populist Party in subsequent elections. This image of Coxey’s Army marching on Washington to ask for jobs may have helped inspire L. Frank Baum’s story of Dorothy and her friends seeking help from the Wizard of Oz. Source: Wikimedia Commons Several strikes also punctuated the growing depression, including a number of violent uprisings in the coal regions of Ohio and Pennsylvania. But the infamous Pullman Strike of 1894 was most notable for its nationwide impact, as it all but shut down the nation’s railroad system in the middle of the depression. Thus, the Depression of 1893 left the country limping towards the next presidential election with few solutions in sight. THE ELECTION OF 1896 As the final presidential election of the nineteenth century unfolded, all signs pointed to a possible Populist victory. Not only had the ongoing economic depression convinced many Americans—farmers and factory workers alike—of the inability of either major political party to address the situation, but also the Populist Party, since the last election, benefited from four more years of experience and numerous local victories. As they prepared for their convention in St. Louis that summer, the Populists watched with keen interest as the Republicans and Democrats hosted their own conventions. The Republicans remained steadfast in their defense of a gold-based standard for the American economy, as well as high protective tariffs. They turned to William McKinley, former congressman and current governor of Ohio, as their candidate. At their convention, the Democrats turned to William Jennings Bryan—a congressman from Nebraska. Bryan defended the importance of a silver-based monetary system and urged the government to coin more silver. Furthermore, being from farm country, he was very familiar with the farmers’ plight. In short, Bryan could have been the ideal Populist candidate, but the Democrats got to him first. The Populist Party subsequently endorsed Bryan as well, with their party’s nomination three weeks later. Republicans portrayed presidential candidate Bryan as a grasping politician whose Populist leanings could swallow the Democratic Party. Bryan was in fact not a Populist at all, but a Democrat whose views aligned with the Populists on some issues. He was formally nominated by the Democratic Party, the Populist Party, and the Silver Republican Party for the 1896 presidential election. Source: Wikimedia Commons The result was a close election that finally saw a U.S. president win a majority of the popular vote for the first time in twenty-four years. McKinley defeated Bryan by a popular vote of 7.1 million to 6.5 million. Bryan’s showing was impressive by any standard, as his popular vote total exceeded that of any other presidential candidate in American history to that date—winner or loser. However, his campaign also served to split the Democratic vote, as some party members remained convinced of the propriety of the gold standard and supported McKinley in the election. Amid a growing national depression where Americans truly recognized the importance of a strong leader with sound economic policies, McKinley garnered over seven million votes. Put simply, the American electorate was energized to elect a strong candidate who they trusted to adequately address the country’s economic woes. Voter turnout was the largest in American history to that date; while both candidates benefitted, McKinley did more so than Bryan. The electoral vote map of the 1896 election illustrates the stark divide in the country between the industry-rich coasts and the rural middle. Source: Wikimedia Commons In the aftermath, it is easy to say that it was Bryan’s defeat that all but ended the rise of the Populist Party. Populists had thrown their support to the Democrats who shared similar ideas for the economic rebound of the country and lost. In choosing principle over distinct party identity, the Populists aligned themselves to the growing two-party American political system and would have difficulty maintaining party autonomy afterwards. Other factors also contributed to the decline of Populism at the close of the century. First, the discovery of vast gold deposits in Alaska during the Klondike Gold Rush of 1896–1899 (also known as the “Yukon Gold Rush”) shored up the nation’s weakening economy and made it possible to thrive on a gold standard. Second, the impending Spanish-American War, which began in 1898, further fueled the economy and increased demand for American farm products. Still, the Populist spirit remained, although it lost some momentum at the close of the nineteenth century. This reformist zeal took on a new form known by the name of Progressivism as the twentieth century unfolded. 9.3 Section Summary As the economy worsened, more Americans suffered; as the federal government continued to offer few solutions, the Populist movement began to grow. Populist groups approached the 1896 election anticipating that the mass of struggling Americans would support their movement for change. When Democrats chose William Jennings Bryan for their candidate, however, they chose a politician who largely fit the mold of the Populist platform—from his birthplace of Nebraska to his advocacy of the silver standard that most farmers desired. Throwing their support behind Bryan as well, Populists hoped to see a candidate in the White House who would embody the Populist goals, if not the party name. When Bryan lost to Republican William McKinley, the Populist Party lost much of its momentum. As the country climbed out of the depression, the interest in a third party faded away, although the reformist movement remained intact. 9.4 The Progressive Spirit in America The Progressive Era was a time of wide-ranging causes and varied movements, where activists and reformers from diverse backgrounds and with very different agendas pursued their goals of a better America. These reformers were reacting to the challenges that faced the country at the end of the nineteenth century: rapid urban sprawl, immigration, corruption, industrial working conditions, the growth of large corporations, women’s rights, and surging anti-black violence and white supremacy in the South. Investigative journalists of the day, called muckrakers, uncovered social inequality and encouraged Americans to take action. Muckrakers drew public attention to some of the most glaring inequities and scandals that grew out of the social ills of the Gilded Age and the hands-off approach of the federal government since the end of Reconstruction. The campaigns of the Progressives were often grassroots in their origin. While different causes shared some underlying elements, each movement largely focused on its own goals, be it the right of women to vote, the removal of alcohol from communities, or the desire for a more democratic voting process. What united Progressives beyond their different backgrounds and causes was a set of uniting principles, however. Most strove for a perfection of democracy, which required the expansion of suffrage to worthy citizens and the restriction of political participation for those considered “unfit” on account of health, education, or race. Progressives also agreed that democracy had to be balanced with an emphasis on efficiency, a reliance on science and technology, and deference to the expertise of professionals. They repudiated party politics but looked to government to regulate the modern market economy. And they saw themselves as the agents of social justice and reform, as well as the stewards and guides of workers and the urban poor. The expressions of these Progressive principles developed at the grassroots level. It was not until Theodore Roosevelt unexpectedly became president in 1901 that the federal government would engage in Progressive reforms. Before then, Progressivism was work done by the people, for the people. What knit Progressives together was the feeling that the country was moving at a dangerous pace in a dangerous direction and required the efforts of everyday Americans to help put it back on track. One of the key ideals that Progressives considered vital to the growth and health of the country was the concept of a perfected democracy. They felt, quite simply, that Americans needed to exert more control over their government. This shift, they believed, would ultimately lead to a system of government that was better able to address the needs of its citizens. Grassroots Progressives pushed forward their agenda of direct democracy through the passage of state-level reforms. The first law involved the creation of the direct primary. Prior to this time, the only people who had a hand in selecting candidates for elections were delegates at conventions. Direct primaries allowed party members to vote directly for a candidate, with the nomination going to the one with the most votes. This was the beginning of the current system of holding a primary election before a general election. South Carolina adopted this system for statewide elections in 1896; in 1901, Florida became the first state to use the direct primary in nominations for the presidency. It is the method currently used in three-quarters of U.S. states. Another series of reforms pushed forward by Progressives that sought to sidestep the power of special interests in state legislatures and restore the democratic political process were three election innovations—the initiative, referendum, and recall. Progressives also pushed for democratic reform that affected the federal government. In an effort to achieve a fairer representation of state constituencies in the U.S. Congress, they lobbied for approval of the Seventeenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which mandated the direct election of U.S. senators. The Seventeenth Amendment replaced the previous system of having state legislatures choose senators. William Jennings Bryan, the 1896 Democratic presidential candidate who received significant support from the Populist Party, was among the leading Progressives who championed this cause. The 1900 hurricane in Galveston, Texas, claimed more lives than any other natural disaster in American history. In its wake, fearing that the existing corrupt and inefficient government was not up to the job of rebuilding, the remaining residents of the town adopted the commission system of local government. Source: Wikimedia Commons EXPERTISE AND EFFICIENCY In addition to making government more directly accountable to the voters, Progressives also fought to rid politics of inefficiency, waste, and corruption. Progressives in large cities were particularly frustrated with the corruption and favoritism of machine politics, which wasted enormous sums of taxpayer money and ultimately stalled the progress of cities for the sake of entrenched politicians, like the notorious Democratic Party Boss William Tweed in New York’s Tammany Hall. Progressives sought to change this corrupt system and had success in places like Galveston, Texas, where, in 1901, they pushed the city to adopt a commission system. At the state level, perhaps the greatest advocate of Progressive government was Robert La Follette (see picture below). During his time as governor, from 1901 through 1906, La Follette introduced the Wisconsin Idea, wherein he hired experts to research and advise him in drafting legislation to improve conditions in his state. “Fighting Bob” supported numerous Progressive ideas while governor: He signed into law the first workman’s compensation system, approved a minimum wage law, developed a progressive tax law, adopted the direct election of U.S. senators before the subsequent constitutional amendment made it mandatory, and advocated for women’s suffrage. La Follette subsequently served as a popular U.S. senator from Wisconsin from 1906 through 1925, and ran for president on the Progressive Party ticket in 1924 SOCIAL JUSTICE The Progressives’ work towards social justice took many forms. In some cases, it was focused on those who suffered due to pervasive inequality, such as African Americans, other ethnic groups, and women. In others, the goal was to help those who were in desperate need due to circumstance, such as poor immigrants from southern and eastern Europe who often suffered severe discrimination, the working poor, and those with ill health. Women were in the vanguard of social justice reform. Jane Addams, Lillian Wald, and Ellen Gates Starr, for example, led the settlement house movement of the 1880s (discussed in a previous chapter). Their work to provide social services, education, and health care to working-class women and their children was among the earliest Progressive grassroots efforts in the country. Building on the successes of the settlement houses, social justice reformers took on other, related challenges. The National Child Labor Committee (NCLC), formed in 1904, urged the passage of labor legislation to ban child labor in the industrial sector. In 1900, U.S. census records indicated that one out of every six children between the ages of five and ten were working, a 50-percent increase over the previous decade. If the sheer numbers alone were not enough to spur action, the fact that managers paid child workers noticeably less for their labor gave additional fuel to the NCLC’s efforts to radically curtail child labor. As part of the National Child Labor Committee’s campaign to raise awareness about the plight of child laborers, Lewis Hine photographed dozens of children in factories around the country, including Addie Card (a), a twelve-year-old spinner working in a mill in Vermont in 1910, and these young boys working at Bibb Mill No. 1 in Macon, Georgia in 1909 (b). Working ten- to twelve-hour shifts, children often worked large machines where they could reach into gaps and remove lint and other debris, a practice that caused plenty of injuries. Source: Wikimedia Commons Florence Kelley, a Progressive supporter of the NCLC, championed other social justice causes as well. As the first general secretary of the National Consumers League, which was founded in 1899 by Jane Addams and others, Kelley led one of the original battles to try and secure safety in factory working conditions. She particularly opposed sweatshop labor and urged the passage of an eight-hour-workday law in order to specifically protect women in the workplace. Kelley’s efforts were initially met with strong resistance from factory owners who exploited women’s labor and were unwilling to give up the long hours and low wages they paid in order to offer the cheapest possible product to consumers. But in 1911, a tragedy turned the tide of public opinion in favor of Kelley’s cause. On March 25 of that year, a fire broke out at the Triangle Shirtwaist Company on the eighth floor of the Asch building in New York City, resulting in the deaths of 146 garment workers, most of them young, immigrant women (see picture below). Management had previously blockaded doors and fire escapes in an effort to control workers and keep out union organizers; in the blaze, many died due to the crush of bodies trying to evacuate the building. Others died when they fell off the flimsy fire escape or jumped to their deaths to escape the flames. This tragedy provided the National Consumers League with the moral argument to convince politicians of the need to pass workplace safety laws and codes. Another cause that garnered support from a key group of Progressives was the prohibition of liquor. This crusade, which gained followers through the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and the Anti-Saloon League, directly linked Progressivism with morality and Christian reform initiatives, and saw in alcohol both a moral vice and a practical concern, as workingmen spent their wages on liquor and saloons, often turning violent towards each other or their families at home. Through local option votes and subsequent statewide initiatives and referendums, the Anti-Saloon League succeeded in urging 40 percent of the nation’s counties to “go dry” by 1906, and a full dozen states to do the same by 1909. Their political pressure culminated in the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, ratified in 1919, which prohibited the manufacture, sale, and transportation of alcoholic beverages nationwide. This John R. Chapin illustration shows the women of the temperance movement holding an open-air prayer meeting outside an Ohio saloon. Source: Wikimedia Commons RADICAL PROGRESSIVES The Progressive Era also witnessed a wave of radicalism, with leaders who believed that America was beyond reform and that only a complete revolution of sorts would bring about the necessary changes. The radicals had early roots in the labor and political movements of the mid-nineteenth century but soon grew to feel that the more moderate Progressive ideals were inadequate. The two most prominent radical movements to emerge at the beginning of the century were the Socialist Party of America (SPA), founded in 1901, and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), founded in 1905, whose emphasis on worker empowerment deviated from the more paternalistic approach of Progressive reformers. Labor leader Eugene Debs, disenchanted with the failures of the labor movement, was a founding member and prominent leader of the SPA (see picture below). Advocating for change via the ballot box, the SPA sought to elect Socialists to positions at the local, state, and federal levels in order to initiate change from within. Between 1901 and 1918, the SPA enjoyed tremendous success, electing over seventy Socialist mayors, over thirty state legislators, and two U.S. congressmen, Victor Berger from Wisconsin and Meyer London from New York. Debs himself ran for president as the SPA candidate in five elections between 1900 and 1920, twice earning nearly one million votes. William “Big Bill” Haywood formed the radical IWW, or Wobblies, in 1905. Although he remained an active member of the Socialist Party until 1919, Haywood appreciated the outcry of the more radical arm of the party that desired an industrial union approach to labor organization. The IWW advocated for direct action and, in particular, the general strike, as the most effective revolutionary method to overthrow the capitalist system. By 1912, the Wobblies had played a significant role in a number of major strikes, including the Paterson Silk Strike, the Lawrence Textile Strike, and the Mesabi Range Iron Strike. The government viewed the Wobblies as a significant threat, and in a response far greater than their actions warranted, targeted them with arrests, tar-and-featherings, shootings, and lynchings. Both the Socialist Party and the IWW reflected elements of the Progressive desire for democracy and social justice. The difference was simply that for this small but vocal minority in the United States, the corruption of government at all levels meant that the desire for a better life required a different approach. What they sought mirrored the work of all grassroots Progressives, differing only in degree and strategy. 9.4 Section Summary In its first decade, the Progressive Era was a grassroots effort that ushered in reforms at state and local levels. At the beginning of the twentieth century, however, Progressive endeavors captured the attention of the federal government. The challenges of the late nineteenth century were manifold: fast growing cities that were ill-equipped to house the working poor, hands-off politicians shackled into impotence by their system of political favors, and rural Americans struggling to keep their farms afloat. The movement counted African Americans, both women and men, and urban as well as rural dwellers among its ranks. Progressive causes ranged from anti-liquor campaigns to fair pay. Together, Progressives sought to advance the spread of democracy, improve efficiency in government and industry, and promote social justice. But what tied together these disparate causes and groups was the belief that the country was in dire need of reform, and that answers were to be found within the activism and expertise of predominantly middle-class Americans on behalf of troubled communities. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a more radical, revolutionary breed of Progressivism began to evolve. While these radical Progressives generally shared the goals of their more mainstream counterparts, their strategies differed significantly. Mainstream Progressives and many middle-class Americans feared groups such as the Socialist Party of America and the Industrial Workers of the World, which emphasized workers’ empowerment and direct action. 9.5 New Voices for Women and African Americans The Progressive drive for a more perfect democracy and social justice also fostered the growth of two new movements that attacked the oldest and most long-standing betrayals of the American promise of equal opportunity and citizenship—the disfranchisement of women and civil rights for African Americans. LEADERS EMERGE IN THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT Women like Jane Addams and Florence Kelley were instrumental in the early Progressive settlement house movement, and female leaders dominated organizations such as the WCTU and the Anti-Saloon League. From these earlier efforts came new leaders who, in their turn, focused their efforts on the key goal of the Progressive Era as it pertained to women: the right to vote. Women had first formulated their demand for the right to vote in the Declaration of Sentiments at a convention in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848, and saw their first opportunity of securing suffrage during Reconstruction when legislators—driven by racial animosity—sought to enfranchise women to counter the votes of black men following the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. By 1900, the western frontier states of Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming had already responded to women’s movements with the right to vote in state and local elections, regardless of gender. They conceded to the suffragists’ demands, partly in order to attract more women to these male-dominated regions. In 1890, the National American Women’s Suffrage Association (NAWSA) organized several hundred state and local chapters to urge the passage of a federal amendment to guarantee a woman’s right to vote. Under the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt, beginning in 1900, the group decided to make suffrage its first priority. Soon, its membership began to grow. Using modern marketing efforts like celebrity endorsements to attract a younger audience, the NAWSA became a significant political pressure group for the passage of an amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Women suffragists in Ohio sought to educate and convince men that they should support a woman’s rights to vote. As the feature below on the backlash against suffragists illustrates, it was a far from simple task. Source: Wikimedia Commons For some in the NAWSA, however, the pace of change was too slow. Frustrated with the lack of response by state and national legislators, Alice Paul, who joined the organization in 1912, sought to expand the scope of the organization as well as to adopt more direct protest tactics to draw greater media attention. When others in the group were unwilling to move in her direction, Paul split from the NAWSA to create the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, later renamed the National Woman’s Party, in 1913. Known as the Silent Sentinels, Paul and her group picketed outside the White House for nearly two years, starting in 1917. In the latter stages of their protests, many women, including Paul, were arrested and thrown in jail, where they staged a hunger strike as self-proclaimed political prisoners. Prison guards ultimately force-fed Paul to keep her alive. At a time—during World War I—when women volunteered as army nurses, worked in vital defense industries, and supported Wilson’s campaign to “make the world safe for democracy,” the scandalous mistreatment of Paul embarrassed President Woodrow Wilson. Enlightened to the injustice toward all American women, he changed his position in support of a woman’s constitutional right to vote. While Catt and Paul used different strategies, their combined efforts brought enough pressure to bear for Congress to pass the Nineteenth Amendment, which prohibited voter discrimination on the basis of sex, during a special session in the summer of 1919. Subsequently, the required thirty-six states approved its adoption, with Tennessee doing so in August of 1920, in time for that year’s presidential election. Alice Paul and her Silent Sentinels picketed outside the White House for almost two years, and, when arrested, went on hunger strike until they were force-fed in order to save their lives. Source: Wikimedia Commons LEADERS EMERGE IN THE EARLY CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT Racial mob violence against African Americans permeated much of the “New South”—and, to a lesser extent, the West, where Mexican Americans and other immigrant groups also suffered severe discrimination and violence—by the late nineteenth century. The Ku Klux Klan and a system of Jim Crow laws governed much of the South (discussed in a previous chapter). White middle-class reformers were appalled at the violence of race relations in the nation but typically shared the belief in racial characteristics and the superiority of Anglo-Saxon whites over African Americans, Asians, “ethnic” Europeans, Indians, and Latin American populations. Southern reformers considered segregation a Progressive solution to racial violence; across the nation, educated middle-class Americans enthusiastically followed the work of eugenicists who identified virtually all human behavior as inheritable traits and issued awards at county fairs to families and individuals for their “racial fitness.” It was against this tide that African American leaders developed their own voice in the Progressive Era, working along diverse paths to improve the lives and conditions of African Americans throughout the country. Born into slavery in Virginia in 1856, Booker T. Washington became an influential African American leader at the outset of the Progressive Era. In 1881, he became the first principal for the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama, a position he held until he died in 1915. Tuskegee was an all-black “normal school”—an old term for a teachers’ college—teaching African Americans a curriculum geared towards practical skills such as cooking, farming, and housekeeping. Graduates would often then travel through the South, teaching new farming and industrial techniques to rural communities. In Booker T. Washington’s speech at the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta, he urged his audience to “cast down your bucket where you are.” Source: Wikimedia Commons In a speech delivered at the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta in 1895, which was meant to promote the economy of a “New South,” Washington proposed what came to be known as the Atlanta Compromise. Speaking to a racially mixed audience, Washington called upon African Americans to work diligently for their own uplift and prosperity rather than preoccupy themselves with political and civil rights. Their success and hard work, he implied, would eventually convince southern whites to grant these rights. Not surprisingly, most whites liked Washington’s model of race relations, since it placed the burden of change on blacks and required nothing of them. At the same time, his message also appealed to many in the black community, and some attribute this widespread popularity to his consistent message that social and economic growth, even within a segregated society, would do more for African Americans than an all-out agitation for equal rights on all fronts. Yet, many African Americans disagreed with Washington’s approach. Much in the same manner that Alice Paul felt the pace of the struggle for women’s rights was moving too slowly under the NAWSA, some within the African American community felt that immediate agitation for the rights guaranteed under the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, established during the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, was necessary In 1905, a group of prominent civil rights leaders, led by W. E. B. Du Bois, met in a small hotel on the Canadian side of Niagara Falls—where segregation laws did not bar them from hotel accommodations—to discuss what immediate steps were needed for equal rights. Du Bois, a professor at the all-black Atlanta University and the first African American with a doctorate from Harvard, emerged as the prominent spokesperson for what would later be dubbed the Niagara Movement. By 1905, he had grown wary of Booker T. Washington’s calls for African Americans to accommodate white racism and focus solely on self-improvement. Du Bois, and others alongside him, wished to carve a more direct path towards equality that drew on the political leadership and litigation skills of the black, educated elite, which he termed the “talented tenth.” This photo of the Niagara Movement shows W. E. B. Du Bois seated in the second row, center, in the white hat. The proud and self-confident postures of this group stood in marked contrast to the humility that Booker T. Washington urged of blacks. Source: Wikimedia Commons At the meeting, Du Bois led the others in drafting the “Declaration of Principles,” which called for immediate political, economic, and social equality for African Americans. These rights included universal suffrage, compulsory education, and the elimination of the convict lease system in which tens of thousands of blacks had endured slavery-like conditions in southern road construction, mines, prisons, and penal farms since the end of Reconstruction. Within a year, Niagara chapters had sprung up in twenty-one states across the country. By 1908, internal fights over the role of women in the fight for African American equal rights lessened the interest in the Niagara Movement. But the movement laid the groundwork for the creation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909. In both Washington and Du Bois, African Americans found leaders to push forward the fight for their place in the new century, each with a very different strategy. Both men cultivated ground for a new generation of African American spokespeople and leaders who would then pave the road to the modern civil rights movement after World War II. 9.5 Section Summary The Progressive commitment to promoting democracy and social justice created an environment within which the movements for women’s and African American rights grew and flourished. Emergent leaders such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Carrie Chapman Catt, and Alice Paul spread the cause of woman suffrage, drawing in other activists and making the case for a constitutional amendment ensuring a woman’s right to vote. African Americans—guided by leaders such as Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois—strove for civil rights and economic opportunity, although their philosophies and strategies differed significantly. In the women’s and civil rights movements alike, activists both advanced their own causes and paved the way for later efforts aimed at expanding equal opportunity and citizenship. 9.6 Progressivism in the White House Progressive groups made tremendous strides on issues involving democracy, efficiency, and social justice. But they found that their grassroots approach was ill-equipped to push back against the most powerful beneficiaries of growing inequality, economic concentration, and corruption—big business. In their fight against the trusts, Progressives needed the leadership of the federal government, and they found it in Theodore Roosevelt in 1901, through an accident of history. President William McKinley’s assassination (a) at the hands of an anarchist made Theodore Roosevelt (b) the country’s youngest president. Source: Wikimedia Commons In 1900, a sound economic recovery, a unifying victory in the Spanish-American War, and the annexation of the Philippines had helped President William McKinley secure his reelection with the first solid popular majority since 1872. His new vice president was former New York Governor and Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt. But when an assassin shot and killed President McKinley in 1901 at the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York, Theodore Roosevelt unexpectedly became the youngest president in the nation’s history. More importantly, it ushered in a new era of progressive politics and changed the role of the presidency for the twentieth century. BUSTING THE TRUSTS As the new president, Roosevelt moved cautiously with his agenda while he finished out McKinley’s term. Roosevelt kept much of McKinley’s cabinet intact, and his initial message to Congress gave only one overriding Progressive goal for his presidency: to eliminate business trusts. In the three years prior to Roosevelt’s presidency, the nation had witnessed a wave of mergers and the creation of mega-corporations. Roosevelt used the presidency as a “bully pulpit” to publicly denounce “bad trusts”—those corporations that exploited their market positions for short-term gains—before he ordered prosecutions by the Justice Department. In total, Roosevelt initiated over two dozen successful anti-trust suits, more than any president before him. This cartoon shows President Roosevelt disciplining coal barons like J. P. Morgan, threatening to beat them with a stick labeled “Federal Authority.” It illustrates Roosevelt’s new approach to business. Source: Wikimedia Commons THE SQUARE DEAL Roosevelt won his second term in 1904 with an overwhelming 57 percent of the popular vote. After the election, he moved quickly to enact his own brand of Progressivism, which he called a Square Deal for the American people. Early in his second term, Roosevelt read muckraker Upton Sinclair’s 1905 novel and exposé on the meatpacking industry, The Jungle. Although Roosevelt initially questioned the book due to Sinclair’s professed Socialist leanings, a subsequent presidential commission investigated the industry and corroborated the deplorable conditions under which Chicago’s meatpackers processed meats for American consumers. Alarmed by the results and under pressure from an outraged public disgusted with the revelations, Roosevelt moved quickly to protect public health. He urged the passage of two laws to do so. The first, the Meat Inspection Act of 1906, established a system of government inspection for meat products, including grading the meat based on its quality. This standard was also used for imported meats. The second was the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, which required labels on all food and drug products that clearly stated the materials in the product. The law also prohibited any “adulterated” products, a measure aimed at some specific, unhealthy food preservatives. Another key element of Roosevelt’s Progressivism was the protection of public land. Roosevelt was a longtime outdoorsman, with an interest that went back to his childhood and college days, as well as his time cattle ranching in the West, and he chose to appoint his good friend Gifford Pinchot as the country’s first chief of the newly created U.S. Forestry Service. Under Pinchot’s supervision, the department carved out several nature habitats on federal land in order to preserve the nation’s environmental beauty and protect it from development or commercial use. Apart from national parks like Oregon’s Crater Lake or Colorado’s Mesa Verde, and monuments designed for preservation, Roosevelt conserved public land for regulated use for future generations. To this day, the 150 national forests created under Roosevelt’s stewardship carry the slogan “land of many uses.” In all, Roosevelt established eighteen national monuments, fifty-one federal bird preserves, five national parks, and over one hundred fifty national forests, which amounted to about 230 million acres of public land. Theodore Roosevelt’s interest in the protection of public lands was encouraged by conservationists such as John Muir, founder of the Sierra Club, with whom he toured Yosemite National Park in California, ca. 1906. Source: Wikimedia Commons Theodore Roosevelt’s progressivism also included a new vision of the role of the United States in world affairs. His foreign policy approach was summarized in his statement, allegedly based on a favorite African proverb, that the US should “speak softly, and carry a big stick, and you will go far”. At the crux of his foreign policy was a thinly veiled threat. Roosevelt believed that in light of the country’s recent military successes, it was unnecessary to use force to achieve foreign policy goals, so long as the military could threaten force. This rationale also rested on the young president’s philosophy, which he termed the “strenuous life,” and that prized challenges overseas as opportunities to instill American men with the resolve and vigor they allegedly had once acquired in the Trans-Mississippi West. Roosevelt believed that while the coercive power wielded by the United States could be harmful in the wrong hands, the Western Hemisphere’s best interests were also the best interests of the United States. He felt, in short, that the United States had the right and the obligation to be the policeman of the hemisphere. This belief, and his strategy of “speaking softly and carrying a big stick,” shaped much of Roosevelt’s foreign policy. Roosevelt was often depicted in cartoons wielding his “big stick” and pushing the U.S. foreign agenda, often through the power of the U.S. Navy. Source: Wikimedia Commons THE ROOSEVELT COROLLARY As President, Roosevelt wanted to send a clear message to the rest of the world—and in particular to his European counterparts—that the colonization of the Western Hemisphere had now ended, and their interference in the countries there would no longer be tolerated. At the same time, he sent a message to his counterparts in Central and South America, should the United States see problems erupt in the region, that it would intervene in order to maintain peace and stability throughout the hemisphere. Roosevelt articulated this seeming double standard in a 1904 address before Congress, in a speech that became known as the Roosevelt Corollary. The Roosevelt Corollary was based on the original Monroe Doctrine of the early nineteenth century, which warned European nations of the consequences of their interference in the Caribbean. In this addition, Roosevelt states that the United States would use military force “as an international police power” to correct any “chronic wrongdoing” by any Latin American nation that might threaten stability in the region. Unlike the Monroe Doctrine, which proclaimed an American policy of noninterference with its neighbors’ affairs, the Roosevelt Corollary loudly proclaimed the right and obligation of the United States to involve itself whenever necessary. As the 1908 election approached, Roosevelt was at the height of popularity among the American public, if not among the big businesses and conservative leaders of his own Republican Party. Nonetheless, he promised on the night of his reelection in 1904 that he would not seek a third term. Roosevelt stepped aside as the election approached, but he did hand-pick a successor—Secretary of War and former Governor General of the Philippines William Howard Taft of Ohio—a personal friend who, he assured the American public, would continue the path of the “Square Deal.” With such a ringing endorsement, Taft easily won the 1908 presidential election, defeating three-time Democratic presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan. THE TAFT PRESIDENCY When William Howard Taft became president in 1909, he chose to adapt Roosevelt’s foreign policy philosophy to one that reflected American economic power at the time. In what became known as “dollar diplomacy,” Taft announced his decision to “substitute dollars for bullets” in an effort to use foreign policy to secure markets and opportunities for American businessmen. Not unlike Roosevelt’s threat of force, Taft used the threat of American economic clout to coerce countries into agreements to benefit the United States. By the time Taft’s presidency ended in 1912, the United States was firmly entrenched on its path towards empire. The world perceived the United States as the predominant power of the Western Hemisphere—a perception that few nations would challenge until the Soviet Union during the Cold War era. Likewise, the United States had clearly marked its interests in Asia, although it was still searching for an adequate approach to guard and foster them. The development of an American empire had introduced with it several new approaches to American foreign policy, from military intervention to economic coercion to the mere threat of force. This photograph (a) of Theodore Roosevelt (left) and his hand-picked successor William Howard Taft (right) just before Taft’s inauguration in 1909, was echoed in a Puck magazine cartoon (b) where “cowboy” Roosevelt hands off his “Policies” baby to “nurse-maid” Taft. Taft was seen as being a president who would continue Roosevelt’s same policies. Source: Wikimedia Commons THE 1912 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Although not as flamboyant or outwardly progressive as Roosevelt, Taft’s organizational skills and generally solid performance as president aligned with the party leadership’s concerns over another Roosevelt presidency and secured for him the Republican Party’s nomination. Angry that had been passed over and not nominated by the Party, in 1912, Theodore Roosevelt and the other Progressive Republicans bolted from the Republican Party and formed the Progressive Party. His popularity had him hoping to win the presidential race as a third-party candidate. When he survived an assassination attempt in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in October 1912—the assassin’s bullet hit his eyeglass case and only injured him superficially—he turned the near-death experience into a political opportunity. Insisting upon delivering the speech before seeking medical attention, he told the crowd, “It takes more than a bullet to kill a bull moose!” The moniker stuck, and Roosevelt’s Progressive Party would be known as the Bull Moose Party for the remainder of the campaign. Theodore Roosevelt, now running as the Progressive Party, or Bull Moose Party, candidate, created an unprecedented moment in the country’s history, where a former president was running against both an incumbent president and a future president. Source: Wikimedia Commons The Democrats realized that a split Republican Party gave them a good chance of regaining the White House for the first time since 1896. They found their candidate in the Progressive governor of New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson. A former history professor and president at Princeton University, Wilson had an academic demeanor that appealed to many Progressive reformers. Roosevelt and Wilson formulated competing Progressive platforms. Wilson described his more moderate approach as one of New Freedom, which stood for a smaller federal government to protect public interests from the evils associated with big businesses and banks. Roosevelt campaigned on the promise of New Nationalism, a charge that he said required a vigorous and powerful federal government to protect public interests. He sought to capitalize on the stewardship approach that he had made famous during his previous administration. Ultimately, Wilson won the 1912 election with over six million votes but with just 42 percent of the popular vote, which meant that he would have to sway a large number of voters should he have any aspirations for a second term. WILSON’S NEW FREEDOM When Wilson took office in March 1913, he immediately met with Congress to outline his New Freedom agenda for how progressive interests could be best preserved. His plan was simple: regulate the banks and big businesses, and lower tariff rates to increase international trade, increasing competition in the interest of consumers. Wilson took the unusual step of calling a special session of Congress in April 1913 to tackle the tariff question, which resulted in the Revenue Act of 1913, also known as the Underwood Tariff Act. This legislation lowered tariff rates across the board by approximately 15 percent and completely eliminated tariffs on several imports, including steel, iron ore, woolen products, and farm tools. To offset the potential loss of federal revenue, this new law reinstituted the federal income tax, which followed the ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment. This first income tax required married couples who earned $4000 or more, and single people who earned $3000 or more, to pay a 1-percent, graduated income tax, with the tax rate getting progressively higher for those who earned more. Late in 1913, Wilson signed the Federal Reserve Act to regulate the banking industry and establish a federal banking system. The new system created twelve privately owned regional reserve banks regulated by a presidentially appointed Federal Reserve Board. The Board, known informally as the Fed, regulated the interest rate at which reserve banks loaned or distributed money to other banks around the country. Thus, when economic times were challenging, such as during a recession, the Fed could lower this “discount rate” and encourage more borrowing, which put more currency in circulation for people to spend or invest. Conversely, the Fed could curb inflationary trends with interest hikes that discouraged borrowing. This system is still the basis for the country’s modern banking model. In early 1914, Wilson completed his New Freedom agenda with the passage of the Clayton Antitrust Act. This law expanded the power of the original Sherman Antitrust Act in order to allow the investigation and dismantling of more monopolies. The new act also took on the “interlocking directorates”—competing companies that still operated together in a form of oligopoly or conspiracy to restrain trade. His New Freedom agenda complete, Wilson turned his attention to foreign affairs, as war was quickly encompassing Europe. THE FINAL VESTIGES OF PROGRESSIVISM As the 1916 election approached, Wilson began a flurry of new Progressive reforms that impressed the voting public and ultimately proved to be the last wave of the Progressive Era. Some of the important measures that Wilson undertook to pass included the Federal Farm Act, which provided oversight of low-interest loans to millions of farmers in need of debt relief; the Keating-Owen Child Labor Act, which, although later deemed unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court, prohibited the interstate distribution of products by child workers under the age of fourteen; and the Adamson Act, which put in place the first federally mandated eight-hour workday for railroad workers. Wilson also gained significant support from Jewish voters with his 1916 appointment of the first Jewish U.S. Supreme Court justice, Louis D. Brandeis. Popular among social justice Progressives, Brandeis went on to become one of the most renowned justices on the court for his defense of freedom of speech and right to privacy issues. Finally, Wilson gained the support of many working-class voters with his defense of labor and union rights during a violent coal strike in Ludlow, Colorado, as well as his actions to forestall a potential railroad strike with the passage of the aforementioned Adamson Act. Wilson’s actions in 1916 proved enough, but barely. In a close presidential election, he secured a second term by defeating former New York governor Charles Evans Hughes by a scant twenty-three electoral votes, and less than 600,000 popular votes. WAR ERUPTS IN EUROPE Despite the fact that he ran for reelection with the slogan, “He Kept Us Out of the War,” Wilson could not avoid the reach of World War I much longer. When he took the oath for his second term, on March 4, 1917, Wilson was barely five weeks away from leading the United States in declaring war on Germany, a move that would put an end to the Progressive Era. World War I, or The Great War as it is called, was unlike any war that came before it. Whereas in previous European conflicts, troops typically faced each other on open battlefields, World War I saw new military technologies that turned war into a conflict of prolonged trench warfare. Both sides used new artillery, tanks, airplanes, machine guns, barbed wire, and, eventually, poison gas: weapons that strengthened defenses and turned each military offense into barbarous sacrifices of thousands of lives with minimal territorial advances in return. By the end of the war, the total military death toll was ten million, as well as another million civilian deaths attributed to military action, and another six million civilian deaths caused by famine, disease, or other related factors. One terrifying new piece of technological warfare was the German unterseeboot—an “undersea boat” or U-boat. By early 1915, in an effort to break the British naval blockade of Germany and turn the tide of the war, the Germans dispatched a fleet of these submarines around Great Britain to attack both merchant and military ships. The U-boats acted in direct violation of international law, attacking without warning from beneath the water instead of surfacing and permitting the surrender of civilians or crew. By 1918, German U-boats had sunk nearly five thousand vessels. Of greatest historical note was the attack on the British passenger ship, RMS Lusitania, on its way from New York to Liverpool on May 7, 1915. The German Embassy in the United States had announced that this ship would be subject to attack for its cargo of ammunition: an allegation that later proved accurate. Nonetheless, almost 1,200 civilians died in the attack, including 128 Americans. The attack horrified the world, galvanizing support in England and beyond for the war. The torpedoing and sinking of the Lusitania, depicted in the English drawing above (a), resulted in the death over twelve hundred civilians and was an international incident that shifted American sentiment as to their potential role in the war, as illustrated in a British recruiting poster (b). Source: Wikimedia Commons The German high command wanted to continue unrestricted warfare on all Atlantic traffic, including unarmed American freighters, in order to cripple the British economy and secure a quick and decisive victory. Their goal: to bring an end to the war before the United States could intervene and tip the balance in this grueling war of attrition. In February 1917, a German U-boat sank the American merchant ship, the Laconia, killing two passengers, and, in late March, quickly sunk four more American ships. These attacks increased pressure on Wilson from all sides, as government officials, the general public, and both Democrats and Republicans urged him to declare war. The final element that led to American involvement in World War I was the so-called Zimmermann telegram. British intelligence intercepted and decoded a top-secret telegram from German foreign minister Arthur Zimmermann to the German ambassador to Mexico, instructing the latter to invite Mexico to join the war effort on the German side, should the United States declare war on Germany. It further went on to encourage Mexico to invade the United States if such a declaration came to pass, as Mexico’s invasion would create a diversion and permit Germany a clear path to victory. In exchange, Zimmermann offered to return to Mexico land that was previously lost to the United States in the Mexican American War, including Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. “The Temptation,” which appeared in the Dallas Morning News on March 2, 1917, shows Germany as the Devil, tempting Mexico to join their war effort against the United States in exchange for the return of land formerly belonging to Mexico. The prospect of such a move made it all but impossible for Wilson to avoid war. Source: Wikimedia Commons The likelihood that Mexico, weakened and torn by its own revolution and civil war, could wage war against the United States and recover territory lost in the Mexican American war with Germany’s help was remote at best. But combined with Germany’s unrestricted use of submarine warfare and the sinking of American ships, the Zimmermann telegram made a powerful argument for a declaration of war. Thus, on April 2, 1917, Wilson asked Congress to declare war on Germany. Congress debated for four days, and several senators and congressmen expressed their concerns that the war was being fought over U.S. economic interests more than strategic need or democratic ideals. When Congress voted on April 6, fifty-six voted against the resolution, including the first woman ever elected to Congress, Representative Jeannette Rankin. This was the largest “no” vote against a war resolution in American history. 9.6 Section Summary Theodore Roosevelt became president only by historical accident, but his activism in the executive branch spoke to the Progressive spirit in the nation and transformed the president’s office for the twentieth century. The courage he displayed in his confrontation of big business and willingness to side with workers in capital-labor disputes, as well as his commitment to the preservation of federal lands, set an agenda his successors had to match. Like Roosevelt, William Howard Taft pushed antitrust rulings and expanded federal oversight of interstate commerce. But estrangement from his predecessor and mentor left Taft in a difficult position for reelection. Roosevelt’s third-party challenge as a Progressive split the Republican vote and handed Woodrow Wilson the presidency in 1912. A Progressive like his predecessors, Wilson was also a political creature who understood the need to do more in order to ensure his reelection. He, too, sought to limit the power of big businesses and stabilize the economy, and he ushered in a wave of Progressive legislation that grassroots Progressives had long called for. The nation’s entanglement in World War I, however, soon shunted the Progressive goals of democracy, efficiency, regulation, and social justice to the back burner. The nation’s new priorities included national security and making the world “safe for democracy.” 9.7 The United States Prepares for War Wilson knew that the key to America’s success in war lay largely in its preparation. With both the Allied and enemy forces entrenched in battles of attrition, and supplies running low on both sides, the United States needed, first and foremost, to secure enough men, money, food, and supplies to be successful. The country needed to first supply the basic requirements to fight a war, and then work to ensure military leadership, public support, and strategic planning. THE INGREDIENTS OF WAR The First World War was, in many ways, a war of attrition, and the United States needed a large army to help the Allies. In 1917, when the United States declared war on Germany, the U.S. Army ranked seventh in the world in terms of size, with an estimated 200,000 enlisted men. In contrast, at the outset of the war in 1914, the German force included 4.5 million men, and the country ultimately mobilized over eleven million soldiers over the course of the entire war. To compose a fighting force, Congress passed the Selective Service Act in 1917, which initially required all men aged twenty-one through thirty to register for the draft. In 1918, the act was expanded to include all men between eighteen and forty-five. Through a campaign of patriotic appeals, as well as an administrative system that allowed men to register at their local draft boards rather than directly with the federal government, over ten million men registered for the draft on the very first day. In all, two million men participated in combat operations overseas. Among the volunteers were also twenty thousand women, a quarter of whom went to France to serve as nurses or in clerical positions. While many young men were eager to join the war effort, there were a sizable number who did not want to join, either due to a moral objection or simply because they did not want to fight in a war that seemed far from American interests. Source: Wikimedia Commons The draft also provoked opposition, and almost 350,000 eligible Americans refused to register for military service. About 65,000 of these defied the conscription law as conscientious objectors, mostly on the grounds of their deeply held religious beliefs. Such opposition was not without risks, and whereas most objectors were never prosecuted, those who were found guilty at military hearings received stiff punishments: Courts handed down over two hundred prison sentences of twenty years or more, and seventeen death sentences. With the size of the army growing, the U.S. government next needed to ensure that there were adequate supplies—in particular food and fuel—for both the soldiers and the home front. Concerns over shortages led to the passage of the Lever Food and Fuel Control Act, which empowered the president to control the production, distribution, and price of all food products during the war effort. Using this law, Wilson created both a Fuel Administration and a Food Administration. The Fuel Administration, run by Harry Garfield, created the concept of “fuel holidays,” encouraging civilian Americans to do their part for the war effort by rationing fuel on certain days. Garfield also implemented “daylight saving time” for the first time in American history, shifting the clocks to allow more productive daylight hours. Herbert Hoover coordinated the Food Administration, and he too encouraged volunteer rationing by invoking patriotism. With the slogan “food will win the war,” Hoover encouraged “Meatless Mondays,” “Wheatless Wednesdays,” and other similar reductions, with the hope of rationing food for military use. With massive propaganda campaigns linking rationing and frugality to patriotism, the government sought to ensure adequate supplies to fight the war. Source: Wikimedia Commons CONTROLLING DISSENT Although all the physical pieces required to fight a war fell quickly into place, the question of national unity was another concern. The American public was strongly divided on the subject of entering the war. While many felt it was the only choice, others protested strongly, feeling it was not America’s war to fight. Wilson needed to ensure that a nation of diverse immigrants, with ties to both sides of the conflict, thought of themselves as American first, and their home country’s nationality second. To do this, he initiated a propaganda campaign, pushing the “America First” message, which sought to convince Americans that they should do everything in their power to ensure an American victory, even if that meant silencing their own criticisms. The Wilson administration created the Committee on Public Information under director George Creel, a former journalist, just days after the United States declared war on Germany. Creel employed artists, speakers, writers, and filmmakers to develop a propaganda machine. The goal was to encourage all Americans to make sacrifices during the war and, equally importantly, to hate all things German. Through efforts such as the establishment of “loyalty leagues” in ethnic immigrant communities, Creel largely succeeded in molding an anti-German sentiment around the country. In the picture below, the depiction of Germans as brutal apes, stepping on the nation’s shores with their crude weapon of “Kultur” (culture), stood in marked contrast to the idealized rendition of the nation’s virtue as a fair beauty whose clothes had been ripped off her. The result? Some schools banned the teaching of the German language and some restaurants refused to serve frankfurters, sauerkraut, or hamburgers, instead serving “liberty dogs with liberty cabbage” and “liberty sandwiches.” Symphonies refused to perform music written by German composers. The hatred of Germans grew so widespread that, at one point, at a circus, audience members cheered when, in an act gone horribly wrong, a Russian bear mauled a German animal trainer (whose ethnicity was more a part of the act than reality). In addition to its propaganda campaign, the U.S. government also tried to secure broad support for the war effort with repressive legislation. The Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917 prohibited individual trade with an enemy nation and banned the use of the postal service for disseminating any literature deemed treasonous by the postmaster general. That same year, the Espionage Act prohibited giving aid to the enemy by spying, or espionage, as well as any public comments that opposed the American war effort. Under this act, the government could impose fines and imprisonment of up to twenty years. The Sedition Act, passed in 1918, prohibited any criticism or disloyal language against the federal government and its policies, the U.S. Constitution, the military uniform, or the American flag. More than two thousand persons were charged with violating these laws, and many received prison sentences of up to twenty years. Immigrants faced deportation as punishment for their dissent. Not since the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 had the federal government so infringed on the freedom of speech of loyal American citizens. In the months and years after these laws came into being, over one thousand people were convicted for their violation, primarily under the Espionage and Sedition Acts. More importantly, many more war critics were frightened into silence. One notable prosecution was that of Socialist Party leader Eugene Debs, who received a ten-year prison sentence for encouraging draft resistance, which, under the Espionage Act, was considered “giving aid to the enemy.” Understandably, opposition to such repression began to mount. In 1917, Roger Baldwin formed the National Civil Liberties Bureau—a forerunner to the American Civil Liberties Union, which was founded in 1920—to challenge the government’s policies against wartime dissent and conscientious objection. In 1919, the case of Schenck v. United States went to the U.S. Supreme Court to challenge the constitutionality of the Espionage and Sedition Acts. The case concerned Charles Schenck, a leader in the Socialist Party of Philadelphia, who had distributed fifteen thousand leaflets, encouraging young men to avoid conscription. The court ruled that during a time of war, the federal government was justified in passing such laws to quiet dissenters. The decision was unanimous, and in the court’s opinion, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote that such dissent presented a “clear and present danger” to the safety of the United States and the military and was therefore justified. He further explained how the First Amendment right of free speech did not protect such dissent, in the same manner that a citizen could not be freely permitted to yell “fire!” in a crowded theater, due to the danger it presented. Congress ultimately repealed most of the Espionage and Sedition Acts in 1921, and several who were imprisoned for violation of those acts were then quickly released. But the Supreme Court’s deference to the federal government’s restrictions on civil liberties remained a volatile topic in future wars. 9.7 Section Summary Wilson might have entered the war unwillingly, but once it became inevitable, he quickly moved to use federal legislation and government oversight to put into place the conditions for the nation’s success. First, he sought to ensure that all logistical needs—from fighting men to raw materials for wartime production—were in place and within government reach. From legislating rail service to encouraging Americans to buy liberty loans and “bring the boys home sooner,” the government worked to make sure that the conditions for success were in place. Then came the more nuanced challenge of ensuring that a country of immigrants from both sides of the conflict fell in line as Americans, first and foremost. Aggressive propaganda campaigns, combined with a series of restrictive laws to silence dissenters, ensured that Americans would either support the war or at least stay silent. While some conscientious objectors and others spoke out, the government efforts were largely successful in silencing those who had favored neutrality. 9.8 A New Home Front The lives of all Americans, whether they went abroad to fight or stayed on the home front, changed dramatically during the war. Restrictive laws censored dissent at home, and the armed forces demanded unconditional loyalty from millions of volunteers and conscripted soldiers. For organized labor, women, and African Americans in particular, the war brought changes to the prewar status quo. Some white women worked outside of the home for the first time, whereas others, like African American men, found that they were eligible for jobs that had previously been reserved for white men. African American women, too, were able to seek employment beyond the domestic servant jobs that had been their primary opportunity. Women in Wartime For women, the economic situation was complicated by the war, with the departure of wage-earning men and the higher cost of living pushing many toward less comfortable lives. At the same time, however, wartime presented new opportunities for women in the workplace. More than one million women entered the workforce for the first time as a result of the war, while more than eight million working women found higher paying jobs, often in industry. Many women also found employment in what were typically considered male occupations, such as on the railroads, where the number of women tripled, and on assembly lines. After the war ended and men returned home and searched for work, women were fired from their jobs, and expected to return home and care for their families. Furthermore, even when they were doing men’s jobs, women were typically paid lower wages than male workers, and unions were ambivalent at best—and hostile at worst—to women workers. Even under these circumstances, wartime employment familiarized women with an alternative to a life in domesticity and dependency, making a life of employment, even a career, plausible for women. When, a generation later, World War II arrived, this trend would increase dramatically. The war brought new opportunities to women, such as the training offered to those who joined the Land Army (a) or the opening up of traditionally male occupations. In 1918, Eva Abbott (b) was one of many new women workers on the Erie Railroad. However, once the war ended and veterans returned home, these opportunities largely disappeared. Source: Wikimedia Commons Also of special note were the approximately thirty thousand American women who served in the military, as well as a variety of humanitarian organizations, such as the Red Cross and YMCA, during the war. In addition to serving as military nurses (without rank), American women also served as telephone operators in France. Of this latter group, 230 of them, known as “Hello Girls,” were bilingual and stationed in combat areas. Over eighteen thousand American women served as Red Cross nurses, providing much of the medical support available to American troops in France. Close to three hundred nurses died during service. Many of those who returned home continued to work in hospitals and home healthcare, helping wounded veterans heal both emotionally and physically from the scars of war. African Americans in the Crusade for Democracy African Americans also found that the war brought upheaval and opportunity. Blacks composed 13 percent of the enlisted military, with 350,000 men serving. Colonel Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry division served as the highest-ranking African American officer. Blacks served in segregated units and suffered from widespread racism in the military hierarchy, often serving in menial or support roles. Some troops saw combat, however, and were commended for serving with valor. African American soldiers suffered under segregation and second-class treatment in the military. Still, the 369th Infantry earned recognition and reward for its valor in service both in France and the United States. Source: Wikimedia Commons The 369th Infantry, for example, known as the Harlem Hellfighters, served on the frontline of France for six months, longer than any other American unit. One hundred seventy-one men from that regiment received the Legion of Merit for meritorious service in combat. The regiment marched in a homecoming parade in New York City, was remembered in paintings, and was celebrated for bravery and leadership. The accolades given to them, however, in no way extended to the bulk of African Americans fighting in the war. On the home front, African Americans, like American women, saw economic opportunities increase during the war. During the so-called Great Migration, nearly 350,000 African Americans had fled the post-Civil War South for opportunities in northern urban areas. From 1910–1920, they moved north and found work in the steel, mining, shipbuilding, and automotive industries, among others. African American women also sought better employment opportunities beyond their traditional roles as domestic servants. By 1920, over 100,000 women had found work in diverse manufacturing industries, up from 70,000 in 1910. Despite such opportunities, racism continued to be a major force in both the North and South. Worried about the large influx of black Americans into their cities, several municipalities passed residential codes designed to prohibit African Americans from settling in certain neighborhoods. Race riots also increased in frequency: In 1917 alone, there were race riots in twenty-five cities, including East Saint Louis, where thirty-nine blacks were killed. In the South, white business and plantation owners feared that their cheap workforce was fleeing the region and used violence to intimidate blacks into staying. According to NAACP statistics, recorded incidences of lynching increased from thirty-eight in 1917 to eighty-three in 1919. These numbers did not start to decrease until 1923, when the number of annual lynchings dropped below thirty-five for the first time since the Civil War. 9.8 Section Summary The First World War remade the world for all Americans, whether they served abroad or stayed at home. For some groups, such as women and blacks, the war provided opportunities for advancement. As soldiers went to war, women and African Americans took on jobs that had previously been reserved for white men. In return for a no-strike pledge, workers gained the right to organize. Many of these shifts were temporary, however, and the end of the war came with a cultural expectation that the old social order would be reinstated. Some reform efforts also proved short-lived. President Wilson’s wartime agencies managed the wartime economy effectively but closed immediately with the end of the war (although they reappeared a short while later with the New Deal). While patriotic fervor allowed Progressives to pass prohibition, the strong demand for alcohol made the law unsustainable. Women’s suffrage, however, was a Progressive movement that came to fruition in part because of the circumstances of the war, and unlike prohibition, it remained. 9.9 From War to Peace The American role in World War I was brief but decisive. While millions of soldiers went overseas, and many thousands paid with their lives, the country’s involvement was limited to the very end of the war. In fact, the peace process, with the international conference and subsequent ratification process, took longer than the time U.S. soldiers were “in country” in France. For the Allies, American reinforcements came at a decisive moment in their defense of the western front, where a final offensive had exhausted German forces. For the United States, and for Wilson’s vision of a peaceful future, the fighting was faster and more successful than what was to follow. WINNING THE WAR When the United States declared war on Germany in April 1917, the Allied forces were close to exhaustion. Great Britain and France had already indebted themselves heavily in the procurement of vital American military supplies. Now, facing near-certain defeat, a British delegation to Washington, DC, requested immediate troop reinforcements to boost Allied spirits and help crush German fighting morale, which was already weakened by short supplies on the frontlines and hunger on the home front. Wilson agreed and immediately sent 200,000 American troops in June 1917. By May 1918, Americans were fully engaged in the war. In a series of battles along the front that took place from May 28 through August 6
1437	dbpedia	1	32	https://datausa.io/profile/geo/new-mexico	en	New Mexico	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/new-mexico/splash	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/new-mexico/splash	[ "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/icons/compare.svg", "https://datausa.io/images/go-to-link.svg", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US48/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US04/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US08/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US40/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US49/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/31000US10740/thumb", "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/deloitte.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/datawheel.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	In 2022, New Mexico had a population of 2.11M people with a median age of 38.6 and a median household income of $58,722. Between 2021 and 2022 the population of New Mexico grew from 2.11M to 2.11M, a 0.147% increase and its median household income grew from $54,020 to $58,722, a 8.7% increase.	en	/images/favicon.ico?v=3		null	The 5 largest ethnic groups in New Mexico are White (Non-Hispanic) (35.6%), White (Hispanic) (23.6%), Two+ (Hispanic) (14.1%), Other (Hispanic) (10.7%), and American Indian & Alaska Native (Non-Hispanic) (8.45%). 32.6% of the households in New Mexico reported speaking a non-English language at home as their primary shared language. This does not consider the potential multi-lingual nature of households, but only the primary self-reported language spoken by all members of the household. 94.9% of the residents in New Mexico are U.S. citizens. The largest universities in New Mexico are Central New Mexico Community College (7,939 degrees awarded in 2022), University of New Mexico-Main Campus (5,350 degrees), and New Mexico State University-Main Campus (3,360 degrees). In 2022, the median property value in New Mexico was $216,000, and the homeownership rate was 68.7%. Most people in New Mexico drove alone to work, and the average commute time was 23.1 minutes. The average car ownership in New Mexico was 2 cars per household. New Mexico is home to a population of 2.11M people, from which 94.9% are citizens. As of 2022, 9.17% of New Mexico residents were born outside of the country (194k people). In 2022, there were 1.51 times more White (Non-Hispanic) residents (752k people) in New Mexico than any other race or ethnicity. There were 498k White (Hispanic) and 298k Two+ (Hispanic) residents, the second and third most common ethnic groups. The most common non-English languages spoken as the primary langauge in households in New Mexico are Spanish (507,789 households), Navajo (62,467 households), and Other Native Languages of North America (32,006 households). The economy of New Mexico employs 857k people. The largest industries in New Mexico are Elementary & secondary schools (60,758 people), Restaurants & Food Services (57,741 people), and Construction (56,667 people), and the highest paying industries are Electric & gas, and other combinations ($256,687), Software publishing ($222,088), and Scientific research & development services ($118,047). Males in New Mexico have an average income that is 1.26 times higher than the average income of females, which is $53,740. The income inequality in New Mexico (measured using the Gini index) is 0.462, which is lower than than the national average. In the 2020 presidential election, the popular vote in New Mexico went to Joseph R Biden Jr. with 54.3% of the vote. The runner-up was Donald J. Trump (43.5%), followed by Jo Jorgensen (1.36%). The most partisan county was Lea County, NM with 79% of the vote going to Donald J. Trump running for the Republican Party. Martin Heinrich and Ben Ray Luján are the senators currently representing the state of New Mexico. In the United States, senators are elected to 6-year terms with the terms for individual senators staggered. New Mexico is currently represented by 3 members in the U.S. house, and members of the House of Representives are elected to 2-year terms. In 2022, universities in New Mexico awarded 30,057 degrees. The student population of New Mexico in 2022 is skewed towards women, with 43,431 male students and 68,039 female students. Most students graduating from Universities in New Mexico are Hispanic or Latino (14,247 and 48.7%), followed by White (9,365 and 32%), American Indian or Alaska Native (2,120 and 7.25%), and Unknown (1,039 and 3.55%). The largest universities in New Mexico by number of degrees awarded are Central New Mexico Community College (7,939 and 26.4%), University of New Mexico-Main Campus (5,350 and 17.8%), and New Mexico State University-Main Campus (3,360 and 11.2%). The most popular majors in New Mexico are Liberal Arts & Sciences (3,306 and 11%), General Studies (2,893 and 9.63%), and General Business Administration & Management (1,672 and 5.56%). The median tuition costs in New Mexico are $26,520 for private four year colleges, and $4,926 and $11,400 respectively, for public four year colleges for in-state students and out-of-state students. The median property value in New Mexico was $216,000 in 2022, which is 0.766 times smaller than the national average of $281,900. Between 2021 and 2022 the median property value increased from $184,800 to $216,000, a 16.9% increase. The homeownership rate in New Mexico is 68.7%, which is approximately the same as the national average of 64.8%. People in New Mexico have an average commute time of 23.1 minutes, and they drove alone to work. Car ownership in New Mexico is approximately the same as the national average, with an average of 2 cars per household. Median household income in New Mexico is $58,722. In 2022, the county with the highest Median Household Income in New Mexico was Los Alamos County, NM with a value of $135,801, followed by Eddy County, NM and Sandoval County, NM, with respective values of $77,458 and $76,424. In 2023, 16.7% of the population was living with severe housing problems in New Mexico. From 2014 to 2023, the indicator declined 0.0701%. 90.5% of the population of New Mexico has health coverage, with 34.2% on employee plans, 28.9% on Medicaid, 12.5% on Medicare, 12.5% on non-group plans, and 2.44% on military or VA plans. Primary care physicians in New Mexico see 1329 patients per year on average, which represents a 0.988% increase from the previous year (1316 patients). Compare this to dentists who see 1449 patients per year, and mental health providers who see 234 patients per year.
1437	dbpedia	3	50	https://avoice.cbcfinc.org/exhibits/origins-of-the-congressional-black-caucus/black-congressional-member-biographies/	en	Black Congressional Member Biographies » Origins of the Congressional Black Caucus » Avoice	http://www.avoiceonline.org/images/bio19th/msrc-cbc161.jpg	http://www.avoiceonline.org/images/bio19th/msrc-cbc161.jpg	[ "https://avoice.cbcfinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/CBCF_rgb-01-1.svg", "https://avoice.cbcfinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/CBCF_white-01.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2022-05-11T22:13:00+00:00		en	https://avoice.cbcfinc.o…ortcut-32x32.png	Avoice - Congressional Black Caucus Foundation	https://avoice.cbcfinc.org/exhibits/origins-of-the-congressional-black-caucus/black-congressional-member-biographies/	Oscar S. De Priest Congressman Oscar De Priest was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1929, representing Illinois’ first Congressional District. De Priest, a Republican, was the first African American elected to Congress in the 20th century and the first Black representative elected from a northern state. His election ended a 28-year absence of Black legislators in Congress. A well-known Chicago businessman and politician, De Priest was the only Black legislator during the 71st – 73rd Congresses. While in office, he spoke out against racial discrimination, calling for the desegregation of the House restaurant and key government initiatives such as Roosevelt’s work programs. Notably, De Priest appointed Benjamin O. Davis Jr. to the United States Military Academy when the only African American line officer in the Army was Davis’s father. Upon leaving Congress, De Priest returned to Chicago City Council and was an alderman. Arthur W. Mitchell Congressman Arthur W. Mitchell was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1935 after defeating Oscar De Priest for his seat. Representing Illinois’ first Congressional District, Mitchell was the first African American Democrat elected to the House. Initially a Republican, Mitchell changed parties during the early days of Roosevelt’s New Deal. During his four terms, he was the lone African American member in Congress. A lawyer and businessman, Mitchell began teaching in rural schools in Georgia and Alabama. Later he founded the Armstrong Agricultural School in West Butler, Alabama, and served as president for ten years. A fierce Roosevelt loyalist, Mitchell was highly scrutinized by Black leaders and organizations as not being progressive enough on civil rights. He introduced legislation banning lynching and discrimination. He also filed a lawsuit against the Illinois Central and Rock Island Railroads after being forced into a segregated train car just before it passed into Arkansas. This case was advanced to the U.S. Supreme Court as Mitchell v. the United States, which ruled that the railroad violated the Interstate Commerce Act. In his last congressional act, Mitchell condemned politicians as preferring the Axis powers over giving Negros any rights, comparing the atrocities of the Nazis and Japanese with the lynching of African Americans. Mitchell attended Tuskegee Institute, Columbia, and Harvard before being admitted to Washington D.C. Bar. William L. Dawson Congressman William L. Dawson served in the U.S. House of Representatives for nearly three decades. Dawson, a well-established politician in Chicago, was elected in 1942 as a Democratic Representative from Illinois, serving from 1943 until he died in 1970 (78th – 91st Congresses). Throughout his tenure, he focused on improving the lives of African Americans. Dawson was a vocal opponent of the poll tax, discriminatory against poorer voters. He is also credited with defeating the Winstead Amendment. Proposed by Representative William Winstead (D-Mississippi) after the Truman administration integrated the United States armed forces following World War II, it would have allowed military members to opt out of racially integrated units. During his first two terms in office, Dawson was on the Coinage, Weights, and Measures; Invalid Pensions; and Irrigation and Reclamation committees. Dawson served on the Insular Affairs Committee (later named Interior and Insular Affairs) from 1943 to 1946. From 1951 to 1952, he served on the Expenditures in the Executive Departments Committee (renamed Government Operations in 1952) from the 78th through the 80th Congress (1943 – 1949) before ascending to committee chair in 1949. He was the first African American to chair a standing committee. Dawson held the post until 1970, except for a single term in the 83rd Congress (1953–1955), when Republicans controlled the House. Likewise, he served on the District of Columbia Committee from 1955 to 1970. Dawson graduated from Fisk University in 1909 with a bachelor’s degree. After attending Kent College of Law and Northwestern University, Dawson enlisted in the U.S. Army during World War I. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. Congressman Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was an American Baptist pastor and politician who represented New York City in the United States House of Representatives from 1945 until 1971 (78th – 89th and 91st Congresses). Powell, a Democrat, was the first Black Congressman elected from New York State. While in Congress, Powell became a powerful voice on civil rights and social issues in the Democratic Party. In 1961, after 16 years in the House, Powell became chairman of the Education and Labor Committee. He was an ardent supporter of social and civil rights legislation under presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Powell’s leadership of the Committee on Education and Labor led to more than 50 measures authorizing increases in the minimum wage, federal programs for vocational training, standards for wage and work hours, and aid for schools and libraries. Among his numerous achievements, Powell led an investigation about bias in schoolbooks and education, calling out publishers and administrators for biased content and practices. Powell received a bachelor’s degree from Colgate University and earned a master’s degree in religious education from Columbia University. Charles C. Diggs, Jr. Congressman Charles C. Diggs, Jr. was the first African American to represent Michigan in the U.S. House of Representatives. He served the 13th District of Michigan from 1955 until his resignation on June 3, 1980 (84th – 96th Congresses). Diggs was a leader on civil rights issues during his tenure, asking President Eisenhower to call a special session of Congress to discuss civil rights, calling for the enforcement of Section Two of the Fourteenth Amendment and supporting the Civil Rights Act of 1957. He was also involved in foreign affairs, especially relations with Africa. Diggs was instrumental in securing partial self-government for the District of Columbia as chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia during the 93rd – 95th Congresses. Diggs was the first Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus from 1971 to 1972. He served on the Interior and Insular Affairs, Veterans’ Affairs, Foreign Affairs, International Relations and District of Columbia Committees. Diggs was censured by the House on July 31, 1979, according to House Resolution 378. After his service in Congress, Diggs returned to his family business and ran a funeral home in Maryland. Diggs attended the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor and Fisk University, later earning a mortuary license at Wayne College of Mortuary Science. From 1943 to 1945, he served in the United States Army Air Forces. Diggs also served in the Michigan State Senate from 1951 to 1954. Robert N.C. Nix, Sr. Congressman Robert N.C. Nix, Sr. became the first African American to represent Pennsylvania in a 1958 special election to fill the vacancy left by Representative Earl Chudoff. Nix served in the U.S. House of Representatives as the representative of Pennsylvania’s 2nd District from 1958 to 1979 (85th – 95th Congresses). In Congress, Nix sponsored legislation to create a “senior service corps” for people over sixty and worked on the landmark civil rights legislation of the 1960s. He also introduced an amendment to the Foreign Military Sales Act requiring the Defense Department to inform Congress of agents’ identities who negotiate arms sales for American firms and the fees they receive for their work. Nix served on several committees, including the Crime, Select Standards and Conduct, Merchant Marines and Fisheries, Foreign Affairs, International Relations, and Veterans Affairs committees. Nix also served as Chair of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee during the 95th Congress. Before Congress, Nix practiced law and became active in the Democratic Party, holding office as a committeeman at the city level (1932 to 1934). From 1934 to 1938, he worked as a special deputy attorney for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s revenue department and then as a special assistant deputy attorney general before being elected to Congress. Before coming to Congress, Nix graduated from Lincoln University in Pennsylvania and earned a law degree from the University of Pennsylvania. Augustus F. Hawkins Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins was the first African American to represent California and the first Black representative from any western state. He served California’s 29th Congressional District in the House from 1963 to 1991 (88th – 101st Congresses). Hawkins authored more than 300 state and federal laws, including Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which established the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the Job Training Partnership Act, and the School Improvement Act. Hawkins also sponsored the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act of 1978, which focused on the goals of full employment, growth in production, price stability and a balance of trade and budget. Hawkins was a member of the Joint Economic Committee and served on the Education and Labor (committee chair, 99th, 2nd session – 101st Congresses), House Administration (committee chair, 97th – 98th Congresses), Joint Committee on the Library (committee chair, 97th Congress) and Joint Committee on Printing (committee chair, 96th and 98th Congresses). Before serving in Congress, Hawkins was a member of the California state assembly for 28 years. He continued his advocacy on such issues as fair housing, fair employment, low-cost housing and disability insurance legislation, and workers’ compensation for domestic workers while serving in Congress. Hawkins earned a bachelor’s degree in Economics from the University of California, Los Angeles. John Conyers, Jr. Congressman John Conyers, Jr. represented Michigan in the U.S. House of Representatives from1965 to 2017 (89th- Congress – 114th Congresses). Conyers served more than fifty years, becoming the longest-serving African American member of Congress. He was the Dean of the House from 2015 to 2017, as he was the longest-serving member. By the end of his last term, Conyers was the last remaining member of Congress who had served since the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson. He served on the Small Business Committee and as chairman of the House Committee on Government Reform (101st-103rd Congresses) and the House Committee on the Judiciary (110th Congress). He was Chair of the Judiciary Committee from 2007 to 2011. He is the only Judiciary Committee member to have participated in the Watergate impeachment scandal and the Clinton impeachment process. Representative Conyers advocated civil liberties, voting rights, affordable health care, and an end to violence against women. While in office, Conyers helped introduce home rule and congressional representation legislation for the District of Columbia and served as a principal sponsor of the Voting Rights Act and the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act. One of his significant achievements was the passage of the Martin Luther King Jr. Holiday Act of 1983 after 15 years of struggle to find support for the bill. Before entering Congress, Representative Conyers served in the National Guard and the United States Army Corps of Engineers during the Korean War. He earned both a bachelor’s degree and a law degree at Wayne State University. Edward W. Brooke Senator Edward Brooke represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1967 until 1979 (90th – 95th Congresses). Before serving in the Senate, he served as the Attorney General of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In 1966, Brooke became the first African American popularly elected to the United States Senate following his election. While he professed loyalty to the Republican Party, he was an independent thinker who acted according to his conscience. Brooke co-wrote the Civil Rights Act of 1968, which prohibited housing discrimination. He also became a prominent critic of Republican President Richard Nixon, and was the first Senate Republican to call for Nixon’s resignation in light of the Watergate scandal. Although Brooke supported the Republican Party, his stances were often contrary to the official party line. He typically adopted a liberal agenda concerning social issues. During his two terms in the Senate, Brooke backed affirmative action, minority business development, and public housing legislation. After leaving office, Brooke practiced law in Washington, D.C. and became chairman of the Boston Bank of Commerce. One year later, he was named to the board of directors of Grumman. In 2004, President George W. Bush awarded Brooke the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor. In 2007, Brooke published his autobiography, Bridging the Divide: My Life. Brooke earned a bachelor’s degree from Howard University. After graduation, Brooke entered the U.S. Army as a second lieutenant and served overseas in World War II. His experience on the Massachusetts military base inspired him to earn an LL.B. in 1948 and an LL.M. in 1949 from Boston University. Shirley A. Chisholm Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm was the first African American woman elected to Congress. Chisholm was representative of New York’s 12th District from 1968-to 1982 (91st-97th Congresses). She served on the Education and Labor, Rules, and Veterans Affairs Committees. During her fifteen years in the House, Chisholm was known for her strong liberal views, including her opposition to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War and her advocacy of full-employment programs. She also earned praise for her efforts on behalf of Black colleges, compulsory education, and minimum wage. Chisholm co-founded the National Political Congress of Black Women in 1984 and worked vigorously for the presidential campaigns of Jesse Jackson in 1984 and 1988. Chisholm was also the first African American woman to run for the presidency in 1972. Before her election to Congress, she worked as a teacher and school director and was elected as a delegate of the New York State Assembly in 1964. Chisholm has authored two books, Unbought and Unbossed (1970) and The Good Fight (1973). She also served as Purington Chair at Massachusetts’ Mount Holyoke College, where she taught politics and women’s studies after serving in Congress. In 1985, Chisholm was a visiting scholar at Spelman College. In 1987, she retired from teaching. She received her bachelor’s degree from Brooklyn College and a master’s degree in elementary education from Teachers College, Columbia University. Congresswoman Shirley A. Chisholm was the first African American woman elected to Congress, representing New York’s 12th District from 1969 to 1983 (91st – 97th Congresses). She served on the Education and Labor, Rules, and Veterans Affairs Committees. In 1972, she became the first Black woman to run for the U. S. presidency. During her 14 years in the House, Rep. Chisholm was known for her strong liberal views, including her opposition to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War and her advocacy of full-employment programs. She also earned praise for her efforts on behalf of Black colleges, compulsory education, and raising the minimum wage. Before her election to Congress, Chisholm served in the New York State Assembly. She co-founded the National Political Congress of Black Women in 1984 and worked vigorously for the presidential campaigns of Jesse Jackson in 1984 and 1988. After leaving Congress, she taught politics and women’s studies at Massachusetts’ Mount Holyoke College until 1987. Congresswoman Chisholm received her bachelor’s degree from Brooklyn College and a master’s degree in elementary education from Teachers College, Columbia University. While in Congress, she published two books, Unbought and Unbossed (1970) and The Good Fight (1973). Louis Stokes Congressman Louis Stokes served as the first African American to represent Ohio in the U.S. House of Representatives, serving from 1969 to 1999 (91st-105th Congresses). Before his election to Congress, Stokes practiced law and participated in three cases in the United States Supreme Court, including a 1967 case requiring Ohio to adopt a redistricting plan that would reflect the presence of African American voters in the state. This plan created a new district in Ohio, the 21st District, and Stokes won the new seat in the House in 1969. While in office, Stokes served on the Education and Labor, Internal Security, Appropriations, Budget, Standards of Official Conduct (committee chair, 97th – 98th, 102nd Congresses), Select Intelligence, Select Assassinations (committee chair, 95th Congress), and Select to Investigate Arms Transactions to Iran Committees. Stokes also served as the Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 92nd and 93rd Congresses. Stokes was always an advocate for health and helped found and chair the Congressional Black Caucus Health Braintrust while in office. When he left Congress in 1999, Stokes became the first African American in U.S. Congress to complete 30 years in office. Stokes served in the Army from 1943 to 1946 and received a Juris Doctor from Cleveland Marshall Law School of the Cleveland State University. William L. Clay, Sr. Congressman William Lacy Clay, Sr., represented Missouri’s 1st Congressional District from 1969 to 2000 (91st – 106th Congresses). When elected, he became the first African American representative from Missouri and one of only two African American representatives from states west of the Mississippi River to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives. Environmental justice, labor rights, and social justice issues were priority legislative concerns during his tenure. He was a ranking member of the Education and Workforce Committee and served as Chair of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee. Other committee assignments included Education and Labor, Education and Economic Opportunities, House Administration, and Joint Library committees. Clay was the third senior member of the House when he retired in 2000. Before Congress, he served in the U.S. Army from 1953 to 1955. After his military service, Clay returned to St. Louis, where he worked as a real estate broker and manager of Industrial Life Insurance Company and became involved in local politics, union and civil rights activities. He was also on the St. Louis Board of Aldermen in 1959 and served as a committeeman. He is also the author of several books, including Just Permanent Interests: Black Americans in Congress 1870-1992 (1993) and Bill Clay: A Political Voice at the Grass Roots (2004). Clay earned a bachelor’s degree in History and Political Science from St. Louis University. George W. Collins Congressman George Washington Collins was elected simultaneously to the 91st and 92nd Congresses by special election to fill the seat left vacant by the death of Representative Daniel J. Ronan. Congressman Collins represented Illinois’ sixth Congressional District from 1970 to 1972 (91st – 93rd Congresses). Collins fought to increase funding for the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, improve mass transit programs, and reform the Federal Housing Administration during his tenure. Collins introduced a bill requiring the Treasury Department to provide low- and moderate-income taxpayers free tax preparation services. He served on the Government Operations and Public Works Committees until his untimely death. His wife, Cardiss Collins, succeeded him in Congress. Before Congress, Collins served with the Army Engineers in the Second World War. Upon his discharge in 1946, he worked as a deputy sheriff in Cook County, IL, as an administrative assistant to the Chicago Board of Health and alderman on the Chicago City Council. Collins earned a business law degree from Northwestern University. Ralph H. Metcalfe Congressman Ralph H. Metcalfe represented Illinois’ first Congressional District from 1971 to 1978 (92nd-95th Congresses). Metcalfe served on the Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Merchant Marines and Fisheries, and Post Office and Civil Service committees. During his time in Congress, Metcalfe worked to expand federal housing programs and improve public housing projects. Other issues of importance to Metcalfe were airline safety, prison administration, preventative medical care for school children, and increased education, housing, and job opportunities for residents of the Panama Canal Zone. Metcalfe also made significant achievements as an Olympic athlete, including setting a world record for the team event with Jesse Owens in 1936. Before entering the United States Army Transportation Corps, Metcalfe became a track coach and political science instructor at Xavier University. After his discharge as a first lieutenant, Metcalfe returned to Chicago and was elected Third Ward Democratic Committeeman and served three terms on the Chicago City Council before being elected to U.S. Congress. He received a bachelor’s degree in Philosophy from Marquette University and a master’s degree in physical education from the University of Southern California. Parren J. Mitchell Congressman Parren J. Mitchell was representative for Maryland’s Seventh Congressional District from 1971 to 1987 (92nd – 99th Congresses). He was the first African American to represent Maryland in Congress. He chaired the Congressional Black Caucus for the 95th Congress and was known for his support of small and minority businesses. He successfully advocated that minority contractors receive a designated percentage of public works projects. Mitchell served on the Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs Committee, which provided a legislative voice for minority businesses and chaired the Small Business Committee during the 97th – 99th Congresses. He served on several other committees, including the Banking and Currency, Budget, Joint Defense Production, and Joint Economic Committees. Mitchell was the first African American graduate student at the University of Maryland in College Park. He was able to attend the university and earn a master’s degree in sociology after suing the University of Maryland Graduate School for admittance with the advice of his brother Clarence Mitchell Jr., an NAACP official, Clarence’s mother-in-law, Lilly Mae Carroll Jackson, the Maryland State NAACP Director and Thurgood Marshall, future Supreme Court Justice, as counsel. During World War II, Mitchell served in the United States Army, receiving a Purple Heart for his service. Walter E. Fauntroy Congressman Walter E. Fauntroy was the first African American representative to the U.S. House of Representatives from the District of Columbia. In 1970 Congress passed the District of Columbia Delegate Act, which provided Washington with representation in the House of Representatives for the first time since 1875. Under this act, Walter E. Fauntroy was elected in a special election and served from 1971 to 1991 (92nd-101st Congresses). Though he could not vote on the House floor, Fauntroy could submit legislation to the House and vote on the committee level. Fauntroy served on the District of Columbia; Banking and Currency; Banking, Currency and Housing; Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs; Select Assassinations; and Select Narcotics Abuse and Control Committees. Before his time in office, Fauntroy was a civil rights leader. Martin Luther King, Jr. appointed him to serve as director of the Washington Bureau of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. He also served as D.C. Coordinator for such historic marches as the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963, the Selma to Montgomery Voting Rights March in 1965 and the Meredith Mississippi Freedom March in 1966. He was appointed by President Lyndon B. Johnson as Vice President of the White House Conference on Civil Rights in 1966 and was a member of D.C. City Council from 1967 to 1969. Fauntroy earned a bachelor of arts degree at Virginia Union University and a bachelor of divinity degree from Yale University Divinity School. He was the pastor of the New Bethel Baptist Church until he retired in 1991. Ronald V. Dellums Ronald V. Dellums represented California’s Eighth Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1971 to 1998 (92nd-105th Congresses). Before entering the U.S. House of Representatives, Dellums had a career as a psychiatric social worker and served on the Berkeley City Council (1967-1970). A leading voice for peace and disarmament in Congress, Dellums was the principal congressional leader fighting to curb and reverse military spending and the nuclear arms race and a leader in the effort to terminate U.S. government support for the apartheid in South Africa. While in office, he served on the Foreign Affairs, National Security, Post Office and Civil Service, and Select Intelligence Committees. He also chaired the District of Columbia Committee during the 96th-102nd Congresses and the Armed Services Committee in the 103rd Congress. In December 1988, he was elected Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, a post he held for the 101st Congress. He resigned from his seat in Congress on February 6, 1998. Dellums went on to become Mayor of Oakland. Dellums served two years in the Marine Corps and earned a bachelor’s degree at San Francisco State College and a master’s degree in social welfare from the University of California at Berkeley. He is the author of several books, including Lying Down with the Lions: A Public Life from the Streets of Oakland to the Halls of Power (2000) and Defense of Sense: The Search for a Rational Military Policy (1983). Charles B. Rangel Charles B. Rangel represented New York in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1971 to 2017 (92nd -114th Congresses). Rangel worked to revitalize urban neighborhoods, make housing affordable housing, reduce unemployment, and diminish drug trafficking and abuse in Congress. A founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus and former CBC Chair for the 94th Congress, he also led the effort to end apartheid in South Africa and restore democratic government to Haiti. Rangel became the first African American to serve as chairman of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee (2007 -2010). He served as chair of the Select Narcotics Abuse and Control Committee during the 98th-102nd Congresses and as a member of the House Judiciary Committee during the hearings on the impeachment of President Richard Nixon. Other committee assignments have included the Public Works, Science and Aeronautics, Select Crime, Joint Taxation, and District of Columbia Committees. Before his election to Congress, he served in the U.S. Army from 1948-52, during which time he fought in the Korean War and was awarded the Purple Heart and Bronze Star. In 2007, he published a memoir entitled And I Haven’t Had a Bad Day Since: From the Streets of Harlem to the Halls of Congress. He earned a bachelor’s degree from New York University and a law degree from St. John’s University School of Law. Andrew J. Young Congressman Andrew Young represented Georgia’s Fifth Congressional District from 1973 to 1977. Young was the first Black Representative from Georgia since Jefferson Long’s election a century earlier. A pastor and civil rights activist, Young was an early leader in the civil rights movement; he served as executive director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and was a close confidant of Martin Luther King Jr. During his tenure in Congress, Young took an interest in foreign relations, including the decision to stop supporting the Portuguese attempts to hold on to their colonies in southern Africa. He also served on the Rules Committee and the Banking and Urban Development Committee. Opposed the Vietnam War, Young helped enact legislation establishing the U.S. Institute for Peace. Young later served as United States Ambassador to the United Nations in the Carter Administration. He went on to be the Mayor of Atlanta. Author of several books, Young remains active on public policy issues. He is a graduate of Howard University, and he also earned a divinity degree from Hartford Seminary. Barbara C. Jordan Congresswoman Barbara C. Jordan was representative of the 18th Congressional District of Texas from 1973 to 1979 (93rd – 95th Congresses). She was the first African American to represent Texas and the first African American woman to represent a southern state in the United States House of Representatives. Her committee assignments included the Judiciary and Government Operations Committees. A lawyer, Jordan also was a member of the Texas Senate, a delegate to two Texas State Democratic Conventions, a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1968 and a keynote speaker at the National Convention in 1976. After her service in Congress, she taught public policy at the University of Texas at Austin and served on the Commission on Immigration Reform. Jordan received her bachelor’s degree from Texas Southern University. She also earned her law degree from Boston University School of Law. Yvonne Braithwaite Burke Congresswoman Yvonne Brathwaite Burke was representative of California’s 28th Congressional District from 1973 to 1979 (93rd – 95th Congresses). She was also the first African American woman elected to California’s House of Representatives. She was also the first female chair of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1976. Her committee assignments included the Interior and Insular Affairs, Public Works; Appropriation; Select Assassinations; and Select Beauty Shop Committees. She chaired the Select Beauty Shop Committee for the 94th and 95th Congresses. Before her tenure in Congress, Burke was the first African American woman to serve in the California State Assembly. She has fought for prison reform, improved childcare, equal opportunities for minorities and women, and education during her career. She has focused her efforts on improving the lives of children, encouraging economic development, and improving transportation in Los Angeles. Burke received a bachelor’s degree from the University of California, Los Angeles and a law degree from the University of Southern California School of Law. Cardiss Collins Congresswoman Cardiss Collins was representative of Illinois’ Seventh Congressional District from 1973 to 1997 (93rd – 104th Congresses) after winning a special election to succeed her late husband, George W. Collins. She served as Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 96th Congress. She served on the Government Operations; Government Reform and Oversight; Public Works; International Relations; Foreign Affairs; District of Columbia; Energy and Commerce; Commerce; Select Population; and Select Narcotics Abuse and Control Committees. Collins fought for diversity and gender equity in the communications and media industries. Her other legislative interests included health care, gender equity in college athletics, and reforming childcare. She attended Northwestern University. Harold E. Ford, Sr. Congressman Harold Ford represented Tennessee in the U.S. House of Representatives for eleven terms, from 1975 -to 1997 (94th – 104th Congresses). Following two terms as a state legislator, Ford was elected the first African American in Congress from Tennessee. Ford’s Congressional service included the Committee on Banking, Currency, and Housing, the Committee on Veterans’ Affairs, the Select Committee on Aging, and the Select Committee on Assassinations. Ford is known for his membership on the influential House Ways and Means Committee. Elected at age 29, he was one of the youngest Members ever to chair a subcommittee on Ways and Means. During his tenure in Congress, Ford strongly advocated for government assistance for the poor and welfare reform. In 1987, Ford was appointed to the powerful Democratic Steering and Policy Committee. After retirement, Ford remained active with the Democratic Party and worked as a lobbyist. Ford is a graduate of Tennessee State University and earned an associate of arts degree in mortuary science from John Gupton College and an M.B.A from Howard University. Bennett M. Stewart Congressman Bennet M. Stewart is a one-term Democrat representing Illinois’ First Congressional District during the 96th Congress (1979 – 1981). Stewart was an educator, alderman, and Chicago City Council member throughout his career. He was very active in the state and national Democratic party, holding various positions. Stewart received a bachelor’s degree from Miles College. Melvin H. Evans Congressman Melvin Evans, the first Black delegate to represent U.S. Virgin Islands, was elected to Congress in 1978. Before Congress, Evans served in various medical and public health posts at hospitals and institutions in the United States and the Virgin Islands, including Commissioner of Health for the Virgin Islands and chairman of the Governor’s Commission on Human Resources. Eventually, President Richard M. Nixon appointed him governor of the Virgin Islands. As a physician, Evans used his congressional tenure to promote health care, education, and other areas of concern to his constituents during his brief tenure in the House of Representatives. Evans served on the Armed Services, Interior and Insular Affairs, and Merchant Marine and Fisheries committees. Evans achieved distinction as the first popularly elected governor of the U.S. Virgin Islands. Evans was attentive to the needs of his unique constituency, securing federal funds to provide the territory’s public education system with additional programs and introducing legislation to alleviate the critical shortage of doctors at local health facilities by permitting foreign physicians to practice in the Virgin Islands. In 1981, President Ronald W. Reagan nominated Evans as United States Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago. Evans served in that office until his death. Evans received a bachelor’s degree from Howard University and an M.D. from the Howard University College of Medicine. He also earned a master’s degree in public health from the University of California at Berkeley. George T. (Mickey) Leland Congressman George T. (Mickey) Leland represented Texas 18th Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1979 to1991 (96th – 101st Congresses). A Democrat and anti-poverty activist, Leland was known for his advocacy on hunger and health care. Before Congress, he served three terms in the Texas House of Representatives. Leland made the issue of homelessness and hunger the centerpieces of his advocacy in Congress. He co-authored legislation with U.S. Rep. Ben Gilman (R-New York State), establishing the House Select Committee on Hunger. Likewise, he initiated several programs designed to address the famine crises that plagued Ethiopia and Sudan in the 1980s. While chairing the House Select Committee on Hunger, Leland was a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce and the Subcommittees on Telecommunications and Finance, Health and the Environment, and Energy and Power. He also chaired the Subcommittee on Postal Operations and Services and served on the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service and the Subcommittee on Compensation and Employment. His life and advocacy were cut short when he died tragically in a plane crash in Ethiopia. Leland earned a degree in pharmacy from Texas Southern University. William H. Gray, III Congressman William H. Gray represented Pennsylvania’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1978 to 1991 (96th – 102nd Congresses). Gray was the first African American in Congress to chair the powerful and partisan Budget Committee and the first Black representative to become the third-ranking Democrat in the House. Gray later served on the House Administration Committee and the Joint Committee on Deficit Reduction. As Chairman of the Committee on Budget, Gray introduced H.R. 1460, an anti-Apartheid bill prohibiting loans and new investment in South Africa and enforcing sanctions on imports and exports with South Africa. This bill was an instrumental precursor to the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 (H.R. 4868). Gray’s political expertise and integrity earned him a solid reputation among his colleagues on both sides of the aisle. Before his tenure in Congress, he was a pastor and community activist. Following his tenure in Congress, he led the United Negro College Fund (later known as the College Fund/UNCF). Gray served as President and CEO of the College Fund/UNCF until March 2004. He also served as special adviser to President Clinton on Haiti, which was then embroiled in civil war. Gray earned a bachelor’s degree from Franklin and Marshall College, a master’s degree in Divinity from Drew Theological Seminary, and a master’s degree in theology from Princeton Theological Seminary. Julian C. Dixon Congressman Julian Dixon was a representative from California who served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1979 to 2000. Before his election to the House, Dixon was a lawyer and California State Assemblyman. In Congress, Dixon served on committees related to defense, congressional ethics, and federal funding. He chaired several committees, including the House Ethics Committee and the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct. As Chair of the House Ethics Committee, he led the investigation of House Speaker Jim Wright in 1989. While serving on the Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, he authored the first sanctions legislation against South Africa. In 1980, he became the first African American to win a subcommittee chairmanship on the Appropriations panel, taking over as head of the District of Columbia Subcommittee. Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Dixon sought to bring the District of Columbia’s budget under control while appropriating federal dollars for essential programs. Dixon continued his advocacy in Congress until his death. Dixon served in the U.S. Army, attaining the rank of sergeant. He earned a bachelor’s degree from Los Angeles State College and a law degree from Southwestern University School of Law. George W. Crockett Jr. Congressman George Crockett represented Michigan’s 13th Congressional District from 1980 to 1991 (96th – 101st Congresses). At age 71, he was the oldest African American ever elected to Congress. Throughout his career, Crockett was a lawyer and judge. He was the first African American lawyer in the U.S. Department of Labor. He had worked as a senior attorney on employment cases brought under the National Labor Relations Act, a legislative program of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal. He also was national vice-president of the National Lawyers Guild and co-founded what is believed to be the first racially integrated law firm in the United States. He served on the House Judiciary Committee, the Select Committee on Aging, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee in Congress. As a member of the Africa Subcommittee, he authored the Mandela Freedom Resolution, HB.430, which called upon the South African government to release Nelson Mandela and his wife Winnie Mandela from imprisonment. Both houses of Congress passed the resolution in 1984. Later, he denounced apartheid in South Africa and was jailed for demonstrating in Washington, DC. Crockett chaired the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs from 1987 until his retirement. Crockett filed suit against the Reagan administration, claiming violation of the War Powers Act in providing El Salvador with military aid. In September 1989, a year before he retired, Crockett made headlines as the first Member of Congress to call for the decriminalization of drugs. Crockett graduated from Morehouse College and University of Michigan Law School. Harold D. Washington Congressman Harold Washington represented Illinois’s First Congressional District from 1981 to 1983 (96th – 101st Congresses). Washington was actively engaged in Chicago politics as a lawyer and World War II veteran. Before his congressional election, he served in the Illinois State Senate and the Illinois House of Representatives from 1965 until 1976. Washington spent much of his brief tenure in Congress fighting President Reagan’s proposed budget and tax plans, including spending cuts for social programs. After one term, Washington ran and was elected as Chicago’s first African American mayor, which he served until his death. Washington earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from Roosevelt University and a Juris Doctor from Northwestern University School of Law. Gus Savage Congressman Gus Savage represented the Second Congressional District of Illinois from 1981 to 1993 (97th – 102nd Congresses). Savage had been a veteran, civil rights activist, and pioneering African American journalist and publisher. Eventually, he became involved in local politics in Chicago before coming to Congress. During his six terms, he served on the Post Office and Civil Service, Public Works and Transportation, and Small Business committees. Savage chaired the Public Works and Transportation Subcommittee on Economic Development during the 101st and 102nd Congresses (1989 – 1993). His primary concerns were advancing the civil rights of African Americans, often speaking out on Congress’s record on Civil Rights. In one of his final acts as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Public Buildings and Grounds, Savage leveraged his reputation as a national political figure to bring attention to the importance of the African Burial Ground in New York City. The site was eventually designated a National Historic Landmark in 1993 and a National Monument in 2006 by President George W. Bush. Savage earned a bachelor’s degree in Political Science from Roosevelt University and a Juris Doctor from Northwestern University School of Law. Mervyn M. Dymally Congressman Mervyn M. Dymally represented California’s 31st District from 1981 to 1993. A longtime member of the California legislature, Dymally was the first Back elected to statewide office. During his 12 years of Congressional tenure, Dymally served on the Foreign Affairs, District of Columbia, the Post Office and Civil Service and Science and Technology committees. Dymally eventually was subcommittee chairman on the Foreign Affairs Committee, where he was an outspoken advocate for international human rights and economic development, particularly in Africa and the Caribbean. He was a vocal critic of apartheid in South Africa and advocated imposing sanctions against the minority–white government. His advocacy in the House also focused on the necessity of economic development. He chaired the District of Columbia’s Subcommittee on Judiciary and Education, supported statehood for the majority-Black city, and increased funding for education programs for minorities. Dymally worked as a foreign affairs consultant for Caribbean, African, and Asian interests upon his retirement. In 2002, he was elected again to the California state assembly. Dymally earned a bachelor’s degree in education from California State University. He also earned an M.A. in government from California State University – Sacramento and a Ph.D. in human behavior from the United States International University (now Alliant International University). Katie B. Hall Congresswoman Katie B. Hall represented Indiana in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1982 to 1985 (97th – 98th Congresses). Hall was the first African American from Indiana. Her committee assignments included the Post Office and Civil Service Committee and the Public Works and Transportation Committee. Hall was also a member of the Indiana State House of Representatives and the Indiana State Senate. She received a bachelor’s degree from Mississippi Valley State University and a master’s degree from Indiana University. Charles A. Hayes Congressman Charles A. Hayes represented Illinois’s First Congressional District from 1983 to 1993 (98th – 102nd Congresses). Charlie Hayes was the first trade unionist ever elected to Congress. Hayes was on the Committee on Education and Labor and Small Business Committee, sponsoring bills to reduce high unemployment rates, provide disadvantaged youth with job training, and create public works programs to improve the infrastructure of the nation’s cities. He consistently supported legislation to protect American workers through higher wages, restrictions on imports, and more–comprehensive benefits for children and health care. He was known for urging his colleagues in Congress to spare federal job training and anti-poverty programs. Before and after his tenure in Congress, Hayes was active in civil rights and community affairs. Hayes was a civil rights leader who worked closely with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference during the 1960s. Hayes was also one of the founding members of Rainbow/PUSH, along with Jesse Jackson. Congressman Hayes was the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists’ (CBTU) first executive vice president, serving until 1986. He was also was one of the labor leaders arrested during the 1980s anti-apartheid protests that eventually won the freedom of Nelson Mandela. Hayes remained active in labor and community affairs until his death. Alan D. Wheat Congressman Alan D. Wheat represented Missouri’s Fifth Congressional District from 1983 to 1995 (98th – 103rd Congresses). Before Congress, Wheat worked as an economist for the federal government and local organizations. He also served in the Missouri General Assembly. Wheat received a coveted spot on the House Rules Committee as a freshman in Congress. Wheat’s seat on the Rules Committee was instrumental in allowing him to push significant legislation through the House. For example, in 1989, he helped institute a ban on smoking on most domestic flights by attaching the bill to a routine procedural measure to avoid undue attention from tobacco lobbyists and other opponents. In his position on the Rules Committee, he played an integral part in the passage of the Civil Rights Bill of 1990, a comprehensive measure to combat employment discrimination. Wheat also served on the District of Columbia Committee, chairing the Government Operations and Metropolitan Affairs Subcommittee during his final four terms. He also served on the House Select Committee on Children, Youth, and Families and the Select Committee on Hunger. Wheat advocated a strong stance on civil rights. He co-sponsored legislation to provide financial assistance to historically Black colleges and universities with other CBC members, and the measure became part of the Higher Education Act of 1992. After his congressional service, Wheat served as vice president of SmithKline Beecham pharmaceutical company and Vice President of public policy and government relations of the global relief organization CARE. He also remained engaged in politics, serving as deputy campaign manager for the Clinton–Gore presidential–election campaign and founding Wheat Government Relations, a political consulting firm in Virginia. Wheat earned a bachelor’s degree in economics from Grinnell College. Major R. Owens Congressman Major Robert Odell Owens represented Congressional Districts in New York from 1983 to 2007 (98th – 110th Congresses). Trained as a librarian, Owens began his career at the Brooklyn Public Library. He became active in the Congress of Racial Equality and other community groups. He later served in the New York State Senate, where he chaired the senate democratic operations committee. In Congress, Owens became known as “The Librarian In Congress” because of his advocacy for and support of library funding and education issues, particularly public libraries, school libraries, and librarianship. He also shepherded the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 through the House, serving as floor manager and working tirelessly to see its enactment. Following his retirement, the Librarian of Congress announced that Owens would be appointed as a distinguished visiting scholar at The John W. Kluge Center. During his time at The Kluge Center, Owens’s work focused on a case study of the Congressional Black Caucus and its impact on national politics. This work culminated in his book, The Peacock Elite: A Subjective Case Study of the Congressional Black Caucus and Its Impact on National Politics. He also was a senior fellow for the DuBois-Bunche Center for Public Policy at Medgar Evers College. Owens received a bachelor’s degree from Morehouse College and a master’s degree in Library Science from Atlanta University, now known as Clark Atlanta. Edolphus Towns Congressman Edolphus Towns represented Congressional Districts in New York from 1983 to 2013 (98th – 113th Congresses). Towns was an Army veteran whose career included serving as a professor, public school teacher, and hospital administrator before his tenure in Congress. Townsend’s Committee assignments included the Committee on Energy and Commerce and the Committee on Government Operations (later Oversight and Government Reform). Towns led subcommittees of Government Operations that focused on human resource management and efficiency in government, eventually rising to Chair. Towns remained on the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform during his entire 30-year career in Congress. Having worked as a hospital administrator, Towns hoped to improve access to health services in underserved communities, including Medicare drug coverage and alcohol treatment programs for pregnant women. Other notable accomplishments include his co-sponsorship of legislation to require colleges to report the graduation rates of their student-athletes. The legislation became the Student Right to Know Act, enacted during the 101st Congress (1989 – 1991). During the 107th Congress (2001 – 2003), he introduced a measure that would put sports agents under the jurisdiction of the Federal Trade Commission to stop unethical recruitment practices. Towns is a North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University graduate and earned a master’s degree in social work from Adelphi University. Alton R. Waldon, Jr. Congressman Alton Waldon represented New York’s Sixth Congressional District from 1986 to 1987 (99th Congress). Before his congressional service, Waldon had served in the New York State Assembly and New York State Senate. During his brief term, Waldon served on the Committee on Education and Labor and the Committee on Small Business. He was also very interested in U.S. relations with South Africa. Waldon and other Black members led the fight to override President Ronald W. Reagan’s veto of a bill calling for sanctions against South Africa. Waldon left Congress in January 1987 and was appointed to the New York state investigation commission. Later, he won a seat in the New York state senate and accepted a judicial appointment to the New York court of claims in New York City. Waldon earned a bachelor’s degree from John Jay College and a Juris Doctor from New York Law School. John Robert Lewis Congressman John Robert Lewis represented Georgia’s Fifth Congressional District from 1987 until he died in 2020 (100th – 116th Congresses). Lewis began his public advocacy during the Civil Rights Movement of the mid 20th century. He was chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and was one of the “Big Six” leaders who organized the 1963 March on Washington. He also led the first of three Selma to Montgomery marches across the Edmund Pettus Bridge, including Bloody Sunday, when state troopers and police attacked the marchers. Later, Lewis became executive director of the Voter Education Project and testified in front of a House Judiciary Committee subcommittee on the need to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. For more than three decades in Congress, Lewis served on several committees, including Ways and Means, Public Works and Transportation, Interior and Insular Affairs, House Select Committee on Aging, Budget, and the Joint Committee on Taxation. In addition to his committee responsibilities, Lewis was part of the Democratic whip operation for 30 years. While in the House, Lewis was one of the leaders of the Democratic Party, serving from 1991 as a chief deputy whip and from 2003 as a senior chief deputy whip. When the Voting Rights Act was set to expire in 2007, Lewis was at the forefront of the Democratic effort to reauthorize the legislation and opposed amendments that he said made it harder to register to vote. Notably, Lewis proposed legislation to establish a national museum of African American history in 1991. He worked tirelessly to gather support for the measure. His bill creating the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, DC, was finally signed into law by President George W. Bush in 2003. The museum opened on the National Mall in 2016. Lewis received many honorary degrees and awards, including the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2011. Lewis graduated from the American Baptist Theological Seminary with a bachelor’s degree and earned a degree in religion and philosophy from Fisk University. Albert M. (Mike) Espy Congressman Mike Espy represented Mississippi’s Second Congressional District from 1987 to 1993 (100th – 103rd Congresses). Espy was the first African American to represent Mississippi at the federal level since Reconstruction. Before his tenure in Congress, Espy was an attorney with Central Mississippi Legal Services and served as Assistant Secretary of State to Mississippi Legal Services, Assistant Secretary of the State to the Public Lands Division, and Assistant State Attorney General. Once in Congress, Espy served on the Agriculture and Budget Committees. He also served on the Select Committee on Hunger. As a freshman, he sponsored the Lower Mississippi River Valley Delta Development Act, which established a nine-member panel to study the region’s widespread poverty and created a plan for economic development along the banks of the Mississippi River. The governors of participating states (Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Illinois) selected the commission’s members. In his fourth term, Clinton appointed Espy as the 25th Secretary of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). Espy was the first African American and the first Mississippian to receive the appointment. Espy remains engaged in Mississippi politics while working in private legal practice. Espy earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from Howard University and a Juris Doctor from Santa Clara University School of Law in California. Kweisi Mfume Congressman Kweisi Mfume has represented Maryland’s seventh Congressional District since 2020. He also served in the same role from 1987 to 1996 (100th – 104th Congresses). Mfume’s political involvement and community activism in Baltimore are extensive. In addition to his Congressional service, Mfume served on the Baltimore City Council. He served on the Banking and Financial Services Committee in Congress and held the General Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee ranking seat. He also was a member of the Committee on Education and the Small Business Committee. In his third term, he was chosen by the Speaker of the House to serve on the Ethics Committee and the Joint Economic Committee of the House and Senate. He was later elected Chairman of the Joint Economic Committee. Mfume consistently advocated business and civil rights legislation. He co-sponsored and helped pass the Americans with Disabilities Act, strengthened the Equal Credit Opportunity Law, and co-authored and successfully amended the Civil Rights Bill of 1991 to apply its provisions to U.S. citizens working for American-based companies abroad. Mfume left his Congressional seat to become President and Chief Executive Officer of the NAACP in 1996 after being unanimously elected to the post. He served there for nine years. Later he became Executive Director of the National Medical Association (NMA), founded in 1895 as the nation’s oldest African American Medical Association. In 2020, he was re-elected to Congress after winning a special election to fill the remainder of the term vacated by the death of Congressman Elijah Cummings. He serves on the House Oversight and Reform Committee, the Education and Labor Committee, and as Vice-Chair of the Small Business Committee. Mfume earned a bachelor’s degree from Morgan State University and graduated from Johns Hopkins University with a master’s degree in Liberal Arts with a concentration in International Studies. Floyd H. Flake Congressman Floyd H. Flake represented New York’s Sixth Congressional District from 1987 to 1997 (100th – 105th Congresses). When elected, Flake was new to public office but the pastor of one of the largest churches in New York City, Allen African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church (now The Greater Allen Cathedral of New York). During his tenure, Flake served on the Banking and Small Business committees. Eventually, Flake rose to Chair the panel’s Subcommittee on General Oversight. Flake effectively used his committee assignments to help steer federal money toward urban renewal projects in his District. In cooperation with other ranking members of the Banking Committee, Flake proposed vital legislation that would later be incorporated into the Community Development Banking and Financial Institutions Act, signed into law in 1994. After leaving Congress, Flake continued to be politically active on such issues as school vouchers. He was appointed president of Wilberforce University in October 2002, after serving six months as interim president. Flake is also the author of several books. Flake earned a bachelor’s degree in Psychology from Wilberforce University and completed graduate work at Payne Theological Seminary before earning his master’s degree in Divinity at the United Theological Seminary. Craig A. Washington Congressman Craig Washington represented Texas’s 18th District from 1989 to 1995 (102nd – 103rd Congresses). During his tenure in Congress, he was active on the Education and Labor, Energy and Commerce, Government Operations, Judiciary Committees, and the Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. Washington’s experience as a defense lawyer and a civil rights activist influenced his work on the Judiciary Committee. He was one of the more vocal opponents of the 1991 Civil Rights Bill, backed by President George H. W. Bush. Bush had vetoed a 1990 bill seeking to reverse a series of Supreme Court decisions that narrowed the scope of laws against employment discrimination based on race, sex, or ethnicity. Washington argued against the 1994 Omnibus Crime Bill, which he deemed overly punitive, calling for a greater focus on crime prevention. Washington was particularly concerned about trying juveniles as adults. Following his departure from Congress, Washington resumed practicing law. Washington graduated from Prairie View A&M University and attended Texas Southern University’s law school. Donald M. Payne Congressman Donald M. Payne represented New York’s tenth Congressional District from 1989 until he died in 2012 (101st – 112th Congresses). Before being elected to Congress, Payne was a business executive and a teacher. Payne was a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, where he served as Chairman of the United States House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health and the Subcommittee on the United States House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere and the United States House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight. Payne was among the members who successfully lobbied to save the Foreign Affairs Committee’s Subcommittee on Africa from elimination. Payne was also instrumental in passing key legislation, including the Goals 2000 initiative to improve elementary and secondary schools; the School-to-Work Opportunities Act; the National Service Act, the establishment of the National Literacy Institute; and funding for Head Start, Pell Grants, Summer Jobs and Student Loans. Payne was assistant Whip throughout his congressional career. Payne completed his undergraduate studies at Seton Hall University and pursued post-graduate studies at Springfield College. Lucien E. Blackwell Congressman Lucien E. Blackwell represented Pennsylvania’s Second Congressional District from 1991 to 1995 (102nd – 103rd Congresses). Before his brief time in Congress, Korean War veteran Lucien Blackwell was active in state and local politics, serving in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives and on the Philadelphia City Council. Blackwell served on the Public Works and the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committees in the House. In the 103rd Congress, Blackwell traded his Merchant Marine and Fisheries assignment for a coveted position on the Budget Committee. In that role, he remained committed to improving the quality of life of his constituency. He was also an advocate for the benefits of unemployed workers. After his tenure in Congress, Blackwell worked as a lobbyist and remained active with the Democratic Party. Barbara-Rose Collins Congresswoman Barbara-Rose Collins represented Michigan’s 15th Congressional District from 1991 to 1997 (102nd – 104th Congresses). Her committee assignments included the Public Works and Transportation; Transportation and Infrastructure; Government Operations; Government Reform and Oversight; Post Office and Civil Service; Science, Space, and Technology; and the Select Children, Youth, and Families Committees. She chaired the Postal Operations and Services Subcommittee. In her hometown of Detroit, she has served as a public school board member, city council member, and member of the Michigan House of Representatives. She attended Wayne State University. Gary A. Franks Congressman Gary Franks was representative for Connecticut’s Fifth Congressional District from 1991 to 1997 (102nd – 104th Congresses). A Republican, Franks served on the Armed Services, Commerce, Select Aging. After Franks lost the election, he returned to his real estate business in Waterbury. Franks was an outspoken opponent of Affirmative Action, arguing against special set-asides for women and minorities. Though a member of the CBC, he often found himself at odds with the view of other members. When Republicans gained a majority in the House in 1994, Franks played a significant role in crafting the GOP welfare reform package the following year. After Franks lost his re-election bid in 1996, he returned to his real estate business in Waterbury. Franks is a graduate of Yale University. William J. Jefferson Congressman William J. Jefferson was representative for Louisiana’s Second Congressional District from 1991 to 2009 (102nd – 110th Congresses). Jefferson sat on the Education and Labor and the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committees. Later he served on the powerful Ways and Means, Budget, and Small Business Committees. Jefferson received a bachelor’s degree from Southern University. Upon graduation, he was commissioned a second lieutenant in the United States Army. He also earned a Juris Doctor from Harvard Law School. Later, he received an LLM in taxation from Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, D.C. Eleanor Holmes Norton Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton has been a delegate from the District of Columbia since January 3, 1991 (102nd Congress). Norton is the Chair of the House Subcommittee on Highways and Transit and serves on the Committee on Oversight and Reform and the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. She has also served on the Security, Post Office and Civil Service, Small Business, and District of Columbia Committees during her tenure. President Jimmy Carter named Rep. Norton as the first woman to chair the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Rep. Norton has fought tirelessly for full congressional voting representation of District of Columbia residents. She has also been an outspoken advocate for universal human rights. Before her tenure in Congress, Rep. Norton was a nationally known feminist, civil rights leader and law professor. She received a bachelor’s degree from Antioch College and earned law and master’s degrees from Yale University. Maxine Waters Congresswoman Maxine Waters has represented California in the U.S. House of Representatives since January 3, 1991 (102nd Congress). Waters made history as the first woman and first African American Chair of the House Financial Services Committee. A key figure in Congressional Democratic Leadership, Congresswoman Waters serves as a Steering & Policy Committee member. She is the Co-Chair of the bipartisan Congressional Task Force on Alzheimer’s Disease. As Chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Housing and Community Opportunity, Waters fought tirelessly to mitigate foreclosures and keep American families in their homes. Through two infusions of funds, the Congresswoman secured $6 billion for the program. Waters is also committed to improving health care. She is the author of legislation to expand health services for patients with cancer, diabetes and Alzheimer’s disease. Walters spearheaded the development of the Minority AIDS Initiative in 1998 to address the alarming spread of HIV/AIDS among African Americans, Hispanics and other minorities. Under her leadership, funding for the Minority AIDS Initiative has increased from the initial appropriation of $156 million in 1999 to approximately $400 million per year today. Before her tenure in Congress, she was a member of the California State Assembly. She has been an outspoken advocate for peace, justice and human rights. Congressman Waters received a bachelor’s degree from California State University, Los Angeles. Eva M. Clayton Congresswoman Eva Clayton served as a representative of North Carolina’s First Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1992 to 2003 (102nd – 107th Congresses). She was the first African American woman to be elected to Congress from North Carolina. Her committee assignments included the Agriculture, Small Business, and Budget Committees. She also served as Co-chair of the House Democratic Policy Committee during the 104th Congress. Before her tenure in Congress, Rep. Clayton served as director of the University of North Carolina Health Manpower Development Programs and assistant secretary for community development with the North Carolina Department of Natural Resources and Community Development. She received a bachelor’s degree from Johnson C. Smith University and a master’s degree from North Carolina Central University. Melvin J. Reynolds Congressman Melvin J. Reynolds was representative for Illinois’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 1995 (103rd Congress). He served on the Economic and Educational Opportunities and the Ways and Means Committees. Reynolds earned undergraduate degrees from the City Colleges of Chicago and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He also earned a master’s degree in Public Administration from Harvard University and won a Rhodes Scholarship to the University of Oxford, where he attended Lincoln College and received an LL.B. Walter R. Tucker III Congressman Walter R. Tucker was representative for California’s 37th Congressional District from 1993 to 1995 (103rd Congress). Tucker served on the Public Works and Transportation, Small Business, and Transportation and Infrastructure Committees. Before Congress, Tucker was deputy district attorney in Los Angeles and later a criminal defense attorney. He graduated from the University of Southern California with a degree in Political Science and earned his law degree from Georgetown University Law Center. Cleo Fields Congressman Cleo Fields was representative for Louisiana’s Fourth Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 1997 (103rd – 104th Congresses). At the time of his election, he served as the youngest member of the 103rd Congress. Before Congress, Fields had been the youngest states legislator ever elected in Louisiana at age 24. During his tenure in the House, Fields served on the Small Business Committee and the Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs Committee. In 1995, Fields earned the highest marks in the Louisiana delegation for his liberal voting record, citing his support for gun control, abortion, and social spending. He would later return to the Louisiana State Senate and private legal practice. Fields received his undergraduate and law degrees from Southern University in Baton Rouge. Carol Moseley-Braun Senator Carol Moseley-Braun was Senator from Illinois from 1993 to 1999 (103rd – 105th Congresses). While a Senator, she served on the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs; Judiciary; Small Business; Finance; and Special Aging Committees. Before her tenure in the U.S. Congress, Sen. Moseley-Braun served in the Illinois House of Representatives and as a prosecutor in the office of the United States Attorney in Chicago. Later, Sen. Moseley-Braun was an Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa. In 2004, she was a candidate for the Democratic nomination for President. She received a bachelor’s degree from the University of Illinois and a law degree from University of Chicago School of Law. Carrie P. Meek Congresswoman Carrie Meek was representative of Florida’s 17th Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 2003 (103rd – 107th Congresses). Her committee assignments included the Government Reform and Oversight, Budget, and Appropriations Committees. Meek is an educational administrator and educational consultant who was a member of the Florida State House of Representatives and the Florida State Senate. She was also a board member of the Health System-Health Planning Council and the Minority Business Enterprise Committee on Transportation and Chair of the Park for People Program in Miami, Florida. Meek received a bachelor’s degree from Florida Agricultural & MIning University and a master’s degree from the University of Michigan. She is the mother of Congressman Kendrick Meek. Earl F. Hilliard Congressman Earl F. Hilliard was representative for Alabama’s Seventh Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 2003 (103rd – 107th Congresses). Before Congress, Hilliard served in the Alabama House of Representatives and the Alabama Senate. He served on the Agriculture, Small Business, and International Relations Committees during his congressional tenure. Hilliard’s initial focus in Congress was creating economic opportunities, particularly for his constituents in the South. Hilliard attempted to assist the rural regions of his district by submitting legislation to establish a Southern Rural Development Commission, which he modeled on the Appalachian Regional Commission. The commission aimed to dispense federal money to projects enhancing economic development, improving health care and offering job training. Hilliard attempted to protect and expand the Alabama military installations used by the U.S. Army and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, suggesting closing American military bases in Germany and Japan to make more funding available for domestic military installations. He received a bachelor’s degree from Morehouse College, a Juris Doctor from Howard University, and an M.B.A. from Atlanta University. Cynthia A. McKinney Congresswoman Cynthia A. McKinney was representative of Georgia’s 4th Congressional District from 1993 to 2003 (103rd – 107th Congresses) and again during the 109th Congress (2005 – 2006). She was the first African American woman to serve in the United States House of Representatives from Georgia. Her committee assignments included the Banking and Financial Services; Agriculture; Foreign Affairs; International Relations; National Security; Armed Forces; and Budget Committees. Rep. McKinney has been an outspoken advocate for human rights, voting rights and government accountability. Before her tenure in the United States House of Representatives, Rep. McKinney was a member of the Georgia State Legislature. She has also been a fellow and faculty member at several universities. Rep. McKinney received a bachelor’s degree from the University of Southern California and a master’s degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Albert R. Wynn Congressman Albert Wynn was representative for Maryland’s Fourth Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 2008 (103rd – 110th Congresses ). Wynn served on the Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs (later named Financial Services), Foreign Affairs, and Post Office and Civil Service. In the 105th Congress, Wynn accepted a post on the prestigious Commerce Committee (later named Energy and Commerce), requiring him to yield his prior assignments. Later, he was appointed chairman of the Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials. Wynn was a leading advocate for protecting federal salaries and pensions and creating more federal contracts for minority businesses and small businesses. Wynn earned degrees at the University of Pittsburgh, Howard University, and Georgetown University Law Center. Melvin L. Watt Congressman Mel Watt was representative for North Carolina’s 12th Congressional District from 1993 to 2014 (103rd – 113th Congresses). Before coming to Congress, Watt was an attorney specializing in minority business and economic development law. In Congress, Watt served on the Committee on Financial Services (Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit and Insurance Housing and Community Opportunity Committee) and the Committee on the Judiciary (Subcommittee of Commercial and Administrative Law). He was the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Intellectual Property, Competition, and the Internet. He also served on the Joint Economic Committee. From his position on the Judiciary Committee, Watt used his experience as a former attorney specializing in minority rights. He took a lead role in negotiating the 2006 extension of the Voting Rights Act (H.R. 9), which passed by a vote of 390 to 33 in the House and unanimous support in the Senate. He was also instrumental in supporting the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act in the 111th Congress (2009–2011), which aimed to improve regulations and transparency in the financial services industry in the wake of the Great Recession. Watt retired from Congress when President Obama appointed him to head the Federal Housing Finance Agency. Watt earned a bachelor’s degree in Business Administration from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a Juris Doctor from Yale Law School. Alcee L. Hastings Congressman Alcee Hastings was a representative from Florida in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 until he died in 2021 (103rd – 117th Congresses). Before Congress, Hastings was a District Court judge in Florida. He was the first African American federal judge in the state of Florida. In Congress. Hastings served on the Foreign Affairs, International Relations, Merchant Marine and Fisheries, Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Post Office and Civil Service, Science and Rules Committees. He was Chair of the Legislative and Budget Process on the Rules Committee. Hastings earned his bachelor’s degree in zoology and botany from Fisk and received his Juris Doctor from Florida Agricultural & MIning University College of Law. Bennie G. Thompson Congressman Bennie G. Thompson has been a representative for Mississippi’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1993 (103rd Congress). Congressman Bennie G. Thompson is the longest-serving African American elected official from Mississippi and the lone Democrat in the Mississippi Congressional Delegation, where he is dean. Before coming to Congress, Thompson served as alderman and mayor of his hometown, and he was a founding member of the Mississippi Association of Black Mayors. In Congress, Thompson is Chair and Ranking Member of the Committee on Homeland Security and the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol. The Congressman has also served on the Agriculture, Budget, and Small Business Committees. In 2000, he authored legislation creating the National Center for Minority Health and Health Care Disparities, which subsequently became law. In the aftermath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, he pushed for greater accountability at the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). Thompson is the founding member of the bipartisan Gulf Coast Recovery & Rebuilding Caucus in the House of Representatives. As Chair of the Committee on Homeland Security, Thompson introduced and engineered the passage of the most comprehensive homeland security package since September 11, 2001 – H.R. 1, the “9/11 Commission Recommendations Act of 2007.” Thompson earned a bachelor’s degree in Political Science from Tougaloo College and a master’s degree in Educational Administration from Jackson State University. Bobby L. Rush Congressman Bobby L. Rush has been a representative for Illinois’s First Congressional District since 1993 (103rd Congress). Former Black Panther and U.S. Army veteran, Rush served as an alderman, Chicago City Council member, and Deputy Chairman of the Illinois Democratic Party before coming to Congress. Rush has served in Congress for nearly three decades. He currently serves on the Committee on Energy and Commerce, where he serves on the Subcommittee on Consumer Protection and is Chair of the Subcommittee on Energy. Rush has introduced essential pieces of legislation that became law, including the Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-314). He has also introduced legislation to support women’s health. As Chairman of the House Energy & Commerce Committee’s Energy Subcommittee, one of Rush’s top priorities has been increasing opportunities for minorities within all energy industry sectors. He has introduced the 21st Century Energy Workforce Development Jobs Initiative Act (H.R. 338), a comprehensive program to improve the education and training of workers, particularly women and minorities, for energy-related jobs. Rush also serves on the House Agriculture Committee. Rush is pastor of the Beloved Community Christian Church of God in Christ in Chicago. Rush earned his bachelor’s degree from Roosevelt University and a master’s degree in political science from the University of Illinois at Chicago. He also completed a degree in Theological Studies at McCormick Theological Seminary. Robert (Bobby) C. Scott Congressman Bobby Scott has been a representative for Virginia’s Third Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1993 (103rd Congress). Congressman Scott was the first African American elected to Congress from the Commonwealth of Virginia since Reconstruction and only the second African American elected to Congress in Virginia’s history. Having a maternal grandfather of Filipino ancestry also makes him the first American with Filipino ancestry to serve as a voting member of Congress. Before coming to Congress, he served in the Virginia House of Delegates and the Senate of Virginia. Congressman Scott currently serves as Chairman of the Education and Labor Committee. In 2015, he was one of the four primary authors of the Every Student Succeeds Act, which reauthorized the Elementary and Secondary Education Act for the first time in 13 years and replaced the No Child Left Behind Act. Additionally, in 2017, he worked to secure the passage of legislation to reform and update our nation’s career and technical education system and the juvenile justice system in 2018, which were both signed into law. Congressman Scott also serves on the Committee on the Budget. The Committee also has jurisdiction over budget process laws and tracks the budgetary effects of legislative action. He previously served on the Committee on the Judiciary and was a ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Constitution. He is a former Chairman and Ranking Member on the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security, where he was Chairman and Ranking Member. Congressman Scott is also a leading advocate for criminal justice reform. He sponsored the Death in Custody Reporting Act, which was initially signed into law by President Bill Clinton in 2000. Its subsequent reauthorization was signed into law by President Barack Obama in 2014. Scott received his bachelor’s degree in government from Harvard College and his Juris Doctor from Boston College Law School. Sanford D. Bishop, Jr. Congressman Sanford D. Bishop has been representative for Georgia’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1993 (103rd Congress). Before his tenure in Congress, Bishop was a member of the Georgia House of Representatives and the Georgia Senate. Bishop has represented his district in Congress for nearly thirty years. He is the Chair of the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Appropriations Subcommittee. Bishop also serves on the Financial Services and General Government Subcommittee and is Vice-Chair on the Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Subcommittee. He recently returned to serve on the House Agriculture Committee. He is a member of the General Farm Commodities and Risk Management Subcommittee and the Livestock and Foreign Agriculture Subcommittee. Serving a primarily agricultural district, Bishop has fought to protect federal farm programs and preserve the federal price supports for peanuts, southwest Georgia’s most important crop. Bishop has also served on the House Committee on Appropriations. At the start of the 116th Congress, he was elected by his colleagues to serve as the Chair of Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Appropriations Subcommittee. He also serves as a senior member of the Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Appropriations Subcommittee and serves on the Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Subcommittee. A U.S. Army veteran, Bishop has introduced vital pieces of legislation to protect veterans, including the Disabled Veterans Tax Termination Act. In the 112th Congress, he was the lead House sponsor of the Hiring Heroes Act, which improves programs helping individuals transition from service members to civilian employees. Bishop earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from Morehouse College and a Juris Doctor degree from Emory University School of Law. Corrine Brown Congresswoman Corrine Brown represented Florida’s Third Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1993 to 2017 (103rd – 117th Congresses). Before her tenure in Congress, Rep. Brown served for ten years in the Florida House of Representatives and was a faculty member at several colleges and universities in Florida. Brown served on the Public Works and Transportation, Government Operations, Veterans’ Affairs, and Transportation and Infrastructure Committees. She retained her seat on Public Works and Transportation (later named Transportation and Infrastructure) for her entire career. Brown chaired the Transportation’s Subcommittee on Railroads, Pipelines, and Hazardous Materials during the 110th and 111th Congresses (2007 – 2011). Brown worked to bring federal programs to her Jacksonville district during her congressional career using her seats on the Transportation and Infrastructure and the Veterans’ Affairs Committees. Rep. Brown earned a bachelor’s degree from Florida Agricultural & Mining University She also received a master’s degree and an education specialist degree from the University of Florida and an honorary doctor of law degree from Edward Waters College. Eddie Bernice Johnson Congresswoman Eddie Bernice Johnson has represented the 30th Congressional District of Texas in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1993 (103rd Congress). She was the first African American to serve in the United States House of Representatives from the Dallas area. She is also the first nurse elected to the U.S. Congress. Before her tenure in Congress, Johnson served in the Texas State House of Representatives and the Texas Senate. She made history as the first woman in Texas to lead a major Texas House committee. She currently serves as Chair of the U.S. House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology and is a Senior Member of the U.S. House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. Johnson is a member of the Science Committee (formerly Science, Space, and Technology) and was the first African American woman to chair that Committee. Rep. Johnson has been outspoken on several issues, including science, technology, transportation, election reform and civil rights. Congresswoman Johnson earned a nursing certificate from St. Mary’s College at the University of Notre Dame. She also earned a bachelor’s degree from Texas Christian University and a master’s degree from Southern Methodist University. James E. Clyburn Congressman James E. Clyburn has represented South Carolina’s Sixth Congressional District since 1993 (103rd Congress-Present). Clyburn has been the House Majority Whip since 2019 and served previously in the same role from 2007 to 2009. He is the third-ranking Democrat in the United States House of Representatives. Before Congress, Clyburn was an educator and Human Affairs Commissioner for South Carolina. In Congress, he has served on several Committees, including Appropriations, Public Works and Transportation, Small Business, Transportation and Infrastructure, Veterans’ Affairs, and Oversight and Reform. Clyburn is Chair of the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis. Clyburn has championed rural and economic development, and many of his initiatives have become law. His 10-20-30 federal funding formula was included in four sections of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. Congressman Clyburn is also a passionate supporter of historic preservation and restoration programs. His efforts have restored scores of historic buildings and sites on the campuses of historically Black colleges and universities. His legislation created the South Carolina National Heritage Corridor and the Gullah/Geechee Cultural Heritage Corridor, elevated the Congaree National Monument to a National Park, and established the Reconstruction Era National Monument in South Carolina’s Lowcountry. Clyburn graduated with a bachelor’s degree in History from South Carolina State College (now South Carolina State University). Donna Christian-Christensen Congresswoman Donna M. Christian-Christensen was a delegate from the U.S. Virgin Islands in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1997 to 2015 (105th Congress – 113th Congress). Before her tenure in Congress, Christensen was an emergency room physician; a physician at a Clinic; a staff physician at the Maternal & Child Health Program; Medical Director of the Nesbitt Clinic in Frederiksted; Director of the Frederiksted Health Center; Director of Maternal and Child Health and Family Planning; Medical Director of the St. Croix Hospital and Territorial Assistant Commissioner of Health; and as the Acting Commissioner of Health. She also served as Democratic National Committeewoman and Vice-Chair of the Territorial Committee of the Democratic Party of the Virgin Islands and on the Platform Committee of the Democratic National Committee. She is the first female physician in the history of the U.S. Congress, the first woman to represent an offshore territory, and the first woman delegate from the United States Virgin Islands. She served on the Resources, Small Business, and Homeland Security Committees. She was Chair of the Natural Resources Committee’s Subcommittee on Insular Affairs, which oversees offshore territories and free associated states. She is the only African American on the Natural Resources Committee and a member of the Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests and Public Lands. In Congress, she fought to increase access to health care. Notably, she strongly supported Obama’s Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Christensen earned a bachelor’s degree from St. Mary’s College in Notre Dame and a medical degree from George Washington University School of Medicine in Washington, D.C. Victor O. Frazer Congressman Victor O. Frazer was a delegate from the U.S. Virgin Islands’ at-large Congressional District from 1995 to 1997 (104th Congress). Before Congress, Frazer worked as a lawyer and later served as general counsel for the Virgin Islands Water and Power Authority. Frazer acquired congressional experience as an administrative assistant for California Representative Mervyn Dymally, a special assistant for Michigan Representative John Conyers, and counsel for the House Committee on the District of Columbia. Frazer served on the House Committee on International Relations and used his single term in Congress to draw attention to the need of his constituents in the Virgin Islands. He focused on procuring federal money for hurricane relief and attracting tourism to the eastern Caribbean. Frazer attended Fisk University and the Howard University School of Law. C. Watts, Jr. Congressman J.C. Watts was representative for Oklahoma’s Fourth Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2003 (104th – 107th Congress). He was the first Black representative elected from Oklahoma and the first Republican to win the district in 72 years. Before Congress, Watts was a minister and entrepreneur. He also served as Chair of the Oklahoma Corporation Commission. In Congress, Watts served on the Banking and Financial Services Committee and National Security Committee (later renamed Armed Services), Transportation and Infrastructure Committee. He also served as Chair of the House Republican Conference from 1999 to 2003. Representative Watts supported a fiscally conservative agenda, and his legislative emphasis was based on his belief that public assistance programs encouraged dependency in poor minorities. He was not a member of the Congressional Black Caucus. Watts graduated from the University of Oklahoma with a degree in journalism. Jesse L. Jackson, Jr. Congressman Jesse L. Jackson, Jr was representative for Illinois’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2012 (104th -112th Congress). Before entering the House, he became secretary of the Democratic National Committee’s Black Caucus, the national field director of the National Rainbow Coalition and a member of the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition. Jackson served on the Banking and Financial Services Committee, Small Business Committee, and Appropriations Committee in Congress. From 2007 through 2012, Representative Jackson served as the second-ranking Democrat on the Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs. He also served on the Subcommittees on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies and Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies. Each Congress, Representative Jackson introduced several constitutional amendments for the right to vote, the right to a high-quality education, and the right to high-quality health care. From his seat on the Appropriations Committee, Representative Jackson was the driving force behind increasing the funding for the Minority HIV/AIDS Initiative from $166 million in 1998 to more than $400 million by 2007, and he also supported increased funding for historically Black schools for medical and health professions. He directed the effort to create the National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities at the National Institutes of Health in 2001. Jackson earned a bachelor’s degree from North Carolina A&T University and a master’s degree from Chicago Theological Seminary. He also earned a Juris Doctor from the University of Illinois College of Law. Chaka Fattah Congressman Chaka Fattah was representative for Pennsylvania’s Second Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 to 2016 (104th – 114th Congress). Before Congress, Fattah served in the Pennsylvania Senate and the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. In Congress, Fattah served on several House committees, including Appropriations, Economic and Educational Opportunities, Education and the Workforce, Government Reform and Oversight, House administration, Small Business, Standards of Official Conduct, and Joint Committee on Printing. Early in his tenure, Fattah introduced and passed into law the Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs (GEAR UP), a college awareness and preparedness program. Since its inception, more than $4 billion in federal funds have been distributed to assist 12 million students in 50 states, Puerto Rico, the District of Columbia, and U.S. territories. Fattah’s primary legislative interest as a state legislator had been to open access to quality educational opportunities for minority students, and he continued that effort in the House. His most significant legislative success came in the 105th Congress (1997–1999) when he submitted H.R. 777, the 21st Century Scholars Act, which directed federal funds to prepare low-income students to enter college through a competitive grant program that provided six to seven years of financial support. Fattah earned a bachelor’s degree in Business and Economics from the University of Pennsylvania. He received his master’s degree in Governmental Administration from the University of Pennsylvania’s Fels Institute of Government. Sheila Jackson Lee Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee has represented the 18th Congressional District of Texas since 1995 (104th Congress). Before her career in Congress, Lee served as Staff Counsel for the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations, as a municipal judge for three years, and was an at-large member of the Houston City Council. Lee is a senior member of the House Committees on the Judiciary, Homeland Security and was newly appointed by the leadership as a Member of the Budget Committee. She is currently the first female Ranking Member of the Judiciary Subcommittee for Crime, Terrorism, Homeland Security, and Investigations. She leads the way in criminal justice reform through groundbreaking legislation, including the Sentencing Reform Act, Law Enforcement Trust and Integrity Act, The RAISE Act, The Fair Chance for Youth Act, Kaleif’s Law, and the American RISING Act of 2015. She is the past Ranking Member of the Homeland Security Subcommittee for Maritime and Border Security, wherein she co-authored HR 1417, a bipartisan bill that has been touted as the best vehicle for accomplishing comprehensive immigration reform in the U.S. House of Representatives. Congresswoman Jackson Lee is also the past Chairwoman of the Homeland Security Subcommittee on Transportation Security and Infrastructure Protection. Under her leadership, she passed the Transportation Security Act of 2007, which increased America’s transportation security funding. Jackson Lee received a bachelor’s degree from Yale University and a law degree from the University of Virginia Law School. Juanita Millender-McDonald Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald served as a representative of California’s 37th Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1996 until she died of cancer on April 22, 2007. Millender-McDonald was the first African American woman appointed Ranking Member of the Committee on House Administration and served as committee chair during the first session of the 110th Congress. She also served on the Transportation and Infrastructure and Small Business Committees and the Joint Printing and Joint Library Committees, chairing both Joint Committees during the first session of the 110th Congress. In addition, she was Regional Democratic Whip and Co-Chair of the Democratic Caucus for Women. Rep. Millender-McDonald was active in many legislative areas, including education, childcare, drug abuse, and health. Before Congress, she was a member of the California State Assembly. Millender-McDonald was the first African American woman elected to the Carson City Council and became Carson City’s Mayor pro tem in 1991. She received a bachelor’s degree from the University of Redlands and a master’s degree from California State University, Los Angeles. Elijah E. Cummings Congressman Elijah E. Cummings was a representative for Maryland’s Seventh Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1996 to 2019 (104th – 116th Congress). Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996. He served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland. He was the first African American in Maryland history named Speaker Pro Tempore, the second-highest position in the House of Delegates. Cummings served as the Chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year. Early in his tenure in Congress, Cummings served on the Government Reform and Oversight Committee and the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee. He remained on both panels for his entire career. Cummings also served on the Committee on Armed Services, the Joint Economic Committee, and was the Chair of Transportation and Infrastructure’s Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation. From 2014 to 2016, he served as the ranking minority member on the Select Committee on the Events Surrounding the 2012 Attack in Benghazi. Cummings graduated from Howard University in 1973 with a bachelor’s degree in Political Science and graduated from the University of Maryland School of Law with a Juris Doctor. Harold E. Ford, Jr. Congressman Harold E. Ford, Jr. was a representative for Tennessee’s Ninth Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1997 to 2007 (105th – 109th Congresses). After his father, Harold Ford, Sr., announced his retirement from the House in 1996, Ford ran to succeed him, making him the first African American to succeed a parent in Congress. When he was elected, he was one of the youngest members of Congress in U.S. history and the youngest in the 105th and 106th Congresses. Before Congress, he was a staff aide for the U.S. Senate Committee on the Budget and a special assistant at the U.S. Department of Commerce. In Congress, he served on Education and the Workforce, Government Reform and Oversight, Financial Services, and the Budget Committees. After his tenure in Congress, Ford served as a visiting professor, Chair of the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) and at Wall Street firm Morgan Stanley as a managing director. He earned a bachelor’s degree in American history from the University of Pennsylvania and a Juris Doctor from the University of Michigan School of Law. Julia M. Carson Congresswoman Julia M. Carson represented the Seventh Congressional District of Indiana in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1997 until her death from lung cancer on December 15, 2007 (105th – 110th Congresses). She was the first woman and first African American to serve in the United States House of Representatives from Indianapolis. Her committee assignments included the Banking and Financial Services, Financial Services, Veterans’ Affairs, and the Transportation and Infrastructure Committees. Rep. Carson was a leading advocate of legislation designed to end homelessness in the United States by addressing the housing, health, and income needs of people experiencing ho
1437	dbpedia	2	0	https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections_in_California	en	1880 United States House of Representatives elections in California	https://upload.wikimedia…880House.svg.png	https://upload.wikimedia…880House.svg.png	[ "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/icons/wikipedia.png", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-wordmark-en.svg", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-tagline-en.svg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/01/Flag_of_California.svg/50px-Flag_of_California.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ed/Decrease2.svg/11px-Decrease2.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/b0/Increase2.svg/11px-Increase2.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/60/CA1880House.svg/250px-CA1880House.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/0f/Seal_of_California.svg/150px-Seal_of_California.svg.png", "https://login.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:CentralAutoLogin/start?type=1x1", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/wikimedia-button.svg", "https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/poweredby_mediawiki.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Wikimedia projects" ]	2008-01-30T14:21:16+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections_in_California	United States House of Representatives elections in California, 1880 The United States House of Representatives elections in California, 1880 was an election for California's delegation to the United States House of Representatives, which occurred as part of the general election of the House of Representatives on November 2, 1880. Democrats gained one district. United States House of Representatives elections in California, 1880 Party Votes Percentage Seats +/– Republican 79,796 48.8% 2 -1 Democratic 79,184 48.4% 2 +1 Greenback 4,298 2.5% 0 0 Independent 196 0.1% 0 0 Prohibition 126 0.1% 0 0 Totals 163,600 100.0% 4 — Pre-election Seats Republican-Held 3 Democratic-Held 1 Post-election Seats Democratic-Held 2 Republican-Held 2 Final results from the Clerk of the House of Representatives: [1] California's 1st congressional district election, 1880 Party Candidate Votes % Total votes 41,184 100.0 Turnout Democratic gain from Republican California's 2nd congressional district election, 1880 Party Candidate Votes % Total votes 41,118 100.0 Turnout Republican hold California's 3rd congressional district election, 1880 Party Candidate Votes % Total votes 42,520 100.0 Turnout Democratic hold California's 4th congressional district election, 1880 Party Candidate Votes % Total votes 38,780 100.0 Turnout Republican hold 47th United States Congress Political party strength in California Political party strength in U.S. states United States House of Representatives elections, 1880 California Elections Page Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives
1437	dbpedia	3	46	https://www.loc.gov/collections/california-first-person-narratives/articles-and-essays/early-california-history/government-and-law/	en	California as I Saw It: First-Person Narratives of California's Early Years, 1849-1900	http://www.loc.gov/static/images/favicons/open-graph-logo.png	http://www.loc.gov/static/images/favicons/open-graph-logo.png	[ "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/logo-loc-new-branding.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/facebook.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/twitter.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/share/link.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/collections/california-first-person-narratives/images/intro11.jpg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/collections/california-first-person-narratives/images/intro12.jpg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/share/email.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/facebook.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/twitter.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/youtube.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/pinterest.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/flickr.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/instagram.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/social-media/itunesU.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/congress-gov.svg", "https://www.loc.gov/static/images/copyright-gov.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Illustration XI: View of the procession in celebration of the Admission of California, October 29, 1850. Crossing the Plaza of San Francisco. J. Prendergast, del.; on stone by Coquardon; lith. of Zakreski & Hartman. LC-USZ62-763 It was August 1848 before the United States Senate ratified the treaty ending the Mexican War and recognizing the transfer of California to American hands. Local Army commanders, "Forty-eighters," and Hispanic rancheros all waited anxiously for details of the form of territorial government California would enjoy. When no news arrived, local residents took matters in their own hands, with mass meetings as early as December 1848 debating California's political future. As tens of thousands of "Forty-Niners" joined the rush, the need became more pressing. Congress and the President did nothing, and in September 1849, forty-eight delegates met in Monterey to draw up a state constitution. The document was closely modeled on the constitutions of Iowa and New York, the home states of many members of the convention, and it made California a "free" state from which slavery would be excluded. The frame of government was ratified by popular vote on November 13, and state officials were chosen the same day. While Eastern Congressmen and Representatives argued over whether and how to admit this new free state, Californians got on with the business of finding gold and making money.	en		The Library of Congress	null	Government and Law It was August 1848 before the United States Senate ratified the treaty ending the Mexican War and recognizing the transfer of California to American hands. Local Army commanders, "Forty-eighters," and Hispanic rancheros all waited anxiously for details of the form of territorial government California would enjoy. When no news arrived, local residents took matters in their own hands, with mass meetings as early as December 1848 debating California's political future. As tens of thousands of "Forty-Niners" joined the rush, the need became more pressing. Congress and the President did nothing, and in September 1849, forty-eight delegates met in Monterey to draw up a state constitution. The document was closely modeled on the constitutions of Iowa and New York, the home states of many members of the convention, and it made California a "free" state from which slavery would be excluded. The frame of government was ratified by popular vote on November 13, and state officials were chosen the same day. While Eastern Congressmen and Representatives argued over whether and how to admit this new free state, Californians got on with the business of finding gold and making money. In the mining camps, the miners themselves were responsible for local affairs. In only a few years, they worked out rules governing the discovery and exploitation of mineral resources that were later incorporated into state and federal statutes. As for criminal law, miners and local townspeople were equally efficient in dealing out their own form of justice. As towns sprang up near the camps, newly appointed officials were appointed to impose order. Back East, established forces of morality and order like the major Protestant churches were concerned about the society to which the states of the Atlantic seaboard and Midwest were sending their young men and women. Sensing that California would be in desperate need of moral guidance, "home mission" boards of these churches sent clergyman west to minister to the souls of miners, saloonkeepers, peddlers, and merchants in California's booming towns and cities and isolated mining camps. Finally, on September 9, 1850, President Fillmore signed the bill that gave California statehood. However, state government did not automatically bring law and order to California. In San Francisco, local citizens became so impatient with the inability or unwillingness of local officers to enforce the law that they formed a "Vigilance Committee" in 1851. By the time that the committee disbanded at the end of September, they had hanged four men, handed fifteen over to the police for trials, and whipped or deported twenty-nine more. The San Francisco experience inspired vigilance committees in other towns and mining camps. The apparent reforms brought by the 1851 San Francisco vigilantes were short-lived, and when the city's marshals and one of its newspaper editors were shot down in 1856, the second San Francisco Vigilance Committee was formed, this time even seizing arms from the local state militia.
1437	dbpedia	3	66	https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/index.php/county-records	en	Wyoming State Archives	https://wyospcr.wyo.gov/…-badge-round.png		[ "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/getaCopy.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/checkmark.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/about.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/ask.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/chatIcon.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/com_droppics/50/Wy State Archives Logo - Color.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/getaCopy.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/checkmark.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/about.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/ask.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/templates/soul_search/images/system/arrow.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/getaCopy.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/checkmark.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/about.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/ask.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/lunaPhotos.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/facebook.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/blog.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/getaCopy.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/lightbulb.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/checkmark.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/ask.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/ask.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/picture.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/envelope-icon_original.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/userIcon.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/icons/retentionSchedule.png", "https://wyoarchives.wyo.gov/images/com_droppics/50/WyomingStateArchivesLogo.png", "https://wyospcr.wyo.gov/images/homepage/stateSeal.png", "https://wyospcr.wyo.gov/images/homepage/gov-badge-round.png", "https://wyospcr.wyo.gov/images/homepage/artsparkshistory.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Super User" ]	null		en	/templates/soul_search/favicon.ico		null	ADMINISTRATION ALBANY COUNTY FAIR ASSOCIATION 1974 - 1975 Proceedings of a meeting of the Albany County Fair Board (1975), CIVIL DEFENSE 1951, 1963 - 1968 Correspondence, resolutions, and programs between state and local agencies on civil defense in Albany County. Also includes community shelter plan (1968) and draft of operations plan (1967). COUNTY CORONER'S ANNUAL REPORT 1931 Overview of duties and year's activities and comments about currentsocial conditions. COURTHOUSE BUILDING RECORDS 1928 - 1990 Correspondence, commissioners proceedings, bids, petitions, and architectural drawings concerning construction work on the county courthouse. INVENTORY RECORDS 1926, 1932 Inventory of number, kind, and condition of furnishings and supplies in 1926 for Klonda School, Jelm, and in 1932 for the Clerkof District Court, janitor, Sheriff, County Agent, District Court, County Superintendent, Assessor, and Clerk. INVESTIGATIVE RECORDS 1917 Monthly Reports of Jack Burtic, a private investigator, about inordinately long traffic stoppage at railroad crossings in Laramie and about the saloon trade in Rock River. LARAMIE FIREMEN 1883 - 1893 List of firemen in Laramie's fire companies. LIBRARY 1887 - 1935 (Not inclusive) Includes a resolution calling for the construction of a library building (1903), catalogue (1887), annual reports (1888-1935, not inclusive), and treasurer's reports (1896, 1904, 1907, 1908). PUBLIC WELFARE AND HEALTH 1917 - 1950 Annual and monthly narrative, statistical and financial reports of Albany County Social Services (1920-1931), Matron and County Home(1943-1950), Public Health Nurse (1943-1973), Welfare Director (1943-1950), and Ivinson Memorial Hospital (1917-1942). SCHOOL NURSING EDUCATION MONTHLY REPORT 1921 Statistical report about the nursing education program in Albany County schools in January and March of 1921. CORRESPONDENCE 1876 - 1993 The correspondence reflects the administrative duties of the clerk and social, economic and political concerns of individuals and state and county officials. Much of the correspondence is from the period 1947-1974 and concerns capital projects, such as airport and hospital improvements, social programs, and civil defense. COMMISSIONERS' MINUTES 1871 - 1971, 1976 - 1994 Record of meetings of the Albany County Commissioners detailing motions made and approved or defeated, bills allowed or rejected, petitions received, actions taken, and resolutions adopted. PETITIONS 1883 - 1924 Public requests for services, changes in tax assessments,appointments, or political boundary changes. RESOLUTIONS 1923 - 1924 Statements of public support for an action, event, business, program, or personnel. SCHOOL LAND PROCEEDINGS June 1889 - May 1890 Proceedings of the Albany County Commissioner to consider leases on school lands. Information includes name of applicant, date,acreage, amount, and legal description. BUDGETS 1928 - 1959, 1972 - 1997 Monthly (1928-1939) and annual statements on the finances of each department within the county. RECEIVING BOOKS 1870 - 1997 Register of instruments recorded in the County Clerk's office.Information includes date of filing, grantor, grantee, character ofinstrument, and a reference to the book and page where the document was recorded. Though primarily used for deeds and mortgages, these registers also include marriage licenses, decrees, bills of sale, powers of attorney, and other instruments. However, indexes created for each of those record series would be more useful for locating individual documents. ELECTION RECORDS CERTIFICATES OF NOMINATION 1878 - 1975 Description of individuals nominated for public office. DECLINATIONS OF NOMINATION 1890 - 1908 Statements declining to accept a political party's nomination for election to public office. CERTIFICATES OF ELECTION 1870 - 1898, 1910 - 1912 County clerk's statements on the outcomes of elections. BONDS AND OATHS 1880 - 1890 Samples of bonds presented by elected officials. CERTIFICATES OF APPOINTMENT 1869 - 1931 Official statements appointing people to deputy and non-elected posts. ELECTION RECEIVING BOOK 1970 - 1986 Information includes candidate's name, address, office, party, filing dates, receipts and expenditures filing date, certificate of nomination filing date, and election certificate filing date. CAMPAIGN RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 1966 - 1989 Report on money received and spent on election campaigns. APPLICATIONS FOR ELECTION 1974 - 1988 Forms include candidate's name, date of birth, address, andpolitical affiliation. Most of the forms also include the year the candidate moved to Wyoming or began residence. ELECTION REFERENCE BOOK 1974 - 1991 Information includes attorney general opinions, correspondence with the Secretary of State, and copies of an enrolled act and statute concerning elections. POLL BOOKS 1873 - 1877, 1879, 1906 - 1996 Lists of voters by precinct in primary, general, and special elections. Information may include party affiliation (primary elections), age, birthplace, and residence. In the back of each volume is a tally of votes cast. ABSTRACT OF ELECTIONS 1872 - 1975 Tabulations of votes cast for each political candidate per voting precinct. NOTARY RECORD 1881 - 1906 List of notaries public commissioned by the Governor. Includes the name of the person commissioned and the length of the term. ELECTION DISTRICT BOUNDARY CHANGES 1972 - 1982 Correspondence, lists, maps and descriptions about proposed changes in election districts. ELECTION DISTRICT BOUNDARY MAPS 1954 - 1977 Outlines of election districts in Laramie and Albany counties. VOTER REGISTRATION CARDS 1940 - 2000 Affidavit of residency and identification. Information includes age, address, date and place of birth, voting record, date, and reason for cancellation. QUALIFIED VOTERS REGISTERS 1878 - 1948 The registers document a resident's eligibility to vote.Information includes date of registration, age, and birthplace. VOTER MASTER LISTS 1988 Lists of registered voters. Information includes name, address, and political affiliation. VOTER REGISTRATION CARDS - CANCELED 1994 - 1998 Voters removed from poll lists. CHANGE OF ADDRESS / PARTY AFFILIATION 1992 - 1996 Notification of new residence or political affiliation. BRAND RECORDS BRAND BOOKS 1871 - 1913 Applications and certificates for brands. Also includes brands that were not allowed. Information provided includes name ofapplicant or brand owner, date, and type of animals the brand is to be used on. INDEX TO BRANDS ca. 1870 - ca. 1900 Index to brands recorded in selected books. References are to books and pages. APPLICATIONS FOR BRANDS 1871 - 1908 Approved and unapproved requests for use of brands. Applications may be official forms or correspondence. BRAND CERTIFICATES 1891 - 1904 Certificates of brand ownership. NOTICES OF STOCK KILLED 1882 - 1890 Notices from the Union Pacific Railroad to the County Clerk concerning livestock killed or injured by the railroad. Information includes number and description of animals, and date and place of accident. NOTICES OF MIGRATORY STOCK 1899 - 1901, 1911 - 1920 Written notices to or from the County Assessor regarding the movement of flocks of sheep into or out of Albany County. Information includes name of owner, size of flock, time spent in Albany County, and the Assessor's valuation. BUSINESS/CORPORATION RECORDS CONTRACTS AND AGREEMENTS 1879 - 1967 Agreements, leases, contracts, and proposals for public works and projects. ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION 1871 - 1954 Records filed by corporations doing business in Albany County.Files include articles of in corporation, annual or semi-annual financial reports, correspondence, board resolutions and stock samples. BILLIARD LICENSES 1886, 1891, 1894 Original billiard licenses. DOUGLAS INCORPORATION PAPERS 1887 Correspondence, petitions, survey and census for the incorporation of Douglas. LIQUOR LICENSE RECORDS 1869 - 1921 Liquor retail licenses, applications, petitions and protests. LAND AND PROPERTY RECORDS ABSTRACTS OF LAND (RANGES 70-79) 1869 - 1971 Record of land transactions. Information includes names of grantorand grantee, recording book and page, dates of record and of filing, type of record, and legal description of property. ABSTRACTS OF TOWN LOTS 1869 - 1972 Record of property transactions in towns. Information includes names of grantor and grantee, recording book and page, dates of record and of filing, type of record, and legal description of property. ABSTRACTS OF LOTS - DOUGLAS 1886 - 1888 Records of property transactions in Douglas. LIEN RECORD 1868 - 1877 Record of liens on property. Information includes name, legal description of property, date of lien, date of filing, amount, type of lien, recording book and page, name of lien holder, and date of satisfaction. INDEX TO MINING LOCATIONS 1868 - 1972 Indexes include names of location, lode, and mining district; dates of location and record; and recording book and page. DEED RECORD 1869 - 1947 Information includes date, names of grantor and grantee, type of deed, consideration paid, legal description of property, attached covenants, relinquishment of rights, and notarized statement. DEEDS - ORIGINAL 1890 - 1896 Sample of original deeds filed with the Albany County Clerk. UNITED STATES LAND PATENTS 1892 - 1942 Record of patented land claims in Albany County. Information includes name of grantee, certificate number, statement of payment in full, legal description of property, attached covenants or rights reserved, and date. MINING RECORDS 1869 - 1947 Records include deeds, mortgages, liens, bills of sale, affidavits of discovery, proofs of labor, notices, certificates of location, and claim records. MINING DISTRICT RECORDS 1883 - 1901 Meeting minutes of Casper Mountain Mining District (1891, 1893, 1901), Keystone Mining District (1890), and a Snowy Range district (1891); and minutes and recordings of the Herley Mining District (1883 - 1890). MORTGAGE RECORDS 1868 - 1947 Record of mortgages on real property. Information includes names of mortgagor and mortgagee, description and value of property, amount of mortgage, and terms of agreement. CHATTEL MORTGAGE INDEXES 1870 - 1960 Indexes to mortgages of personal property. Information includes names of mortgagor and mortgagee, recording number, date of instrument, date of filing, amount, description of property, and date of release. CHATTEL MORTGAGE RECORDS 1875 - 1920 Record of mortgages on personal property. Information includes names of mortgagor and mortgagee, description and value of property, and terms of agreement. ROAD AND BRIDGE RECORDS 1870 - 1990 (Not inclusive) Road and bridge records provide information on the economic impact of roads and bridges to the county or a community and indirectly the character of the community. This series consists of various records on the construction, maintenance and vacation of roads and bridges. Files may contain petitions, both approved and not approved, for the vacation or construction of roads and bridges; correspondence; road reviewers' reports on road and bridge conditions and the geography of proposed roads; contracts, agreements; and bids for construction. ROAD PLATS AND LOCATION MAPS 1885 - 1910 Plats and maps are indexed by name. Records include scale drawing of road, brief description of road, and date of plat on map. FARM REGISTER OF RANCH NAMES 1911 - 1924 Certificates showing name of ranch, location, and owner's name.Certificate grants owner exclusive right to the ranch name. Onlyseven entries in the volume. SURVEYOR'S FIELD NOTES 1885 - 1910, ca. 1930 - ca. 1950 Field notes are indexed by name of county road. They provide a complete record of county roads. May include notes on roads, bridges, property, water levels, structures, reference points, various computations, and names of the surveyor and crew. FIELD NOTES OF SURVEYS ca. 1870s Volume contains field notes from surveys of unidentified lands in Albany County. Sections, townships, and ranges are not identified. APPLICATION FOR LEASE OF SCHOOL LANDS 1888 - 1891 Correspondence and forms for grazing livestock on public lands. IRRIGATION DISTRICT RECORDS 1908 - 1953 Petitions, correspondence, commissioner's minutes, maps and court records relating to the organization and operation of Laramie Farms Company (1928), Laramie Rivers Company (1928 - 1952), Laramie Overland Municipal District (1910 - 1911), Laramie Valley Municipal Irrigation District (1908 - 1923, 1953), and Wyoming Bell Municipal District (1910 - 1911). MIXED RECORDS 1868 - 1878, 1883 - 1899 This collection of miscellaneous records includes a volume containing one marriage entry, surveys of property from bills of sale, conveyance deeds, rights-of-way, and appraisements in civil court. Reference is sometimes made to a recording book and page. Loose records include samples of original instruments, including a Desert Land entry, bill of sale, pre-emption claim, Desert Land Act declaration, and a homestead certificate. INDEX AND ABSTRACT TO POWER OF ATTORNEY RECORDS 1871 - 1951 Volume includes name of principal, receiving number, attorney's name, date of instrument, filing date, book and page reference, and number of witnesses. MARRIAGE RECORDS MARRIAGE RECORD 1868 - 1987 Record of marriage license applications filed and marriage licenses issued in Albany County. Information may include statement of lawful age, biographical data on bride and groom, affidavit of witnesses, date of marriage, and name of person performing marriage ceremony. Letters of consent from the bride's parents may be attached to the appropriate page. MARRIAGE LICENSES - ORIGINALS 1868 - 1915, 1925 - 1947 Original marriage license certificates. CARTOGRAPHIC RECORDS ALBANY COUNTY PLATS 1875 - 1971 Plats of towns, additions, roads, and various locations. GENERAL CARTOGRAPHIC RECORDS 1885 - 1965 Various maps and plans including: The California Company, North Quealy Dome, Albany County, Wyoming;@ 1951 Carbon County and Albany County boundary, 1940. Map of the Lands of the Wyoming Central Land and Improvement Company, Carbon and Albany Counties....1885" Pratt Pony Truss, 2 spans, five panels each; n.d. APlans for the Ivinson Memorial Hospital Ambulance Garage;@ 1946.Laramie, Hahn's Peak and Pacific Railway; 1912-1914. Laramie Municipal Airport; 1940, 1951, 1965. School District No. 4 - ARural School Building;@ 1963. UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD STATION MAPS 1907 - 1956 This series consists of cartographic records of the station grounds and rail lines of the Union Pacific Railroad as prepared by the chief engineer's office in Omaha from surveys, work orders, notebooks, and maps. These maps are facsimiles of the originals. Features include location of rail lines, rights-of-way, fences, rail markers, railroad buildings and service structures, telegraph and telephone lines, buildings adjacent to the line, and plats of cities. DIRECTORIES 1929 – 1937 The directories list all school district personnel, their assignment, address and telephone number. MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS 1920, 1935 - 1939, 1941, 1943 Miscellaneous records including tax information, school lunch records, and rural school and rural school graduation records. BOARD OF TRUSTEES - GENERAL RECORDS 1923 – 1928 General recommendations, suggestions, and complaints received by the Board of Trustees. BOARD OF TRUSTEES AND CLERK OF THE BOARD - GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE 1920 - 1927 General incoming and outgoing correspondence concerning a variety of subjects. Correspondence include teachers, board members, business firms, staff of the department of education, and parents and patrons. SCHOOL DISTRICT TRUSTEES ASSOCIATION CORRESPONDENCE 1920 - 1921, 1927, 1933 – 1934 Correspondence deals with legislative issues of the association, requests for and payment of membership dues, position papers, and planning for annual meeting. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION CORRESPONDENCE 1920 – 1927 General incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Board of Trustees and the clerk of the Board and the Department of Education. The correspondence concerns a variety of subjects and includes informational updates from State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Katharine A. Morton. CORRESPONDENCE - TRANSPORTATION - ISOLATION - TUITION 1921 - 1928, 1931 – 1942 Incoming and outgoing correspondence with parents, bus contractors, and other school districts concerning bus schedules, transportation problems, attendance of students from other school districts in the Laramie Schools, and isolation payments to families from remote areas having to live in Laramie while their children attended school. VACANT SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS POSITION 1922, 1927 In 1922 and again in 1927, the Board of Trustees of School District No. 1 elected a Superintendent of Schools. Some of the applications and correspondence is from 1922, when J. C. Knode of Greybull was elected, but most of the records are from 1927. Albert A. Slade, formerly Superintendent in Casper, was elected to the Laramie Superintendency. PETITIONS 1927 – 1930 Petitions from patrons of School District No. 1 to the Board of Trustees to establish Kindergarten classes. Also included are correspondence and publications from the National Kindergarten Association. REAL PROPERTY RECORDS 1946 – 1947 File includes listing of real property owned by the school district and correspondence concerning real property. SCHOOL DISTRICT TREASURER'S ANNUAL REPORTS 1921 - 1923, 1939 – 1943 The Treasurer's Annual Reports show the receipts of the school district and the expenditures by accounts for the fiscal year. PRESIDENT'S REPORTS 1889 – 1890 The 1889 report is a statement by the president of the Board of Trustees on the growth of student enrollment in the school district, overcrowding in the schools, and the need for school construction. The 1890 reports are a financial report from the secretary of the school board and enrollment report from the principal of the Laramie schools. MEMORANDA 1927 – 1936 Memoranda from the Superintendent of Schools to teachers and students relating policies, rules, schedules, etc. GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE 1921 – 1943 Incoming and outgoing correspondence concerning a broad variety of topics and requests. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION CORRESPONDENCE 1924 - 1933, 1940 – 1941 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Department of Education. Subjects include teacher certification, legal interpretations, legislative matters, the state spelling contest, and various other topics. ALBANY COUNTY SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS CORRESPONDENCE 1921 – 1926 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Albany County Superintendent of Schools (Artisee Erickson, Jennie McLay, and Marie Frazier). Subjects include high school tuition, certification of teachers, Albany County School Directors Association, School Land Income Fund, Teachers Institute, and the County Spelling Contest. CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING VACANT PRINCIPAL POSITIONS 1924 – 1925 Incoming and outgoing correspondence to and from the Superintendent of Schools concerning high school and grade school principal positions. STATE TEACHERS ASSOCIATION AND WYOMING EDUCATION ASSOCIATION CORRESPONDENCE 1924 - 1926, 1934 – 1936 Incoming and outgoing correspondence to and from the Superintendent of Schools concerning activities, meetings and programs of the State Teachers Association that later evolved into the Wyoming Education Association. Also included are legislative proposals of associations. AMERICANIZATION EDUCATION CORRESPONDENCE 1924 - 1927, 1930 - 1932 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Department of Education concerning Americanization classes taught in the Laramie Public Schools for immigrants seeking to become naturalized citizens. Correspondence includes guidelines for state aid for Americanization classes and organization of classes. SPECIAL CLASSES CORRESPONDENCE 1924 - 1926, 1930 – 1933 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Department of Education concerning organization and standards for special classes, state reimbursement for special classes, teachers of special classes, and reports of special classes taught in Albany County School District No. 1. VOCATIONAL EDUCATION CORRESPONDENCE 1924 - 1927, 1930 – 1940 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Department of Education concerning vocational agriculture, vocational home economics, various adult education classes, industrial education, and business education. VOCATIONAL TRAINING FOR LOCOMOTIVE ENGINEERS AND FIREMEN 1926 – 1931 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and the Department of Education concerning vocational training for loco-motive engineers. Included with the correspondence are agreements, extensions of agreements, announcements, and reports of instruction. Annual Reports for this program were filed with the Department of Education's publications. TEACHER CORRESPONDENCE 1920 – 1927 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools with the teachers in the Laramie Schools and prospective teachers. Included are letters from teachers inquiring about teaching positions, letters recommending teaching candidates, letters from rural school teachers concerning their problems and needs, and letters from teachers concerning certification, salaries, illness, leave and a variety of other topics. ORGANIZATIONS CORRESPONDENCE 1921 – 1927 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and various organizations, including the Public Health Association, the American Red Cross, the National Honor Society, the Camp Fire Girls, the Boy Scouts, the Community Chest, the Lions Club, and Rotary International. UNIVERSITY OF WYOMING CORRESPONDENCE 1921 - 1927, 1934 - 1937 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and officials of the University of Wyoming, including President Arthur G. Crane and Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard. A number of different topics are discussed in the correspondence, which includes some rules and regulations of the University. STATE ATHLETIC BOARD CORRESPONDENCE 1926 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools and other Superintendents concerning a ruling of the State Athletic Board limiting the eligibility of students to participate in interscholastic athletics to eight semesters of high school attendance. LEGISLATION CORRESPONDENCE 1920 - 1927, 1934 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the Superintendent of Schools concerning proposed or enacted school legislation. File also includes a proposed constitutional amendment, reports of the Legislative Committee to the Governor, and sample bills. PARENT-TEACHER ASSOCIATIONS CORRESPONDENCE 1925 - 1926, 1935 – 1939 Correspondence concerns PTA materials, program planning and state conventions. Also included in the file are questionnaires, statement of PTA objectives, and newsletters. NATIONAL EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION AND DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE NEA CORRESPONDENCE 1933 – 1943 File includes requests for NEA materials, reports of national studies, reprints of articles, teachers salary surveys, and educational bibliographies. TEACHER RECORD CARDS 1913 - 1928 Teacher record cards give the name of the teacher, his or her assignment and salary for each year of teaching in the Laramie Schools, and degrees held. TEACHER RETIREMENT RECORDS 1943 – 1950 Records include a copy of original Teacher Retirement Act, enacted in 1943, and which was the fore-runner of all public employees retirement laws in the state; resolution of the Board of Trustees to include the School District in the Retirement Pro-gram; Attorney General's opinion on the legality of the Act; official news releases of the Department of Education; retirement enrollment forms; and correspondence concerning retirement. MINUTES OF PRINCIPALS' MEETINGS 1935 – 1938 Minutes of meetings of grade school principals held by the Superintendent of Schools to discuss common problems, arrange music and physical education schedules, and plan common curriculum changes. STUDY - TEACHERS' SALARIES, SICK LEAVE, AND RETIREMENT 1938 – 1939 Correspondence and salary and sick leave policies of other school districts, obtained by the Superintendent of School District No. 1, while conducting a study. STUDY - ELEVEN YEARS PUBLIC SCHOOL PLAN 1934 Questionnaires and responses to a study conducted by Superintendent Albert A. Slade on the feasibility of using an eleven years of school for high school graduation than twelve years. SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS ANNUAL REPORTS Ca. 1800's, 1924 – 1927 Annual reports were compiled and submitted by the Superintendent of Schools to the Board of Trustees, and summarized the school year. Information in the reports included enrollment statistics, teaching force, classroom space, capital improvements, night classes (adult education), and special education. SCHOOL DISTRICT REPORTS 1915 - 1943 (Not inclusive) Copies of reports made to the U. S. Office of Education, to the North Central Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, to the National Education Association, the Department of Education, and the University of Wyoming. All of the reports include fiscal, enrollment, student curriculum and plant information about School District No. 1. SCHOOL DISTRICT NURSE REPORTS 1936 – 1943 Monthly and annual reports of the School District Nurse describing activities and problems and with a compilation of diseases and illness among the school children. AMERICANIZATION EDUCATION MATERIALS 1924 – 1925 Materials used in Americanization classes taught by School District No. 1 for individuals wanting to become naturalized citizens. Materials include sample tests and study guides. CURRICULUM RECORDS - COURSES OF STUDY 1929 – 1937 Records include high school courses of study, summaries of materials taught, high school curriculum committee reports, high school class schedules, and correspondence relating to curriculum development. INACTIVE STUDENT CUMULATIVE RECORDS 1919 – 1935 These records include enrollment blanks, permanent record cards, and admission, discharge and promotion cards for elementary, junior high and high school students in Laramie Public Schools for the enrollment years 1919 to 1935. These records list names and addresses of students and their parents, grade levels and grades, entry date, reasons for leaving and date of withdrawal, total attendance days, pupil's date and place of birth, parents occupation, name of school, teacher, and Principal. RESTRICTED TO ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 AND STUDENT OF RECORD. INACTIVE STUDENT HEALTH CARDS 1922 – 1939 These cards contain elementary through high school level student health records for pupils with dates of birth between 1922 and 1939 in Laramie Public Schools. Included are names and addresses of stu-dents and their parents, parents occupation, pupils date of birth, names of schools, immunization and disease record, medical exams and nurse's inspection record. RESTRICTED TO ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 AND STUDENT OF RECORD. LARAMIE JUNIOR HIGH INACTIVE STUDENT FILES 1985 – 1998 Student files contain grades, educational tests, and health information. RESTRICTED TO ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 AND STUDENT OF RECORD. CORRESPONDENCE - BOARD OF TRUSTEES 1921 – 1927 Correspondence concerning school construction between the Board of Trustees and contractors and suppliers. CORRESPONDENCE - ARCHITECTS 1921 – 1927 Correspondence includes letters of solicitation from architects, letters of response from architects to requests from the Board of Trustees for Architects to submit drawings for proposed schools, and correspondence between the Board and architects awarded contracts for building. Architect William Dubois was awarded one contract and his correspondence with the Board of Trustees is included. CORRESPONDENCE - BONDING COMPANIES 1920 – 1926 Correspondence includes requests for information on pending district bond issues, bids for district bonds, and information concerning the sale of district bonds. CONSTRUCTION - ATHLETIC PARK IMPROVEMENT 1934 Improvement of the School District's Athletic Park was financed by a Civil Works Project grant. Records include the Application for the Project, progress report, cost summaries and blue line drawing. LARAMIE HIGH SCHOOL - CONSTRUCTION BIDS AND CONTRACT 1928 The file contains construction documents for the Laramie High School built in 1928 - 1929. Documents included are call for bids, bids submitted for the plumbing and heating and general contract, specifications, and contract. Wilbur A. Hitchcock of Laramie was architect for the project. LARAMIE HIGH SCHOOL - DRAWINGS AND SPECIFICATIONS FOR ADDITIONS 1938 – 1940 Drawings by Architect William Dubois of the addition to Laramie High School, constructed 1939 - 1940. Drawings include First Floor Plan, Second Floor Plan, Elevators, Third Floor Plan, and Excavation Plan. ADDITIONS TO ILSES, LINCOLN AND STANTON SCHOOLS 1938 – 1940 Drawings by Architect William Dubois for additions to the Ilses, Lincoln and Stanton Schools constructed 1938 - 1940. Drawings include first floor plans and elevations for each school. PUBLIC WORKS ADMINISTRATION CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS 1938 – 1941 The 1938 additions to the Laramie High School and the Ilses, Lincoln and Stanton Schools were funded in part by the Public Works Administration. PWA documents include application, PWA proposal, PWA grant, schedule of contracts, advertisements for bids, board resolutions, approval notification of contractor and subcontractor, completion notices, final payment notices, and accompanying correspondence. LABORATORY REPORTS 1939 Laboratory reports of tests conducted on materials used in school construction projects. FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT PROPOSALS AND SPECIFICATIONS 1939 Proposals and specifications for furniture and equipment for the additions to the Ilses, Lincoln and Stanton Schools, and the Laramie High School Addition. Included are Public Works Administration documents required for furniture and equipment purchase with federal funds. FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT BIDS 1939 Bids received by the Board of Trustees for furniture and equipment needed for the additions constructed to the Ilses, Lincoln and Stanton Schools, and to Laramie High School. LARAMIE HIGH SCHOOL PRINCIPAL CORRESPONDENCE 1929 – 1937 Incoming and outgoing correspondence of the Laramie High School Principal with parents, the Superintendent of Schools, teachers, former students and teachers, and with teachers and principals from other schools. HIGH SCHOOL ATHLETICS AND ACTIVITIES CORRESPONDENCE 1930 – 1936 Records include correspondence concerning high school activities, activity schedules, and contracts for games. Most of the items relate to high school athletics. HIGH SCHOOL PRINCIPAL'S ANNUAL REPORT 1940 Report of classes taught and their content during the 1939 - 1940 school year. JUNIOR - SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL HONOR ROLLS 1929 - 1930, 1936 – 1937 Listing of students, grades 7 - 12, earning recognition on the Honor Roll for their grades. NOTE: Laramie High School was organized as a six year high school, grades 7 - 12. HIGH SCHOOL COMMENCEMENT PROGRAMS 1928 – 1936 Commencement programs list graduating Seniors, high school faculty, National Honor Society Members, and members of the Board of Trustees. Also included in the file is a sample diploma and correspondence relating to commencement. STUDENT CONTEST ESSAYS 1925 Student essays describing the student's feelings and reactions to a painting viewed at an art exhibit. The essays were written by high school freshmen, sophomore, and Junior English classes. STUDENT CONTEST RECORDS 1930 – 1937 Records include contest correspondence, brochures, rules, student entries, and contest winning entries. LARAMIE PLAINSMAN HERALD - STUDENT NEWSPAPER 1929 - 1930 School Year The first year of publication of the Laramie High School student newspaper. LARAMIE HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT PERMANENT RECORDS 1927 - 1996 (Graduating Years) Permanent record cards and files of graduating and non-graduating students. Contents include record of grades and usually health information and scholastic evaluations and tests. NOTE: RESTRICTED TO ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 AND THE STUDENT OF RECORD. NON-GRADUATE STUDENT CUMULATIVE FILES 1968 - 1969 Dates of Birth and 1988 – 1996 Dates of Attendance Contents include record of grades and usually health information and scholastic evaluations and tests. NOTE: RESTRICTED TO ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 AND THE STUDENT OF RECORD. WYOMING ASSOCIATION OF SCHOOL ADMINISTRATORS 1966 - 1968 Records include minutes of meetings of the association, reports of committee, and the constitution and by-laws of the association. The records deal with a variety of educational issues considered by the association. ALBANY COUNTY SCHOOL BOARD DIRECTORS - REPORTS 1922 - 1925 The reports are minutes of meetings of the School Director Association, and summarize items of business considered and discussed. Proposed school legislation was a major topic of the meetings, and copies of correspondence with Albany County legislators are included. The county superintendent served as secretary to the association. COUNTY SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS ASSOCIATION MINUTES 1915, 1922 - 1969 The minutes of meetings include the names of county superintendents of school in attendance, treasurer's report, old business items discussed, new business items discussed, and resolutions adopted by the association. WYOMING SCHOOL DISTRICT SALARY SCHEDULES 1970 - 1971 school year Includes a compilation of the Teacher Salary Schedules for Wyoming in effect for the 1970-1971 school year. The salary schedules include steps and grades and special salary allowances. Also included is a listing salary schedules for non-certified employees of school districts. SOCIAL SECURITY 1953 - 1954 The Social Security Division of the Office of Secretary of State was responsible for administering the Social Security program for public employees. The file includes directives and informational materials from the division, and correspondence between the division and the county superintendent. The functions of the division were transferred by the legislature to the Wyoming Retirement System in 1955. WYOMING RETIREMENT SYSTEM 1955 - 1969 Incoming correspondence dealing with the Wyoming Retirement System and answering questions and resolving problems of the County Superintendent and the school districts. Also included are forms, various tables, and directives. REGISTER OF SCHOOL BOARDS AND SCHOOL BOARD DIRECTORIES 1917 - 1922, 1940 - 1941, 1968 The register lists each Albany County school district for the years given, and names each board member for the district and the members office, director, clerk, and treasurer. TEACHER DIRECTORIES 1925 - 1926, 1935 - 1936, 1959 - 1960, 1966 - 1967 The 1925-1926 listing is for School District #1, Laramie only. The 1935-1936 and 1959-1960 listings are for all Albany County teachers. The listings give the name of the teacher, school district number, school name, teaching assignment and teacher's address. The 1966-1967 list is for schools with three teachers or less and includes the district number, name of the school, name of teacher, enrollment, type of degree, type of certificate, date certificate was issued, and grades taught. CERTIFICATION OF TEACHERS EMPLOYED 1914 - 1915 school year, 1915 - 1916 school year Certification by clerk of the school district, naming teachers employed, their assignments, and indicating the number of months each teacher taught. PUBLIC HEALTH NURSING ADVISORY COUNCIL 1956, 1959, 1965-1970 The records include minutes of the Advisory Council; monthly and annual reports of the Albany County Public Health Nurse and quarterly reports; and announcements, guides and screening reports from the State Department of Public Health. The records deal with the activities and programs of public health in Albany County. WYOMING ASSOCIATION FOR SUPERVISION AND CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT 1966 Records include constitution of the association, notice of the agendas for meetings, and correspondence concerning activities and issues of the association. WYOMING EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 1951 - 1952, 1955, 1960 - 1967 (some material not dated) The records include correspondence, memoranda from the association, various educational studies conducted by the association, the association's legislative program, by-laws of the association, and some publications. WYOMING SCHOOL TRUSTEES ASSOCIATION 1930 A report on the proceedings of the third annual meeting of the Wyoming School Trustees Association held in Laramie on March 26, 1930. The report gives the names of speakers at the meeting, summarizes their talks, and discusses the business considered and conducted at the meeting. SCHOOL DIRECTORY 1911 - 1917 A small volume maintained by the county superintendent of schools naming the schools operated by each school district, giving the name of school district clerk, the name of the teacher for each school, the term of operation for each school, and the date the county superintendent visited the school. SCHOOL DISTRICT CORRESPONDENCE 1930 - 1947 (Not inclusive) Outgoing correspondence from the county superintendent of schools to the school districts dealing with routine matters. The majority of the correspondence is memoranda directed to all of the school districts. TEACHER LETTERS 1941, 1943, 1945 - 1970 "Teacher Letters" are memoranda from the county superintendent of schools to all Albany County rural school teachers under the superintendent's supervision. The letters deal with county-wide programs such as testing and spelling contests, various rules and regulations, teacher workshops, and Rural School Day. The programs for Rural School Day include a list of rural students completing the 8th grade. CORRESPONDENCE - DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 1936 - 1938, 1940 - 1941, 1956 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the county superintendent and the Department of Education. The correspondence deals with a wide variety of educational matters, including rules and regulations of the department, accreditation, the school foundation program and other fiscal matters, federal funds for education, department programs and projects, and problems in Albany County schools referred to the department. ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OPINIONS 1947, 1952, 1959, 1963, 1969 The opinions discuss educational questions submitted by the Department of Education, sometimes on their own initiative and other times at the request of the county superintendent. The opinions deal with several legal educational issues. CORRESPONDENCE - ISOLATION AND ISOLATION REVIEW BOARD 1964 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence concerning parental petitions for isolation payments. Also included are minutes of the Isolation Review Board, correspondence with the board and memoranda and directives from the board. ISOLATION PETITIONS 1946-1948 The petition is a request by parents for isolation funding to enable their child or children to attend. The information on the petition includes name, age and grade in school, the amount of isolation requested above $10, names and ages of other children in the family, distance from school, and the number of the school in which the child is a resident. CORRESPONDENCE - COUNTY SUPERINTENDENTS OF SCHOOLS 1967 - 1970 The correspondence with other county superintendents deals with meetings of the County Superintendents of Schools Association, common problems and issues, and various requests. CORRESPONDENCE - ALBANY COUNTY OFFICIALS 1903 - 1904 Transmittals from Mary G. Bellamy, county superintendent of schools, to the Albany County treasurer showing the distribution of county school moneys to the various county school districts. Mrs. Bellamy was the first woman elected to the Wyoming legislature. SCHOOL DISTRICT TREASURERS' BONDS 1890 - 1892, 1899 - 1916 School district treasurers were required by law to post a bond. The amount of the bond varied according to the amount of the school district's budget. The bonds include the name of the treasurer, the school district, names of the sureties, the amount of the bond, and the effective dates. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL LAND LEASE 1888 - 1889 Incoming correspondence to the Board of County Commissioners concerning the leasing of school lands and informal application to lease. APPLICATION TO LEASE SCHOOL LAND 1889 - 1891 Applications contain name of applicant, legal description of land applied for, purpose for which the land is wanted, what improvements are on the land, estimate of value, and status of irrigation and stock water on the land. LEASE OF SCHOOL LANDS 1890 - 1891 The lease agreement for school lands between the lessee and the county commissioners of Albany County contains the name of lessee, legal description of the school land leased, the value of the land leased, and the terms of the lease. FINANCIAL REPORT OF SCHOOL DISTRICT CLERK 1945 - 1946 and 1946 - 1947 school years Financial reports and summaries of school district expenditures for the school year, broken down into eight major categories, with sub-categories. Major categories are Administration, Instruction, Operation of Plant, Maintenance of Plant, Auxiliary Services, Fixed Charges, Capital Outlay, and Debt Service. REPORT OF EXPENDITURES - SPECIAL RESERVE FUND 1945 - 1946 school year Annual report of expenditures from the Special Reserve Fund for Repairing and Replacing Equipment and for Repair of Buildings. Most Albany County school districts had not established fund as provided by law. BUDGET OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 1934-1935 school year (district No. 7 only), 1946-47 and 1947-48 school years Anticipated school district expenditures and receipts by budget categories. Included is correspondence with the Union Pacific Railroad tax agent questioning proposed expenditures by some school districts. RESOLUTION OF APPROPRIATION 1946 - 1947 In accordance with Chapter 10, Session Laws of Wyoming 1945, the Board of Trustees was required to adopt a resolution stating the amount of tax to be raised to operate the district's schools. The resolution attests that a budget was developed and approved, and the stated amount of tax funds need to be raised. MINUTES OF MEETINGS FOR SPECIAL TAX 1879 - 1899 (Not inclusive) Statement by the school district clerk, the county commissioners, county assessor, and county superintendent of the amount of money approved by the qualified electors for school purposes. Of particular historical interest is an 1883 memoranda of protest from the Union Pacific Railroad and others concerning the approval of $12,125 by School District #1 (Laramie) for the construction of a new school. CERTIFICATE OF MONEY VOTED 1899 Certificates, certified by the school district clerk, verifying the amount of money voted by the school district and the purpose for which the money was to be expended. CERTIFICATE OF SPECIAL SCHOOL TAX VOTED 1924 - 1925, 1927 - 1928, 1937 - 1938, 1946 - 1948 Certificates of Special School Tax Voted were prepared by the district clerk and were forwarded to the county clerk, county superintendent of schools, and to the county assessor, certifying that the district electorate had approved the stated tax levy required to raise revenues needed to operate the district's school. CASH BOOKS 1949 - 1950, 1960 - 1961. Daily recordings of receipts and disbursements. The 1949-1950 recordings are from School District No. 10. All others are from 1960-1961 and include School District Nos. 4, 6, 24, and 30. WARRANT REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 3 1925 - 1945 Register of warrants issued by School District No. 3 for various expenses. Information includes warrant number, date issued, name of payee, and category of expense such as teacher salary, supplies, transportation, building construction or alterations, etc. MINUTES OF TEACHERS' INSTITUTES 1911 - 1929 Minutes of institutes list names of enrollees and their attendance record, and detail the program of each session, including summaries of remarks by speakers and discussions. PROGRAMS OF TEACHERS' INSTITUTES 1894 - 1924 (Not inclusive) Programs contain detailed program for each session of the four days institute, including session topics and speakers. Note: Some of the missing programs can be found with the minutes of the institutes. SUPERINTENDENT'S ANNUAL REPORTS 1920 - 1921, 1926 - 1969 The Annual Report of the County Superintendent of Schools to the Department of Education was required by law. The reports summarized the school census, school enrollment, school attendance, the number and condition of schools in the county, the number of teachers and administrators employed, assessed valuation, taxes levied, bonded indebtedness, and revenue and expenditures. Beginning in 1926 and continuing through 1969, a listing by name of teachers and administrators employed by each school district is also included. Besides the teacher's name, the listing gives the type of certificate held, the teacher's assignment, and the number of days worked. CORRESPONDENCE - WORK PERMITS - CERTIFICATES OF AGE 1967 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence and memoranda between the county superintendent of schools and the Wyoming and U.S. Departments of Labor. The correspondence deals with the issuing of Work Permits and Certificates of Age, and provisions of the child-labor laws. WORK PERMITS AND CERTIFICATES OF AGE 1967 - 1970 Certificates of Age (minors 16-18 years) and Work Permits (minors 14-16 years) include name of minor, date of birth, name of parent and address, name of employer, occupation, and rate of pay. These certificates and permits are the issuing officers' copy and were issued under the law by the county superintendent of schools. COUNTY SUPERINTENDENT'S RECORD 1870 - 1930 Volumes contain various recordings pertinent to the creation and administration of school districts in Albany County. Includes superintendent reports, school district organization and boundary notices, meeting notices, clerk reports, elections of district officers, county treasurer's reports, and apportionment of school funds. INDEX TO TEACHER CERTIFICATES ISSUED No dates The index gives the name of the certified teacher, type of certificate, and a page reference to the certificate register. All of the Certificate Registers are missing except one, so finding certificate data for most teachers listed in the index is not possible from this records group. Note: certification data can be found from the certification records of the State Department of Education. CORRESPONDENCE - TEACHER CERTIFICATION 1934 - 1936, 1939, 1968 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence concerning teacher certification and teacher placement. Also included are memoranda from the Department of Education concerning certification. APPLICATIONS FOR CERTIFICATION ca. 1917-1969 Applications for Certification include name, age, and permanent address of applicant; education and teaching experience of applicant; grades in constitutional tests, kind of position wanted, certification history, and type of certificate for which the applicant has applied; and county superintendent's endorsement of the applicant. Note: Many of the applications contain restricted information. TEACHER CERTIFICATION REGISTERS 1915 - 1971 Booklet: 1932-1933. Register contains name of teacher, certificate number, kind of certificate, date certificate issued and date it expires, date certificate was registered, teacher's position, school name, school district number, and annual salary of teacher. Volume: 1915-1927. Information includes name of teacher, certificate number, class of certificate, dates of issue and expiration, date registered, fee place, and paid date. 2 volumes: 1923-1971. Information includes school district number, name of teacher, certificate number, class of certificate, dates of issue and expiration, date registered, name of school, salary, and number of months in session. TEACHER EXAMINATION GRADES 1888 - 1924 Grades scored by teachers applying for certification on the teachers examination required by law. Grades are by subject and overall average, indicating if the applicant passed or failed. Information in the 1888-1907 volume includes date of examination, name, age, number of certificate, where educated, experience, test scores by subject, and remarks. Restricted access. TEACHER CERTIFICATES WITH RECOMMENDATION FOR CERTIFICATION 1913, 1920 - 1924 Sampling of Teacher Certificates issued, and recommendations of the State Department of Education for certification. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (LARAMIE) 1961 Legal notices for a special school bond election in the amount of $495,000 for addition to various schools, and legal notices concerning the sale of the bond. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 4 (INCLUDES FORMER DISTRICT NOS. 4, 6, AND 18) SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE 1963 Records concern the reorganization of Albany County School Districts Nos. 4, 6, and 18 into new School District #4 (see Boundary Board records), and the election, authorization and sale of bonds in the amount of $76,000 for the construction of a new school. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 10 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (HARMONY) 1968 - 1969 Records are minutes of the school board and minutes of annual and special meetings of the school district, and incoming and outgoing correspondence. Also included is a copy of the Treasurer's Report for Fiscal Year 1968. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 12 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (CENTENNIAL) 1953 - 1955, 1960 - 1970 Records include incoming and outgoing correspondence with board members, teachers and parents, minutes of board meetings, school construction records, accreditation reports and correspondence, and Public Law 874 records and correspondence. The records pertain to all aspects of the operation of School District No. 12 schools. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 15 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE 1956, 1958, 1960 - 1962 Records include correspondence, minutes of school board meetings and school district annual meetings, and State Examiner's verification of receipts and disbursements. Correspondence concerns teachers, isolation payments, and generally the operation of the school district. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 16 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE 1941 - 1942 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the county superintendent and the clerk of School District No. 16 concerning a problem with a teacher at a ranch school. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 23 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (INCLUDES FORMER DISTRICTS NOS. 20 AND 21) 1942 - 1970 (Not inclusive) Records include incoming and outgoing correspondence, and feature letters with the Department of Education concerning the districts. The correspondence deals with problems of the school districts, teachers, students, and with the reorganization. Also included are financial statements and copies of reports, and policies and philosophy of the school district. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 24 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE 1945 - 1970 (Not inclusive) Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the county superintendent and school board members, teachers, parents, and Department of Education officials concerning operations and problems in the school district. Also included are school district policies and some fiscal records relating to the incorporation of School District No. 16 into District No. 24 in 1957. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 28 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (FOX PARK) 1954 - 1955, 1960 - 1961 The records include correspondence, visitation reports, and a teacher's contract. The correspondence is concerned with a teacher problem and payment of Public Law 874 funds to the school district. SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 30 - SUPERINTENDENT'S FILE (BOSLER) 1941, 1955 - 1960 1966 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the county superintendent and the school board, teachers, parents and Department of Education concerning school operation and problems. Topics dealt with include accreditation, finances, and reorganization. SCHOOL CONSTRUCTION RECORDS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 (LARAMIE) 1940 - 1941 Correspondence concerning the construction of an addition to the high school. SCHOOL CONSTRUCTION RECORDS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 10 (HARMONY) 1952 Special bond election records and records of the sale of $38,000 of bonds for construction of a school. Records include list of registered voters, legal advertising, construction bids, and the certified record of proceedings. SCHOOL DISTRICT BOND ELECTIONS - DISTRICT NOS. 1, 4, 12, and 28 1951 - 1952, 1961, 1963 Records include notices of special bond elections, instructions to judges and clerks, summary of bond payments, poll books, and sample ballots. SCHOOL BOND ELECTION - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 5 (ROCK RIVER) 1958 Records of a school bond election held and approved in the amount of $70,000 by School District No. 5 on August 2, 1958. Records include notice of election, taxpayer affidavits, report on election, and list of voters. MILL LEVY ELECTION - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 3 (TIE SIDING) 1963 Poll books listing qualified electors for a special mill levy election, property owners affidavits, oaths of election judges, and tally of votes. TRANSPORTATION BIDS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NOS. 1, 2, 4, 9, 10, 12, and 28 1933 - 1967 (Not inclusive) Notices and legal advertisement requesting bids to provide school district transportation service or to operate district owned transportation equipment. Also included are contracts and agreements for transportation, and district rules, regulations and policies concerning transportation of pupils. BIDS - SALE OF SCHOOL DISTRICT PROPERTY - FOR SERVICES 1951, 1961, 1967 Call for bids from School District Nos. 28, 9, and 3 to sell surplus equipment and buildings, to purchase equipment and supplies, and to construct a school at Fox Park (District No. 28). MINUTES OF ANNUAL MEETINGS 1885 - 1947 (Not inclusive) Under the education codes, except for first class school districts (Laramie), all school districts were required by law to hold an annual meeting of the district's patrons to approve a budget, elect board members, and to take action on other business matters of the school district. The minutes for 1946 and 1947 are a record of the proceedings of the annual meetings and include all Albany County School Districts, except District #1 (Laramie). The volumes are for School District #3, 1915-1929; School District #5, 1903-1924; School District No. 6, 1885-1904; School District #7, 1905-1926; School District #10 (3 volumes), 1912-1939; School District #25, 1923-1926. Some of the volumes include minutes of the district's Board of Trustees, as well as minutes of annual meetings and a partial register of warrants. NOTICES OF ANNUAL MEETINGS 193?, 1946, 1947 Notices of annual meetings were posted in the school district to inform legal voters of the district of the meeting. The notices state the date, place and time of the meeting. The number of board members to be elected, the amount of funds to be appropriated for the next fiscal year, and the mill levy required to raise the funds. TRUSTEES OATH OF OFFICE 1946 - 1947 Written oaths of office signed by legally elected school district trustees. EXAMINER'S REPORTS - DISTRICT NOS. 3, 7, and 10 1926 - 1936 (Not inclusive) Examiner's Reports include a narrative pointing out audit discrepancies and problems and itemized listing of receipts and expenditures. ABSTRACT AND DEEDS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 3 1915, 1920, 1936 Abstract of Chain of Title and Warranty Deeds, with Mortgage Release to School District No. 3 real property. BOND REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 1878 Register of bonds issued and sold by School District No. 1 (Laramie) for school construction. The bonds were in the amount of $500 each, with a total of $15,000, were paid and canceled in 1882. REPORT OF SCHOOL DISTRICT CLERK - DISTRICT NOS. 2, 7, 10, and 24 1930-31, 1938 - 1947 Annual report by clerks of the school district showing enrollment by grade and sex; number of students promoted from the eighth grade; number graduated from the twelfth grade; the days schools were in session; the number and kind of schools; the number of superintendents, principals and teachers; and their names, assignments, and salaries. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 (LARAMIE) 1890 Minutes of proceedings of meeting of the Board of Trustees include election of board officers, election and assignment of teachers, transaction of other business, and the approval and payment of bills. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 5 - (ROCK RIVER) May 1885 Proceedings of a school meeting at Rock Creek, Wyoming. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 6 1885 - 1889 Proceedings of annual meetings of the School Board. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 7 - (JELM) 1926 - 1937 Proceedings of annual meetings of the School Board. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 10 1927 - 1938 Proceedings of meetings of the School Board. MINUTES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 23 1969-1970 Proceedings of the Board of Trustees. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 - (LARAMIE) 1889 - 1890, 1956, 1958 - 1959, 1962, 1964, 1966 - 1970 Records from 1889-1890 include bills, correspondence concerning bills and purchases, school construction, purchase of school site, insurance, reports from principals, applications for teaching positions, and correspondence related to applications. Records from 1956-1970 include incoming and outgoing correspondence between the school district and the county superintendent of schools. Topics include district reorganization, personnel policies, cumulative record manual, cooperative recreation, special mill levy election, and student enrollment. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 3 1958, 1960 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence of the school district with the county superintendent of schools, school district patrons, and the State Department of Education. Topics include employment of teachers, transportation, student isolation, and student attendance. Includes correspondence of former School District Nos. 2 and 9 that were reorganized with School District No. 3 by the boundary board in 1966. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 4 1941, 1963, 1965, 1968 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence with the county superintendent of schools, the Department of Education, and school district patrons. Correspondence concerns fiscal matters, isolated students, and the employment of teachers. Included with the correspondence is a school district policy manual with a statement of philosophy and a self-evaluation study. Also included are photographs of the Valley View School. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 5 - (ROCK RIVER) 1950, 1957 - 1958, 1960 - 1970 Incoming and outgoing correspondence of the school district with the county superintendent of schools, the State Department of Education, and school district patrons. Correspondence concerns fiscal matters, school foundation program, the employment and dismissal of teachers, and school tax matters. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 7 - (JELM) 1933 - 1937 Incoming and outgoing correspondence of the Board of Trustees including letters and memoranda from the county superintendent of schools, memoranda and circulars from the Department of Education, letters and bills from suppliers, applications from prospective teachers, and letters from patrons. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL DISTRICT No. 10 - (HARMONY) 1938 - 1970 (Not inclusive) Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the school district and the county superintendent of schools, the Department of Education, University of Wyoming officials, and patrons of the school district. Also included are agreements, bids submitted to the board, bills and invoices, memoranda, school lunch reports, estimates of receipts and expenditures, fire marshal's report, and a self-evaluation study. CORRESPONDENCE - SCHOOL EVALUATIONS 1969 Schedules, directives, instructions and memoranda concerning school evaluations made by the Department of Education during the 1969-1970 school year. SCHOOL EVALUATION MATERIALS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 2 1959 - 1960 school year Evaluation materials include description of school district and statement of philosophy, map of the district, board policies and regulations, school district budget, and pupil report card. SCHOOL EVALUATION REPORT - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 3 1969 - 1970 school year The report deals with the status of the school, and includes sections that discuss philosophy, school board policies. curriculum, educational equipment, service functions, and pupil transportation. SCHOOL EVALUATION MATERIALS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 15 1959 - 1960 school year Evaluation materials include description of school district and statement of philosophy, map of the district, board policies, and the school district budget. SCHOOL EVALUATION MATERIALS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 21 1959 - 1960 school year Evaluation materials include description of school district and statement of philosophy, map of the district, board policies, school district budget, and pupil report card. SCHOOL EVALUATION MATERIALS AND EVALUATION REPORT - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 23 1959 - 1960, 1969 - 1970 school years Evaluation materials include description of school district and statement of philosophy, maps of the district, board policies, school district budget, and pupil report cards. The evaluation report deals with the status of the district's schools and includes sections that discuss philosophy, school board policies, curriculum, educational equipment, service functions, and pupil transportation. SCHOOL EVALUATION MATERIALS AND EVALUATION REPORT - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 30 1959 - 1960, 1969 - 1970 school years Evaluation materials include statement of philosophy, a map of the district, minutes of an annual meeting, board policies and procedures, and the school district budget. The evaluation report deals with the status of the district's school and includes sections that discuss philosophy, school board policies, curriculum, educational equipment, service functions, and pupil transportation. BOUNDARY BOARD CORRESPONDENCE 1947 - 1952 Correspondence on legislation for the reorganization of school districts in Wyoming and reorganization efforts in Albany County. BOUNDARY BOARD MINUTES 1934 - 1966 (Not inclusive) Minutes of meetings of the Albany County Board, with official actions taken in regard to reorganization of Albany County School Districts. Boundary Board correspondence and petitions relate to action taken by the board. See also Albany County Treasurer. PETITIONS 1889, 1937 - 1938, 1951 - 1952, 1955 Petitions and requests to the Albany County Board from school districts and individuals for changes in school district boundaries. SCHOOL DISTRICT BOUNDARY MAPS Dates: 1923, ca. 1955 - 1956, ca. 1958, 1962 Various maps designating the school district boundaries of the county. COMMITTEE PLANNING RECORDS 1945 - 1949, 1951 - 1954 Chapter 163, Sessions Laws of Wyoming, 1947, required counties to establish county committees for reorganization of school districts. The law also established a state committee to review the work of the county committees. In 1951, the legislature passed Chapter 158, revising the 1947 law and extending the life of the state and county committees. The planning records of the Albany County Committee include the election records of the committee members, minutes of meetings, correspondence of the committee, studies and proposals of the committee, directives and bulletins from the state committee, and maps of proposed school district reorganization in Albany County. MINUTES OF MEETINGS - SCHOOL DISTRICT PLANNING COMMITTEE 1969 - 1970 County Planning Committees were established by Chapter 6, School District Organization, by the Wyoming Education Code of 1969 adopted by the legislature. The duty of the elected County Planning was to develop a plan of school district organization for the county which adhered to the guidelines established by Chapter 6 and present it to the State Planning Committee for approval or disapproval. Under the law, if the county committee could not develop an acceptable school district organization plan for the county, the state committee was authorized to develop and adopt a plan for the county. The minutes of the Albany County Committee include all of the meetings of the committee and all of the plans of school district organization considered before a single school district plan for Albany County. NOTICES OF BOUNDARY LINE CHANGES 1882 - 1898 (Not inclusive) Notice of Boundary Line Changes were legal notices of school district boundary changes made by the Boundary Board and recorded with county clerk. Also included is an 1888 notice of renumbering of Albany County school districts. NOTICES OF DISORGANIZATION OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS 1890 - 1895 Statement by the county superintendent declaring school districts to be disorganized as provided by law. NOTICES OF FORMATION OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS 1885 - 1891, 1893 Statement by the county superintendent and recorded with the county clerk declaring the formation of a school district. The statement numbers the newly formed school district, gives the legal boundaries, and sets the date for the qualified electors of the school district to meet and elect a board of trustees. STUDENT ATTENDANCE CARDS 1930-1949 (overall) The attendance card gives the name of the student; the date of enrollment; parents' names, occupations, and address; the student's age and date of birth; and the last school attended. PERFECT ATTENDANCE RECORD BOOK 1915 - 1929 (overall) Listing by school district of students awarded Certificates of Perfect Attendance. The student's teacher is also listed. STUDENT REGISTRATION CARD 1941 Registration cards give student's name; date of registration; grade; parents' names, race, occupation and address; student's age, and date and place of birth; language spoken in home; family physician; and name of school last attended. STUDENT SCHOOL RECORD CARDS ca. 1950-1970 School Record Cards give name of student, student's date and place of birth, parents' names, scholastic record including grade enrolled in, school year and grades earned in all subjects taken, mental and achievement test records, and health record. Restricted Access. STUDENT HEALTH CARDS ca. 1950-1970 Health cards give student's name, sex, date of birth, address, grade enrolled in, height, weight, vision history, hearing history, tuberculin test history, immunization history, communicable disease history, symptoms observed by teachers, handicap conditions, and school nurse reports. Also included are completed "School Child Health Survey Forms." Restricted Access. EIGHTH GRADE DIPLOMA REGISTER 1903 - 1914 Students receiving eighth grade diplomas by school. From 1911 through 1914, students' eighth grade examination records are recorded. TEACHER'S DAILY REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 1 (LARAMIE) 1933 - 1934 school year The Daily Register of O. C. Rogers, who taught seventh grade in the Washington School in Laramie during the 1933-1934 school year. The register lists pupils and gives their grades and attendance. Restricted access. TEACHER'S DAILY REGISTERS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 10 (HARMONY) 1920 - 1931 These registers are continuing through the school years designated above. For each year the teacher's name is given as are the names of pupils in attendance. The register gives pupils' grades, attendance, and promotion status. Also given is the daily schedule of the class, and a listing of visitors to the school. Restricted access. TEACHER'S DAILY REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 17 (SAND CREEK) 1889 - 1903 These registers are copies of originals held by Shirley Lilley of Laramie. Teachers and students are listed by school year and pupil grades are included. Restricted access. TEACHER'S DAILY REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 25 (Keystone) 1930 - 1941 This register is continuing through the school years designated above for each year the teacher's name is given, as are the names of pupils in attendance. The register contains pupils' grades, attendance record, and promotion status. Also given is the daily schedule of the class and a listing of visitors to the school. Restricted access. TEACHER'S DAILY REGISTER - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 28 (FOX PARK) 1911 - 1919, 1935 - 1936, 1948 - 1949 The registers contain the name of the teacher and names of the pupils for each school year, and pupils' grades, attendance record, and promotion status. Restricted access. CLASSIFICATION REPORTS 1914-1938 (Not inclusive for all districts) The reports generally contain the name of the teacher, names of pupils, promotion status of pupils, and summary of enrollment and attendance at the school for the year. The age of pupils is denoted on some reports. Restricted access. MONTHLY REPORTS - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 10 (HARMONY) 1931 - 1942, 1945 The monthly reports are not inclusive, month by month, for the years indicated. The reports are for the Hunziker and Harmony Schools and include the name of the teacher, the name of the school, date, and the name, grade, age and attendance record of each pupil. MONTHLY REPORTS - BOLLIN SCHOOL 1919 - 1920 Reports are a summary of student enrollment and attendance and do not give names. The name and monthly salary of the teacher is indicated. CERTIFICATES OF CONDUCT OF STATE EXAMINATIONS 1947 Certification that the State Examination, required by law, was administered to pupils and sent to the Department. The certificate is attested by the teacher and a witness. Schools include Albany, Alloway, Bosler, Bovee, Centennial, Cottonwood, Dodge, Fox Park, Harmony, Kafka, Pickerill, Pine Mountain, Quealy Dome, Robbins Sprague Lane, Tie Siding, and Waring. INVENTORY BOOK - SCHOOL DISTRICT NO. 7 (JELM) 1934 - 1935 school year The Inventory Book lists all equipment and materials on hand at the school year, and equipment and materials needed for the next school year. SCHOOL AGE CHILDREN REGISTER 1885 - 1887 The names and ages of students residing in the school districts are listed. SCHOOL CENSUS RECORDS 1915 - 1970 School census records list school age children residing in each district. Information includes sex, age, address, and name of parent. INDEX TO SCHOOL DISTRICTS n.d. (Probably 1960s) List of school districts by number, with names of schools and post offices. DIRECTORIES OF SCHOOL BOARD MEMBERS 1898, 1917-1918 school year, 1949-1950 school year, undated school year. Listings of school board members by school district. The 1917-1918 listing includes the names of teachers employed by each school district, and the undated directory is for school board clerks only. TEACHER DIRECTORIES n.d., 1918-1922 Listings of teachers by school district and school. Some listings are divided into town and rural teachers. The undated list includes teacher salaries. BIG HORN BASIN BETTER SCHOOLS ASSOCIATION MINUTES May, 1919 Includes minutes, an apparent workshop schedule, and an outline for the standardization of schools in the Big Horn Basin. COUNTY SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS ASSOCIATION MINUTES 1938, 1949 Proceedings of two 1938 meetings of the Association, and of a joint meeting with the Wyoming School Trustees' Association in 1949. COURSES OF STUDY 1918-1923 Outline of work to be covered and completed by grades 1 through 8 on a monthly basis for each subject. The outlines are complete only for the 1918-1919 and 1919-1920 school years. Only one month is covered for the other school years. REPORT ON SCHOOL DISTRICT OFFICERS ELECTED 1898, 1900-1901 Listing of officers elected for each school district in Big Horn County. Includes name of trustee, office, term of office, and address. STATISTICAL REPORTS - BIG HORN COUNTY SCHOOLS 1940-1941 Reports on Big Horn County elementary and high schools including enrollment; lowest, highest, and average teacher salaries; and salaries of principals and superintendents. CERTIFICATE OF TEACHERS AND BUS DRIVERS 1923-1924 The number of teachers and bus drivers employed by each school district. REGULATIONS GOVERNING STATE SEVENTH AND EIGHTH GRADE EXAMINATIONS 1919 Rules and regulations promulgated by the Department of Education for administering examinations required by the state for 7th and 8th grade students. GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE 1893-1956 (Not inclusive) Incoming and outgoing correspondence with the state department of education, school district officials, businesses, county officials, and the general public concerning a broad range of issues. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION CORRESPONDENCE 1893-1954 (Not inclusive) Incoming and outgoing correspondence between the County Superintendent of Schools and officials of the State Department of Education. The correspondence deals with a variety of subjects concerning the schools of Big Horn County. TEACHER CORRESPONDENCE 1903 Incoming correspondence to the County Superintendent of Schools from individuals mainly concerned with obtaining teacher certification and teaching positions in Big Horn County. TAX LEVIES AND APPORTIONMENT OF COMMON SCHOOL LAND INCOME FUND 1900, 1915, 1921, 1923-1924, 1940-1942, 1950, 1955. The apportionment schedule indicates the amount of money for each county from the School Land Income Fund. The Tax Levies show the levies and assessed valuation for each school district. COUNTY TREASURER'S REPORT TO SCHOOL DISTRICT TREASURERS 1942-1969 The reports are a statement showing the amount of funds the school district has received from various accounts during the year, and a statement of the bonded indebtedness of the school district. SCHOOL DISTRICT BUDGET OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 1953-1954 fiscal year Estimated receipts and expenditures of Big Horn County School District No. 37. FINANCIAL REPORT OF SCHOOL DISTRICT TREASURERS 1912-1913 school year. Financial summary of the fiscal status of the portion of Big Horn County that became part of Hot Springs County when it was organized in 1913. The report lists receipts, expenditures, and balances on hand. TEACHERS INSTITUTE COMMITTEE REPORTS 1918 Three reports are included: The War Committee, the Program Committee, and the Rural School Committee. Each committee report makes recommendations concerning its specific assignment. Committee members are listed. TEACHERS INSTITUTE PROGRAM 1915 The program is for the Joint-Institute, Big Horn and Washakie Counties, held in Basin. The program lists the instructors for the session. ANNUAL REPORTS 1897-1969 (Not inclusive) Annual reports of the county superintendent of schools to the Wyoming Department of Education. Includes compiled information on enrollment, attendance, school programs, transportation, and finances. A listing of teachers and administrators employed by each district is included for the years 1924 to 1969. ANNUAL REPORTS CORRESPONDENCE 1940-1957 (Not inclusive) Incoming and outgoing correspondence with school districts and the Department of Education concerning the County Superintendent of Schools annual report. INDEX TO TEACHER CERTIFICATE RECORDS 1890-1923 Index provides teacher's name and number of certificate issued by the County Superintendent of Schools. STATE BOARD OF EXAMINERS RECOMMENDATIONS 1908, 1911 The recommendations are from the State Board of Examiners to the County Superintendent of Schools, and recommend the type of certificate that should be issued to the listed teacher, and the basis for the recommendation. CERTIFICATION DIVISION RECOMMENDATIONS 1924-1927 The recommendations are from the Certification Division of the Department of Education to the County Superintendent of Schools, and recommend the type of certificate that should be issued to the listed teacher, and the basis for the recommendation. CONDENSED CERTIFICATION RECORD 1941-1954 The Condensed Certification Record is a card for each teacher certified for a given year. Information includes teacher's name, type of certificate issued, the total credit hours and education hours earned, teaching experience, diploma or degree earned, and grades on certification examinations. CONDITIONS OF SCHOOLS REPORTS 1919-1920 The report gives the name of the teacher, the name of the school, the number of the school district, and ten response categories. The categories are Accommodation for Teacher, Location, Outbuildings, School Building, Heating, Equipment and Supplies, Community Activity, Organization, General Questions, and General Remarks. STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM REPORT 1917-1918. A statistical report submitted to the Department of Education showing value of school property, current expenditures, capital outlay and debt payment. SUPPLEMENTARY REPORT OF DISTRICT CLERK 1917-1918. The report is an estimation of dollar value for the school district's school buildings, school furniture and school books. CERTIFICATION OF NUMBER OF TEACHERS EMPLOYED 1912-1917 For the 1912-13 and 1913-14 school years, the school district submitted two, the first certifying the number of teachers employed by the district and the second, listing the teachers and giving the type of certificate held and its date of expiration, the teacher's salary, and the beginning date and length of the school term. For the 1914-15, 1915-16, and 1916-17 school years, only the second form, listing the teachers, was submitted. NOTICE OF EMPLOYMENT OF TEACHERS 1911-1915 Cards sent to the County Superintendent notifying that a teacher had been employed as of a given date, the date the school term would begin, the length of the school term, the teacher's name, type of certificate held, and monthly salary. SCHOOL DISTRICT CLERK'S REPORT 1897-1910, 1929-1930 (Not inclusive for all districts) The reports submitted by the school district clerk to the county superintendent summarizes enrollment and attendance in the school district, the physical plant of the school district and its estimated value, and school district transportation. The reports also list teachers and administrators with their assignments, salaries, and number of days taught, and provide a listing of expenditures by general category. CLERK'S REPORT OF NUMBER OB TEACHERS 1921-22 school year. A certification by the school district clerk naming teachers employed, the beginning and ending dates of the school term, and the teacher's salary. MINUTES OF ANNUAL MEETINGS 1895-1968 (Not inclusive) The minutes are a record of proceedings of the annual meetings of school district residents as required by law. Business conducted at the meetings included election of school district trustees, adoption of a budget for the next fiscal year, approval of the required tax levy, and the establishment of new schools in the districts. The earlier minutes also include trustees' oaths of office and miscellaneous reports to the county superintendent. NOTICES OF ANNUAL MEETINGS 1939, 1945, 1950, 1952-1953. Notices of Annual Meetings were required by law to be posted throughout the school district. The notices stated the time, place and date of the meeting, the purposes of the meeting, electing a specified number of school trustees and adopting a budget of a stated amount. LEGAL DESCRIPTIONS OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS 1902 A xerox copy (1988) of a newspaper page of the Wyoming Dispatch published in Basin in 1902. The publication gives the legal description of school districts numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, and 24. Some of these school districts became school districts in Park County in 1911, or in Washakie and Hot Springs Counties in 1913. REORGANIZATION OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS 1948 A study of school district reorganization in Big Horn County prepared by the Wyoming Taxpayers Association for the Big Horn County Committee for Reorganization of School Districts. The publication analyzes school organization in Big Horn County, educational opportunity, revenue sources, expenditures per pupil and proposes a plan of reorganization. The publication includes a map of school districts in Big Horn County. BOUNDARY BOARD CORRESPONDENCE 1901, 1927, 1937-1939, 1943-1947, 1950-1952 Incoming and outgoing correspondence of the Boundary Board concerning boundary changes and consolidation of school districts. Also included is a copy of a civil filing against the Boundary Board. BOUNDARY BOARD MINUTES 1939 - 1951 (Not inclusive) A record of proceedings of the boundary board. PETITIONS TO BOUNDARY BOARD 1895 - 1947 (Not inclusive) Petitions from school district patrons requesting changes in school district boundaries, the formation of new school districts, or the consolidation of existing school districts. Included with some petitions are maps, assessed valuation and tax statements, and financial statements. SCHOOL DISTRICT BOUNDARY MAPS n.d., 1954-1956 Four maps (two not dated) designating the school district boundaries of the county. CLASSIFICATION REPORTS 1901-1941 (Not inclusive). Classification Reports list students, give their age, grade, attendance, and promotion information for a school year. Also included is the school district number, name of school, beginning and ending dates of school term, and a summary of school enrollment and student attendance. SOME INFORMATION IS RESTRICTED. TERM OR YEARLY SUMMARIES 1919-1927 Term or Yearly Summaries are statistical summaries of enrollment and attendance, either by school or grade. The summaries do not name or include any pupil information. BEGINNING OF SCHOOL YEAR REPORT 1911-1912, 1915-1916 school years Cards sent to the County Superintendent by rural teachers notifying the beginning of school. Information on the card includes date school began, terms of teacher's contract, type of certificate held, normal training the teacher had taken, the Teachers' Institute attended, and the teacher's name. SCHOOL DISTRICT CENSUS RECORDS 1903 - 1970 School district censuses give the names of all individuals living in the school district between the ages of 6 and 21, their ages, and their parents' names and addresses. Census records after 1966 give dates of birth. DIRECTIONS FOR TAKING SCHOOL CENSUS 1958-1972 (Not inclusive) Directions supplied by State Department of Education for taking official school census required by law. Correspondence and samples used to compile official school census from District #17. GENERAL RECORDS 1878 - 1933 Records include: Cokeville Militia Company bond, 1878; depository bonds, 1907–1931; druggists’ statements on liquor sold, 1920; indemnifying bonds, 1901–1924; justice of the peace statements of fees and fines, 1904–1908; predator hunter reports, 1930–1933; sheep inspection reports, 1892–1893; witness certificates, 1887, 1889; blank World War I registration cards. EXTENSION AGENT RECORDS 1917 - 1935 Correspondence and reports concerning the county extension service and its programs. COUNTY LIBRARY 1906 - 1946 Sampling of correspondence (1907-1925) on the administration and operation of the library. Annual reports (1906-1946) on expenses, purchases, programs, and general conditions of the library. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION RECORDS 1889 - 1890 Records concerning the State Constitutional Convention. Included are newspaper articles, petitions, correspondence, proclamations, canvassers returns of the convention, and expenses. Also included are records from the county convention, consisting of appointments of delegates, report of the committee on credentials, and minutes. GRAND AND PETIT JURY LISTS 1872 - 1899, 1926 - 1937 A list of names drawn up by the County Clerk to be used in the selection of the grand jury and petit juries, giving names and place of residence. Also included are lists of exempt firemen. CORRESPONDENCE 1874 - 1960 Incoming and outgoing correspondence pertaining to the administration of county offices. The range of issues varies immensely, documenting the many facets of county administration. Topics include welfare services, hospital administration, petitions, WPA programs, Selective Service, federal projects, and county administration. PETITIONS 1886 – 1930 (Not inclusive) Public requests presented to the county commissioners to initiate, continue or discontinue a program or activity in the public's behalf. COMMISSIONERS’ RECORDS 1870 - 1980 Proceedings of the county commissioners. CLERK’S NOTES ON COMMISSIONER’S MEETINGS 1886 - 1887, 1914 - 1932 The notes taken by the County Clerk at Count Commissioners meetings. RESOLUTIONS 1911 - 1934 Resolutions are formal expressions from the County Commissioners for or against particular matters. This file consists of resolutions approving tax sale of property. GENERAL FINANCIAL RECORDS 1872 - 1940 Various financial records including examiner's reports (1893 – 1940), bills disallowed (1872 – 1893), and bounties on wild animals (1894 – 1903). WARRANT RECORDS 1870 - 1903 Clerk's register of warrants issued for salaries, expenses, and supplies. Entries usually include date, warrant number, purpose of warrant, remaining balance of funds, and fund from which warrant was drawn. Also included are warrant stubs (1875-1876), showing date, name, amount and fund from which money was drawn. FINANCIAL ABSTRACTS 1932 - 1935 Monthly abstract statements of county expenditures. Statements are arranged by funds such as Road and Bridge, Old Age Pension, and General Fund. Information provided includes the date, the name of the fund, the amount of money appropriated for that fund, the amount spent, and the remaining balance. RECEIVING BOOKS 1873 - 1981 Register of instruments recorded in the county clerk's office. ELECTION CORRESPONDENCE 1886 - 1966 Correspondence on notices of election, withdrawals from election, contesting election results, and appointments. GENERAL ELECTION EXPENSES 1892 - 1908 (Not inclusive) Vouchers and correspondence for reimbursement of expenses and for services of judges and clerks in polling precincts. COUNTY CONVENTION MINUTES 1933 Proceedings for the nomination of delegates to the state convention on the ratification of the 21st amendment. NOTARY COMMISSION RECORD 1905 - 1966 Record of notary appointments. NOTARY’S RECORDS 1915 - 1919 Collection of records notarized by Louis Kabell, Jr. This "register" was compiled by the notary and submitted to the clerk as required by law. APPOINTMENTS AND COMMISSIONS RECORD 1872 - 1939 Record of appointments of deputy and assistant personnel. OATHS, BONDS AND CERTIFICATES 1870 - 1935 (Not inclusive for each office) Oaths, bonds and certificates of nomination and appointment of county officials. REGISTER OF COUNTY PRECINCT OFFICERS 1887 - 1951 Appointments of election officers and officials. ABSTRACT OF VOTES 1870 - 1906, 1912 - 1942 Tally of votes cast in county elections. CANVASS OF VOTES 1870 - 1932 (Not inclusive) Tally of votes within each precinct (1870-1921) and within the county as a whole (1926-1932). NOMINATION RECORDS 1890 - 1922 Certificates of nomination, petitions for nomination, and notices of declaration. Accompanying early certificates and petitions are names and, in many cases, occupation of supporters. CAMPAIGN RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 1912 - 1944 Itemized statement of contributions and expenses per candidate and sometimes per political party. POLL BOOKS AND LISTS 1870 - 1976 Registers of voters within each precinct. Poll books are for county, municipal, school, and special elections. Poll lists (1870-1874) note names of voters in each precinct. Primary election poll books list name and party affiliation, with a tally of results in the back. General election poll books usually record name, age, place of birth, residence, and sometimes occupation. Qualified voter registers (arranged alphabetically per precinct) list names of all voters, age, place of birth, and occupation. BRAND RECORDS 1885 - 1902 Various brand records including brand transfers, Statement of Livestock, Orders to Record Brands, and a Stock Inspector's Report. STOCK BRAND COMMITTEE MINUTES 1871 - 1907 Proceedings of the committee concerning brand applications. BRAND BOOKS 1896 - 1913 Review and certification of brand applications. Information includes name of applicant, location and description of brand, and recording book and page in state brand book. See also Stock Brand Committee minutes. ESTRAY NOTICES 1876 - 1913 Notices of stray livestock found and being held for identification by owner. Statements give description on the number and kind of livestock and brands or marks on the animals. Volume consists of notices from Union Pacific Railroad. BRAND CERTIFICATES 1883 - 1910 Sampling of early brand certificates for the registration of brands. Forms give name of applicant, kind of livestock and description and location of brand on animal. BILLS OF SALE RECORD 1875 - 1957 Copies and transcriptions of bills of sale filed in Uinta County. AGREEMENTS, BONDS, AND CONTRACTS 1872 - 1926 Transcriptions of agreements, bonds, and contracts filed in Uinta County. LIEN RECORD 1892 - 1965 Transcriptions of liens filed in Uinta County. POWER OF ATTORNEY 1872 - 19782 Transcription and copies of powers of attorney and leases filed in Uinta County. Some volumes are indexed. CORPORATION RECORD 1903 - 1925 Articles of incorporation of companies in Uinta County. CORPORATION INDEX 1888 - 1966 Information includes recording number, name of corporation, character of instrument filed, date filed, and recording book and page. BUSINESS LICENSE REGISTER 1871 - 1908 Register of business licenses issued by the clerk. Information provided includes name, license number, date of issue, duration of license, type of license (liquor, retail, billiards, circus, wholesale, etc.), and fee paid. See also License Reports in County Treasurer. BUSINESS LICENSE REPORTS 1871 - 1900 Report to the commissioners on business licenses issued by the clerk. LICENSES 1883 - 1932 Applications, cancellations, rejections, protests, lists, and original licenses. OFFICIAL DEPOSITORY OF PUBLIC FUNDS 1911 - 1936 (Not inclusive) Statement of assets and liabilities of county banks. ABSTRACT BOOKS 1861 - 1989 Abstract books record all legal documents pertaining to property and real estate title. Tables list name of grantor and grantee, date, type of instrument and description of property. In the first 15 volumes, a plat may accompany an abstract to an addition. U. S. SURVEYOR’S RECORDS 1881, 1894 - 1895 Surveyor's notes on the establishment of the Uinta County - Utah and Uinta County - Sweetwater County boundaries. Surveyors from the Utah and Wyoming Districts and the U. S. Land Commissioners worked on these projects. INDEX TO DEEDS 1870 - 1977 Index to grantors and grantees in land records. DEED BOOKS 1870 - 1976 Transcriptions and copies of quit claim deeds and warranty deeds filed in Uinta County. MINING RECORDS 1872 - 1950 Correspondence to the County Clerk about the organization of mining districts, miner's meetings, and location notices. Mining Districts include Jackson's Hole, Gros Ventre, LaBarge, Twin Creeks, Teton, and Bellview. Location notices may be re-recorded in deed books. INDEXES TO MINING RECORDS 1870 - 1922 Indexes to names in mining records. MINING RECORD BOOKS 1901 - 1950 Transcriptions and copies of notices and certificates filed in Uinta County. INDEX TO CHATTEL MORTGAGES 1913 - 1964 Index to names in chattel mortgages. CHATTEL MORTGAGE RECORD 1872 - 1917 Transcriptions of chattel mortgages filed in Uinta County. INDEXES TO MORTGAGES 1875 - 1961 Index to names in mortgage records. MORTGAGE RECORD BOOKS 1870 – 1972 Transcriptions and copies of mortgages, assignments, and releases filed in Uinta County. ROAD AND BRIDGE RECORDS 1871 - 1936 Various records on the construction, maintenance, and effect of roads and bridges. INDEXES TO WATER RECORDS 1871 - 1936 Indexes to names and streams in water appropriation records. WATER RECORD BOOKS 1887 - 1941 Transcriptions and copies of notices and certificates of appropriation filed in Uinta County. INDEX TO MIXED RECORDS 1871 - 1962 Index to names in various recorded instruments. MIXED RECORDS 1870 - 1957, 1971 - 1973 Photostatic copies of various instruments filed in Uinta County. INDEX TO MARRIAGE RECORDS 1872 - 1966 Index to names in marriage records. MARRIAGE RECORDS 1872 - 1971 Transcriptions and copies of marriage applications and licenses filed in Uinta County. MILITARY DISCHARGE RECORD 1919 - 1976 Photostatic copies of military discharges filed in Uinta County. Information includes branch of service, period of enlistment, military training, and combat experience. RESTRICTED ACCESS. CARTOGRAPHIC RECORDS 1870 – 1967 Maps and plans for Uinta County and its towns and roads.
1437	dbpedia	3	5	https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/statistics/elections/1860	en	The American Presidency Project			[ "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/pictures/uc_santa_barbara_wordmark_black_rgb.svg", "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/wysiwyg_template_images/ic_check_circle_black2x.png", "https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sites/default/files/pictures/uc-santa-barbara-wordmark-white1x.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://www.presidency.u…avicon-app_0.png		https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/statistics/elections/1860	South Carolina 8 electors chosen by state legislature and awarded to John Breckinridge
1437	dbpedia	3	70	https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/202203/t20220302_10647120.html	en	ä¸åäººæ°å ±åå½å¤äº¤é¨	https://www.mfa.gov.cn/w…638571797212.jpg		[ "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/images/logo_20210817.png", "https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/202203/images/P020221031475449910271.jpg", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020220303638571797212.jpg", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020220113391202404387.png", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020230630526553099631.jpg", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020220113391211840050.png", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020220113391215388041.png", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202406/W020240624562906024980.jpg", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202406/W020240619370137943453.png", "https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/xglj/wjxmt/wx/202201/W020220113391222980684.png", 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1437	dbpedia	3	27	https://www.whitehouse.gov/about-the-white-house/presidents/rutherford-b-hayes/	en	Rutherford B. Hayes	https://www.whitehouse.g…ford_b_hayes.jpg	https://www.whitehouse.g…ford_b_hayes.jpg	[ "https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/themes/whitehouse/assets/img/wh-outline.svg", "https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/19_rutherford_b_hayes.jpg?w=1250", "https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/themes/whitehouse/assets/img/bottomcta-logo.svg", "https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/themes/whitehouse/assets/img/footer-seal.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2021-01-12T00:45:30+00:00	As the 19th President of the United States (1877-1881), Rutherford B. Hayes oversaw the end of Reconstruction, began the efforts that led to civil service reform, and attempted to reconcile the divisions left over from the Civil War.	en	/favicon.ico	The White House	https://www.whitehouse.gov/about-the-white-house/presidents/rutherford-b-hayes/	The biography for President Hayes and past presidents is courtesy of the White House Historical Association. As the 19th President of the United States (1877-1881), Rutherford B. Hayes oversaw the end of Reconstruction, began the efforts that led to civil service reform, and attempted to reconcile the divisions left over from the Civil War. Beneficiary of the most fiercely disputed election in American history, Rutherford B. Hayes brought to the Executive Mansion dignity, honesty, and moderate reform. To the delight of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, Lucy Webb Hayes carried out her husband’s orders to banish wines and liquors from the White House. Born in Ohio in 1822, Hayes was educated at Kenyon College and Harvard Law School. After five years of law practice in Lower Sandusky, he moved to Cincinnati, where he flourished as a young Whig lawyer. He fought in the Civil War, was wounded in action, and rose to the rank of brevet major general. While he was still in the Army, Cincinnati Republicans ran him for the House of Representatives. He accepted the nomination, but would not campaign, explaining, “an officer fit for duty who at this crisis would abandon his post to electioneer… ought to be scalped.” Elected by a heavy majority, Hayes entered Congress in December 1865, troubled by the “Rebel influences … ruling the White House.” Between 1867 and 1876 he served three terms as Governor of Ohio. Safe liberalism, party loyalty, and a good war record made Hayes an acceptable Republican candidate in 1876. He opposed Governor Samuel J. Tilden of New York. Although a galaxy of famous Republican speakers, and even Mark Twain, stumped for Hayes, he expected the Democrats to win. When the first returns seemed to confirm this, Hayes went to bed, believing he had lost. But in New York, Republican National Chairman Zachariah Chandler, aware of a loophole, wired leaders to stand firm: “Hayes has 185 votes and is elected.” The popular vote apparently was 4,300,000 for Tilden to 4,036,000 for Hayes. Hayes’s election depended upon contested electoral votes in Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. If all the disputed electoral votes went to Hayes, he would win; a single one would elect Tilden. Months of uncertainty followed. In January 1877 Congress established an Electoral Commission to decide the dispute. The commission, made up of eight Republicans and seven Democrats, determined all the contests in favor of Hayes by eight to seven. The final electoral vote: 185 to 184. Northern Republicans had been promising southern Democrats at least one Cabinet post, Federal patronage, subsidies for internal improvements, and withdrawal of troops from Louisiana and South Carolina. Hayes insisted that his appointments must be made on merit, not political considerations. For his Cabinet he chose men of high caliber, but outraged many Republicans because one member was an ex-Confederate and another had bolted the party as a Liberal Republican in 1872. Hayes pledged protection of the rights of Negroes in the South, but at the same time advocated the restoration of “wise, honest, and peaceful local self-government.” This meant the withdrawal of troops. Hayes hoped such conciliatory policies would lead to the building of a “new Republican party” in the South, to which white businessmen and conservatives would rally. Many of the leaders of the new South did indeed favor Republican economic policies and approved of Hayes’s financial conservatism, but they faced annihilation at the polls if they were to join the party of Reconstruction. Hayes and his Republican successors were persistent in their efforts but could not win over the “solid South.” Hayes had announced in advance that he would serve only one term, and retired to Spiegel Grove, his home in Fremont, Ohio, in 1881. He died in 1893.
1437	dbpedia	0	88	https://mesadentalctr.com/costa-mesa-ca/	en	Costa Mesa CA – Mesa Dental Center			[ "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=711385929343012&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://mesadentalctr.com/wp-content/uploads/logo-602x85.png", "https://mesadentalctr.com/wp-content/uploads/logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Costa Mesa, CA 92627	en			https://mesadentalctr.com/costa-mesa-ca/	About We are committed to providing quality healthcare to families located in the Costa Mesa area and treat patients of all ages.
1437	dbpedia	1	93	https://datausa.io/profile/geo/philadelphia-city-far-northeast-puma-pa	en	Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/philadelphia-city-far-northeast-puma-pa/splash	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/philadelphia-city-far-northeast-puma-pa/splash	[ "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/icons/compare.svg", "https://datausa.io/images/go-to-link.svg", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/79500US4203014/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/79500US4203117/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/79500US4203222/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/79500US4203115/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/79500US4203223/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US42/thumb", "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/deloitte.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/datawheel.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	In 2022, Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA had a population of 142k people with a median age of 41.5 and a median household income of $74,203. Between 2021 and 2022 the population of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA declined from 159,010 to 142,024, a −10.7% decrease and its median household income grew from $67,184 to $74,203, a 10.4% increase.	en	/images/favicon.ico?v=3		null	As of 2022, 90.7% of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA residents were US citizens, which is lower than the national average of 93.5%. In 2021, the percentage of US citizens in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was 91.6%, meaning that the rate of citizenship has been decreasing. In 2022, there were 5.3 times more White (Non-Hispanic) residents (94.4k people) in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA than any other race or ethnicity. There were 17.8k Asian (Non-Hispanic) and 13.1k Black or African American (Non-Hispanic) residents, the second and third most common ethnic groups. In 2022, the most common birthplace for the foreign-born residents of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was India, the natal country of 5,535 Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA residents, followed by Ukraine with 3,507 and USSR with 1,989. As of 2022, 23.9% of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA residents (34k people) were born outside of the United States, which is higher than the national average of 13.6%. In 2021, the percentage of foreign-born citizens in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was 22.3%, meaning that the rate has been increasing. 31.6% of the households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA reported speaking a non-English language at home as their primary shared language, which is higher than the national average of 21.7%. This does not consider the potential multi-lingual nature of households, but only the primary self-reported language spoken by all members of the household. In 2022, the most common non-English language spoken in households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was Russian. 6.56% of the households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA reported speaking Russian at home as the primary shared language between all members living in the household. The most common job groups, by number of people living in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA, are Registered nurses (2,338 people), Driver/sales workers & truck drivers (1,968 people), and Elementary & middle school teachers (1,333 people). This chart illustrates the share breakdown of the primary jobs held by residents of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA. The most common employment sectors for those who live in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA, are General medical and surgical hospitals, and specialty (except psychiatric and substance abuse) hospitals (4,186 people), Construction (3,651 people), and Elementary & secondary schools (3,500 people). This chart shows the share breakdown of the primary industries for residents of Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA, though some of these residents may live in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA and work somewhere else. Census data is tagged to a residential address, not a work address. As of February 2023, there are 6.03M people employed in Pennsylvania. This represents a 2.78% increase in employment when compared to February 2022. Right after the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, during April 2020, a general dip can be seen across industry sectors, resulting in an overall decline in employment by 18.1%. In the 2020 presidential election, the popular vote in Pennsylvania went to Joseph R Biden Jr. with 50% of the vote. The runner-up was Donald J. Trump (48.8%), followed by Jo Jorgensen (1.15%). Members of the House of Representives are elected to 2-year terms, and the following chart shows the how the members for Pennsylvania have changed over time starting in 2008. In 2022 in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA, the percentage of applicants admitted was 65.7%, while the percentage of admitted who enrolled was 69.2%. The number of students enrolled in 2022 was 601 (78.7% men and 21.3% women). The line chart shows the evolution of the percentage of applicants admitted, admitted who enrolled or the number of students enrolled according to the option selected in the upper button. By race, the largest number of students enrolled was concentrated in Black or African American with 248 records, of which 21.4% were women and 78.6% men. This visualization illustrates the percentage of students graduating with a 2 to 4 Year Postsecondary Certificate from schools in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA according to their major. In 2022, 316 men were awarded degrees from institutions in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA, which is 4.45 times more than the 71 female students who received degrees in the same year. In 2022 the most common race/ethnicity group awarded degrees at institutions was Black or African American students. These 132 degrees mean that there were 1.26 times more degrees awarded to Black or African American students then the next closest race/ethnicity group, White, with 105 degrees awarded. In 2022, 1.49% of men over 25 years of age had not completed any academic degree (no schooling), while 1.27% of women were in the same situation. This visualization illustrates the percentage distribution of the population according to the highest educational level reached. You can filter the data by race by using the selector above. The following chart display owner-occupied housing units distributed between a series of property tax buckets compared to the national averages for each bucket. In Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA the largest share of households pay taxes in the $2k - $3k range. In 2022, 65% of the housing units in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA were occupied by their owner. This percentage declined from the previous year's rate of 65.6%. In 2022, the PUMA with the highest Median Household Income (Total) in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was Chester County (West)--Phoenixville Borough PUMA, PA with a value of $137,038, followed by Bucks County (Northern Central) PUMA, PA and Montgomery County (Southern Lower)--King of Prussia PUMA, PA, with respective values of $136,870 and $130,374. The following chart displays the households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA distributed between a series of income buckets compared to the national averages for each bucket. The largest share of households have an income in the $75k - $100k range. In 2022, the income inequality in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was 0.409 according to the GINI calculation of the wage distribution. Income inequality had a 2.98% growth from 2021 to 2022, which means that wage distribution grew somewhat less even. The GINI for Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA was lower than than the national average of 0.478. In other words, wages are distributed more evenly in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA in comparison to the national average. In 2022, 69.8% of workers in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA drove alone to work, followed by those who carpooled to work (12.3%) and those who worked at home (8.44%). The following chart shows the number of households using each mode of transportation over time, using a logarithmic scale on the y-axis to help better show variations in the smaller means of commuting. Using averages, employees in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA have a longer commute time (32.6 minutes) than the normal US worker (26.7 minutes). Additionally, 2.96% of the workforce in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA have "super commutes" in excess of 90 minutes. The following chart displays the households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA distributed between a series of car ownership buckets compared to the national averages for each bucket. The largest share of households in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA have 2 cars. 10.3% of the population for whom poverty status is determined in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA (14.5k out of 140k people) live below the poverty line, a number that is lower than the national average of 12.5%. The largest demographic living in poverty are Females 35 - 44, followed by Females 65 - 74 and then Females 75+. The Census Bureau uses a set of money income thresholds that vary by family size and composition to determine who classifies as impoverished. If a family's total income is less than the family's threshold than that family and every individual in it is considered to be living in poverty. In 2017, California had the highest estimated number of chronically homeless individuals in the nation, at 35,798. New York has the second highest (5,087), followed by Florida (4,915). Primary care physicians in Pennsylvania see an average of 1,216 patients per year. This represents a 0.491% decrease from the previous year (1,222 patients). The following chart shows how the number of patients seen by primary care physicians has been changing over time in Pennsylvania in comparison to its neighboring geographies. In 2022, insured persons according to age ranges were distributed in 22.3% under 18 years, 18.7% between 18 and 34 years, 39.8% between 35 and 64 years, and 19.2% over 64 years. Between 2021 and 2022, the percent of uninsured citizens in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA grew by 12.2% from 5.55% to 6.23%. The following chart shows how the percent of uninsured individuals in Philadelphia City (Far Northeast) PUMA, PA changed over time compared with the percent of individuals enrolled in various types of health insurance.
1437	dbpedia	1	46	https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/onePage	en	Electoral Management —	https://aceproject.org/logo.jpg	https://aceproject.org/logo.jpg	[ "https://aceproject.org/images/ace-logo-en.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMElectoralCycle.PNG", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/Figure1EMB.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/copy_of_EMBTable1.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable2.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable3.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable4.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable5.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure2.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBBox1.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable7.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMDTable8.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable9.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable10.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable6.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBBox2.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable11.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable12.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/copy_of_EMBFigure3.png/image_large", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/copy3_of_copy2_of_copy_of_EMBFigure4.png/image_large", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/copy_of_EMBFigure5.png/image_large", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/copy_of_EMBFigure6.png/image_large", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/copy_of_EMBFigure7.png/image_large", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/copy_of_EMBFigure8.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure9.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure10.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBBox3.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable13.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable14.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure11.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure12.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBFigure13.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable15.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable16.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable17.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBTable18.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/kenyachart", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/sa1", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/sa2", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/sa3", "https://aceproject.org/images/cc-logo", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBWorldSurvey.png", "https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/EMBWebsitesandSocialMedia.png", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nc-sa/3.0/88x31.png", "https://aceproject.org/images/EMCC.bmp/image_preview", "https://aceproject.org/images/cc-logo", "https://aceproject.org/spinner.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	//aceproject.org/images/favicon.ico		null	Electoral Management Electoral management encompasses both the entity responsible for governing elections and the various mechanisms, roles and functions this entity may have. While all democracies have an election administration of some kind (often referred to as Electoral Management Bodies, or EMBs for short), the responsibilities of this entity may vary substantially. From only being responsible for the polling, conducting and tabulating of votes, EMB responsibilities can extend to also include registration of political parties, oversight of campaign finance, design of the ballot papers, drawing of electoral boundaries, resolution of electoral disputes, civic and voter education and media monitoring. Consequently, electoral management bodies vary greatly in shape and size. However, as the agencies responsible for governing elections and referenda, EMBs are ultimately responsible for safeguarding the legitimacy of democratic institutions and the peaceful transitions of power. Therefore, they need to ensure all aspects of any electoral contest meets global norms and follows the fundamental guiding principles of elections, including independence, impartiality, integrity, transparency, efficiency, professionalism and service-mindedness. This Electoral Management Encyclopaedia topic seeks to bring together the knowledge and expertise that has been gathered worldwide about the structure and functioning of Electoral Management Bodies. By highlighting key principles and good practices from different parts of the world, the aim of this topic is to promote professional, impartial, accountable, and sustainable electoral management and EMBs that perform in the best interest of the voters. Introduction Overview The credibility and legitimacy of electoral processes is inextricably linked to electoral integrity. The Global Commission on Democracy, Elections and Security identified five major challenges to the conduct of elections with integrity in its 2012 report: Building the rule of law to substantiate claims to human rights and electoral justice; Developing professional and competent electoral management bodies (EMBs) with full independence of action; Creating institutions and norms of multiparty competition and division of power; Removing barriers to universal and equal political participation; and Regulating political finance. Each of these challenges requires a multidimensional response that combines political will, effective institutional design and effective mobilization, implementation and management in practice. The organization and administration of multiparty democratic elections was not previously considered newsworthy. An election or direct democracy poll— such as a referendum—is, however, often the single largest activity that is ever organized in a country. It is a very complex administrative task, which is implemented in a politically charged atmosphere. When it is done well, it may attract little comment. When it is not done well, or when it is undermined, the effects can be catastrophic. The administration of many electoral events, however, passed largely unnoticed, except by those directly affected, even though the losing political parties often challenged the conduct of the election and its results. From around the mid- 1980s, this began to change. The conduct of democratic elections began to be seen, and reported, as a central element of transitions from authoritarianism or conflict resolution. Elections came to be more closely scrutinized by political parties, the media, and international and citizen election observers. Since the mid-1980s, there has also been an unprecedented commitment to electoral reforms around the world, driven by the realization in political and electoral administration circles that changing social environments required a rethink of electoral arrangements, by the critical attention of the media and election observers and by the emergence of global and regional organizations promoting democracy. As scrutiny of elections increased, from the early 1990s the lack of experience and the ‘knowledge gap’ in the technical know-how for election management was overtaken by a ‘credibility gap’ in many electoral institutions—a diminished public conﬁdence in the integrity and diligence of their activities. Public interest has more often been focused on reforming electoral systems to enhance representation. Yet reforms to the machinery for organizing and administering electoral events are of equal importance. These include a trend toward establishing autonomous electoral management bodies with wide-ranging powers and responsibilities, and the improvement of electoral organization in order to deliver higher-quality electoral services more effectively, while enhancing the freeness and fairness of electoral events. As the administration of elections has received more scrutiny, it has also become more professional. Electoral managers have learned from experience—their own and that of non-electoral organizations—and have formed links and networks through which ideas and practices are shared and electoral standards may be raised. There are different organizational approaches to the design and conduct of elections, but there are many common themes and issues faced by all electoral administrators. As electoral administration has developed through greater professionalism, it has had to respond to greater challenges. In addition to their tasks related to implementing election laws and managing electoral technicalities, some EMBs have assumed responsibilities in highly political areas, for example the oversight of political finance, the registration and oversight of political parties, the role and activities of the media during elections, and the promotion of political participation. In addition, the ingenuity of those who wish to undermine the integrity of elections means that electoral administrators can never rest on their laurels: protecting electoral integrity can require a continual leapfrog process for the EMB to keep ahead. This Topic Area is intended to be a resource to directly support those who are responding to the challenge identified by the Global Commission to build professional, competent and fully independent EMBs. In doing so, it may also support those who are responding to the commission’s other four challenges. It seeks to bring together the knowledge and expertise that has been gathered worldwide about EMB roles and functions, and the organization, ﬁnancing and management of election administration. It identiﬁes examples of practices that have been successful and those that have been less successful. It recognizes that different models may be appropriate in different contexts, and does not in general seek to be normative or prescriptive beyond the basic characteristics sought in good electoral processes: freedom, fairness, equity, integrity, voting secrecy, transparency, effectiveness, sustainability, service- mindedness, efﬁciency, impartiality and accountability. The prime objective in compiling this topic area has been to provide practical information in a form that is easily accessible and (to the greatest extent possible) free of theorizing and electoral or management jargon. It contains information that is useful not only to those establishing institutions involved in managing elections, those in newly established electoral institutions and those in emerging democracies. This Topic Area also offers a wide range of experiences and information on good practices for those interested in assessing performance and improving administration in well-established EMBs. Equally, it provides useful data to all who have an interest or stake in electoral administration—whether in governments, political parties, the media or civil society organizations, or as interested observers of political and electoral matters. Context The status, function, and activity of an election management body (EMB), as with any arm of government, is influenced by the social and political context within which it operates: the level of democratic consolidation and political stability, literacy rates, urbanisation, population, mobility, affluence, culture, traditions, and many others The ethical principles of election administration should, nevertheless, be capable of being fulfilled whatever the economic, social, and political conditions. If they are not, the very basis of the democratic process will be brought into question. In established democracies, administration and management of elections are often carried out by officials of the national or local government, and disputes are settled in ordinary courts. Traditions of fairness and neutrality mean that both the EMB and the courts enjoy the confidence and respect of the participants in the electoral process. The context of election management also includes a country's history. Many developing countries have electoral practices based on the electoral laws of former colonial powers; many countries in Africa, especially, can show direct linkage to the legal tradition of the former colonial power. In the cultural context, traditional methods of decision making that have been handed down for hundreds or even thousands of years tend to influence people's perceptions of the electoral process and should be taken into consideration by electoral policy makers and election officials. The ability of the EMB to discharge its functions is also critically dependent on the social context of the country. A number of factors are tied to the EMB's functions, including literacy rates, costs and availability of local labour, electricity, and other utility supplies. For example, a country that is poorly endowed may opt for a temporary and centralised election administration, while an affluent country may have permanent and decentralised election management. The same goes for the conditions of service for EMB members and staff. Voter education is particularly influenced by literacy. In countries with low literacy rates, the use of party symbols has had a significant impact in making the campaign and the voting process more easily understood by the electorate. If there is no electricity, or an undependable supply, or poor broadcasting facilities, information for voters must be disseminated by means other than radio or television. Election managers may need to set up their own radio network for administrative purposes, using shortwave radios to link local, regional, and national election offices, if telephone service is unavailable or unreliable. Computerisation can take a great deal of the monotonous routine out of election work, improve the flow of management information, and improve the speed and quality of the whole process. To work effectively, though, computer systems need a guaranteed power supply (to the point that even large back-up generators are usually advisable as a cautionary measure) and a trained workforce. The cost of the computer system, including all the related equipment, must be measured against the cost of employing and training as necessary a local work force to meet the needs of the election management body. The procurement of supplies is an area in which there are more and more companies able to supply ever more highly specialized equipment and supplies, at a cost. Local suppliers may be able to supply many items, such as voting screens, at the best final cost if realistic specifications are set, if adequate time is available, and if the process is properly managed. In some places such as Honduras (1993), voting screens are simply pieces of fabric tacked across the corner of a room. The social and political context is especially relevant in any consideration of election security. In some countries such as Peru (1993), the military or police are seen as allies of the civilian population in an ongoing struggle against terrorists, and their participation in the electoral process is therefore welcomed by the people. Elsewhere, the voters may perceive any military involvement in the electoral process even in the delivery of equipment and supplies to be almost sure evidence of an intent to defraud the process, in which case other measures may be needed to deliver necessary materials and ensure the security of the process. What is an Electoral Management Body (EMB)? The complexity and specialist skills necessary for electoral management require that an institution or institutions be responsible for electoral activities. Such bodies have a variety of shapes and sizes, with a wide range of titles to match, such as Election Commission, Department of Elections, Electoral Council, Election Unit or Electoral Board. The term electoral management body (EMB) has been coined to refer to the body or bodies responsible for electoral management, regardless of the wider institutional framework in place. An EMB is an organization or body that has the sole purpose of, and is legally responsible for, managing some or all of the elements that are essential for the conduct of elections and direct democracy instruments—such as referendums, citizens’ initiatives and recall votes—if those are part of the legal framework. These essential (or core) elements include: determining who is eligible to vote; receiving and validating the nominations of electoral participants (for elections, political parties and/or candidates); conducting polling; counting the votes; and tabulating the votes. If these essential elements are allocated to various bodies, then all bodies that share these responsibilities can be considered EMBs. An EMB may be a stand- alone institution, or a distinct management unit within a larger institution that may also have non-electoral tasks. In addition to these essential elements, an EMB may undertake other tasks that assist in the conduct of elections and direct democracy instruments, such as voter registration, boundary delimitation, voter education and information, media monitoring and electoral dispute resolution. However, a body that has no electoral responsibilities other than, for example, boundary delimitation (such as a boundary delimitation commission), electoral dispute resolution (such as an electoral court), election media monitoring (such as a media monitoring commission), or the conduct of voter education and information (such as a civic education commission) is not considered an EMB because it is not managing any of the essential elements identiﬁed above. Similarly, a national population or statistics bureau that produces electoral registers as part of the general process of population registration is not considered to be an EMB. Different EMBs may be established for different electoral processes. In Mexico and Poland, the EMBs are responsible for both presidential and parliamentary elections; in Australia, the national EMB deals with national-level elections, while state-level elections are the responsibility of separate state-level EMBs. In the United Kingdom (UK), the arrangements for the conduct of elections and referendums are separate. Some bodies that are not engaged in any of the essential elements of elections may nonetheless be popularly regarded as EMBs. The US Federal Election Commission (FEC) defines its mission as ‘administering and enforcing federal campaign finance laws’. However, such institutions do not qualify as EMBs under the deﬁnition above. In addition to the division of functional responsibility for different elements of the electoral process, electoral responsibilities may be divided between bodies at different levels. For example, some elements of the conduct of elections may be managed by a national-level electoral commission, a ministry (such as the Ministry of the Interior) or a national government agency, while others are implemented by local-level commissions, regional branches of government departments or local authorities (as in Spain). The term EMB may also apply to a national electoral commission that co-manages elections together with local authorities, such as the Swedish Election Authority, which coordinates ballot paper printing, the distribution of seats and the announcement of results at the national level. Who Organizes Elections? Three models of Electoral Management A country’s electoral management model may either result from a holistic design process or be grafted onto an existing system of state administration. In post-colonial countries, the model may be strongly inﬂuenced by colonial administrative patterns. While there are many variations, there are three broad types or models of electoral management: Independent, Governmental and Mixed Models. The form of electoral management and the individual EMBs of 217 countries and territories are detailed in Annex A, which is based on International IDEA’s Electoral Management Design Database. The three broad electoral management models are: Independent Model Governmental Model Mixed Model Sub-sections of this chapter: Representation of the EMB to Cabinet and the Legislature Some Guiding Principles for All EMBs The Independent Model of Electoral Management The Independent Model of electoral management is used in countries where elections are organized and managed by an EMB that is institutionally independent and autonomous from the executive branch of government; its members are outside the executive. Under the Independent Model, the EMB has and manages its own budget, and is not accountable to a government ministry or department. It may be accountable to the legislature, the judiciary or the head of state. EMBs under this model may enjoy varying degrees of ﬁnancial autonomy and accountability, as well as varying levels of performance accountability. Many new and emerging democracies have chosen this model, including Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burkina Faso, Canada, Costa Rica, Estonia, Georgia, India, Indonesia, Liberia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Poland, South Africa, Thailand and Uruguay. In some countries, two bodies are established to manage elections, both of which are independent of the executive and can be considered independent EMBs. One of these bodies is likely to have responsibility for policy decisions relating to the electoral process, and the other to be responsible for conducting and implementing the electoral process. There may be provisions to insulate the implementation EMB from interference by the policy EMB in staffing and operational matters. Examples of this ‘double-independent’ framework under the Independent Model include Jamaica and Romania. The Governmental Model of Electoral Management In countries with the Governmental Model of electoral management, elections are organized and managed by the executive branch through a ministry (such as the Ministry of the Interior) and/or through local authorities. Where EMBs under this model exist at the national level, they are led by a minister or civil servant and are answerable to a cabinet minister. With very few exceptions, they have no ‘members’. Their budget falls within a government ministry and/or under local authorities. Countries that use this model include Denmark, Singapore, Switzerland, the UK (for elections but not referendums) and the United States. In Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the United States, elections are implemented by local authorities. In Sweden and Switzerland, the central EMB assumes a policy coordinating role. The Mixed Model of Electoral Management The Mixed Model of electoral management usually involves two component EMBs and a dual structure: a policy, monitoring or supervisory EMB that is independent of the executive branch (like an EMB under the Independent Model) and an implementation EMB located within a department of state and/or local government (like an EMB under the Governmental Model). Under the Mixed Model, elections are organized by the component governmental EMB, with some level of oversight provided by the component independent EMB. The Mixed Model is used in France, Japan, Spain and many former French colonies, especially in West Africa, for example Mali and Senegal. The powers, functions and strength of the component independent EMB in relation to the component governmental EMB vary in different examples of the Mixed Model, and the classiﬁcation of a particular country as using this model is sometimes not very clear. In the past, the component independent EMB was sometimes little more than a formalized observation operation, although this version is dying out, having been abandoned, for example, in Senegal. In other cases, the component independent EMB supervises and verifies the implementation of electoral events by the component governmental EMB, and tabulates and transmits results, as in Congo (Brazzaville). In some Francophone countries, the Constitutional Council is engaged in the tabulation and declaration of results and can be considered a component independent EMB within the Mixed Model. In Chad, this applies to referendums only, and not to elections. In Mali, where elections are organized by the Ministry of Territorial Administration, both the Independent National Electoral Commission and the Constitutional Court undertake their own tabulation of results; the country thus has three component EMBs (one governmental and two independent). International IDEA’s 2014 survey of electoral management in 217 countries and territories worldwide showed that 63 per cent followed the Independent Model, 23 per cent the Governmental Model and 12 per cent the Mixed Model (the remaining 2 per cent corresponds to countries that do not hold national-level elections). The relationship between the component EMBs in a Mixed Model is not always clearly deﬁned in legislation or practice, and friction can result. In the 1999 elections in Guinea (which used the Mixed Model at that time), the majority and opposition representatives in the component independent EMB had conflicting approaches to its role in supervising and verifying the elections; thus its effectiveness was heavily disputed. What Can Be Expected of EMBs under the Different Electoral Management Models A country’s electoral management model is an important factor in EMB behaviour, but far from the only one; it is simplistic to think of three different behaviour patterns. EMB behaviour also depends on the electoral framework, political and social expectations, and the cultural environment within which each EMB operates. Inﬂuences include the political commitment to allow an EMB to act freely and impartially, the range of powers and functions given to an EMB, the qualiﬁcations of members or staff for appointment and their terms of ofﬁce, the way in which members and/or staff are selected and appointed, the oversight and accountability framework, and whether the EMB has a legal personality and is thus able to sue and be sued. For example, an independent EMB comprising representatives of competing political parties and an independent EMB comprising non-aligned academics or others free of political association may both follow the Independent Model, but are likely to operate differently. Similarly, an EMB under the Governmental Model with a sponsoring department that controls local electoral management ofﬁces is likely to behave differently from one that depends on numerous local authorities to implement electoral activities. However, there are some general characteristics, advantages and disadvantages of the three Models and their EMBs. Tables 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 list some key issues. EMBs' Attributes under the Three Broad Models of Electoral Management Mixed Model electoral management encompasses a variety of structures, internal relationships and attributes. Apart from the characteristics noted in Table 1, it is difﬁcult to codify their essential and possible attributes. The relationship between the component EMBs in a Mixed Model is signiﬁcant in determining its attributes and methods of operation. Effective legal frameworks for Mixed Model electoral management clearly specify the division of powers and functions between the component policy, monitoring or supervisory EMB(s) and the component implementing EMB(s) and their interactions. Table 4 shows some examples of attributes of component EMBs under Mixed Model electoral management. Advantages and Disadvantages of the Three Different Electoral Management Models Permanent and Temporary EMBs There are many phases to the electoral process: in an election, for example, these include the design and drafting of legislation, the recruitment and training of electoral staff, electoral planning, voter registration, the registration of political parties, the nomination of parties and candidates, the electoral campaign, polling, counting, the tabulation of results, the declaration of results, the resolution of electoral disputes, reporting, auditing and archiving. After the end of one electoral process, it is desirable for work to begin on the next. The entire process is described as the electoral cycle, illustrated in Figure 2. In determining whether a permanent or temporary EMB is appropriate, workloads throughout the electoral cycle need to be considered, and the expense of maintaining a permanent institution has to be compared with the expense and time required to establish a new body for each election. Where a temporary EMB appears appropriate, it is important to consider how institutional memory relating to elections will be maintained. Where electoral events occur regularly—such as regular partial or by-elections and continuous voter registration—or where continuing electoral development work, such as ongoing voter education and information or advocacy of electoral law reform is needed, a permanent electoral institution is justiﬁable. Countries such as Armenia, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Indonesia, Mexico, the Philippines, South Africa and Thailand maintain permanent EMBs. Some countries have temporary EMBs that function only during the electoral period. Such countries may follow any of the Independent, Governmental or Mixed Models. In some cases, the governmental EMB has to be temporary because the civil servants who run elections have other full-time duties and are assigned to the EMB only during electoral periods. However, some countries with a Governmental Model of electoral management, such as Sweden, maintain a small skeleton staff to take care of electoral issues between elections, including updating the electoral register. In some countries that use the Mixed Model, the component governmental EMB is permanent in order to preserve institutional memory, while the component independent EMB is temporary and is set up only during electoral periods. Countries such as Bulgaria, Niger and Romania, whose electoral management follows the Independent Model, have permanent central EMBs that coexist with temporary subordinate EMBs at lower levels. The Russian Federation has permanent EMBs at both the federal and constituent unit levels, and Georgia has permanent EMBs at both the central and district levels. Both have temporary EMBs at the local level during the election period. Depending on the responsibilities of the subordinate EMBs and the logistics required, these structures are usually appointed from one to six months before polling day. Permanent EMBs were created in much of Central and Eastern Europe following encouragement from the Association of Central and Eastern European Election Ofﬁcials (ACEEEO) (now the Association of European Election Officials) and the recommendation of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) election observer missions that such structures would enhance institutional memory and operational continuity. Centralized or Decentralized EMBs The level of an EMB’s power concentration or devolution depends very much on the system of government in the country. In unitary countries, the responsibility for elections will be determined at the national level. Federal countries may have separate EMBs at the national level and in each state/province, which often operate under different legal frameworks and may implement different electoral systems. The nature of the EMB will usually be deﬁned in the electoral law, whether this takes the form of a single omnibus law — as in the Philippines — or a separate law specifically relating to electoral administration — as in Indonesia. The legal framework may distinguish between powers and functions that are given to a central or national EMB and those given to regional or lower-level EMBs. In unitary countries, such vertical divisions of power and functions may be between different branch levels of the one national EMB, or between national and local EMBs, as in the UK. Decentralized EMB structures can ensure continuity in the EMB’s work, especially where it has responsibility for recurring tasks such as continuous voter registration. Decentralized EMBs, even if only temporary at the lower levels, can enhance inclusiveness and transparency in electoral management. However, decentralized EMBs may face a management challenge in maintaining consistent quality in service delivery. The sustainability and relative costs of permanent vs. temporary EMBs at the regional and/ or lower levels need to be considered, as well as the advantages. It is common in a unitary system, as in Costa Rica, Ghana and the Philippines, to have one central EMB that is responsible for all elections, which has subordinate ofﬁces at both the provincial and local levels. Countries with laws that deﬁne separate, hierarchically accountable EMBs at national, regional, administrative district and even village level often assign devolved or different powers and responsibilities to each level. Many countries, such as Indonesia, Lithuania and Slovakia, have a central EMB that devolves responsibilities for implementing some electoral functions. Countries that use the Governmental or Mixed Model may rely on local authorities to conduct all or part of the electoral activities. For example, Sweden operates a highly decentralized electoral management structure that consists of a national EMB for policy coordination and local authorities that manage elections, and Hungary and Switzerland devolve some powers to local EMBs. Devolving electoral powers and responsibilities to local authorities without appropriate oversight may make it more difﬁcult to maintain electoral consistency, service, quality and—ultimately—the freedom and fairness of elections. The United States is a good example of this difﬁculty. EMBs in Federal Countries In federal countries, the national- and provincial-level EMBs may each have separate, devolved structures. The nature of the relationship between such EMBs, and the powers and responsibilities of each, depend on the provisions of the law. There are a variety of approaches to this relationship. In Australia and Canada, the national EMB is responsible for national (federal) elections, while provincial EMBs are responsible for provincial and local elections. In Brazil, the state EMBs are generally responsible for running all elections, and the national EMB is involved in the tabulation and declaration of the results for national ofﬁces. In India, the national EMB exercises overall superintendence, control and direction over state elections. The conduct of these elections is the direct responsibility of the state chief electoral ofﬁcer, who is a senior civil servant appointed by the national EMB. In Nigeria, the national EMB assumes responsibility for federal and state elections and referendums, while the provincial EMBs are only responsible for local elections. In the Russian Federation, a central EMB at the national level is responsible for all federal elections; regional EMBs are responsible for elections in the 89 regions that make up the federation; and lower-level EMBs are responsible to the central EMB for federal elections and to the regional EMB for republic, regional and local elections. In Switzerland, a national EMB is responsible for policy coordination, while local authorities manage elections. While there are often rivalries between EMBs at the national and provincial levels in federal systems, there are examples of cooperation. For example, in Australia, state electoral laws speciﬁcally provide that the electoral registers for provincial and local elections are to be jointly maintained with the national EMB, rather than the provinces maintaining their own registers. Such coordination in electoral laws has signiﬁcant cost-saving beneﬁts. Transitional International EMBs and National EMBs Transitional EMBs are set up temporarily to facilitate transitional elections. They are normally set up under the auspices of the international community, for example through the United Nations (UN), and consist of or include international experts as members. Countries where transitional international EMBs have been set up include Cambodia (1993), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1996), and East Timor (2000). An advantage of transitional international EMBs is that they beneﬁt from the presence of international election experts who have vast technical knowledge and comparative electoral experience. This type of EMB structure is useful in deep- rooted conﬂict situations that require consensus building through mediation and dialogue. The presence of international experts on the EMB may bolster domestic and international stakeholder conﬁdence in supporting the electoral process. However, local ownership of the electoral process may be significantly diminished, and the more usual approach is to provide international expertise for rather than international control of the transitional election. While not strictly ‘international’, the EMBs in Afghanistan (2004) and South Africa (1994) were national institutions with provision for the appointment of international members. The 1994 South African EMB consisted of ﬁve international experts, but since 1996 it has had a national EMB following the Independent Model. Transitional EMBs may also consist of nationals only, often political party representatives; an example was the 53-member EMB of Indonesia in 1999. This EMB was larger than usual in an effort to provide representation and inclusiveness. In 2001, Indonesia amended its Electoral Law to provide for an 11-member expert-based EMB, and membership was subsequently reduced to seven in 2007. Representation of the EMB before Cabinet and the Legislature Regardless of the model or type of EMB, it needs to deal with the executive branch of government and the legislature on issues such as electoral law and budgets. It is a good practice for a multiparty committee of the legislature, such as the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters in Australia, to deal with EMB matters, and for a cabinet member to handle all EMB issues in cabinet and speak on its behalf in cabinet and the legislature. For a governmental EMB, the relevant minister would usually be from the department in which the EMB is located. Unless an independent EMB within an Independent or Mixed Model also has someone to speak on its behalf—a task that may be allocated to a speciﬁed minister—it is difﬁcult for EMB matters to attract sufﬁcient attention from either the legislature or the cabinet. For example, the arrangement in Namibia— under which the speaker of parliament handles all EMB matters, including electoral law and the EMB budget—has in the past presented some problems for the EMB because the speaker is not represented in cabinet, and cabinet rules in Namibia state that proposals for legislation must ﬁrst be presented to the cabinet by one of its members. A crisis over delays in electoral law reform in 2003 led to the appointment of a temporary ‘guardian’ minister to the EMB and the Ministry of Regional and Local Government being given the legislative task. However, the general interests of the ministry led to a perception that it might not be fully neutral in undertaking this task, and debate on an effective channel between the EMB and the legislature continued. Some Guiding Principles for All EMBs Regardless of which model is used, every EMB should be certain that it can ensure the legitimacy and credibility of the processes for which it is responsible. This can be done if electoral management is founded on fundamental guiding principles. These guiding principles form the basis of electoral administration and are essential to ensure both the actual and perceived integrity of the electoral process. Independence There is some confusion over the meaning of EMB independence because the term ‘independent’ embraces two different concepts: (1) structural independence from the government (the Independent Model) and (2) the ‘fearless independence’ expected of all EMBs, no matter which model is used, in that they do not bend to governmental, political or other partisan inﬂuences on their decisions. While one issue is formal and the other is normative, they are seen as linked; in many parts of the world, the Independent Model is regarded as the one most likely to ensure an EMB’s independence of decision and action. Institutional or ‘structural’ independence can only be found in the constitution or the law. The simplest way to promote independence of decision and action in an EMB is to create a legal framework that embeds EMB independence, as provided in the constitutions and principal EMB laws of many countries, such as Mexico, South Africa, Uruguay and Zambia. While this is always feasible with the Independent Model and may be feasible when the Mixed Model is used, it may be more difﬁcult to embed under the Governmental Model, apart from strict requirements for impartiality of action, given the integration of the EMB(s) into ministries or local governments. For both Independent and Mixed Model electoral management, a culture of independence and the commitment of EMB members to independent decision- making are more important than formal ‘structural’ independence. Strong leadership is important for maintaining an EMB’s independence of action. For example, a senior member of the judiciary may ﬁll the position of chair of an independent EMB within either model. Such a link to the judiciary may make undue interference by the government or opposition parties in EMB operations less likely. However, it would not be appropriate where the judiciary is not regarded as impartial or free of corruption, or does not have enough members for it to be able to avoid conﬂicts of interest in election-related court cases. Countries that use judges or former judges as EMB chairs include Australia, Brazil, Costa Rica and Zambia. Alternatively, the appointment of a respected public ﬁgure who is known for political non-alignment may advance the independence of the EMB. For example, Burkina Faso tackled this issue by appointing a civil society leader as the EMB chair. In governmental EMBs, the appointment as executive head of a public servant known for his or her integrity and unwillingness to be politically directed, as in Northern Ireland, can have a similar effect. Impartiality To establish the integrity and credibility of electoral processes, and promote the widespread acceptance of election results, an EMB must not only conduct electoral events in a fearlessly independent manner; it must also be impartial in its actions. Without impartial electoral management and independent action, the integrity of the election is likely to fail, making it difﬁcult to instill widespread belief in the credibility of electoral processes, especially among the losers. Every EMB is expected to manage elections impartially. Irrespective of the model, its source of accountability, management control or funding, the EMB should treat all election participants equally, fairly and even-handedly, without giving advantage to any political tendency or interest group. In theory, an independent EMB made up of non-aligned ‘expert’ appointees might be best able to achieve impartiality. Other independent EMBs, for example where nominees of the contesting political parties are appointed to the EMB, may have a more difﬁcult time establishing their credentials with the public as completely impartial bodies. Except in countries that have a tradition of a non-aligned civil service, the decisions and activities of EMBs under the Governmental or Mixed Models may be publicly regarded as likely to favour the incumbent government. Yet governmental EMBs in some countries that use the Mixed Model (such as Spain) and some countries that use the Governmental Model (such as Finland and Sweden) are generally regarded as impartial. Conversely, some EMBs that follow the Independent Model may be independent in name only. Impartiality may be imposed by the legal framework or EMB structure, but it has to be put into practice through the EMB’s behaviour and attitudes toward its stakeholders. Impartiality is a state of mind more than a statement in law, although it can be encouraged by a constitutional and legal framework that enables the effective external review of EMB decisions and by an EMB code of conduct with strong sanctions that are independently administered. It is important that the general public perceives EMBs as impartial. This can best be achieved by ensuring that all EMB actions are transparent and just, and are effectively publicized and communicated. Integrity The EMB is the primary guarantor of the integrity and purity of the electoral process, and EMB members are directly responsibility for ensuring this. Integrity may be easier to maintain if the EMB has both full independence of action and full control of all essential electoral processes, including full control over budgets and staffing. Where other bodies have electoral functions, EMBs need to be empowered to monitor their activities closely to ensure that they meet the highest integrity standards. Electoral law and EMB regulations beneﬁt from incorporating clear powers for the EMB to deal with electoral ofﬁcials who threaten electoral integrity by acting to beneﬁt political interests or who are corrupt. Ignoring such problems can create larger public issues of integrity and credibility than the public use of disciplinary powers. To the extent that it is possible, it is in the EMB’s interest to ensure that breaches of the electoral laws, rules and codes of conduct are followed by appropriate sanctions. Transparency Transparency in operational and ﬁnancial management lays out for public scrutiny the decisions and reasoning of the EMB. Transparency is a basic good practice for all EMB activities. It can help an EMB combat perceptions of and identify actual ﬁnancial or electoral fraud, or a lack of competence or favouritism toward particular political tendencies, which can enhance its credibility. Electoral transparency may be backed by electoral law, for example by a requirement that the EMB inform the public of its activities, as in Indonesia. Or it may be required by the EMB’s code of conduct, for example the frequent media brieﬁngs and releases and stakeholder consultations undertaken by the Liberian EMB for the 2011 elections. Even without such formal backing, an EMB may adopt a transparency policy. The absence of transparency in electoral processes invariably leads to the suspicion that fraudulent activities are taking place. For example, where observers and the public are unable to access progressive vote count and aggregation data, and where there are signiﬁcant delays in announcing and validating election results (as in Belarus and Ukraine in 2004 and Ethiopia in 2005) the credibility of the election suffers. Efﬁciency Governments and the public expect that funds for elections will be used wisely and services delivered efﬁciently. In the face of expanding and ever more expensive technological solutions, and demands for increased effort in high-cost areas such as voter education and information, EMBs have to be careful that their programmes sustainably serve electoral efﬁciency, as well as integrity and modernity. A successful EMB is one that has displayed integrity, competence and efﬁciency. These qualities help generate public and political party conﬁdence in electoral processes. The legal framework can assist by deﬁning efﬁcient standards for electoral and ﬁnancial management. However, sometimes members of an EMB may be unfamiliar with electoral practices and procedures; at other times they may not be used to dealing with contracting for equipment and materials in a cut- throat corporate environment. The resulting inefﬁciency in election organization may easily be perceived as corrupt and fraudulent behaviour, which may lead to more serious challenges to the EMB’s credibility. Where trust is lacking in the political process generally, an EMB is unlikely to be given the benefit of the doubt. Professionalism Professionalism in electoral managements requires accurate, service-oriented implementation of electoral procedures by suitably skilled staff. EMBs need to ensure that all election ofﬁcials, whether core staff or temporary workers, are well trained and have the necessary skills to apply high professional standards in their technical work. Professional training prompts public trust that the entire process is ‘in good hands’. However, while a continuous training and skill development programme is an essential part of creating and maintaining a professional EMB, professionalism depends just as much on the attitude of every member and secretariat staff person. A personal commitment from each individual in an EMB to equity, accuracy, diligence and service in all they do, and to self-improvement, is necessary to maintain professionalism in electoral management. Visible professionalism in an EMB also gives political parties, civil society, voters, donors, the media and other stakeholders the conﬁdence that electoral managers are capable of undertaking their tasks effectively. A lack of visible professionalism in electoral management, on the other hand, will create public suspicions of inaccurate and perhaps fraudulent activity, and a lack of trust. It will make it easier for complaints from election losers to ﬁnd public support, whether the complaint is valid or not. Service-mindedness EMBs not only have a responsibility to provide a service to their stakeholders— it is the major reason for their existence. Developing and publicizing service delivery standards for all their activities provides both internal motivators for EMB members and staff to provide high-quality service, and external yardsticks with which stakeholders can assess the EMB’s performance. Some basic service standards are often included in the electoral legal framework, as in Canada: these include time-based standards such as deadlines for announcing election results, compiling the electoral registers, distributing voters’ identiﬁcation (ID) cards or distributing information on voting location. Further useful service delivery standards can be adopted by the EMB itself as part of its procedures for each electoral process. These may be time-based service standards such as the average, maximum and minimum times voters spend queuing to receive ballot papers, the time within which an enquiry from a member of the public will be answered, or the average time taken to process voter registration data for an elector. They may also be quality-based standards such as the percentage of electors being refused a vote due to errors on the electoral register, the proportion of materials missing or not delivered on time to polling stations, the proportion of polling stations that did not open on time on election day, or the accuracy and timely availability of preliminary voting results. As well as such hard facts, stakeholder perceptions of EMB service performance are critical in inﬂuencing public judgments of the EMB’s integrity and effectiveness. Regular public or stakeholder surveys (for example, after elections) can provide useful information to help an EMB assess and improve its service delivery. These may be conducted by the EMB itself or be external, for example as part of the EMB’s accountability responsibilities—such as a performance review by the legislature. Chapter Summary The Legal Framework: The Context for an EMB’s Role and Powers How Legal Instruments Define Electoral Processes The structure, powers, functions and responsibilities of EMBs are deﬁned in those parts of a country’s legal framework that deal with electoral processes. Especially in newer democracies, the current trend is to develop a comprehensive legal framework that guarantees the independence and integrity of the electoral process, promotes consistency and equality in electoral management, and supports full and informed participation in electoral events by political parties, civil society organizations (CSOs) and electors. The full legal framework for elections can be based on a variety of sources, including the following: International documents, for example article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR): "Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions: a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives; b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors; c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to public service in his country". Regional documents, for example the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance: ‘State Parties re-affirm their commitment to regularly holding transparent, free and fair elections in accordance with the Union’s Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa’ (article 17). The constitution. National laws, which may take the form of one comprehensive electoral code, as in Albania, Argentina, Armenia and the Philippines. Alternatively, there may be a set of laws covering different aspects of the electoral process. Indonesia, for example, has a Law on General Elections, a Law on Election Organisation, a Law on Presidential Elections, a Law on Political Parties, a Law Establishing the Constitutional Court (one of whose functions is the resolution of certain electoral disputes) and a Law on Local Governance, which includes provisions for elections for the heads of the regional executive branches of government. Some countries (e.g. Latvia, South Africa, Uzbekistan and Zambia) deﬁne the structure, composition and powers of their EMB in a separate law, as does Thailand, where this law has the higher status of an organic law. Other laws, such a voter registration law, ID law or a law on the organization of the national territory, can also be part of the legal framework. Provincial or state laws, which in federal countries may govern the processes for provincial or state and local electoral events (as in Australia) or for national electoral events (as in the United States). Ordinances and regulations made by national or lower-level authorities. Regulations, proclamations and directives issued by an EMB, if it has the power to do so. Customary laws and conventions that may be integrated into electoral law, or EMB regulations or policies dealing with issues such as separate voter registration and voting arrangements for women and men. Administrative policies made by an EMB or other bodies, and Codes of conduct (voluntary or otherwise) that may have a direct or indirect impact on the electoral process, for example, for EMBs, election participants, observers and election reporting by the media. The organization and administration of electoral processes is complex, and always involves a substantial mass of detail. It is therefore usually speciﬁed in written laws and regulations, rather than determined by unwritten tradition or administrative policy-making. Written laws and regulations provide the beneﬁts of certainty, visibility and transparency; are easier to subject to judicial review; and are accessible to interested parties, including electors. The legal certainty provided by a detailed exposition of electoral processes embedded in law, backed by constitutional authority, will tend to promote conﬁdence in the consistency, fairness and even-handedness of electoral administration, and provide clear opportunities for legal redress. The level of detail speciﬁed at different levels of the legal framework will vary from country to country, depending on factors such as systems of law and the level of trust in EMBs’ willingness and ability to make fair and consistent decisions and policies. International and Regional Treaties and Agreements Many UN member countries incorporate into their domestic law (using a variety of constitutional means) key UN decisions and treaties, such as the 1966 ICCPR and the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In such cases, domestic electoral laws, and EMB policies and actions, need to consider the treaties’ provisions as treaty obligations that their country has voluntarily adhered to, especially in relation to issues such as universal and non-discriminatory suffrage, secret and free voting, the rights of women to be elected and hold public ofﬁce, and the rights of minority language groups. Bilateral agreements between countries and regional treaties on supranational bodies (e.g. the European Union) may also contain electoral requirements. While complementary laws are usually required to give effect to such treaties, EMB actions that contradict rights contained in ratiﬁed treaties may still be legally challengeable. Member states of regional bodies, such as the OSCE, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the African Union (AU), are increasingly committing themselves through either legislative or executive ratiﬁcation to implement treaties and decisions adopted by the regional bodies. In 1990, the OSCE adopted the Copenhagen Commitments, through which its participating states "solemnly declare that among those elements of justice which are essential to the full expression of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all human beings are…free elections that will be held at reasonable intervals by secret ballot or by equivalent free voting procedure, under conditions which ensure in practice the free expression of the opinion of the electors in the choice of their representatives". The AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides that "State Parties shall: Establish and strengthen independent and impartial national electoral bodies responsible for the management of elections. Establish and strengthen national mechanisms that redress election- related disputes in a timely manner. Ensure fair and equitable access by contesting parties and candidates to state controlled media during elections. Ensure that there is a binding code of conduct governing legally recognized political stakeholders, government and other political actors prior to, during and after elections. The code shall include a commitment by political stakeholders to accept the results of the election or challenge them through exclusively legal channels". The AU has backed up the charter in practice by establishing an electoral support unit within its secretariat. Similar frameworks have been developed by sub-regional bodies, such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). One example of such a regional and enforceable treaty that affects the legal frameworks for EMBs is the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance of 2001, under which member countries commit themselves to independent or impartial electoral administration and timely electoral dispute resolution. In addition to ratiﬁed, binding treaties and decisions, there are non-binding decisions by international and regional bodies. In October 2005, the Global Declaration of Principles and Code of Conduct for International Electoral Observation was adopted by the United Nations and by a wide range of global and regional organizations; many more organizations have adopted it subsequently. In the SADC region, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA) and the Electoral Commissions’ Forum of SADC countries (ECF) have jointly developed and adopted the Principles for Election Management, Monitoring and Observation (PEMMO), while the SADC Parliamentary Forum has established its own electoral norms and practices. These sets of principles and guidelines serve as benchmarks against which observer missions in the region assess whether an election is free, fair and credible. The Constitution A growing number of countries are incorporating fundamental electoral provisions in their constitutions, often including the type, composition and responsibilities of the EMB. Countries such as Bangladesh, Costa Rica, Ghana, India, Indonesia, South Africa and Uruguay have set up their respective EMBs as constitutional bodies, which makes it more difﬁcult to alter their status and other constitutionally deﬁned elements. Constitutional provisions are almost always more entrenched than mere laws; constitutional amendments require, for example, a qualiﬁed majority in the legislature or a referendum. The barrier that constitutional entrenchment presents to ruling parties that wish to change electoral provisions to their advantage gives opposition parties a sense of greater protection than they would have if those provisions were contained in government regulations or statute law, which can be altered by a majority in the legislature. The range and nature of electoral provisions that are considered appropriate to be set out in a country’s constitution vary widely according to local considerations. Austria’s constitution defines EMB membership, franchise, the Constitutional Court’s role in electoral disputes and the electoral system. The constitution of Bangladesh deﬁnes the powers, independence and functions of the EMB, the franchise, candidate qualiﬁcations, and the maximum period between elections. Cameroon’s constitution specifies political party rights, candidate qualiﬁcations, the intervals at which elections must be held, and the powers of the Supreme Court and Constitutional Council related to electoral disputes. In Costa Rica, the constitution establishes the independence, membership and functions of the EMB, and deals with the franchise, political party rights (including government funding), electoral systems and qualiﬁcations for candidacy. For elections in the Czech Republic, the constitution deﬁnes the franchise, the electoral system and the maximum period between elections. Ghana’s constitution deals with the franchise, the establishment of the EMB, the right to form or join a political party, and the delimitation of electoral districts. In India, the constitution has provisions establishing an EMB and addresses the franchise and electoral register, barring court interference in electoral matters and reserving seats for legally deﬁned "castes" and "tribes" in the House of the People. Madagascar’s constitution sets out candidacy rights, the electoral systems for the senate and presidency, and the Constitutional Court’s role in elections and election disputes. The Namibian constitution enunciates the qualiﬁcations and procedures for presidential elections. Peru’s constitution deals with the autonomy, membership and functions of the National Elections Tribunal, which supervises electoral processes and is responsible for party registration, announcement of results and electoral dispute resolution. The constitution also empowers the National Ofﬁce for Electoral Processes to organize materials and logistics, funding and vote count information for all electoral events; sets out the qualiﬁcations for its chief executive; and empowers the National Registry of Identiﬁcation and Civil Status to create the electoral register from its civil registry database. The constitution of Romania sets out the citizens’ right to elect and be elected, and requires an organic law to regulate the establishment and functioning of the Permanent Electoral Authority. Similarly targeted electoral provisions in constitutions may also be drafted in very different ways. Consider the following two examples of constitutionally deﬁned EMB "independence": "Except as provided for in this Constitution or any other law not inconsistent with this Constitution, in the performance of its functions, the Electoral Commission shall not be subject to the direction or control of any authority or person" (article 46 of the constitution of Ghana). "General elections shall be organized by a general election commission of a national, permanent, and independent character" (article 22E(5) of the Indonesian constitution). While enshrining major electoral provisions in the constitution generates conﬁdence in the electoral system, there may be disadvantages if these provisions are too detailed. The legal framework may then be difﬁcult to change in practice because it is difﬁcult to satisfy the conditions for amending the constitution, or due to the length of time it takes to amend the constitution. The extent to which electoral provisions are incorporated into the constitution is signiﬁcantly affected by the level of public trust in the country’s election administration. In many established democracies with a high level of public trust in lawmaking and public administration in general, and the organization of elections in particular, constitutions do not make provision for the design of the EMB. Yet it is common—and not only among ﬂedgling democracies—to have independent and robust EMBs that are supported by sophisticated and detailed legal frameworks that incorporate key electoral provisions in the constitution. The authority and clarity of the constitution foster stakeholder conﬁdence in the electoral process. Electoral Laws: Acts and Ordinances An EMB may be established by statute, through an act of the legislature. For example, Australia, Burkina Faso and Canada established their respective EMBs entirely by statute law. It is unusual for governmental EMBs to be defined specifically in law; tasks are more frequently allocated to government agencies in an electoral law. However, in the UK (see the case study), which has no written constitution, the Electoral Commission—the EMB for referendums—is defined in statute law. It is generally good practice when drafting such electoral statutes: to transparently lay down the legislative framework for electoral processes and clearly allocate the responsibility for ﬁlling in the gaps and/or details through secondary legislation, regulations or EMB administrative procedures; to deﬁne the status of the national EMB(s) and any subsidiary EMBs, including their accountability, powers, responsibilities and functions; and for legislation to provide a clear and sufﬁciently detailed framework to ensure effectiveness and integrity in all matters relating to electoral administration, such as EMB member and staff appointments and tenure; operational management issues related to voter registration, political party and candidate registration, political campaigns, and voter education and information; EMB transparency; voting, vote counting and the announcement of results; ﬁnancial and asset management issues; and electoral offences and resolving electoral disputes. Other issues that may be covered in electoral legislation include boundary delimitation principles and processes, and codes of conduct for EMB members and staff, political parties, publicly-owned media and election observers. Parts of the legal framework may also be enacted as secondary legislation, for example, by an EMB with the power to make regulations by some form of execu- tive decree; by a state or provincial legislature in the form of secondary legislation in a federal country; or by municipal authorities in the form of ordinances. Provisions for the conduct of provincial and local elections are often contained in separate legislation. In federal countries, national and provincial electoral legal frameworks may need to be separately deﬁned, depending on the constitutional split of powers between the national and provincial levels. Inconsistencies or overlapping provisions between national and provincial electoral legislation, for example for voter registration or voting procedures, may confuse electors. Regular consultations between federal and provincial lawmakers and electoral administrators can help minimize confusion and duplication. In addition, where elections to a supranational body are contemplated, national legislation is likely to be necessary to deﬁne the electoral management structure within the overall supranational agreement. Looking at the example of the European Parliament, the provisions contained in the European-level legal instruments are for the most part very general in nature, and the deﬁnition of the electoral management structure for European Parliament elections is left to each member state. As with the balance between electoral provisions in the constitution and in legislation, the balance between electoral provisions in legislation and subsidiary regulations or procedures needs to be carefully judged. Electoral legislation needs to be detailed enough to ensure integrity and effectiveness, but not so detailed that legislative amendment would be required to permit EMBs to deal with minor changes in their operations. Too much detail in the legislation can result in, for example, an EMB being unable to change its stafﬁng structure or the design of an administrative form, or to introduce ofﬁce automation systems without a change to the law. Particularly in environments where election processes take place after legislatures’ terms of ofﬁce have ended, electoral legislation needs to allow EMBs the ﬂexibility to respond to changing electoral circumstances. A modern electoral legislative scheme may entail one or several different laws. Traditional legal drafting for electoral legislation has often been precise, but in a structure and language that are not very accessible. The legislation may become particularly difﬁcult to understand if it is subject to successive amendments over time, without a fully revised and consolidated law being produced. A single omnibus law covering all electoral activity can be cumbersome, but may facilitate reference and review. Separate laws on individual issues—as in Indonesia, for example, such as the EMB, political parties, electoral registers, elections to the legislature, presidential elections and local government elections—provide clear and easy reference to speciﬁc electoral activities, but it may be too time consuming or difﬁcult to ensure that there are no conﬂicts of content between them. Another possible solution (as in Hungary) is that the substantive norms (such as suffrage rights, eligibility, number of election rounds and the electoral system) are embodied in separate laws (on elections to the legislature, local elections and referendums), while the electoral process is regulated in a common law that consists of a general part (binding on all types of elections) and special norms for each type of election. International IDEA’s publication International Obligations for Elections: Guidelines for Legal Frameworks discusses a number of issues to consider when designing or reviewing a legal framework for electoral management. Key considerations are summarized in Box 1. EMB Rules, Regulations and Proclamations In some countries, an EMB has legal powers to regulate the electoral framework either by enacting new laws or by making rules and regulations that complement existing primary legislation. Such an arrangement is efficient and allows for the speedy amendment of the legal framework. For example, Uruguay’s EMB can make decisions and dictate actions that cannot be reviewed by any other branch of government. Thus it has legislative powers (making laws that govern elections), judicial powers (reviewing and interpreting laws with binding effect) and implementation powers for the laws and norms it has enacted. A more usual practice is for an EMB, particularly an independent EMB, to be empowered to make reviewable regulations by ﬁlling in the detail of concepts contained in the law, or ﬁlling existing gaps in the law. For governmental EMBs, this power may be held by the ministry within which the EMB is located. Such regulations in most countries are subject to review, generally by a court or constitutional court, to test whether they are within the powers of the EMB (or ministry) to make, and whether they are otherwise consistent with the law. In countries such as the Gambia, Thailand and Yemen, the EMBs have the power to make regulations to facilitate their mandate, including the conduct of elections. In Namibia, the EMB has the power to issue proclamations that by law must be gazetted, and that cover issues such as political parties’ code of conduct, some procedural issues on voter registration and parties’ disclosure of foreign donations. The Indonesian EMB has speciﬁc regulatory powers in some critical areas, including voter registration, candidate registration, the conduct of election campaigns and voting processes. EMB powers to make regulations should always be exercised in such a way as to ensure consistency with both the constitution and the electoral law. Many EMBs have the power to formulate administrative policies and directions on operational issues such as their relationships with their own staff (on matters such as gender equality, afﬁrmative action, performance management and staff development) and with external stakeholders. External stakeholders include government ministries, in particular finance ministries, the legislature, political parties, CSOs and the media. Unlike regulations, which by law must be issued publicly, an EMB may have no legal obligation to publish its administrative directives and policies, although it is always good practice for it to do so. Where EMB policies have to be formally approved by the EMB, they can be made publicly available through the minutes of EMB meetings. It is important that an EMB consult its stakeholders when formulating new policies or reviewing old ones in order to foster stakeholder awareness and buy-in. Chapter Summary Electoral processes are complex, standardized activities that require clear, simple and relatively comprehensive legal deﬁnition in order to promote consistency, equity and a common understanding of electoral frameworks by all electoral stakeholders. The electoral legal framework within which an EMB operates may be deﬁned in many different types of instruments—including international and regional treaties, the constitution, national and sub-national statute law, and EMB and other regulations. International and regional treaties and agreements provide a framework of norms against which a country’s electoral legal arrangements can be deﬁned and assessed. There is a trend toward deﬁning key electoral issues in the constitution, as this may provide a workable means of protecting electoral norms from manipulation by the ruling party. Electoral arrangements may be further deﬁned in statute law, secondary legislation and regulations. Electoral statute law may either be a single law or multiple laws that need to be kept in harmony. EMBs or the executive branch of government may be able to issue regulations to ﬁll in gaps in the law; usually these would be subject to some form of judicial or other review. EMBs may also be able to set their own administrative policies. For conﬁdence in election processes, it is important that all parts of the electoral framework— treaties, constitution, statute laws, and EMB and other regulations, as well as administrative policies—are freely and publicly available, and that changes are discussed and shared with key stakeholders. A balance needs to be struck between providing for certainty and consistency in the legal framework, on the one hand, and allowing an EMB the ﬂexibility to respond effectively to changing electoral circumstances on the other. The amount of electoral detail in higher-level instruments— constitutions and statute laws—will often depend on the level of trust in political participants and the EMB’s performance. International IDEA’s publication International Obligations for Elections: Guidelines for Legal Frameworks provides guidelines for assessing electoral legal frameworks. EMBs’ powers to make regulations should always be exercised in line with both the constitution and the electoral law. The Composition, Roles and Functioning of an EMB An EMB’s activities generally require both the determination of policy and the implementation of major administrative and logistics operations. Where the Governmental Model of electoral management is used, both of these functions are undertaken by civil servants, who are employed by one or more bodies of the executive. While members of the executive branch of government, such as ministers, may also take an active role in EMB policy-making under the Governmental Model, it is more common for the head of its secretariat, who may be termed director of elections or have a similar title, to be responsible for policy. It is not usual for governmental EMBs to have members; rather, they are composed entirely of secretariat (public service) staff. An exception is the Czech Republic, where EMB members are appointed from the executive branch. In EMBs under the Independent Model, the policy function is undertaken by individual(s) (i.e. the EMB’s ‘members’) from outside the executive branch who are specially appointed for this task. Their role is similar to that of the board of a corporation—to guide the direction of the EMB—although in many cases EMB members have a full-time and more ‘hands on’ role than would be usual for a corporate board. Similarly, under the Mixed Model, the component independent EMB is guided by a ‘board’ of members. The use of the terms ‘independent model’ or ‘independent members’ should not be confused with the independence of the EMB, which depends on its actions (see Chapter 1). People appointed by political parties can act independently, and people appointed for their expertise can act partially. EMB Membership EMB members need a very high level of management skills and commitment to maintaining integrity under pressure. Ideally, an EMB should include members with a wide range of the skills needed to ensure that it can function effectively, such as legal, communications, education, logistics, technology and corporate management skills. Public conﬁdence in EMBs is enhanced where the electoral legislation contains (1) qualiﬁcations for appointment to EMBs that are clearly deﬁned and appropriate for the complex task of managing electoral processes impartially and (2) selection and appointment mechanisms that are transparent and based on the candidates’ merits. The mode of selection and appointment, and the tenure, of EMB members vary by country. Details of the composition, appointment and tenure of EMB members are available in Annex A. There are various titles for EMB members; each has its own nuances that are related to the basis, role and powers of the policymaking members of the EMB. In Canada, the chief electoral ofﬁcer is both the chief and sole policymaker and the head of the administration (secretariat), and is the sole EMB member. The frequently used term ‘commissioner’ is not applied consistently. In many countries that use the Independent or Mixed Model, EMB members are referred to as commissioners. In Australia, the electoral commissioner is both the head of the secretariat and a full voting member of the EMB (although not the head of the EMB), while the deputy and assistant commissioners are the staff of the secretariat. In India, the EMB has three members, the chief election commissioner and two election commissioners, and the most senior members of the secretariat are known as deputy election commissioners. In Francophone countries and Latin America, an EMB head may be termed ‘president’, and in Latin America the term ‘councillor’ is sometimes used to describe EMB members. The chairs of EMBs in Bangladesh, Nigeria and Pakistan, who by law are known as chief electoral commissioners, serve as the EMBs’ chief executive. The role of such a chair is similar to that of an executive chair or executive director in the corporate world. Unlike chairs in some other EMBs, this type of chief electoral commissioner has executive powers and is more ‘hands on’ in directing the electoral process. Although he or she may be assisted by other commissioners and the secretariat, the chief electoral commissioner in these countries will have the ﬁnal say in matters of ﬁnance and administration, and also on key aspects of the electoral process. Status of EMB Members For an EMB to operate effectively, its members need to have a status that entitles them to respect from and a relationship of equality with the government, the legislature and society. In India, the three EMB members—the chief election commissioner and the two election commissioners—have the status of judges of the Supreme Court. The head of an EMB especially needs a status that affords her or him access to the highest levels of government and ensures adherence to the EMB’s decisions. The chair of the EMB in Pakistan (the chief electoral commissioner) has the same conditions of service as the chief justice, as do his counterparts in numerous other countries. While it is important that EMB members have a high status, it is also important that members do not behave as though they are bigger than the EMB institution they serve, or come to be regarded by society as ‘the EMB’. Personality-based institutions can be highly polarizing. A good-practice model for EMB members to follow is to personalize the institution they serve, rather than institutionalize the person or persons leading the EMB. For example, decisions may be described as the ‘decision of the commission’ rather than ‘the decision of the commissioners’. The EMB Chair: A Special Role? In some countries, the legal framework provides for a two-stream procedure for the appointment of EMB members: one for the chair and another for all other members. In Ghana, Guyana, Lithuania, Pakistan, Thailand and Uruguay, the EMB chair (sometimes called the EMB president) serves as a ‘ﬁrst among equals’ and is appointed by the head of state/government at a level higher than the other members. The chair of the Ghanaian EMB is appointed at the level of a senior judge, while other members are at the level of judges of a lower court. In the Solomon Islands, the speaker of parliament becomes the chair of the EMB. Where the EMB chair is appointed on different terms than the other members and at a higher level, he or she tends to play a more prominent role, over and above that of presiding over the EMB’s meetings. He or she may have additional powers related to matters such as chairing various EMB internal subcommittees, actively supporting the secretariat in policy implementation and monitoring, and liaising with stakeholders. In Lithuania, for example, the EMB chair has speciﬁed powers to hire and ﬁre staff; to keep and direct the use of the EMB seal; and to represent the EMB in state institutions, in court and in international organizations. In Liberia, the chair of the National Elections Commission is also by law the ofﬁcial spokesperson for the commission, although secretariat staff carry out the day-to-day work of maintaining contact with the media. In countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Costa Rica, Guam, Moldova, Russia, South Korea, Ukraine and Uzbekistan, all EMB members are appointed on the same terms, and the chair (and in some cases the vice chair and secretary) is elected by his/her peers after the ﬁrst meeting. In Mozambique, the chair is elected from among the civil society representatives. In Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Guam, the elected chair serves for only part of the commission’s term. When the chair is elected from within the EMB, the chair’s main responsibility is to preside over the meetings of the commission and/or its subcommittees if necessary. There are no speciﬁc advantages or disadvantages associated with appointing the EMB chair as a ﬁrst among equals or having members of the EMB select their chair from among themselves. The appropriate practice depends on the context in which the EMB structure was originally designed and continues to function. The case for a ‘ﬁrst among equals’ EMB chair is stronger where an EMB is nascent and requires some nurturing, and the position is full time. This may also apply where the chair is a full-time position and other members are part time. Where the EMB is a part-time body, it may be more appropriate for the chair to be elected by his or her peers and for him or her to have the same conditions of service as all other EMB members. EMB Members: Respected Experts or Watchdogs for Each Other? In countries where the Independent or Mixed Model is used, electoral legislation speciﬁes the framework for EMB membership. There are myriad different legal provisions that govern this critical issue. A basic difference is between a multiparty-based EMB and an expert-based EMB. Broadly, a multiparty-based model assumes that decisions are often political and allows each political party to choose some of the members, on the assumption that each will ensure that decisions do not unduly favour other parties. By contrast, an expert-based model assumes that decisions are primarily legal or technical and seeks people with the expertise to deal with these issues competently. Multiparty-based EMBs Many countries, especially those that have experienced difﬁcult transitions from authoritarian rule to multiparty democracy, have chosen multiparty-based EMBs. In such societies, public servants are likely to have been largely discredited as electoral policymakers because of a history of being agents of the authoritarian former ruling party or military regime. The ﬁght against authoritarianism may also have polarized society to the extent that it is difﬁcult to ﬁnd public ﬁgures who are widely accepted as impartial to serve on an EMB for a transitional election. Many Central and Eastern European countries adopted multiparty-based EMBs during their transitions. Multiparty EMBs comprise a mixture of political party nominees. The legal framework may entitle all recognized or registered political parties contesting an election to be represented equally on the EMB (as in Guam), or a threshold may restrict representation — for example, to parties represented in the legislature or with more than a speciﬁed proportion of members in the legislature. Of the 20 members nominated by political parties in Guinea, half are nominated by the political party of the president and the others by the opposition parties. In Albania, the party-affiliated members represent the distribution of seats in the legislature. In Venezuela in the mid-1990s, the larger parties each had their own representative, while smaller parties of the left and right were represented collectively. Political party-based appointment often implies that EMB members are serving on the EMB as political party representatives or agents and, as well as impartially managing electoral processes, serve to protect their nominating parties’ interests. However, while each individual member is seen from the outside as partisan, each also ensures that the others do not take partisan advantage — so the EMB can nonetheless be credibly perceived as an impartial body. Political party-based members often hold ofﬁce for a ﬁxed term and cannot be dismissed except for cause, such as a breach of their duties, or upon their withdrawal by their nominating authority. Frequent replacement by parties of their representatives, however, has the potential to disrupt the work of the EMB. In Guinea and Mozambique, political party nominees to an EMB are eminent persons who are required to maintain high standards of impartiality and professionalism, and thus they do not serve as political party representatives. Many electoral analysts believe that having political party representatives on an EMB engenders consensus among actors in the electoral contest and enhances transparency, both of which improve conﬁdence in the electoral process. Voters may feel more encouraged to participate in elections if the leaders of political parties play an active role in the electoral process, speciﬁcally through representation on the EMB. Multiparty EMBs may help promote trust and conﬁdence in electoral processes in the initial stages of democratic transitions. Depoliticization of EMBs may be more appropriate as conﬁdence in the electoral process grows. Yet a political party-based EMB can imperil or cripple decision-making, especially where political parties’ critical interests are at stake. The presence of politicians on the EMB may undermine conﬁdentiality in matters such as the security of ballot materials. Multiparty-based EMBs also tend to generate dissatisfaction, especially among minority parties that might be excluded from the EMB either because they are not represented in the legislature or because they did not participate in the negotiation that led to the initial appointments of EMB members. Expert-based EMBs Expert-based or non-party-based EMBs are those that the legal framework requires to be made up of individuals appointed on the basis of their professional standing. In some cases, members of an expert-based EMB may be nominated by political parties or civil society, but this does not imply that they will be directed by their nominating parties or act in a partisan manner. In Mexico, although the EMB is a permanent body with 11 expert voting members, each political group in the legislature and each national political party also provides one non-voting representative. Qualiﬁcations to be a member of an expert-based EMB may include impartiality, a minimum age, professional qualiﬁcations and electoral knowledge. Expert- based EMB members are often eminent public ﬁgures renowned for political neutrality who have expertise in ﬁelds such as law, public administration, political science or the media. Expert-based EMBs are found in countries such as Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, Costa Rica, India, Indonesia, Poland, Thailand and Ukraine. The law in many of these countries stipulates that EMB members must not have been active in party politics in the recent past, and must not be a political party member while serving as a member of the EMB. Nevertheless, in highly politicized situations, nominees may be seen as friendly to a particular party or faction, and there may be the perception that the parties have divided the positions between them rather than choose impartial members who are acceptable to all. One common form of the expert-based model is judicial EMBs. In Brazil, for example, elections are the responsibility of national and state electoral tribunals, which are considered a specialized segment of the judicial branch, comprising judges of various categories along with a small number of expert lawyers; below the tribunals, regular judges are detailed for a short time to oversee electoral preparations and operations in each electoral district. The EMBs of Costa Rica and Guatemala are also judicial; all of their members are judges. EMBs with Both Expert and Multiparty Membership Some electoral legal frameworks specify that EMBs have a mixed membership of party representatives and politically non-aligned members, such as judges, academics, civil society representatives and career public servants. For example, in Côte d’Ivoire, EMB members are appointed by political parties, law and judicial societies, and government ministries. This may combine advantages from both models, producing even-handed bodies that have both political party buy-in and transparency in their operations. This combined model can be implemented in various ways. In Mexico, the members nominated by political parties can take part in debates but cannot vote on decisions. In Mozambique, the five members designated by the parties in the legislature then select the eight expert members from nominees provided by CSOs. In Croatia, a standing national EMB comprising Supreme Court judges and other distinguished lawyers is expanded for the electoral period by representatives of the majority and opposition blocs of political parties in the national legislature. Each electoral district has similarly constituted EMBs. Like multiparty EMBs, combined EMBs can ﬁnd decision-making difﬁcult. For example in the 1999 Indonesian elections, the combined EMB was unable to validate the election results because members representing some very minor political parties refused to sign the validation unless their parties were allocated seats to which they were not entitled by their votes. Table 7 on page 113 shows some key advantages and disadvantages of multiparty, expert and combined EMBs. Advantages and Disadvantages of Multiparty, Expert and Combined EMBs Full-time or Part-time EMB Members? Whether it is more appropriate for EMB membership to be a full-time or part- time position depends on the electoral and administrative circumstances. In a permanent EMB, workloads may be high throughout the electoral cycle and require that EMB members are full time and thus readily available for speedy consultation and decisions. Full-time EMB members may be a good option where there are recurring activities, such as regular partial or by-elections, ongoing voter education and information, continuous voter registration or continuing electoral law reforms. In a temporary EMB, the electoral period workload may be such that full-time members are preferable. Full-time EMB membership may also be appropriate where there are doubts about the impartiality and skill levels of the EMB’s secretariat. The beneﬁt of having full-time EMB members must always be weighed against the cost of their services, when it may be years before the next election. There is also the risk of a potential conﬂict between senior members of the secretariat and full-time EMB members, especially when the former begin to interpret the full-time presence of the EMB members as interfering in the implementation of policy. Some electoral legal frameworks, such as Indonesia’s, require that EMB appointments are full time. Countries such as Gambia appoint full-time EMB members even though it is not a legal requirement. In countries where election dates are ﬁxed and EMBs have limited responsibility between elections, it may be advisable to have part-time EMB members. In Ghana and South Sudan, EMB members are part time, while the chair and deputy are full time. It is also possible for members to serve part time in non- electoral periods and full time during electoral periods. How Many EMB Members? The electoral legal framework will generally specify the number of EMB members. However, when the membership of a multiparty EMB is determined by criteria such as party representation in the legislature, it is not possible to specify an exact number of members, as this number may vary over time. The number of members of EMBs varies considerably worldwide, and need not be related to the size of the country. For example, in the small country of Lesotho, the EMB has three members, while Nigeria, a much bigger country, has a 13-member EMB. However, Canada, despite its sizeable land mass, and India, which has about 700 million voters, have one- and three-member EMBs, respectively. Having a larger number of EMB members may provide broader representation, whereas a smaller number can facilitate discussion and decision- making. Having an uneven number of members ensures that simple majority vote decisions can be made without having to resort to measures such as giving the EMB chair a casting vote. EMBs that include political party nominees tend to have more members than expert-based EMBs, in order to accommodate a credible range of political interests. Electoral law in countries such as Guatemala and Turkey allows for the appointment of alternate or deputy members to EMBs. Under certain circumstances, a deputy member can automatically take the place and exercise the powers of a member. Term of Office of Members of Permanent EMBs In many permanent EMBs, members have a speciﬁed term of ofﬁce. As of the end of 2013, terms of ofﬁce were three years in Malta and Rwanda; four years in the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Jamaica, Latvia and Palau; ﬁve years in Kiribati, Lesotho, and Trinidad and Tobago; six years in Nepal; seven years in the Philippines, South Africa, Uganda and Ukraine; eight years in Romania and ten years in Botswana (see Annex A). Some EMBs’ terms of ofﬁce are deﬁned in relation to the legislature’s term of ofﬁce. In Botswana, the EMB has a permanent secretariat, but EMB members are operative only during elections and hold ofﬁce for two successive terms of the legislature (equivalent to ten years). In Bhutan, India and Nepal, if a member turns 65 before the end of their appointed term, they must retire. The EMBs in Cambodia, Canada, Ghana and Malaysia have an unspeciﬁed term of ofﬁce; once appointed, members remain in ofﬁce until they reach retirement age, unless they resign or are removed. In Canada and Malaysia the chair remains in ofﬁce until he or she reaches the age of 65. The advantage of limiting the term of ofﬁce is that it promotes the constant generation of new ideas through new appointments. However, it may undermine institutional experience, especially if EMB members’ terms coincide with a single electoral cycle. Many electoral laws that specify limited terms of ofﬁce for EMB members allow for reappointment by mutual consent between the appointee and the appointing authority. South Africa and Zambia limit EMB members to two terms of ofﬁce, while Pakistan and Russia do not limit EMB members’ terms of ofﬁce. Reappointment is prohibited by law in Mexico and the Philippines. In South Africa, the terms of EMB members are staggered. Every new appointment is made for a period of seven years and not for the remainder of other members’ terms. In Senegal, one-third of EMB members are appointed every three years; Mexico similarly staggers appointments. In Guam, Guinea and Senegal, if a vacancy occurs then the replacement serves only until the end of the term of the person they are replacing. Staggering EMB members’ terms of ofﬁce greatly helps retain institutional experience and provides for smooth leadership succession. If appointments are not staggered, the new EMB members should be appointed long enough after the last election to allow the former EMB members to complete and report on their election evaluation, and long enough before the next election for the new EMB members to master their responsibilities before the election period commences. This may often be around mid-way between elections. Recruitment and Appointment of EMB Members The process of appointing EMB members involves nomination or advertisement, selection and appointment. In some countries the law has specific rules for all three stages in the process, but in others only the body that makes the appointment is specified. Recruitment Through Open Advertisement In Iraq, members of the expert-based EMB are recruited through open advertisement. Interested candidates may apply directly to be considered for appointment or be nominated by members of the public. Applications are received and screened (through public interviews) by an independent body. The names of shortlisted candidates are submitted to the head of state for ﬁnal appointment. While open advertising and screening mechanisms can provide a broad range of applicants for EMB member positions and promote competence in the selection of members, they do not necessarily guarantee that the most appropriate candidates are chosen. Where the mechanism for screening and appointing EMB members is dominated by one political grouping, competent candidates who are not in favour with this grouping may have lesser chances of selection. Appointment of EMB members The head of state appoints EMB members in many countries. In Canada, Latvia and Mexico, the legislature is responsible for appointment, while the court is responsible for appointment in Costa Rica. The division of EMB appointment powers between the executive and legislature (and judiciary) provides checks and balances in appointment procedures and enhances the appointment process. If one branch of government (especially the executive) has the sole right to appoint EMB members, there is a danger that such appointees, even if they are men and women of integrity, may be perceived by the public, and especially the opposition parties, as pawns of the appointing authority. Even if the power to appoint EMB members is divided between the executive and the legislature, this arrangement will be fettered if the same party dominates both branches, or if the executive effectively controls the legislature. In this case, the requirement of a two-thirds majority in the legislature to approve EMB appointments could be a useful remedy, because it may give minority parties a veto power; this voting rule is used in Mexico, Nigeria, Uruguay and Yemen. The extent to which the head of state makes his or her own choice, chooses after consultation or follows the decision of others varies. In Pakistan, the head of state chooses all members, while in Guyana and Saint Lucia the head of state appoints all members but chooses only some of them. The unilateral appointment of EMB members, especially by the executive branch, has been criticized by many analysts, who argue that it could encourage the appointment of government and ruling party sympathizers rather than impartial arbiters. Some form of consultation in appointing members of the EMB is more common. Involving the legislature, including opposition parties, in the conﬁrmation process can help provide some degree of multiparty support for the appointments. Parliamentary factions and groups are consulted in Ukraine, and in Trinidad and Tobago appointments are made based on the advice of the prime minister following consultation with the opposition leader. Whether the final choice is made by the head of state or the legislature, a nominating committee or less formal grouping of individuals is used for part of the process in some cases. In Guatemala, the nominating committee is composed of university rectors and deans of law and a representative of the bar association. In Bhutan, a short list is jointly proposed by the prime minister, the chief justice, the speaker, the chairperson of the National Council and the leader of the opposition party. In Papua New Guinea, the Electoral Commission Appointments Committee is made up of the prime minister, the leader of the opposition, the chair of the Parliamentary Committee on Appointments and the chair of the Public Service Commission. In Vanuatu, the president appoints based on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission. In Malaysia, the president appoints after consulting the conference o
1437	dbpedia	2	52	https://azmirror.com/2023/08/23/trump-absent-but-still-dominates-as-gop-presidential-rivals-clash-at-first-debate/	en	Trump absent but still dominates as GOP presidential rivals clash at first debate	https://azmirror.com/wp-…082323-getty.jpg	https://azmirror.com/wp-…082323-getty.jpg	[ "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/mobileHeader.svg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/headerLogo.png", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/gop-prez-debate-082323-getty-1536x864.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/plugins/sn2/republisher/assets/img/ccwhite.png", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/jacob-fischler-150x150.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/IMG_3354-150x150.jpeg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/DC-Samantha-Dietel-150x150.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/border-patrol-canada-dhs-300x200.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/trump-new-york-trial-getty-300x169.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/trump-cpac-2024-getty-300x169.jpg", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/footerLogo.png", "https://azmirror.com/wp-content/themes/genesis-child/icons/ccwhite.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Jacob Fischler", "Jennifer Shutt", "Samantha Dietel", "Lia Chien", "Shauneen Miranda", "Ariana Figueroa" ]	2023-08-23T00:00:00	Eight Republican presidential candidates gathered onstage Wednesday night in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for a heated first primary debate heavily influenced by former President Donald Trump, though the party’s front runner refused to attend the two-hour event	en	https://azmirror.com/wp-…o-copy-32x32.png	Arizona Mirror	https://azmirror.com/2023/08/23/trump-absent-but-still-dominates-as-gop-presidential-rivals-clash-at-first-debate/	Eight Republican presidential candidates gathered onstage Wednesday night in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for a heated first primary debate heavily influenced by former President Donald Trump, though the party’s front runner refused to attend the two-hour event. Trump instead recorded a competing 46-minute interview with former Fox News personality Tucker Carlson that aired on X, formerly known as Twitter, posted minutes before the debate began. Trump throughout the interview insulted President Joe Biden’s health and mental capacity, mocked his fellow Republican candidates and repeated his unfounded claim that the 2020 election was stolen from him. With just five months before voters head to the first-in-the-nation GOP caucuses in Iowa, each of the eight Republicans who qualified for the debate sponsored by conservative broadcaster Fox News tried to convince viewers they are the best politician to defeat Biden in the 2024 election. Attending the GOP debate were North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, former Vice President Mike Pence, entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott. A handful of the candidates criticized Trump, who faces criminal indictments in four cases and is expected to report to the Fulton County Jail in Georgia on Thursday for a voluntary surrender in a case centering on interference in the 2020 election. All the candidates but Hutchinson and Christie raised their hand to indicate they would still support Trump if he were convicted of any of the four criminal prosecutions he faces. Ramaswamy said he would pardon Trump on his first day in office. Abortion policy In one of the more contentious exchanges, the Republican candidates — who all consider themselves “pro-life” — differed over whether a GOP president should press for a nationwide ban on abortion access, likely to be a major issue in the 2024 election following the Supreme Court ruling striking down Roe v. Wade. Haley said the candidates need to be honest with Americans that it’s unlikely a majority of U.S. House members and at least 60 U.S. senators would vote to pass a nationwide ban. If elected, Haley said, she would look for consensus to prevent abortions late in a pregnancy, encourage adoptions, protect doctors and nurses who don’t believe they should have to perform abortions, ensure contraception is available and make sure women don’t go to jail if they choose to end a pregnancy. “Let’s treat this like the respectful issue that it is and humanize the situation and stop demonizing the situation,” Haley said. Pence rejected that assertion, arguing that “consensus is the opposite of leadership.” The former vice president said he would press for a nationwide ban on abortion access after 15 weeks. “When the Supreme Court returned this question to the American people, they didn’t just send it to the states only. It’s not a states-only issue. It’s a moral issue,” Pence said. “And I promise you, as president of the United States, the American people will have a champion for life.” Scott also advocated for a nationwide ban of at least 15 weeks, saying Democratic states should not be able to set their own abortion laws. “We cannot let states like California, New York, Illinois have abortions on demand up until the day of birth. That is immoral. It is unethical. It is wrong,” Scott said. “We must have a president of the United States who will advocate and fight for at the minimum a 15-week limit.” DeSantis was somewhat less clear than the other candidates, saying he believes in a “culture of life” and was proud to sign a six-week ban as Florida governor, though he didn’t say what he would press for if elected president. “Look, I understand Wisconsin is going to do it different than Texas. I understand Iowa and New Hampshire are going to do different. But I will support the cause of life as governor and as president,” DeSantis said. There were approximately 930,160 abortions in the United States during 2020, according to the Guttmacher Institute. The majority of the abortions within the country are now done through medication abortion, a two-dose regimen that is approved for up to 10 weeks gestation. About 93% of abortions take place during the first trimester, defined as at or before 13 weeks of gestation. Another 6% take place between 14 and 20 weeks and about 1% of abortions take place at 21 weeks or later in a pregnancy, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Minnesota Democratic Sen. Tina Smith said on a press call hosted by the Biden-Harris campaign on Tuesday in advance of the event that the Republican debate would “make really clear what Americans already know, which is that none of the Republican candidates for president will protect access to health care, including abortion.” “These candidates are completely out of touch with American voters who strongly support abortion rights,” Smith said. Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America has called on all of the Republican candidates to commit to pressing for a nationwide ban on abortions after 15 weeks gestation, while other conservative organizations have pressed for a nationwide abortion ban earlier in pregnancy. Biden blamed for economic problems Before the first question of the night, Fox News played a montage of voters complaining about rising prices. Year-over-year inflation reached its highest point in two decades under Biden, at 9.1% in June 2022, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. That dropped to 3.2% last month, much closer to the Federal Reserve’s target of 2%. In Trump’s absence, the first question of the night went to the candidate leading in the polls behind Trump, DeSantis, who said the nation was in decline under Biden. He called for opening more energy production as a way to boost the economy. Christie said he and others on the stage “predominantly” agreed with DeSantis’ answer on the economy, but said he had the strongest leadership experience that would be required. The other candidates largely used their first round of speaking to criticize the economy under Biden. The Republicans sought to present themselves as the most conservative option on spending and taxes, describing Biden and congressional Democrats as irresponsible free spenders. But Haley said Democrats weren’t the only ones to blame, noting the $2.2 trillion COVID-19 relief law was passed on a bipartisan basis and signed by Trump. She also said Republicans asked for three times as much money in federal earmarks this year. “So you tell me who are the big spenders,” she said. “I think it’s time for an accountant in the White House.” She criticized Scott, DeSantis and Pence for voting to raise the debt limit. Scott said his votes to approve large spending packages under Trump were a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Three candidates — DeSantis, Ramaswamy and Burgum — specifically named Biden’s energy policies as a hurdle to economic growth. “We will be energy-dominant again,” DeSantis said, borrowing a favorite phrase of Trump. Climate change The second topic of the night, perhaps a surprise to Republican primary voters, was about climate change. A Catholic University of America student asked how the candidates would soothe young voters concerned about climate change. Moderators Brett Baier and Martha MacCallum sought to have candidates raise their hands if they agreed human activity was causing climate change. Hutchinson appeared ready to raise his hand when DeSantis shut down the exercise. “Look, we’re not schoolchildren, let’s have the debate,” he said. “I’m happy to take it to start.” He did not substantively answer the question, instead criticizing Biden’s response to the recent wildfires on Maui and complaining about media coverage. Ramaswamy was the most clear on the issue, though he took the opposite position to even most Republican voters. “The climate change agenda is a hoax,” he said. “The anti-carbon agenda is the wet blanket on our economy.” Haley and Scott both nodded to environmental protection but declined to advocate for reducing domestic carbon emissions. Instead, they said, the U.S. should focus on forcing developing countries to reduce theirs. “Is climate change real? Yes it is,” Haley said. “But if you want to go and really change the environment, then we need to start telling China and India that they have to lower their emissions.” Average global temperatures in July set a new mark for the hottest month on record, coming after the hottest June ever recorded. This year is likely to be the hottest year since record keeping began in the 1880. The last nine years are the nine hottest ever, according to the National Centers for Environmental Information. Majorities of voters in both parties now say human activity is causing a warming climate, but still differ on whether those rising temperatures are primary factors in dangerous weather events — such as wildfires, floods, drought and severe storms — according to a Washington Post-University of Maryland poll published Wednesday. “Climate change is real, by the way,” Biden tweeted during the exchange. Divide on Ukraine aid One of the starkest dividing lines Wednesday was on aid to Ukraine, with Ramaswamy and DeSantis saying the U.S. should not send more funding to the country defending a Russian invasion. Ramaswamy’s position in particular seemed to rankle Pence and Haley, who have longer foreign policy resumes. Ramaswamy said Haley could look forward to board positions with defense contracting companies. “You have no foreign policy experience, and it shows,” Haley shot back. “It shows.” The U.S. has sent $110 billion to Ukraine since Russian President Vladimir Putin sent troops into that country last year. Biden asked Congress to approve $24 billion more as part of a supplemental funding request this month that also called for additional funds for disaster relief and border security. Wisconsin setting The debate took place at Fiserv Forum, the home arena of the Milwaukee Bucks basketball team. Located downtown, the forum can seat more than 17,000 people for concerts and sporting events. Since the arena opened in 2018, it has hosted performers such as Elton John, Lizzo, Harry Styles and Bon Jovi. Biden narrowly won Wisconsin during the 2020 general election with 49.5% of the vote compared to Trump’s 48.8%. The two were separated by fewer than 20,700 votes. During his interview with Carlson, Trump claimed to have won Wisconsin. Biden said Wednesday afternoon during a family trip to Lake Tahoe, Nevada, that he planned to watch as much of the Republican primary debate as he could, though when asked about his expectations, he laughed and said, “I have none.” Trump defends Jan. 6 Trump in his interview with Carlson hinted at armed conflict and lobbed insults at his GOP rivals and Biden. Trump also presented an alternate version of history about the attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, saying the crowd was filled with “love and unity.” Trump has been indicted in connection with his activities that led to the day’s events. “People in that crowd said it was the most beautiful day they’ve ever experienced,” he said. “There was love in that crowd. There was love, and unity. I have never seen such spirit, and such passion, and such love, and I’ve also never seen, simultaneously and from the same people, such hatred of what they’ve done to our country.” Carlson said Trump has been impeached and indicted and asked him, “Don’t they have to kill you now?” And asked by Carlson if open conflict was possible in the future, Trump said he didn’t know. “I can say this, there’s a level of passion that I’ve never seen, there’s a level of hatred that I’ve never seen, and that’s probably a bad combination.” Candidates pledge to support a convicted Trump On the debate stage, the moderators asked the candidates to raise their hands if they would still support Trump’s candidacy if he is convicted. Ramaswamy’s hand went up first, followed quickly by Haley, Scott and Burgum, then DeSantis and Pence. Christie and Hutchinson indicated they would not support Trump if he’s convicted. “Someone’s got to stop normalizing this conduct,” Christie said. “Whether or not you believe the criminal charges are right or wrong, the conduct is beneath the office of president of the United States.” The crowd reacted with a mix of boos and cheers. Ramaswamy called Trump the best president of the century and said Christie’s “entire campaign” was “based on vengeance and grievance against one man,” Trump. Ramaswamy dismissed the federal prosecutions of Trump as political. Christie responded that Ramaswamy’s approach was hypocritical because the 38-year-old entrepreneur said he supported law and order. “You make me laugh,” Christie said, prompting prolonged boos from the audience. Candidates left on the sidelines Several GOP presidential hopefuls didn’t qualify for the debate, including former Texas Rep. Will Hurd and Miami Mayor Francis Suarez. Hurd criticized the Republican National Committee’s debate criteria, saying a “the lack of transparency and confusion around the RNC’s debate requirements is antithetical to the democratic process.” “I have said from day one of my candidacy that I will not sign a blood oath to Donald Trump,” Hurd said in a statement. “The biggest difference between me and every single candidate who will be on the debate stage in Milwaukee is that I have never bent the knee to Trump.” The RNC required candidates to sign a pledge committing to support the official Republican nominee in the general election as one of the benchmarks for participating in the debate. Trump said in early August he would not sign the pledge. Suarez said in a statement he was “sorry that this debate will not include my perspectives from the largest growing voting block in our country — young, conservative Hispanics.” The Miami mayor said earlier this month that any candidates who didn’t make the debate stage should drop out, though he didn’t withdraw his candidacy after he failed to make the stage. The second Republican presidential primary debate will be Sept. 27 in Simi Valley, California, at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.
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"https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/poweredby_mediawiki.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Wikimedia projects" ]	2002-02-24T12:29:54+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1884_United_States_presidential_election	← 1880 November 4, 1884 1888 → 401 members of the Electoral College 201 electoral votes needed to winTurnout77.5%[1] 0.5 pp Nominee Grover Cleveland James G. Blaine Party Democratic Republican Home state New York Maine Running mate Thomas A. Hendricks John A. Logan Electoral vote 219 182 States carried 20 18 Popular vote 4,914,482 4,856,905 Percentage 48.8% 48.3% Presidential election results map. Blue denotes those won by Cleveland/Hendricks, red denotes states won by Blaine/Logan. Numbers indicate the number of electoral votes allotted to each state. President before election Chester A. Arthur Republican Elected President Grover Cleveland Democratic The 1884 United States presidential election was the 25th quadrennial presidential election, held on Tuesday, November 4, 1884. In the election, Governor Grover Cleveland of New York defeated Republican James G. Blaine of Maine. It was set apart by mudslinging and personal allegations that eclipsed substantive issues, such as civil administration change. Cleveland was the first Democrat elected president of the United States since James Buchanan in 1856, the first to hold office since Andrew Johnson left the White House in 1869, and the last to hold office until Woodrow Wilson, who began his first term in 1913. For this reason, 1884 is a significant election in U.S. political history, marking an interruption in the era when Republicans largely controlled the presidency between Reconstruction and the Great Depression. Cleveland won the presidential nomination on the second ballot of the 1884 Democratic National Convention. President Chester A. Arthur had acceded to the presidency in 1881 following the assassination of James A. Garfield, but he was unsuccessful in his bid for nomination to a full term. Blaine, who had served as Secretary of State under President Garfield, defeated Arthur and other candidates on the fourth ballot of the 1884 Republican National Convention. A group of reformist Republicans known as "Mugwumps" abandoned Blaine's candidacy, viewing him as corrupt. The campaign was marred by exceptional political acrimony and personal invective. Blaine's reputation for public corruption and his inadvertent last-minute alienation of Catholic voters proved decisive. In the election, Cleveland won 48.8% of the nationwide popular vote and 219 electoral votes, carrying the Solid South and several key swing states. Blaine won 48.3% of the popular vote and 182 electoral votes. Cleveland won his home state by just 1,149 votes. Two third-party candidates, John St. John of the Prohibition Party and Benjamin Butler of the Greenback Party and the Anti-Monopoly Party, each won less than 2% of the popular vote. Blaine was the last former secretary of state to be nominated by a major political party until the nomination of Hillary Clinton in 2016, while Cleveland, who would be elected to another non-consecutive term in 1892, became the only Democratic president between the end of the Civil War and the election of Woodrow Wilson in 1912, a span of almost 50 years. Blaine, similarly, also became the only Republican nominee in the 56-year period between 1860 and 1916 never to win a presidential election, and just one of three nominees from that party never to win the presidency in the 80-year span between 1856 and 1936. This election is the only time that both vice presidential candidates would die before the next election. Nominations [edit] Democratic Party nomination [edit] Main article: 1884 Democratic National Convention 1884 Democratic Party ticket Grover Cleveland Thomas A. Hendricks for President for Vice President 28th Governor of New York (1883–1885) 16th Governor of Indiana (1873–1877) Campaign The Democrats convened in Chicago on July 8–11, 1884, with New York Governor Grover Cleveland as clear frontrunner, the candidate of northern reformers and sound-money men (as opposed to inflationists). Although Tammany Hall bitterly opposed his nomination, the machine represented a minority of the New York delegation. Its only chance to block Cleveland was to break the unit rule, which mandated that the votes of an entire delegation be cast for only one candidate, and this it failed to do. Daniel N. Lockwood from New York placed Cleveland's name in nomination. But this rather lackluster address was eclipsed by the seconding speech of Edward S. Bragg from Wisconsin, who roused the delegates with a memorable slap at Tammany. "They love him, gentlemen," Bragg said of Cleveland, "and they respect him, not only for himself, for his character, for his integrity and judgment and iron will, but they love him most of all for the enemies he has made." As the convention rocked with cheers, Tammany boss John Kelly lunged at the platform, screaming that he welcomed the compliment. On the first ballot, Cleveland led the field with 392 votes, more than 150 votes short of the nomination. Trailing him were Thomas F. Bayard from Delaware, 170; Allen G. Thurman from Ohio, 88; Samuel J. Randall from Pennsylvania, 78; and Joseph E. McDonald from Indiana, 56; with the rest scattered. Randall then withdrew in Cleveland's favor. This move, together with the Southern bloc scrambling aboard the Cleveland bandwagon, was enough to put him over the top of the second ballot, with 683 votes to 81.5 for Bayard and 45.5 for Thomas A. Hendricks from Indiana. Hendricks was nominated unanimously for vice president on the first ballot after John C. Black, William Rosecrans, and George Washington Glick withdrew their names from consideration.[2] Republican Party nomination [edit] Main article: 1884 Republican National Convention 1884 Republican Party ticket James G. Blaine John A. Logan for President for Vice President 28th U.S. Secretary of State (1881) U.S. Senator from Illinois (1871–1877 & 1879–1886) The 1884 Republican National Convention was held in Chicago, Illinois, on June 3–6, with former Secretary of State James G. Blaine from Maine, President Arthur, and Senator George F. Edmunds from Vermont as the frontrunners. Though he was still popular, Arthur did not make a serious bid for a full-term nomination, knowing that his increasing health problems meant he would probably not survive a second term (he ultimately died in November 1886). Blaine led on the first ballot, with Arthur second, and Edmunds third. This order did not change on successive ballots as Blaine increased his lead, and he won a majority on the fourth ballot. After nominating Blaine, the convention chose Senator John A. Logan from Illinois as the vice-presidential nominee. Blaine remains the only presidential nominee ever to come from Maine.[3] Famed Civil War general William Tecumseh Sherman was considered a possible Republican candidate, but ruled himself out with what has become known as the Sherman pledge: "If drafted, I will not run; if nominated, I will not accept; if elected, I will not serve." Robert Todd Lincoln, Secretary of War of the United States, and son of the past President Abraham Lincoln, was also strongly courted by politicians and the media of the day to seek the presidential or vice-presidential nomination, but Lincoln was as averse to the nomination as Sherman. Anti-Monopoly Party nomination [edit] Anti-Monopoly candidates: James B. Weaver from Iowa (Declined to be nominated) The Anti-Monopoly National Convention assembled in the Hershey Music Hall in Chicago, Illinois on May 14.[4] The party had been formed to express opposition to the business practices of the emerging nationwide companies. There were around 200 delegates from 16 states, but 61 of them were from Michigan and Illinois. Alson Streeter was the temporary chairman and John F. Henry was the permanent chairman. Benjamin F. Butler was nominated for president on the first ballot. Delegates from New York, Washington, D.C., and Maryland bolted the convention when it appeared that no discussion of other candidates would be allowed. Allen G. Thurman and James B. Weaver were put forward as alternatives to Butler, but Weaver declined, not wishing to run another national campaign for political office, and Thurman generated little enthusiasm. Butler, while far from opposed to the nomination, hoped to be nominated by the Democratic or Republican party, or at least in the case of the former, to make its platform more favorable to greenbacks. Ultimately only the Greenback Party endorsed his candidacy. The convention chose not to nominate a candidate for vice president, hoping that other conventions would endorse a similar platform and name a suitable vice-presidential nominee.[5]: 55 The committee ultimately nominated Absolom Madden West as their vice-presidential candidate.[6]: 56 Presidential Ballot[6]: 56 Ballot 1st Benjamin F. Butler 124 Allen G. Thurman[a] 2 Solon Chase 1 Greenback Party nomination [edit] Main article: 1884 Greenback National Convention Greenback candidates: The 3rd Greenback Party National Convention assembled in English's Opera House in Indianapolis, Indiana. Delegates from 28 states and the District of Columbia attended. The convention nominated Benjamin F. Butler for president over its Party Chairman Jesse Harper on the first ballot. Absolom M. West was nominated unanimously for vice president, and subsequently was also endorsed by the Anti-Monopoly Party. Butler had initially hoped to form a number of fusion slates with the "minority party" in each state, Democratic or Republican, and for his supporters of various parties to come together under a single "People's Party". But many in the two major parties, while maybe agreeing with Butler's message and platform, were unwilling to place their support beyond the party line. In a number of places, Iowa in particular, fusion slates were nominated; essentially, Butler's and Cleveland's votes would be added together for the total vote of the fusion slate, allowing them to carry the state even if neither won a plurality, with the electoral vote being divided according to the percentage of the vote each party netted.[7] But even if Fusion had been carried out in every state in which it was considered possible (Indiana, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Illinois), it would not have changed the result, none of the states flipping from Blaine to Cleveland, with Butler winning a single electoral vote from Indiana. Presidential Ballot[6]: 57 Ballot 1st Benjamin F. Butler 323 Jesse Harper 98 Solon Chase 2 Edward Phelps Allis 1 David Davis 0 American Prohibition Party nomination [edit] Samuel C. Pomeroy from Kansas (Withdrew Aug 27, 1884) (Endorsed John St. John) The American Prohibition Party held its national convention in the YMCA building in Chicago, Illinois. There were 150 delegates, including many non-voting delegates. The party sought to merge the reform movements of anti-masonry, prohibition, anti-polygamy, and direct election of the president into a new party. Jonathan Blanchard was a major figure within the party. He traveled throughout northern states in the spring and gave an address entitled "The American Party – Its Principles and Its Claims." During the convention, the party name was changed from the American Party to the American Prohibition Party. The party had been known as the Anti-Masonic Party in 1880. Many of the delegates at the convention were initially interested in nominating John St. John, the former governor of Kansas, but it was feared that such a nomination might cost him that of the Prohibition Party, which he was actively seeking. Party leaders met with Samuel C. Pomeroy, a former senator from the same state who was the convention's runner-up for the nomination, and at Pomeroy's suggestion they agreed to withdraw the ticket from the race should St. John win the Prohibition Party nomination. Nominated alongside Pomeroy was John A. Conant from Connecticut. St. John later unanimously won the Prohibition Party nomination, with Pomeroy and Conant withdrawing from the presidential contest and endorsing him. The New York Times speculated that the endorsement would "give him 40,000 votes".[8] Prohibition Party nomination [edit] Main article: 1884 Prohibition National Convention The fourth Prohibition Party National Convention assembled in Lafayette Hall, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. There were 505 delegates from 31 states and territories at the convention. The national ticket was nominated unanimously: John St. John for president and William Daniel for vice president. The straightforward single-issue Prohibition Party platform advocated the criminalization of alcoholic beverages.[6]: 58 Presidential Ballot[5]: 56 Ballot 1st John St. John 505 Equal Rights Party nomination [edit] Dissatisfied with resistance by the men of the major parties to women's suffrage, a small group of women announced the formation in 1884 of the Equal Rights Party. The Equal Rights Party held its national convention in San Francisco, California, on September 20. The convention nominated Belva Ann Lockwood, an attorney in Washington, D.C., for president. Chairman Marietta Stow, the first woman to preside over a national nominating convention, was nominated for vice president.[6]: 57 [5]: 56 Lockwood agreed to be the party's presidential candidate even though most women in the United States did not yet have the right to vote. She said, "I cannot vote but I can be voted for." She was the first woman to run a full campaign for the office (Victoria Woodhull conducted a more limited campaign in 1872). The Equal Rights Party had no treasury, but Lockwood gave lectures to pay for campaign travel. She received approximately 4,194 votes nationally.[9] General election [edit] Campaign [edit] The issue of personal character was paramount in the 1884 campaign. Blaine had been prevented from getting the Republican presidential nomination during the previous two elections because of the stigma of the "Mulligan letters": in 1876, a Boston bookkeeper named James Mulligan had located some letters showing that Blaine had sold his influence in Congress to various businesses. One such letter ended with the phrase "burn this letter", from which a popular chant of the Democrats arose – "Burn, burn, burn this letter!" In just one deal, he had received $110,150 (over $1.5 million in 2010 dollars) from the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad for securing a federal land grant, among other things. Democrats and anti-Blaine Republicans made unrestrained attacks on his integrity as a result. Cleveland, on the other hand, was known as "Grover the Good" for his personal integrity; in the space of the three previous years he had become successively the mayor of Buffalo, New York, and then the governor of the state of New York, cleaning up large amounts of Tammany Hall's graft. Commentator Jeff Jacoby notes that, "Not since George Washington had a candidate for president been so renowned for his rectitude."[10] In July the Republicans found a refutation buried in Cleveland's past. Aided by sermons from a minister named George H. Ball, they charged that Cleveland had fathered an illegitimate child while he was a lawyer in Buffalo. When confronted with the scandal, Cleveland immediately instructed his supporters to "Above all, tell the truth." Cleveland admitted to paying child support in 1874 to Maria Crofts Halpin, the woman who claimed he fathered her child, named Oscar Folsom Cleveland after Cleveland's friend and law partner, but asserted that the child's paternity was uncertain.[11] Shortly before election day, the Republican media published an affidavit from Halpin in which she stated that until she met Cleveland her "life was pure and spotless," and "there is not, and never was, a doubt as to the paternity of our child, and the attempt of Grover Cleveland, or his friends, to couple the name of Oscar Folsom, or any one else, with that boy, for that purpose is simply infamous and false."[12] In a supplemental affidavit, Halpin also implied Cleveland had raped her, hence the conception of their child.[12][13] Republican cartoonists across the land had a field day.[14][15][16][17][18][19] Cleveland's campaign decided that candor was the best approach to this scandal: it admitted that Cleveland had formed an "illicit connection" with the mother and that a child had been born and given the Cleveland surname. They also noted that there was no proof that Cleveland was the father, and claimed that, by assuming responsibility and finding a home for the child, he was merely doing his duty. Finally, they showed that the mother had not been forced into an asylum; her whereabouts were unknown. Blaine's supporters condemned Cleveland in the strongest of terms, singing "Ma, Ma, Where's my Pa?"[20] (After Cleveland's victory, Cleveland supporters would respond to the taunt with: "Gone to the White House, Ha, Ha, Ha.") However, the Cleveland campaign's damage control worked well enough and the race remained a tossup through Election Day. The greatest threat to the Republicans came from reformers called "Mugwumps" who were angrier at Blaine's public corruption than at Cleveland's private affairs.[21] In the final week of the campaign, the Blaine campaign suffered a catastrophe. At a Republican meeting attended by Blaine, a group of New York preachers castigated the Mugwumps. Their spokesman, Reverend Dr. Samuel Burchard, said, "We are Republicans, and don't propose to leave our party and identify ourselves with the party whose antecedents have been rum, Romanism, and rebellion." Blaine did not notice Burchard's anti-Catholic slur, nor did the assembled newspaper reporters, but a Democratic operative did, and Cleveland's campaign managers made sure it was widely publicized. The statement energized the Irish and Catholic vote in New York City heavily against Blaine, costing him New York state and the election by a narrow margin. In addition to Burchard's statement, it is also believed that John St. John's campaign was responsible for winning Cleveland the election in New York. Since Prohibitionists tended to ally more with Republicans, the Republican Party attempted to convince St. John to drop out. When they failed, they resorted to slandering him. Because of this, he redoubled his efforts in upstate New York, where Blaine was vulnerable on his prohibition stance, and took votes away from the Republicans.[22] Results [edit] While the results remained broadly the same as those from 1880, Cleveland won three states (New York, Indiana, and Connecticut) that James A. Garfield had won, while Blaine won two states (California and Nevada) that Winfield Hancock had won. But most of those states had relatively small numbers of electoral votes, and Cleveland's victory in New York was decisive. Cleveland won by a slightly larger margin than Garfield (0.57% compared to 0.11%) in the popular vote, but a slightly smaller margin in the Electoral College (29 votes to 59). Cleveland became the first Democrat to ever win without Pennsylvania, California, Nevada, and Illinois. Pennsylvania voted for the losing candidate for the first time since 1824, and the loser of the popular vote since 1800. The result marked an electoral breakthrough for the Prohibition Party, who had been little more than a fringe party in the previous three elections. While they never seriously challenged for the presidency and had only limited success in congressional and state-level elections, they regularly earned at least a percentage point of the popular vote (and occasionally finished third in that vote) in presidential elections for the next three decades before declining back to fringe status after the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1919. By contrast, Butler earned less than half the popular vote share that James B. Weaver had won in 1880, accelerating the decline of the Greenback Party. This was the last presidential election the party contested; it collapsed after failing to nominate a ticket in 1888. In Burke County, Georgia, 897 votes were cast for bolting "Whig Republican" electors for president (they were not counted for Blaine).[23] The Republicans won in 20 of the 33 cities with populations over 50,000 outside the southern U.S.[24] Electoral results Presidential candidate Party Home state Popular vote Electoral vote Running mate Count Percentage Vice-presidential candidate Home state Electoral vote Grover Cleveland Democratic New York 4,914,482 48.85% 219 Thomas A. Hendricks Indiana 219 James G. Blaine Republican Maine 4,856,903 48.28% 182 John A. Logan Illinois 182 John St. John Prohibition Kansas 147,482 1.50% 0 William Daniel Maryland 0 Benjamin Butler Greenback/Anti-Monopoly Massachusetts 134,294 1.33% 0 Absolom M. West Mississippi 0 Belva Ann Lockwood Equal Rights Washington, D.C. 4,194 0.04% 0 Marietta Stow California 0 Other 3,576 0.04% — Other — Total 10,060,145 100% 401 401 Needed to win 201 201 Source (Popular Vote): Leip, David. "1884 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections . Source (Electoral Vote): "Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration . Electoral vote Cleveland 54.61% Blaine 45.39% Geography of results [edit] Results by county, shaded according to winning candidate's percentage of the vote Cartographic gallery [edit] Map of presidential election results by county Map of Democratic presidential election results by county Map of Republican presidential election results by county Map of "other" presidential election results by county Results by state [edit] Source: Data from Walter Dean Burnham, Presidential ballots, 1836–1892 (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955) pp 247–57.[25] States/districts won by Cleveland/Hendricks States/districts won by Blaine/Logan States that flipped from Democratic to Republican [edit] California Nevada States that flipped from Republican to Democratic [edit] Connecticut Indiana New York Close states [edit] Margin of victory less than 1% (55 electoral votes): New York, 0.10% (1,149 votes) (tipping point state) Michigan, 0.82% (3,308 votes) Connecticut, 0.94% (1,284 votes) Margin of victory between 1% and 5% (117 electoral votes): Indiana, 1.32% (6,516 votes) New Jersey, 1.67% (4,358 votes) Virginia, 2.15% (6,135 votes) West Virginia, 3.19% (4,215 votes) Tennessee, 3.72% (9,669 votes) Illinois, 3.73% (25,118 votes) Ohio, 4.05% (31,802 votes) Oregon, 4.28% (2,256 votes) Wisconsin, 4.59% (14,682 votes) New Hampshire, 4.80% (4,056 votes) Margin of victory between 5% and 10% (104 electoral votes): Iowa, 5.24% (19,773 votes) Maryland, 5.98% (11,118 votes) Florida, 6.23% (3,738 votes) California, 6.64% (13,081 votes) North Carolina, 6.66% (17,884 votes) Missouri, 7.47% (32,942 votes) Massachusetts, 8.03% (24,372 votes) Pennsylvania, 9.52% (86,019 votes) See also [edit] American election campaigns in the 19th century History of the United States (1865–1918) First inauguration of Grover Cleveland 1884 United States House of Representatives elections 1884–1885 United States Senate elections President of the United States Third Party System Notes [edit] References [edit] Sources [edit] Davies, Gareth; Zelizer, Julian E, eds. (2015). America at the Ballot Box. doi:10.9783/9780812291360. ISBN 9780812291360. Hirsch, Mark. "Election of 1884", in History of Presidential Elections: Volume III 1848–1896, ed. Arthur Schlesinger and Fred Israel (1971), 3:1578. Josephson, Matthew (1938). The Politicos: 1865–1896. Keller, Morton (1977). Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America. doi:10.4159/harvard.9780674181885. ISBN 9780674181885. Kleppner, Paul (1979). The Third Electoral System 1853–1892: Parties, Voters, and Political Cultures. Lynch, G. Patrick (2002). "U.S. Presidential Elections in the Nineteenth Century: Why Culture and the Economy Both Mattered". Polity. 35: 29–50. doi:10.1086/POLv35n1ms3235469. S2CID 157740436. Norgren, Jill. Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would be President (2007). online version, focus on 1884 Morgan, H. Wayne (1969). From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896. James Ford Rhodes (1920). History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the Roosevelt-Taft Administration (8 vols.). Summers, Mark Wahlgren. Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion: The Making of a President, 1884 (2000) online version "1884 Election Cleveland v. Blaine Overview", HarpWeek, July 26, 2008. Roberts, North (2004). Encyclopedia of Presidential Campaigns, Slogans, Issues, and Platforms. Thomas, Harrison Cook, The return of the Democratic Party to power in 1884 (1919) online Primary sources [edit] The Republican Campaign Text Book for 1884. Republican Congressional Committee. 1882. Democratic campaign text Book. Chester, Edward W A guide to political platforms (1977) online Porter, Kirk H. and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds. National party platforms, 1840-1964 (1965) online 1840-1956
1437	dbpedia	3	49	https://fairvote.org/resources/voter-turnout/	en	Voter Turnout	https://fairvote.org/wp-…23-exit-poll.png	https://fairvote.org/wp-…23-exit-poll.png	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2022-09-01T18:48:25+00:00	High voter turnout is fundamental to a healthy democracy. This page examines turnout in the U.S. and offers recommendations to increase it.	en	https://fairvote.org/wp-…up-502-32x32.png	FairVote	https://fairvote.org/resources/voter-turnout/
1437	dbpedia	2	72	https://datausa.io/profile/geo/new-mexico	en	New Mexico	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/new-mexico/splash	https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/new-mexico/splash	[ "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/icons/compare.svg", "https://datausa.io/images/go-to-link.svg", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US48/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US04/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US08/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US40/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/04000US49/thumb", "https://datausa.io/api/profile/geo/31000US10740/thumb", "https://datausa.io/images/logo_sm.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/deloitte.png", "https://datausa.io/images/footer/datawheel.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	In 2022, New Mexico had a population of 2.11M people with a median age of 38.6 and a median household income of $58,722. Between 2021 and 2022 the population of New Mexico grew from 2.11M to 2.11M, a 0.147% increase and its median household income grew from $54,020 to $58,722, a 8.7% increase.	en	/images/favicon.ico?v=3		null	The 5 largest ethnic groups in New Mexico are White (Non-Hispanic) (35.6%), White (Hispanic) (23.6%), Two+ (Hispanic) (14.1%), Other (Hispanic) (10.7%), and American Indian & Alaska Native (Non-Hispanic) (8.45%). 32.6% of the households in New Mexico reported speaking a non-English language at home as their primary shared language. This does not consider the potential multi-lingual nature of households, but only the primary self-reported language spoken by all members of the household. 94.9% of the residents in New Mexico are U.S. citizens. The largest universities in New Mexico are Central New Mexico Community College (7,939 degrees awarded in 2022), University of New Mexico-Main Campus (5,350 degrees), and New Mexico State University-Main Campus (3,360 degrees). In 2022, the median property value in New Mexico was $216,000, and the homeownership rate was 68.7%. Most people in New Mexico drove alone to work, and the average commute time was 23.1 minutes. The average car ownership in New Mexico was 2 cars per household. New Mexico is home to a population of 2.11M people, from which 94.9% are citizens. As of 2022, 9.17% of New Mexico residents were born outside of the country (194k people). In 2022, there were 1.51 times more White (Non-Hispanic) residents (752k people) in New Mexico than any other race or ethnicity. There were 498k White (Hispanic) and 298k Two+ (Hispanic) residents, the second and third most common ethnic groups. The most common non-English languages spoken as the primary langauge in households in New Mexico are Spanish (507,789 households), Navajo (62,467 households), and Other Native Languages of North America (32,006 households). The economy of New Mexico employs 857k people. The largest industries in New Mexico are Elementary & secondary schools (60,758 people), Restaurants & Food Services (57,741 people), and Construction (56,667 people), and the highest paying industries are Electric & gas, and other combinations ($256,687), Software publishing ($222,088), and Scientific research & development services ($118,047). Males in New Mexico have an average income that is 1.26 times higher than the average income of females, which is $53,740. The income inequality in New Mexico (measured using the Gini index) is 0.462, which is lower than than the national average. In the 2020 presidential election, the popular vote in New Mexico went to Joseph R Biden Jr. with 54.3% of the vote. The runner-up was Donald J. Trump (43.5%), followed by Jo Jorgensen (1.36%). The most partisan county was Lea County, NM with 79% of the vote going to Donald J. Trump running for the Republican Party. Martin Heinrich and Ben Ray Luján are the senators currently representing the state of New Mexico. In the United States, senators are elected to 6-year terms with the terms for individual senators staggered. New Mexico is currently represented by 3 members in the U.S. house, and members of the House of Representives are elected to 2-year terms. In 2022, universities in New Mexico awarded 30,057 degrees. The student population of New Mexico in 2022 is skewed towards women, with 43,431 male students and 68,039 female students. Most students graduating from Universities in New Mexico are Hispanic or Latino (14,247 and 48.7%), followed by White (9,365 and 32%), American Indian or Alaska Native (2,120 and 7.25%), and Unknown (1,039 and 3.55%). The largest universities in New Mexico by number of degrees awarded are Central New Mexico Community College (7,939 and 26.4%), University of New Mexico-Main Campus (5,350 and 17.8%), and New Mexico State University-Main Campus (3,360 and 11.2%). The most popular majors in New Mexico are Liberal Arts & Sciences (3,306 and 11%), General Studies (2,893 and 9.63%), and General Business Administration & Management (1,672 and 5.56%). The median tuition costs in New Mexico are $26,520 for private four year colleges, and $4,926 and $11,400 respectively, for public four year colleges for in-state students and out-of-state students. The median property value in New Mexico was $216,000 in 2022, which is 0.766 times smaller than the national average of $281,900. Between 2021 and 2022 the median property value increased from $184,800 to $216,000, a 16.9% increase. The homeownership rate in New Mexico is 68.7%, which is approximately the same as the national average of 64.8%. People in New Mexico have an average commute time of 23.1 minutes, and they drove alone to work. Car ownership in New Mexico is approximately the same as the national average, with an average of 2 cars per household. Median household income in New Mexico is $58,722. In 2022, the county with the highest Median Household Income in New Mexico was Los Alamos County, NM with a value of $135,801, followed by Eddy County, NM and Sandoval County, NM, with respective values of $77,458 and $76,424. In 2023, 16.7% of the population was living with severe housing problems in New Mexico. From 2014 to 2023, the indicator declined 0.0701%. 90.5% of the population of New Mexico has health coverage, with 34.2% on employee plans, 28.9% on Medicaid, 12.5% on Medicare, 12.5% on non-group plans, and 2.44% on military or VA plans. Primary care physicians in New Mexico see 1329 patients per year on average, which represents a 0.988% increase from the previous year (1316 patients). Compare this to dentists who see 1449 patients per year, and mental health providers who see 234 patients per year.
1437	dbpedia	3	86	https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/history/the-black-governor-who-was-almost-a-senator/	en	P.B.S. Pinchback. The Black Governor Who Almost Was a Senator	https://www.pbs.org/wnet…overnor-crop.jpg	https://www.pbs.org/wnet…overnor-crop.jpg	[ "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/skip-header-short.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/logo.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/files/2013/11/Black-Governor-227x300.jpg", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/buy-dvd.jpg", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/stories-top.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/posters-top.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/pbs-learning-media.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/logo-bank.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/logo-coca-cola.png", "https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/wp-content/themes/many-rivers-to-cross/libs/images/McDonaldsLogo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Christina Knight", "Henry Louis Gates" ]	2013-11-07T22:53:26+00:00	Why didn't more than one black person serve in the Senate during the Reconstruction era -- a condition that persisted until this year?	en		The African Americans: Many Rivers to Cross	https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/history/the-black-governor-who-was-almost-a-senator/	As it turned out, what should have only been a ceremonial day in the Senate ended with an extra session to debate, among other things, what to do with the “other” black senator-elect in the wings. To indicate just how high the stakes were, the Chicago Tribune reporter on the scene noted that in addition to his supporters on the floor, “Pinchback himself sa[id] the Senate should not reject him now that a sure-enough nigger is seated [meaning Bruce].” His case was anything but under the noses of those in attendance, the Tribune made clear; for when Pinchback made his way into “the chamber at a side door, the whole gallery sent up a round of applause.” But this vote wasn’t about making history or garnering applause. When the extra session was over, Pinchback saw his potential Senate colleagues postpone his confirmation in a close 33-30 vote, curiously, with Blanche K. Bruce voting with the majority, perhaps because it seemed like the only available option to stave off an outright rejection on his first day as a Senate freshman. Believe it or not, the curious case of P.B.S. Pinchback dragged on for another whole year in the Senate — three in all — until Sen. George Edmunds of Vermont, a fellow Republican, pushed through an amendment that inserted the word “no” in the pro-Pinchback resolution. On March 8, 1876, the full Senate approved it, 32 to 29. That five Republicans went along with the Democrats was a clear signal Reconstruction was losing steam, and as I said earlier, politicians always know how to count votes. With President Grant set to leave office after two terms in office, the Rutherford Hayes-Samuel Tilden election eight months later would be among the closest — and most controversial — in the nation’s history. This was until a deal was struck in the House to inaugurate the Republican Hayes in exchange for pulling federal troops out of the South — and with them hope for the recently emancipated slaves until the civil rights movement a century later.
1437	dbpedia	3	69	https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/A/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections_in_California	en	1880 United States House of Representatives elections in California			[ "https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/I/Flag_of_California.svg.png.webp", "https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/I/Decrease2.svg.png.webp", "https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/I/Increase2.svg.png.webp", "https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/I/CA1880House.svg.png.webp", "https://kiwix.ounapuu.ee/content/wikipedia_en_all_maxi_2024-01/I/Seal_of_California.svg.png.webp" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections_in_California	United States House of Representatives elections in California, 1880 The United States House of Representatives elections in California, 1880 was an election for California's delegation to the United States House of Representatives, which occurred as part of the general election of the House of Representatives on November 2, 1880. Democrats gained one district.
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]	2005-01-25T21:50:39+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880_United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections	House elections for the 47th U.S. Congress 1880 United States House of Representatives elections All 293 seats in the United States House of Representatives 147 seats needed for a majority Majority party Minority party Leader Joseph Keifer Samuel Randall Party Republican Democratic Leader's seat Ohio 4th Pennsylvania 3rd Last election 132 seats 141 seats Seats won 151[1][a] 128[1][a] Seat change 19 13 Popular vote 4,080,609 4,330,113 Percentage 44.94% 47.68% Swing 5.38% 3.48% Third party Fourth party Party Greenback Readjuster Last election 13 seats 0 seats Seats won 10[1][a] 2 Seat change 3 2 Popular vote 504,097 56,058 Percentage 5.55% 0.62% Swing 6.74% New Fifth party Party Independent Last election 7 seats[b] Seats won 2[c] Seat change 5 Popular vote 99,511 Percentage 1.10% Swing 1.65% Results Democratic gain Democratic hold Republican gain Republican hold Independent gain Independent hold Greenback gain Greenback hold Readjuster gain Speaker before election Samuel Randall Democratic Elected Speaker Joseph Keifer Republican The 1880 United States House of Representatives elections were held for the most part on November 2, 1880, with five states holding theirs early between June and October. They coincided with the 1880 presidential election which was won by James A. Garfield, who was a member of the House at the time. Elections were held for 293 seats of the United States House of Representatives, representing 38 states, to serve in the 47th United States Congress. This was the first time that every state held their regular House elections on or before Election Day. Special elections were also held throughout the year. Issues such as Civil War loyalties, tariffs, graft and corruption dominated the year's elections, though none became substantive a national issue. The economy was growing stronger after emerging from a long Depression. It was in this political environment that Garfield's Republican Party gained 19 seats and regained control of the House from the Democratic Party. The Greenback Party, an emerging party of workers and farmers, also lost seats in these elections, after gaining more than a dozen two years earlier.[3][4] ↓ 131 10 151 Democratic Gb Republican State Type Total seats Democratic Greenback Republican Seats Change Seats Change Seats Change Alabama District 8 6 1 1 1 1 Arkansas District 4 4 0 0 California District 4 2 1 0 2 1 Colorado At-large 1 0 0 1 Connecticut District 4 1 0 3 Delaware At-large 1 1 0 0 Florida District 2 1 0 1 Georgia District 9 9[d] 0 0 Illinois District 19 6 0 1 13 1 Indiana District 13 5 1 0 8 2 Iowa District 9 1 1 0 2 8 1 Kansas District 3 0 0 3 Kentucky District 10 9 1 0 1 1 Louisiana District 6 5 1 0 1 1 Maine[e] District 5 0 2 3 Maryland District 6 5 0 1 Massachusetts District 11 1 0 10 Michigan District 9 0 0 9 Minnesota District 3 0 1 0 3 1 Mississippi District 6 5 1 0 1 1 Missouri District 13 7 5 4 3 2 2 Nebraska At-large 1 0 0 1 Nevada At-large 1 1 1 0 0 1 New Hampshire District 3 0 0 3 New Jersey District 7 3 0 4 New York District 33[f] 12 3 0 20 4 North Carolina District 8 7 1 0 1 1 Ohio[e] District 20 5 6 0 15 6 Oregon[e] At-large 1 0 1 0 1 1 Pennsylvania District 27 7 1 2 18 1 Rhode Island District 2 0 0 2 South Carolina District 5 4 1 0 1 1 Tennessee District 10 7 2 0 3 2 Texas[e] District 6 5 1 0 Vermont[e] District 3 0 0 1 3 1 Virginia District 9 7[g] 1 0 2 1 West Virginia District 3 3 0 0 Wisconsin District 8 2 1 0 6 1 Total 293[f] 131[1] 44.7% 13 10[1] 3.4% 4 151[1] 51.5% 16 In 1845, Congress passed a law providing for a uniform nationwide date for choosing Presidential electors.[5] This law did not affect election dates for Congress, which remained within the jurisdiction of State governments, but over time, the States moved their Congressional elections to this date as well. In 1880, no states held their elections after Election Day for the first time (California was the last state to hold late elections, in 1878). But 5 states, with 35 seats among them, held their elections before the rest of the states: June 1 Texas June 7 Oregon September 7 Vermont September 13 Maine October 12 Ohio District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Missouri 7 Alfred M. Lay Democratic 1878 Incumbent died December 8, 1879. New member elected January 10, 1880.[6] Democratic hold. Successor seated January 26, 1880.[7] Successor later lost re-election to the next term, see below. ▌Y John F. Philips (Democratic) 53.62% ▌Joseph W. McClurg (Republican) 36.20% ▌William C. Alldridge (Greenback) 10.18%[6] New York 32 Ray V. Pierce Republican 1878 Incumbent resigned September 18, 1880. New member elected November 2, 1880.[8] Democratic gain. Successor seated December 6, 1880.[7] Successor also elected to the next term, see below. ▌Y Jonathan Scoville (Democratic) 50.06% ▌Myron R. Bush (Republican) 49.17% ▌William S. Smith (Greenback) 0.77%[8] Alabama 6 Burwell B. Lewis Democratic 1874 1876 (Lost) 1878 Incumbent resigned October 1, 1880, to become President of the University of Alabama. New member elected sometime in 1880.[citation needed] Democratic hold. Successor seated December 8, 1880.[7] Successor had not been a candidate to the next term, see below. ▌Y Newton N. Clements (Democratic) Unopposed[9] Ohio 19 James A. Garfield Republican 1862 Incumbent resigned November 8, 1880, to become U.S. president. New member elected November 30, 1880.[10] Republican hold. Successor seated December 13, 1880.[7] Successor had already been elected to the next term, see below. ▌Y Ezra B. Taylor (Republican) 89.99% ▌Charles D. Adams (Democratic) 9.15%[10] New Hampshire 3 Evarts Worcester Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent died November 30, 1880. New member elected December 28, 1880.[11] Republican hold. Successor seated January 8, 1881.[12] Successor was also elected to the next term. ▌Y Ossian Ray (Republican) 64.17% ▌Jewett D. Hosley (Democratic) 34.82% Others 1.01%[11] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Hampshire 3 Evarts Worcester Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent member-elect died November 30, 1880, having just been re-elected. New member elected December 28, 1880.[13] Republican hold. Successor was also elected to finish the current term. ▌Y Ossian Ray (Republican) 65.18% ▌Jewett D. Hosley (Democratic) 34.82%[13] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Alabama 1 Thomas H. Herndon Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas H. Herndon (Democratic) 53.78% ▌James Gillett (Republican) 30.01% ▌Frank H. Threatt (Independent) 12.35% ▌George M. Mott (Greenback) 3.86%[14] Alabama 2 Hilary A. Herbert Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Hilary A. Herbert (Democratic) 59.76% ▌Paul Strobach (Republican) 40.01%[15] Alabama 3 William J. Samford Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William C. Oates (Democratic) 65.04% ▌A. A. Mabson (Republican) 34.54%[16] Alabama 4 Charles M. Shelley Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James Q. Smith (Republican) 52.53% ▌Charles M. Shelley (Democratic) 39.74% ▌William J. Stevens (Republican) 7.73%[17] Alabama 5 Thomas Williams Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Williams (Democratic) Unopposed[18] Alabama 6 Newton N. Clements Democratic 1880 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Goldsmith W. Hewitt (Democratic) Unopposed[19] Alabama 7 William H. Forney Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William H. Forney (Democratic) 71.37% ▌Arthur Bingham (Republican) 28.63%[20] Alabama 8 William M. Lowe Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William M. Lowe (Greenback) 51.63% ▌Joseph Wheeler (Democratic) 48.38%[21] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Arkansas 1 Poindexter Dunn Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Poindexter Dunn (Democratic) 60.2% ▌John R. Johnson (Republican) 39.8%[22] Arkansas 2 William F. Slemons Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y James Kimbrough Jones (Democratic) 47.3% ▌Jonathan W. Williams (Republican) 41.5% ▌Rufus King Garland Jr. (Greenback) 11.2%[23] Arkansas 3 Jordan E. Cravens Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jordan E. Cravens (Democratic) 57.7% ▌Thomas Boles (Republican) 42.3%[24] Arkansas 4 Thomas M. Gunter Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Gunter (Democratic) 42.8% ▌Samuel West Peel (Ind. Democratic) 33.2% ▌Samuel Murphy (Republican) 23.9%[25] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates California 1 Horace Davis Republican 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y William Rosecrans (Democratic) 51% ▌Horace Davis (Republican) 47.3% ▌Stephen Maybell (Greenback) 1.7% California 2 Horace F. Page Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Horace F. Page (Republican) 53.6% ▌John R. Glascock (Democratic) 45.7% ▌Benjamin Todd (Greenback) 0.7% California 3 Campbell P. Berry Democratic 1879 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Campbell P. Berry (Democratic) 51.1% ▌George A. Knight (Republican) 48.2% ▌A. Musselman (Greenback) 0.6% California 4 Romualdo Pacheco Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Romualdo Pacheco (Republican) 45.8% ▌Wallace Leach (Democratic) 45.3% ▌J. F. Godfrey (Greenback) 8.9% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Colorado at-large James B. Belford Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James B. Belford (Republican) 50.8% ▌Robert S. Morrison (Democratic) 46.0% ▌Joseph Murray (Greenback) 3.2%[26] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Connecticut 1 Joseph R. Hawley Republican 1878 Incumbent retired when elected U.S. senator. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John R. Buck (Republican) 52.6% ▌George Beach (Democratic) 46.7%[27] Connecticut 2 James Phelps Democratic 1875 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James Phelps (Democratic) 51.7% ▌Thomas Wallace (Republican) 48.0%[28] Connecticut 3 John T. Wait Republican 1876 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John T. Wait (Republican) 65.1% ▌Marvin H. Sanger (Democratic) 33.7%[29] Connecticut 4 Frederick Miles Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Frederick Miles (Republican) 50.3% ▌George W. Peet (Democratic) 48.8%[30] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Delaware at-large Edward L. Martin Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward L. Martin (Democratic) 50.85% ▌John W. Houston (Republican) 48.71%[31] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Florida 1 Robert H. M. Davidson Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert H. M. Davidson (Democratic) 57.2% ▌George W. Witherspoon (Republican) 42.3% ▌Livingston W. Bethel (Independent) 0.5% Florida 2 Noble A. Hull Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Jesse J. Finley (Democratic) 52.3% ▌Horatio Bisbee Jr. (Republican) 47.7% Election successfully contested. New member seated June 1, 1882. Republican gain. ▌Y Horatio Bisbee Jr. (Republican) 50.8% ▌Jesse J. Finley (Democratic) 49.2%[32] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Georgia 1 John C. Nicholls Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George R. Black (Democratic) 64.4% ▌Jonathan F. Collins (Republican) 35.6%[33] Georgia 2 William E. Smith Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Henry G. Turner (Democratic) 64.6% ▌Benjamin F. Brimberry (Republican) 35.4%[34] Georgia 3 Philip Cook Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Philip Cook (Democratic) 68.7% ▌S. Wise Parker (Republican) 31.3%[35] Georgia 4 Henry Persons Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Hugh Buchanan (Democratic) 58.0% ▌Joseph F. Pou (Ind. Democratic) 42.0%[36] Georgia 5 Nathaniel J. Hammond Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nathaniel J. Hammond (Democratic) 62.6% ▌W. S. Clark (Republican) 37.4%[37] Georgia 6 James H. Blount Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James H. Blount (Democratic) Unopposed[38] Georgia 7 William H. Felton Independent Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Judson C. Clements (Democratic) 51.9% ▌William H. Felton (Ind. Democratic) 48.1%[39] Georgia 8 Alexander H. Stephens Democratic 1873 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alexander H. Stephens (Democratic) Unopposed[40] Georgia 9 Emory Speer Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Emory Speer (Ind. Democratic) 59.6% ▌Hiram P. Bell (Democratic) 40.4%[41] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Illinois 1 William Aldrich Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Aldrich (Republican) 53.8% ▌John Mattocks (Democratic) 43.5% ▌J. J. Altpeter (Socialist) 1.5% ▌Richard Powers (Greenback) 1.3%[42] Illinois 2 George R. Davis Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George R. Davis (Republican) 54.8% ▌John F. Farnsworth (Democratic) 42.6% ▌Richard Lovering (Socialist) 1.4% ▌Charles G. Dixon (Greenback) 1.2%[43] Illinois 3 Hiram Barber Jr. Republican 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Charles B. Farwell (Republican) 57.3% ▌Perry H. Smith (Democratic) 41.0%[44] Illinois 4 John C. Sherwin Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John C. Sherwin (Republican) 68.9% ▌Norman C. Warner (Democratic) 27.2% ▌E. W. Blaisdell (Greenback) 3.9%[45] Illinois 5 Robert M. A. Hawk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert M. A. Hawk (Republican) 59.5% ▌Larmont G. Johnson (Democratic) 26.0% ▌John M. King (Greenback) 14.5%[46] Illinois 6 Thomas J. Henderson Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas J. Henderson (Republican) 57.6% ▌Bernard H. Truesdell (Democratic) 33.3% ▌P. L. McKinney (Greenback) 9.1%[47] Illinois 7 Philip C. Hayes Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y William Cullen (Republican) 53.8% ▌Daniel Evans (Democratic) 39.1% ▌Royal E. Barber (Greenback) 7.1%[48] Illinois 8 Greenbury L. Fort Republican 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Lewis E. Payson (Republican) 54.4% ▌Robert R. Wallace (Democratic) 45.6%[49] Illinois 9 Thomas A. Boyd Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John H. Lewis (Republican) 46.5% ▌John S. Lee (Democratic) 45.4% ▌William H. Reynolds (Greenback) 8.1%[50] Illinois 10 Benjamin F. Marsh Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin F. Marsh (Republican) 50.4% ▌Robert Holloway (Democratic) 47.2% ▌George C. Meadar (Greenback) 2.4%[51] Illinois 11 James W. Singleton Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James W. Singleton (Democratic) 55.6% ▌William H. Edgar (Republican) 38.9% ▌A. B. Allen (Greenback) 5.5%[52] Illinois 12 William M. Springer Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William M. Springer (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Isaac L. Morrison (Republican) 43.8% ▌Hyman M. Miller (Greenback) 4.6%[53] Illinois 13 Adlai Stevenson I Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Dietrich C. Smith (Republican) 50.5% ▌Adlai Stevenson I (Democratic) 49.5%[54] Illinois 14 Joseph G. Cannon Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph G. Cannon (Republican) 52.6% ▌James B. Scott (Democratic) 47.4%[55] Illinois 15 Albert P. Forsythe Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Samuel W. Moulton (Democratic) 53.5% ▌Albert P. Forsythe (Greenback) 46.5%[56] Illinois 16 William A. J. Sparks Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William A. J. Sparks (Democratic) 50.2% ▌Plateruy E. Heasmer (Republican) 45.4% ▌George W. Rutherford (Greenback) 4.3%[57] Illinois 17 William R. Morrison Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William R. Morrison (Democratic) 51.5% ▌John B. Hay (Republican) 48.5%[58] Illinois 18 John R. Thomas Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John R. Thomas (Republican) 51.1% ▌William Hartzell (Democratic) 45.9% ▌A. B. Roberson (Greenback) 3.0%[59] Illinois 19 Richard W. Townshend Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard W. Townshend (Democratic) 52.9% ▌Charles W. Pavey (Republican) 42.8% ▌Samuel E. Flaomagam (Greenback) 4.3%[60] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Indiana 1 William Heilman Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Heilman (Republican) 48.4% ▌John Jay Kleiner (Democratic) 47.6% ▌Christian Kramer (Greenback) 4.0%[61] Indiana 2 Thomas R. Cobb Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas R. Cobb (Democratic) 54.3% ▌James Braden (Republican) 43.2% ▌John C. Albert (Greenback) 2.5%[62] Indiana 3 George A. Bicknell Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Strother M. Stockslager (Democratic) 55.2% ▌A. P. Charles (Republican) 42.6% ▌Moses Poindexter (Greenback) 2.2%[63] Indiana 4 Jeptha D. New Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William S. Holman (Democratic) 52.0% ▌John O. Cravens (Republican) 46.7% ▌William H. Dunn (Greenback) 1.3%[64] Indiana 5 None (New seat) New seat. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Courtland C. Matson (Democratic) 49.5% ▌W. B. Treat (Republican) 46.9% ▌J. H. Robinson (Greenback) 3.6%[65] Indiana 6 Thomas M. Browne Redistricted from the 5th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Browne (Republican) 62.2% ▌M. B. Miller (Democratic) 35.6% ▌M. W. Lee (Greenback) 2.2%[66] Indiana 7 Gilbert De La Matyr Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Stanton J. Peelle (Republican) 48.2% ▌Casabianca Byfield (Democratic) 46.0% ▌Gilbert De La Matyr (Greenback) 5.8%[67] Indiana 8 Abraham J. Hostetler Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Robert B. F. Peirce (Republican) 49.0% ▌Bayless W. Hanna (Democratic) 43.1% ▌John W. Copner (Greenback) 7.9%[68] Indiana 9 Godlove S. Orth Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Godlove S. Orth (Republican) 49.6% ▌William R. Myers (Democratic) 47.4% ▌J. M. Armantrout (Greenback) 3.0%[69] William R. Myers Redistricted from the 6th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. Democratic loss. Indiana 10 None (New seat) New seat. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Mark L. De Motte (Republican) 51.4% ▌John N. Skinner (Democratic) 48.6%[70] Indiana 11 Calvin Cowgill Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George W. Steele (Republican) 49.2% ▌James R. Slack (Democratic) 45.5% ▌John Studebaker (Greenback) 5.3%[71] Indiana 12 Walpole G. Colerick Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Walpole G. Colerick (Democratic) 51.1% ▌Robert S. Taylor (Republican) 48.9%[72] Indiana 13 John Baker Republican 1874 Incumbent retired. Republican loss. ▌Y William H. Calkins (Republican) 49.1% ▌Daniel McDonald (Democratic) 46.0% ▌John Carter (Greenback) 4.9%[73] William H. Calkins Redistricted from the 10th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Iowa 1 Moses A. McCoid Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Moses A. McCoid (Republican) 53.9% ▌W. B. Culbertson (Democratic) 38.2% ▌Daniel P. Stubbs (Greenback) 7.9%[74] Iowa 2 Hiram Price Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Sewall S. Farwell (Republican) 54.9% ▌Roderick Rose (Democratic) 41.2% ▌Sindley Hoofries (Greenback) 3.9%[75] Iowa 3 Thomas Updegraff Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Updegraff (Republican) 51.8% ▌William G. Stewart (Democratic) 41.7% ▌M. H. Moore (Greenback) 6.5%[76] Iowa 4 Nathaniel C. Deering Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nathaniel C. Deering (Republican) 65.4% ▌Joseph S. Root (Democratic) 26.1% ▌M. B. Doolittle (Greenback) 6.5% ▌Ephraim J. Dean (Temperance) 2.0%[77] Iowa 5 William G. Thompson Republican 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William G. Thompson (Republican) 59.9% ▌R. E. Austin (Democratic) 33.8% ▌A. F. Palmer (Greenback) 6.3%[78] Iowa 6 James B. Weaver Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired to run for U.S. President. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Marsena E. Cutts (Republican) 50.1% ▌John C. Cook (Democratic) 49.9%[79] Election successfully contested. New member seated March 3, 1883. Democratic gain. Iowa 7 Edward H. Gillette Greenback 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John A. Kasson (Republican) 54.1% ▌Edward H. Gillette (Greenback) 45.3%[81] Iowa 8 William F. Sapp Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y William P. Hepburn (Republican) 56.3% ▌Robert Percival (Democratic) 30.0% ▌H. C. Ayres (Greenback) 13.7%[82] Iowa 9 Cyrus C. Carpenter Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Cyrus C. Carpenter (Republican) 63.4% ▌P. M. Guthrie (Democratic) 30.5% ▌Daniel Campbell (Greenback) 6.1%[83] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Kansas 1 John A. Anderson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John A. Anderson (Republican) 61.8% ▌C. C. Burnes (Democratic) 28.9% ▌John Davis (Greenback) 9.3%[84] Kansas 2 Dudley C. Haskell Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Dudley C. Haskell (Republican) 56.4% ▌Louis F. Green (Democratic) 43.6%[85] Kansas 3 Thomas Ryan Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas Ryan (Republican) 60.9% ▌J. Wade McDonald (Democratic) 25.2% ▌David P. Mitchell (Greenback Labor) 13.9%[86] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Kentucky 1 Oscar Turner Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected as a Democrat. Democratic gain. ▌Y Oscar Turner (Democratic) 53.6% ▌Rodolphus B. Ratliff (Republican) 29.6% ▌W. W. Tice (Democratic) 16.7%[87] Kentucky 2 James A. McKenzie Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James A. McKenzie (Democratic) 52.0% ▌John Feland (Republican) 29.5% ▌Charles W. Cook (Greenback) 18.5%[88] Kentucky 3 John W. Caldwell Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John W. Caldwell (Democratic) 50.7% ▌Manilus T. Flippin (Republican) 42.6% ▌George Wright (Greenback) 6.7%[89] Kentucky 4 J. Proctor Knott Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Proctor Knott (Democratic) 59.2% ▌William T. Thurmond (Republican) 28.4% ▌L. E. Green (Greenback) 12.1%[90] Kentucky 5 Albert S. Willis Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Albert S. Willis (Democratic) 48.5% ▌Thomas E. Burns (Republican) 34.3% ▌Thomas Hays (Democratic) 15.4% ▌Thomas J. Key (Greenback) 1.8%[91] Kentucky 6 John G. Carlisle Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John G. Carlisle (Democratic) 63.7% ▌Oliver H. Root (Republican) 36.3%[92] Kentucky 7 Joseph C. S. Blackburn Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph C. S. Blackburn (Democratic) 70.6% ▌Lycander Hord (Republican) 23.9% ▌William C. Goodloe (Republican) 5.1%[93] Kentucky 8 Philip B. Thompson Jr. Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Philip B. Thompson Jr. (Democratic) 53.0% ▌Speed S. Fry (Republican) 44.6% ▌T. J. Cooper (Greenback) 2.4%[94] Kentucky 9 Thomas Turner Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John D. White (Republican) 53.5% ▌Thomas Turner (Democratic) 46.5%[95] Kentucky 10 Elijah Phister Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Elijah Phister (Democratic) 51.8% ▌George M. Thomas (Republican) 48.2%[96] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Louisiana 1 Randall L. Gibson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Randall L. Gibson (Democratic) 66.5% ▌A. J. Ker (Republican) 33.5%[97] Louisiana 2 E. John Ellis Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y E. John Ellis (Democratic) 60.0% ▌Michael Hahn (Republican) 40.0%[98] Louisiana 3 Joseph H. Acklen Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Chester B. Darrall (Republican) 63.2% ▌J. S. Billiu (Democratic) 36.8%[99] Louisiana 4 Joseph B. Elam Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Newton C. Blanchard (Democratic) 88.4% ▌A. C. Wells (Republican) 11.6%[100] Louisiana 5 J. Floyd King Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Floyd King (Democratic) 82.2% ▌R. H. Lanier (Republican) 17.8%[101] Louisiana 6 Edward W. Robertson Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward W. Robertson (Democratic) 64.9% ▌Alexander Smith (Republican) 35.1%[102] Maine held elections for its five members on September 13, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Maine 1 Thomas B. Reed Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas B. Reed (Republican) 49.8% ▌Samuel J. Anderson (Democratic) 49.4%[103] Maine 2 William P. Frye Republican 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William P. Frye (Republican) 53.7% ▌Frank M. Fogg (Greenback) 45.9%[104] Maine 3 Stephen Lindsey Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Stephen Lindsey (Republican) 50.8% ▌William Philbrick (Greenback) 49.2%[105] Maine 4 George W. Ladd Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Ladd (Greenback) 51.6% ▌Charles A. Boutelle (Republican) 48.4%[106] Maine 5 Thompson H. Murch Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thompson H. Murch (Greenback) 51.7% ▌Seth L. Milliken (Republican) 48.3%[107] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Maryland 1 Daniel M. Henry Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George W. Covington (Democratic) 54.0% ▌Washington A. Smith (Republican) 45.6%[108] Maryland 2 Joshua F. C. Talbott Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joshua F. C. Talbott (Democratic) 52.6% ▌Edward H. Webster (Republican) 47.2%[109] Maryland 3 William Kimmel Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Fetter S. Hoblitzell (Democratic) 57.6% ▌Joshua Horner (Republican) 42.1%[110] Maryland 4 Robert M. McLane Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert M. McLane (Democratic) 53.6% ▌George C. Maund (Republican) 46.2%[111] Maryland 5 Eli J. Henkle Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Andrew G. Chapman (Democratic) 53.2% ▌William R. Wilmer (Republican) 46.6%[112] Maryland 6 Milton Urner Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Milton Urner (Republican) 50.5% ▌James M. Schley (Democratic) 48.2% ▌Nathaniel Lerner (Greenback) 1.3%[113] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Massachusetts 1 William W. Crapo Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William W. Crapo (Republican) 69.88% ▌Charles G. Davis (Democratic) 28.44% ▌Whitman Chace (Democratic) 0.64% ▌Rodney French (Prohibition) 0.54% ▌Henry B. Maglathhia (Unknown) 0.50% Massachusetts 2 Benjamin W. Harris Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin W. Harris (Republican) 62.81% ▌Edgar E. Dean (Democratic) 35.81% ▌Charles G. Davis (Democratic) 0.52% ▌Joseph Sherman (Prohibition) 0.43% ▌Whitman Chace (Greenback) 0.43% Massachusetts 3 Walbridge A. Field Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ambrose A. Ranney (Republican) 51.92% ▌Axel Dearborn (Democratic) 47.73% ▌Orrin Fairbanks (Greenback) 0.30% ▌Henry D. Cushing (Prohibition) 0.06% Massachusetts 4 Leopold Morse Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Leopold Morse (Democratic) 49.39% ▌Francis B. Hayes (Republican) 48.86% ▌William Gaston (Greenback) 1.03% ▌Gustavius B. Hutchinson (Prohibition) 0.39% ▌Scattering 0.33% Massachusetts 5 Selwyn Z. Bowman Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Selwyn Z. Bowman (Republican) 55.98% ▌Lucius Beebe (Democratic) 39.34% ▌James N. Buffum (Greenback) 4.68% Massachusetts 6 George B. Loring Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Eben F. Stone (Republican) 54.27% ▌Eben Moody Boynton (Democratic) 45.73% Massachusetts 7 William A. Russell Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William A. Russell (Republican) 58.84% ▌Samuel N. Aldrich (Democratic) 39.38% ▌Levi H. Whitney (Greenback) 1.79% Massachusetts 8 William Claflin Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John W. Candler (Republican) 58.21% ▌Charles T. Russell (Democratic) 40.37% ▌James L. Babcock (Greenback) 1.07% ▌George W. Stacey (Prohibition) 0.35% Massachusetts 9 William W. Rice Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William W. Rice (Republican) 61.69% ▌Matthew J. McCafferty (Democratic) 36.86% ▌Aaron B. Brown (Greenback) 1.45% Massachusetts 10 Amasa Norcross Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Amasa Norcross (Republican) 62.96% ▌Henry Elijah Alvord (Democratic) 34.80% ▌Levi Stockbridge (Greenback) 2.24% Massachusetts 11 George D. Robinson Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George D. Robinson (Republican) 58.33% ▌Albert C. Woodworth (Democratic) 41.00% ▌E. W. Dickenson (Greenback) 0.41% ▌Charles A. Merrill (Prohibition) 0.26% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Michigan 1 John S. Newberry Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Henry W. Lord (Republican) 49.9% ▌William C. Maybury (Democratic) 48.1% ▌Lyman E. Stowe (Greenback) 2.0%[114] Michigan 2 Edwin Willits Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edwin Willits (Republican) 50.6% ▌William H. Waldby (Democratic) 44.4% ▌G. B. Chester (Greenback) 4.5%[115] Michigan 3 Jonas H. McGowan Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Edward S. Lacey (Republican) 52.9% ▌Eugene Pringle (Democratic) 24.2% ▌Henry C. Hodge (Greenback) 22.3%[116] Michigan 4 Julius C. Burrows Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Julius C. Burrows (Republican) 53.5% ▌O. W. Powers (Democratic) 34.8% ▌H. Chamberlain Yaple (Greenback) 11.7%[117] Michigan 5 John W. Stone Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George W. Webber (Republican) 52.2% ▌Leonard H. Randall (Democratic) 26.1% ▌John C. Blanchard (Greenback) 21.7%[118] Michigan 6 Mark S. Brewer Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Oliver L. Spaulding (Republican) 49.5% ▌Edwin B. Winans (Democratic) 38.3% ▌Josiah Begole (Greenback) 12.0%[119] Michigan 7 Omar D. Conger Republican 1868 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Omar D. Conger (Republican) 53.4% ▌Cyrenius P. Black (Democratic) 42.2% ▌John J. Watkins (Greenback) 4.4%[120] Michigan 8 Roswell G. Horr Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Roswell G. Horr (Republican) 48.3% ▌Timothy E. Tarsney (Democratic) 43.0% ▌William Smith (Greenback) 8.7%[121] Michigan 9 Jay A. Hubbell Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jay A. Hubbell (Republican) 60.3% ▌Edwin S. Pratt (Democratic) 37.7% ▌George Parmelee (Greenback) 2.1%[122] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Minnesota 1 Mark H. Dunnell Republican 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Mark H. Dunnell (Republican) 49.1% ▌Henry R. Wells (Democratic) 30.2% ▌William G. Ward (Republican) 16.8% ▌D. H. Roberts (Prohibition) 2.1% ▌C. H. Roberts (Greenback) 1.6%[123] Minnesota 2 Henry Poehler Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Horace B. Strait (Republican) 56.3% ▌Henry Poehler (Democratic) 42.9%[124] Minnesota 3 William D. Washburn Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William D. Washburn (Republican) 59.7% ▌Henry Hastings Sibley (Democratic) 39.0% ▌Ebenezer Ayers (Greenback) 1.2%[125] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Mississippi 1 Henry L. Muldrow Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry L. Muldrow (Democratic) 74.74% ▌Joseph L. Morphis (Republican) 19.79% ▌T. W. Davidson (Greenback) 5.47%[126] Mississippi 2 Van. H. Manning Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Van. H. Manning (Democratic) 52.90% ▌George M. Buchanan (Republican) 34.67% ▌Thomas W. Harris (Greenback) 12.43%[127] Mississippi 3 Hernando Money Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Hernando Money (Democratic) 80.78% ▌John G. Gunn (Greenback) 19.23%[128] Mississippi 4 Otho R. Singleton Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Otho R. Singleton (Democratic) 76.70% ▌W. A. Drennan (Republican) 23.30%[129] Mississippi 5 Charles E. Hooker Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles E. Hooker (Democratic) 61.59% ▌J. Bots Deason (Ind. Republican) 32.41% ▌Isaac N. Osborn (Republican) 4.84% ▌William Patterson (Greenback) 1.16%[130] Mississippi 6 James R. Chalmers Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James R. Chalmers (Democratic) 62.97% ▌John R. Lynch (Republican) 37.03%[131] Election successfully contested. New member seated April 29, 1882. Republican gain. ▌Y John R. Lynch (Republican) 52.47% ▌James R. Chalmers (Democratic) 47.53%[132] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Missouri 1 Martin L. Clardy Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Martin L. Clardy (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Thomas C. Fletcher (Republican) 48.2%[133] Missouri 2 Erastus Wells Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Thomas Allen (Democratic) 55.4% ▌Myer Rosenblatt (Republican) 44.6%[134] Missouri 3 Richard G. Frost Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard G. Frost (Democratic) 50.5% ▌Gustavus Sessinghaus (Republican) 49.5%[135] Election successfully contested. New member seated March 2, 1883. Republican gain. ▌Y Gustavus Sessinghaus (Republican) 50.4% ▌Richard G. Frost (Democratic) 49.6%[136] Missouri 4 Lowndes H. Davis Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Lowndes H. Davis (Democratic) 94.1% ▌T. C. Simpson (Greenback) 5.9%[137] Missouri 5 Richard P. Bland Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard P. Bland (Democratic) 54.6% ▌R. B. Palmer (Greenback) 45.4%[138] Missouri 6 James R. Waddill Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Ira S. Haseltine (Greenback) 50.1% ▌James R. Waddill (Democratic) 49.9%[139] Missouri 7 John F. Philips Democratic 1880 (special) Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Theron M. Rice (Greenback) 50.8% ▌John F. Philips (Democratic) 49.2%[140] Missouri 8 Samuel L. Sawyer Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Robert T. Van Horn (Republican) 33.2% ▌D. C. Allen (Democratic) 31.6% ▌John T. Crisp (Ind. Democratic) 30.8% ▌Frank H. Clark (Greenback) 4.8%[141] Missouri 9 Nicholas Ford Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nicholas Ford (Greenback) 50.002% ▌James Craig (Democratic) 49.997%[142] Missouri 10 Gideon F. Rothwell Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Joseph H. Burrows (Greenback) 50.1% ▌Charles H. Mansur (Democratic) 49.9%[143] Missouri 11 John B. Clark Jr. Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John B. Clark Jr. (Democratic) 69.8% ▌I. C. Heberling (Greenback) 30.2%[144] Missouri 12 William H. Hatch Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William H. Hatch (Democratic) 53.3% ▌John M. London (Greenback) 46.7%[145] Missouri 13 Aylett H. Buckner Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Aylett H. Buckner (Democratic) 70.0% ▌E. G. Haley (Greenback) 30.0%[146] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Nebraska at-large Edward K. Valentine Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward K. Valentine (Republican) 62.37% ▌James E. North (Democratic) 28.00% ▌Allen Root (Greenback) 4.81% ▌Scattering 4.83%[147] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Nevada at-large Rollin M. Daggett Republican 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y George W. Cassidy (Democratic) 53.4% ▌Rollin M. Daggett (Republican) 46.6%[148] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Hampshire 1 Joshua G. Hall Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joshua G. Hall (Republican) 51.5% ▌John W. Sanborn (Democratic) 47.6%[149] New Hampshire 2 James F. Briggs Republican 1877 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James F. Briggs (Republican) 52.4% ▌Alvah W. Sulloway (Democratic) 47.1%[150] New Hampshire 3 Evarts W. Farr Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Evarts W. Farr (Republican) 51.3% ▌George A. Bingham (Democratic) 47.7%[151] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New Jersey 1 George M. Robeson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George M. Robeson (Republican) 53.6% ▌Joseph D. Carter (Democratic) 44.2% ▌Charles J. Hollis (Greenback) 2.0%[152] New Jersey 2 Hezekiah B. Smith Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y J. Hart Brewer (Republican) 52.4% ▌Hezekiah B. Smith (Democratic) 46.6% ▌Samuel A. Dobbins (Greenback) 1.0%[153] New Jersey 3 Miles Ross Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Miles Ross (Democratic) 53.3% ▌Chilion Robbins (Republican) 45.8%[154] New Jersey 4 Alvah A. Clark Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Henry S. Harris (Democratic) 56.1% ▌Judson Kilpatrick (Republican) 42.4% ▌George H. Larison (Greenback) 1.5%[155] New Jersey 5 Charles H. Voorhis Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y John Hill (Republican) 52.0% ▌Augustus W. Cutler (Democratic) 47.0% ▌Erastus Potter (Greenback) 1.0%[156] New Jersey 6 John L. Blake Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Phineas Jones (Republican) 53.3% ▌Edward Balbach (Democratic) 46.7%[157] New Jersey 7 Lewis A. Brigham Republican 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Augustus A. Hardenbergh (Democratic) 56.7% ▌Lewis A. Brigham (Republican) 42.8%[158] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates New York 1 James W. Covert Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Perry Belmont (Democratic) 53.1% ▌John A. King (Republican) 46.4%[159] New York 2 Daniel O'Reilly Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y William E. Robinson (Democratic) 61.3% ▌Daniel O'Reilly (Ind. Democratic) 37.0% ▌James A. Van Brunt (Independent) 1.2%[160] New York 3 Simeon B. Chittenden Republican 1874 (special) Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Independent gain. ▌Y J. Hyatt Smith (Independent) 51.5% ▌Simeon B. Chittenden (Republican) 48.1%[161] New York 4 Archibald M. Bliss Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Archibald M. Bliss (Democratic) 57.2% ▌Daniel W. Talmage (Republican) 41.7% ▌C. Osborne Ward (Greenback) 1.1%[162] New York 5 Nicholas Muller Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Benjamin Wood (Democratic) 47.7% ▌Nicholas Muller (Ind. Democratic) 40.8% ▌Charles G. Brockmeiser (Greenback) 11.3%[163] New York 6 Samuel S. Cox Democratic 1873 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Samuel S. Cox (Democratic) 70.4% ▌Victor Heimberger (Republican) 29.6%[164] New York 7 Edwin Einstein Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y P. Henry Dugro (Democratic) 49.5% ▌William W. Astor (Republican) 48.8% ▌Alexander Henninger (Independent) 1.7%[165] New York 8 Anson G. McCook Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Anson G. McCook (Republican) 58.2% ▌John G. Davis (Democratic) 41.7%[166] New York 9 Fernando Wood Democratic 1866 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Fernando Wood (Democratic) 38.1% ▌John L. Hunt (Republican) 32.8% ▌John Hardy (Ind. Democratic) 29.0%[167] New York 10 James O'Brien Independent Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Abram Hewitt (Democratic) 64.7% ▌James Polcott (Republican) 34.7%[168] New York 11 Levi P. Morton Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Levi P. Morton (Republican) 55.0% ▌James W. Gerard (Democratic) 45.0%[169] New York 12 Waldo Hutchins Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Waldo Hutchins (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Alexander Taylor (Republican) 48.2%[170] New York 13 John H. Ketcham Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Ketcham (Republican) 56.9% ▌Edward L. Gaul (Democratic) 42.8%[171] New York 14 John W. Ferdon Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Lewis Beach (Democratic) 49.8% ▌Charles T. Pierson (Republican) 48.3% ▌Addison J. Clements (Greenback) 1.8%[172] New York 15 William Lounsbery Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Thomas Cornell (Republican) 50.7% ▌John S. Pindar (Democratic) 48.4%[173] New York 16 John M. Bailey Republican 1878 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Michael N. Nolan (Democratic) 52.7% ▌Samuel O. Vanderpoel (Republican) 46.7%[174] New York 17 Walter A. Wood Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Walter A. Wood (Republican) 80.9% ▌Richard H. Ferguson (Democratic) 19.1%[175] New York 18 John Hammond Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John Hammond (Republican) 58.6% ▌Thaddeus H. Walker (Democratic) 38.4% ▌Daniel F. Keeffe (Greenback) 2.9%[176] New York 19 Amaziah B. James Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Abraham X. Parker (Republican) 66.7% ▌Albert Andrus (Democratic) 31.8%[177] New York 20 John H. Starin Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y George West (Republican) 56.3% ▌Nicholas H. Decker (Democratic) 42.8%[178] New York 21 David Wilber Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ferris Jacobs Jr. (Republican) 51.9% ▌Franklin R. Gilbert (Democratic) 44.8% ▌Games L. Halsey (Greenback) 2.9%[179] New York 22 Warner Miller Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Warner Miller (Republican) 55.3% ▌Dennis O'Brien (Democratic) 44.4%[180] New York 23 Cyrus D. Prescott Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Cyrus D. Prescott (Republican) 52.8% ▌Richard E. Sutton (Democratic) 45.6% ▌John Ryan (Greenback) 1.1%[181] New York 24 Joseph Mason Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph Mason (Republican) 58.7% ▌Benjamin F. Lewis (Democratic) 38.2% ▌Charles P. Nash (Greenback) 2.6%[182] New York 25 Frank Hiscock Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Frank Hiscock (Republican) 57.5% ▌William C. Reiger (Democratic) 42.4%[183] New York 26 John H. Camp Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Camp (Republican) 56.4% ▌Frederick H. Van Auken (Democratic) 40.5% ▌Martin L. Walley (Greenback) 3.1%[184] New York 27 Elbridge G. Lapham Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Elbridge G. Lapham (Republican) 55.3% ▌Clement W. Bennett (Democratic) 43.2% ▌Albert Heath (Greenback) 1.5%[185] New York 28 Jeremiah W. Dwight Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jeremiah W. Dwight (Republican) 54.8% ▌Frederick Davis (Democratic) 42.4% ▌John D. Wagner (Greenback) 2.8%[186] New York 29 David P. Richardson Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y David P. Richardson (Republican) 52.4% ▌Thomas K. Beecher (Democratic) 47.6%[187] New York 30 John Van Voorhis Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John Van Voorhis (Republican) 55.4% ▌Albert S. Warner (Democratic) 43.1% ▌Leonard Henkle (Greenback) 1.4%[188] New York 31 Richard Crowley Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Richard Crowley (Republican) 54.8% ▌Robert S. Stevens (Democratic) 44.7%[189] New York 32 Vacant Rep. Ray V. Pierce (R) resigned September 18, 1880. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Jonathan Scoville (Democratic) 50.0% ▌Myron R. Bush (Republican) 49.2%[190] New York 33 Henry Van Aernam Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry Van Aernam (Republican) 58.6% ▌George Van Campen (Democratic) 35.6% ▌John A. Gould (Greenback) 4.7% ▌Walter A. Sellers (Prohibition) 1.2%[191] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates North Carolina 1 Jesse J. Yeates Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Louis C. Latham (Democratic) 50.9% ▌Cyrus W. Grandy (Republican) 49.1%[192] North Carolina 2 William H. Kitchin Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Orlando Hubbs (Republican) 57.2% ▌William H. Kitchin (Democratic) 42.5%[193] North Carolina 3 Daniel L. Russell Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y John W. Shackelford (Democratic) 51.1% ▌William P. Canaday (Republican) 46.9% ▌H. R. Komegay (Greenback) 2.0%[194] North Carolina 4 Joseph J. Davis Democratic 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William R. Cox (Democratic) 51.9% ▌Moses A. Bledsoe (Republican) 48.1%[195] North Carolina 5 Alfred M. Scales Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alfred M. Scales (Democratic) 52.7% ▌Thomas B. Keogh (Republican) 45.1% ▌John R. Winston (Greenback) 2.2%[196] North Carolina 6 Walter L. Steele Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Clement Dowd (Democratic) 57.0% ▌William R. Myers (Republican) 43.0%[197] North Carolina 7 Robert F. Armfield Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert F. Armfield (Democratic) 53.9% ▌David M. Furches (Republican) 46.1%[198] North Carolina 8 Robert B. Vance Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert B. Vance (Democratic) 64.9% ▌Nathaniel Atkinson (Ind. Republican) 28.8% ▌Samuel L. Love (Greenback) 6.1%[199] Ohio held elections for its twenty members on October 12, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Ohio 1 Benjamin Butterworth Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Butterworth (Republican) 52.0% ▌Samuel F. Hunt (Democratic) 47.9%[200] Ohio 2 Thomas L. Young Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas L. Young (Republican) 51.5% ▌Henry B. Banning (Democratic) 48.5%[201] Ohio 3 William D. Hill Redistricted from the 6th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Henry L. Morey (Republican) 49.7% ▌Durbin Ward (Democratic) 49.6%[202] Ohio 4 John A. McMahon Redistricted from the 3rd district Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Emanuel Shultz (Republican) 50.0% ▌John A. McMahon (Democratic) 49.3%[203] Ohio 5 Benjamin Le Fevre Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Le Fevre (Democratic) 60.1% ▌William K. Boone (Republican) 39.5%[204] Ohio 6 Frank H. Hurd Redistricted from the 7th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James M. Ritchie (Republican) 49.4% ▌Frank H. Hurd (Democratic) 47.7%[205] Ohio 7 Ebenezer B. Finley Redistricted from the 8th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John P. Leedom (Democratic) 52.6% ▌Alphonso Hart (Republican) 47.4%[206] Ohio 8 J. Warren Keifer Redistricted from the 4th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y J. Warren Keifer (Republican) 57.3% ▌Frank Chance (Democratic) 41.3%[207] Ohio 9 Henry L. Dickey Redistricted from the 11th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y James S. Robinson (Republican) 51.0% ▌Caleb H. Norris (Democratic) 47.8% ▌J. A. Mouser (Greenback) 1.2%[208] Ohio 10 Thomas Ewing Jr. Democratic 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John B. Rice (Republican) 50.9% ▌Morgan Shaffer (Democratic) 47.1% ▌John J. Seitz (Greenback) 1.7%[209] Ohio 11 Henry S. Neal Redistricted from the 12th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry S. Neal (Republican) 52.9% ▌William A. Hutchins (Democratic) 46.3%[210] Ohio 12 George L. Converse Redistricted from the 9th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George L. Converse (Democratic) 54.4% ▌John Groce (Republican) 43.9% ▌Isaac B. Williams (Greenback) 1.3%[211] Ohio 13 Gibson Atherton Redistricted from the 14th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Gibson Atherton (Democratic) 53.0% ▌Appleton B. Clarke (Republican) 46.1%[212] Ohio 14 George W. Geddes Redistricted from the 15th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Geddes (Democratic) 59.3% ▌S. Ellis Fink (Republican) 40.5%[213] Ohio 15 Adoniram J. Warner Redistricted from the 13th district Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Rufus Dawes (Republican) 50.1% ▌Adoniram J. Warner (Democratic) 48.5%[214] Ohio 16 Jonathan T. Updegraff Redistricted from the 18th district Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Jonathan T. Updegraff (Republican) 54.2% ▌James F. Charlesworth (Democratic) 45.7%[215] Ohio 17 William McKinley Redistricted from the 16th district Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William McKinley (Republican) 53.5% ▌Leroy D. Thoman (Democratic) 44.1% ▌Charles Jenkins (Greenback) 2.1%[216] Ohio 18 James Monroe Redistricted from the 17th district Republican 1870 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Addison S. McClure (Republican) 57.0% ▌David L. Wadsworth (Democratic) 41.4% ▌Peter J. Rice (Greenback) 1.0%[217] Ohio 19 James A. Garfield Republican 1862 Incumbent retired to run for U.S. President. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Ezra B. Taylor (Republican) 67.4% ▌Charles D. Adams (Democratic) 29.9% ▌W. H. Miller (Greenback) 2.1%[218] Ohio 20 Amos Townsend Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Amos Townsend (Republican) 56.0% ▌John Hutchins (Democratic) 41.6% ▌A. M. Jackson (Greenback) 1.6%[219] Oregon held its election early on June 7, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Oregon at-large John Whiteaker Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Melvin Clark George (Republican) 51.4% ▌John Whiteaker (Democratic) 47.8% ▌James K. Sears (Greenback) 0.8%[220] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Pennsylvania 1 Henry H. Bingham Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Henry H. Bingham (Republican) 57.2% ▌George R. Snowden (Democratic) 42.8%[221] Pennsylvania 2 Charles O'Neill Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles O'Neill (Republican) 60.9% ▌A. S. Hartranft (Democratic) 39.0% ▌J. W. Schuckers (Greenback) 0.1%[222] Pennsylvania 3 Samuel J. Randall Democratic 1862 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Samuel J. Randall (Democratic) 57.8% ▌Benjamin L. Berry (Republican) 42.0% ▌DeWitt C. Davis (Greenback) 0.2%[223] Pennsylvania 4 William D. Kelley Republican 1860 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William D. Kelley (Republican) 61.2% ▌George Bull (Democratic) 38.8%[224] Pennsylvania 5 Alfred C. Harmer Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Alfred C. Harmer (Republican) 57.2% ▌John K. Folwell (Democratic) 42.2% ▌Uriah S. Stephens (Greenback) 0.5%[225] Pennsylvania 6 William Ward Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Ward (Republican) 60.3% ▌R. Jones Monaghan (Democratic) 38.9% ▌Samuel Cornett (Prohibition) 0.7%[226] Pennsylvania 7 William Godshalk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William Godshalk (Republican) 52.6% ▌John Slingluff (Democratic) 47.1% ▌R. R. Tomlinson (Greenback) 0.3%[227] Pennsylvania 8 Hiester Clymer Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Daniel Ermentrout (Democratic) 63.1% ▌J. Howard Jacobs (Republican) 36.0% ▌P. J. Altenderfer (Greenback) 0.9%[228] Pennsylvania 9 A. Herr Smith Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y A. Herr Smith (Republican) 64.3% ▌J. L. Steinmetz (Democratic) 35.2% ▌E. S. Heaney (Greenback) 0.5%[229] Pennsylvania 10 Reuben K. Bachman Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y William Mutchler (Democratic) 61.3% ▌Hiram H. Fisher (Republican) 38.1% ▌William Howard (Greenback) 0.6%[230] Pennsylvania 11 Robert Klotz Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Robert Klotz (Democratic) 62.3% ▌William J. Scott (Republican) 36.1% ▌J. B. Robison (Greenback) 1.6%[231] Pennsylvania 12 Hendrick B. Wright Greenback 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Joseph A. Scranton (Republican) 47.1% ▌Daniel W. Connolly (Democratic) 38.3% ▌Hendrick B. Wright (Greenback) 14.5% ▌Ambrose F. Brundage (Prohibition) 0.1%[232] Pennsylvania 13 John W. Ryon Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y Charles N. Brumm (Greenback) 52.2% ▌John W. Ryon (Democratic) 47.8%[233] Pennsylvania 14 John W. Killinger Republican 1876 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Samuel F. Barr (Republican) 52.7% ▌Grant Weldman (Democratic) 45.4% ▌J. Adam Cake (Greenback) 2.0%[234] Pennsylvania 15 Edward Overton Jr. Republican 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Cornelius C. Jadwin (Republican) 55.2% ▌Robert H. Packer (Democratic) 41.2% ▌Joshua Burrows (Greenback) 2.9% ▌L. A. Smith (Prohibition) 0.6%[235] Pennsylvania 18 Horatio G. Fisher Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Horatio G. Fisher (Republican) 51.1% ▌Robert M. Speer (Democratic) 48.9%[238] Pennsylvania 20 Seth H. Yocum Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Andrew G. Curtin (Democratic) 54.7% ▌Thomas H. Murray (Republican) 45.3%[240] Pennsylvania 21 Morgan W. Rise Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Morgan W. Rise (Democratic) 53.7% ▌James E. Sayers (Republican) 34.5% ▌George W. Minor (Greenback) 11.8%[241] Pennsylvania 22 Russell Errett Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Russell Errett (Republican) 53.3% ▌James H. Hopkins (Democratic) 41.1% ▌Michael J. Sullivan (Greenback) 5.6%[242] Pennsylvania 23 Thomas M. Bayne Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas M. Bayne (Republican) 63.2% ▌George T. Miller (Democratic) 33.5% ▌Jonathan H. Stevenson (Greenback) 3.3%[243] Pennsylvania 24 William S. Shallenberger Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y William S. Shallenberger (Republican) 56.6% ▌J. Murray Clark (Democratic) 39.9% ▌Henry M. Close (Greenback) 3.5%[244] Pennsylvania 25 Harry White Republican 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Greenback gain. ▌Y James Mosgrove (Greenback) 51.2% ▌Harry White (Republican) 48.8%[245] Pennsylvania 26 Samuel B. Dick Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Samuel H. Miller (Republican) 47.9% ▌James H. Caldwell (Democratic) 40.7% ▌William C. Plummer (Greenback) 10.6% ▌Cyrus Cummings (Prohibition) 0.9%[246] Pennsylvania 27 James H. Osmer Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Lewis F. Watson (Republican) 52.0% ▌Alfred Short (Democratic) 47.7% ▌L. G. Rosenbury (Prohibition) 0.4%[247] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Rhode Island 1 Nelson W. Aldrich Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Nelson W. Aldrich (Republican) 66.6% ▌Isaac Lawrence (Democratic) 32.2% ▌Henry Cram (Greenback) 1.2%[248] Rhode Island 2 Latimer W. Ballou Republican 1874 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Jonathan Chace (Republican) 58.1% ▌Franklin Treat (Democratic) 41.2% ▌John F. Smith (Greenback) 0.6%[249] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates South Carolina 1 John S. Richardson Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John S. Richardson (Democratic) 63.3% ▌Samuel J. Lee (Republican) 36.7% South Carolina 2 Michael P. O'Connor Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Michael P. O'Connor (Democratic) 58.8% ▌Edmund W. M. Mackey (Republican) 41.2% South Carolina 3 D. Wyatt Aiken Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y D. Wyatt Aiken (Democratic) 74.1% ▌C. J. Stollbrand (Republican) 25.9% South Carolina 4 John H. Evins Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Evins (Democratic) 69.7% ▌A. Blythe (Republican) 29.3% ▌J. Hendrix McLane (Greenback) 1.0% South Carolina 5 George D. Tillman Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George D. Tillman (Democratic) 60.4% ▌Robert Smalls (Republican) 39.6% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Tennessee 1 Robert L. Taylor Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Augustus H. Pettibone (Republican) 52.47% ▌Robert L. Taylor (Democratic) 47.53%[250] Tennessee 2 Leonidas C. Houk Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Leonidas C. Houk (Republican) 65.08% ▌Thomas L. Williams (Democratic) 34.92%[251] Tennessee 3 George G. Dibrell Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George G. Dibrell (Democratic) 53.58% ▌Xenophon Wheeler (Republican) 41.49% ▌John James (Greenback) 4.93%[252] Tennessee 4 Benton McMillin Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benton McMillin (Democratic) 64.95% ▌R. C. Sanders (Republican) 35.05%[253] Tennessee 5 John M. Bright Democratic 1870 Incumbent lost re-election as an Independent Democrat. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Richard Warner (Democratic) 36.30% ▌John M. Bright (Ind. Democratic) 29.44% ▌J. H. Holman (Republican) 23.70% ▌Lewis Tillman (Greenback) 10.56%[254] Tennessee 6 John F. House Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John F. House (Democratic) 60.57% ▌Andrew M. McClain (Republican) 36.38% ▌B. F. Brooks (Ind. Democratic) 3.05%[255] Tennessee 7 Washington C. Whitthorne Democratic 1870 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Washington C. Whitthorne (Democratic) 57.99% ▌A. M. Hughes (Republican) 42.02%[256] Tennessee 8 John D. C. Atkins Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John D. C. Atkins (Democratic) 46.62% ▌Samuel W. Hawkins (Republican) 41.84% ▌W. E. Travis (Democratic) 11.54%[257] Tennessee 9 Charles B. Simonton Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles B. Simonton (Democratic) 52.79% ▌J. T. Shackleford (Republican) 47.21%[258] Tennessee 10 H. Casey Young Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y William R. Moore (Republican) 54.79% ▌H. Casey Young (Democratic) 47.05% ▌Thomas A. Hamilton (Republican) 2.17% ▌G. L. Harris (Greenback) 0.11%[259] Texas held elections for its six members on June 1, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Texas 1 John H. Reagan Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John H. Reagan (Democratic) 77.7% ▌S. R. Withers (Republican) 22.3%[260] Texas 2 David B. Culberson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y David B. Culberson (Democratic) 68.6% ▌Henry F. O'Neal (Greenback) 31.4%[261] Texas 3 Olin Wellborn Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Olin Wellborn (Democratic) 78.7% ▌Jerome C. Kirby (Greenback) 21.3%[262] Texas 4 Roger Q. Mills Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Roger Q. Mills (Democratic) 62.6% ▌John T. Brady (Greenback) 37.4%[263] Texas 5 George W. Jones Greenback 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George W. Jones (Greenback) 50.3% ▌Seth Shepard (Democratic) 49.7%[264] Texas 6 Christopher C. Upson Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Christopher C. Upson (Democratic) 97.3% ▌D. B. Robertson (Greenback) 2.3%[265] Vermont held elections for its three members on September 7, 1880. District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Vermont 1 Charles H. Joyce Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles H. Joyce (Republican) 68.7% ▌Jean J. Randall (Democratic) 29.7% ▌Carlos C. Martin (Greenback) 1.6%[266] Vermont 2 James M. Tyler Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y James M. Tyler (Republican) 69.2% ▌Daniel Campbell (Democratic) 29.0% ▌John B. Mead (Independent) 1.8%[267] Vermont 3 Bradley Barlow Greenback 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y William W. Grout (Republican) 60.6% ▌John W. Currier (Democratic) 30.6% ▌Fletcher Tarbell (Greenback) 6.2% ▌H. Henry Powers (Independent) 2.5%[268] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Virginia 1 Richard L. T. Beale Democratic 1879 (special) Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George T. Garrison (Democratic) 48.2% ▌John W. Woltz (Republican) 42.6% ▌John Critcher (Readjuster) 9.2%[269] Virginia 2 John Goode Democratic 1874 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y John F. Dezendorf (Republican) 52.6% ▌John Goode (Democratic) 34.6% ▌Benjamin W. Lacy (Readjuster) 12.8%[270] Virginia 3 Joseph E. Johnston Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y George D. Wise (Democratic) 55.9% ▌John S. Wise (Readjuster) 43.8% ▌H. L. Pelonze (Republican) 0.2%[271] Virginia 4 Joseph Jorgensen Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Joseph Jorgensen (Republican) 70.1% ▌Samuel F. Coleman (Democratic) 29.2% ▌William E. Cameron (Independent) 0.7%[272] Virginia 5 George Cabell Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Cabell (Democratic) 51.9% ▌John T. Stovall (Readjuster) 48.1%[273] Virginia 6 John R. Tucker Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John R. Tucker (Democratic) 59.6% ▌James A. Frazier (Readjuster) 40.4%[274] Virginia 7 John T. Harris Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Readjuster gain. ▌Y John Paul (Readjuster) 49.3% ▌Henry C. Allen (Democratic) 45.9% ▌William P. Moseley (Republican) 4.8%[275] Virginia 8 Eppa Hunton Democratic 1872 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John S. Barbour Jr. (Democratic) 56.6% ▌Sampson P. Bagley (Republican) 33.4% ▌James H. Williams (Readjuster) 10.0%[276] Virginia 9 James B. Richmond Democratic 1878 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Readjuster gain. ▌Y Abram Fulkerson (Readjuster) 40.7% ▌Connally F. Trigg (Democratic) 38.3% ▌G. G. Goodell (Republican) 18.4% ▌Fayette McMullen (Independent) 2.5%[277] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates West Virginia 1 Benjamin Wilson Democratic 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Benjamin Wilson (Democratic) 46.55% ▌John H. Hutchinson (Republican) 46.27% ▌James Bassell (Greenback) 7.18%[278] West Virginia 2 Benjamin F. Martin Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost renomination. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y John B. Hoge (Democratic) 50.77% ▌J. T. Hoke (Republican) 42.88% ▌Daniel D. T. Farnsworth (Greenback) 6.35%[279] West Virginia 3 John E. Kenna Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y John E. Kenna (Democratic) 57.08% ▌Henry I. Walker (Republican) 42.92%[280] Wisconsin elected eight members of congress on Election Day, November 2, 1880.[281][282] District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Wisconsin 1 Charles G. Williams Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Charles G. Williams (Republican) 61.0% ▌Clinton Babbitt (Democratic) 37.8% ▌A. H. Craig (Greenback) 1.1% Wisconsin 2 Lucien B. Caswell Republican 1874 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Lucien B. Caswell (Republican) 52.0% ▌Jared C. Gregory (Democratic) 46.6% ▌Robert P. Main (Greenback) 1.4% Wisconsin 3 George C. Hazelton Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George C. Hazelton (Republican) 55.6% ▌Montgomery M. Cothren (Democratic) 44.3% ▌S. N. Jones (Greenback) 0.2% Wisconsin 4 Peter V. Deuster Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Peter V. Deuster (Democratic) 53.7% ▌Casper Sanger (Republican) 45.9% ▌George Godfrey (Greenback) 0.4% Wisconsin 5 Edward S. Bragg Democratic 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Edward S. Bragg (Democratic) 51.6% ▌Elihu Colman (Republican) 44.8% ▌John E. Thomas (Greenback) 3.6% Wisconsin 6 Gabriel Bouck Democratic 1876 Incumbent lost re-election. New member elected. Republican gain. ▌Y Richard W. Guenther (Republican) 52.5% ▌Gabriel Bouck (Democratic) 43.8% ▌L. A. Stewart (Greenback) 3.7% Wisconsin 7 Herman L. Humphrey Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Herman L. Humphrey (Republican) 64.6% ▌George Y. Freeman (Democratic) 30.7% ▌Joel Foster (Greenback) 4.7% Wisconsin 8 Thaddeus C. Pound Republican 1876 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thaddeus C. Pound (Republican) 56.8% ▌Willis C. Silverthorn (Democratic) 43.0% ▌James Meehan (Greenback) 0.1% District Incumbent This race Member Party First elected Results Candidates Arizona Territory John G. Campbell Democratic 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic hold. ▌Y Granville H. Oury (Democratic)[283] Dakota Territory Granville G. Bennett Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Richard F. Pettigrew (Republican)[284] Idaho Territory George Ainslie Democratic 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Ainslie (Democratic) 56.92% ▌Alanson Smith (Republican) 31.83% ▌Mason Brayman (Independent) 11.24%[285] Montana Territory Martin Maginnis Democratic 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Martin Maginnis (Democratic) 54.94% ▌Wilbur F. Sanders (Republican) 45.06%[286] New Mexico Territory Mariano S. Otero Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Republican hold. ▌Y Tranquilino Luna (Republican)[287] Utah Territory George Q. Cannon Republican 1872 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y George Q. Cannon (Republican) 93.2% ▌Allen G. Campbell (Democratic) 6.8%[288] Election successfully contested by Allen G. Campbell (D). Congress refused to seat representative-elect. Republican loss. Washington Territory Thomas H. Brents Republican 1878 Incumbent re-elected. ▌Y Thomas H. Brents (Republican) 55.7% ▌Thomas Burke (Democratic) 44.3%[289] Wyoming Territory Stephen W. Downey Republican 1878 Incumbent retired. New member elected. Democratic gain. ▌Y Morton E. Post (Democratic) 50.96% ▌A. H. Swan (Republican) 49.04%[290] 1880 United States elections 1880 United States presidential election 1880–81 United States Senate elections 1881 United States House of Representatives elections 46th United States Congress 47th United States Congress Dubin, Michael J. (March 1, 1998). United States Congressional Elections, 1788-1997: The Official Results of the Elections of the 1st Through 105th Congresses. McFarland and Company. ISBN 978-0786402830. Martis, Kenneth C. (January 1, 1989). The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress, 1789-1989. Macmillan Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0029201701. Moore, John L., ed. (1994). Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections (Third ed.). Congressional Quarterly Inc. ISBN 978-0871879967. "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives* 1789–Present". Office of the Historian, House of United States House of Representatives .
1437	dbpedia	0	92	https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/20/us/elections/results-illinois-primary-elections.html	en	Illinois Primary Election Results	https://static01.nyt.com…7a6&k=ZQJBKqZ0VN	https://static01.nyt.com…7a6&k=ZQJBKqZ0VN	[]	[]	[]	[ "Elections", "Elections", "Governors", "House of Representatives", "Elections", "House of Representatives", "Illinois" ]	null	[ "The New York Times" ]	2018-03-20T00:00:00	See full results and maps from the Illinois primaries.	en	https://static01.nyt.com/favicon.ico		https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/20/us/elections/results-illinois-primary-elections.html
1437	dbpedia	3	28	https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/Speeches_LaFollette_FreeSpeech.htm	en	U.S. Senate: Classic Senate Speeches			[ "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/usFlag.png", "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/senate_logo.png", "https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/graphic/medium/LaFolletteCar.jpg", "https://www.senate.gov/resources/images/senate_logo_footer.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2023-08-08T00:00:00	Speeches LaFollette Free Speech in Wartime		/resources/images/us_sen.ico		null	Robert M. La Follette, Sr. Free Speech in Wartime October 6, 1917 Six months after the United States entered World War I, in the midst of the war fever then sweeping the country, Robert M. La Follette, Sr., of Wisconsin defended his right to speak out against the war in a forceful address to the Senate. Robert La Follette, one of the five outstanding senators memorialized by portraits in the U.S. Capitol's Senate Reception Room, was acutely aware of the power of oratory. "It is the orator," he believed, "who…directs the destinies of states." Inspired by post-Civil War Republicans whose "ordinary political speeches…stirred the war memories of the old soldiers who were then everywhere dominant in the North," he displayed his own talents at an early age, entertaining local audiences in Primrose Township, Wisconsin, with poetry recitations and speeches he delivered while standing atop a grocery box. La Follette's eloquent and stirring oratory, replete with Shakespearean allusions and historical references, was a powerful instrument that he employed throughout a public career that began with his election as district attorney of Dane County, Wisconsin, in 1880. La Follette served in the House of Representatives (1885–1891) and as governor of Wisconsin (1901–1906) before coming to the Senate in 1906. In the Senate, the Wisconsin Republican pursued a progressive agenda that included railroad rate reform, banking and currency reform, and tariff reduction, before the outbreak of war in Europe focused his attention on foreign affairs. Convinced that the advocates of American intervention were motivated solely by the prospect of financial gain and that war profiteering had worked severe hardships for American consumers, La Follette resolutely opposed America's entry into World War I. He was instrumental in defeating the Armed Ship bill in March 1917 and voted against the declaration of war on April 4, 1917. He became increasingly unpopular as he objected to a number of initiatives that the Wilson administration, and a majority of Congress, deemed essential to the war effort. Among the measures he opposed was the Espionage Act, curtailing freedom of speech and of the press for the duration of the war. On August 11, La Follette introduced a resolution demanding a declaration of Allied war objectives. Then distorted press reports of an antiwar address that La Follette delivered the following month before the Nonpartisan League Convention in St. Paul, Minnesota, precipitated calls for his arrest on espionage charges and petitions for his expulsion from the Senate. Specifically, the reports alleged that he had defended Germany's sinking of the Lusitania. On October 6, 1917, a week after the Senate referred to the Committee on Privileges and Elections a petition calling for La Follette's expulsion, the embattled senator rose on a question of personal privilege. He sought not merely to defend his own conduct and his own right of free speech, he explained, but to plead the cause of all "honest and law-abiding citizens of this country…terrorized and outraged in their rights by those sworn to uphold the laws and protect the rights of the people." La Follette's delivery was, in the words of one scholar of rhetoric, "unemotional, even detached," as he read for three hours from his prepared text. Citing an impressive array of authorities—constitutional scholars, House and Senate "immortals," and distinguished former members of the British Parliament—La Follette analyzed "the right of the people to discuss the war in all its phases and the right and duty of the people's representatives in Congress to declare the purposes and objects of the war." The address brought resounding applause from the Senate galleries but a caustic rebuttal from Arkansas Democrat Joseph T. Robinson in "the most unrestrained language that has ever been heard in the Senate," according to one reporter. In the charged atmosphere of wartime, few of La Follette's allies dared openly voice their support for the controversial senator, but the correspondence that flooded his office was overwhelmingly favorable. La Follette and his family suffered a "feeling of repression" for the remainder of the war, but with peace came a measure of vindication. After the war, the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections investigated the charges against La Follette. On January 16, 1919, the Senate approved the committee's recommendation that the charges be dismissed and three years later awarded him compensation for legal expenses incurred as a result of the investigation. La Follette remained in the Senate until his death on June 18, 1925. His October 6, 1917, speech is still regarded by scholars of rhetoric and congressional history as "a classic argument for free speech in time of war." ______________________________________________________ Reprinted from Robert C. Byrd, The Senate, 1789–1989: Classic Speeches, 1830–1993. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1994.
1437	dbpedia	3	53	https://www.archives.gov/legislative/guide/house/chapter-01.html	en	Guide to House Records: Chapter 1	https://www.archives.gov…/naralogo-og.png	https://www.archives.gov…/naralogo-og.png	[ "https://www.archives.gov/sites/all/themes/nara/images/nara-print-logo.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/map-united-states-including-western-territories-2127339.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/engrossed-copy-hr-6400-voting-rights-act-1965-5637803.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/petitions-citizens-california-in-favor-suffrage-amendment-169164461.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/petition-mary-todd-lincoln-requesting-pension-pg2-306682.gif", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/telegram-john-carter-to-rep-wood-requesting-investigation-hepburn-12009363.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/nomination-sandra-day-oconnor-supreme-court-justice-595429.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/house-journal-first-session-first-congress-pg1.jpg", "https://www.archives.gov/files/legislative/images/executive-session-testimony-d-whittaker-chambers-595447.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2016-08-15T17:45:02-04:00	An Introduction to Research in the Records of Congress 1.1 In 1937, after a National Archives appraiser first examined the records of the United States House of Representatives, he concluded that the unbound records of the House contained a "great wealth of material touching every phase of our national existence."1 Fifty years later that assessment is still valid. A discussion	en	https://www.archives.gov…s/apple-icon.png	National Archives	https://www.archives.gov/legislative/guide/house/chapter-01.html	An Introduction to Research in the Records of Congress 1.1 In 1937, after a National Archives appraiser first examined the records of the United States House of Representatives, he concluded that the unbound records of the House contained a "great wealth of material touching every phase of our national existence."1 Fifty years later that assessment is still valid. A discussion of research techniques best suited to locate information in that "great wealth" of original records and related printed materials forms the bulk of this chapter. Background Records of Congress in the National Archives Textual Records Organization of the Records of the House and the Senate Organization of the Records of the Joint Committees Non-Textual Records Access to the Records Research Strategies Common Searches Among Congressional Records Citing Unpublished Congressional Documents Published Congressional Documents Records of Floor Proceedings Records of Committee Actions Other Publications of Congressional Material Citing Published Materials Other Sources Textual Records in the National Archives Relating to the Records of Congress Private Papers and Newspapers Office Records Background 1.2 Before their transfer to the National Archives most records of Congress had been housed in the offices, attics, basements, and storage rooms of the Capitol. They had suffered from neglect, vermin, and pilferage, abuses common to most collections of older Government records housed in unsuitable and unsupervised storage areas. In addition, when the British invaded Washington, DC, House records were subjected to a hasty evacuation that proved to be disastrous. The Senate successfully removed its records from the city, but the House was not so fortunate. Having waited too long to secure wagons, the Clerk of the House found that, "every wagon, and almost every cart, belonging to the city, had been previously impressed into the service of the United States, for the transportation of the baggage of the army." While some records were saved, others such as the secret journal of the Congress and a great many petitions were lost to the fire when the British burned the Capitol. The incident caused the Clerk of the House, Patrick Magruder, to resign.2 1.3 While the fire destroyed some records of the House, the rules of Congress affected the completeness of Senate records. Before 1946, Senate committees were instructed to return to the Secretary of the Senate at the end of a Congress all papers "referred" to the committee, but the directive (Rule 32) said nothing about materials received directly by the committee or created by the committee. Also, it was not clear whether the records of special and select committees were under the Secretary's jurisdiction. Consequently, some records probably were not preserved. The Clerk of the House was more fortunate in this regard. In 1880, House rules required that all committee records be delivered to the Clerk within three days after the final adjournment of each Congress and that permission of the committee that originated a record was necessary for the withdrawal of records. This greatly increased the Clerk's control over these materials.3 1.4 As the 20th century approached, both Houses of Congress experienced overcrowding. In 1900, the House temporarily solved this problem by transferring some 5,000 of its oldest bound volumes to the Library of Congress and continued to transfer some of its records to the Library for the next 40 years. Despite their new location, these records were still, as the statute stated: "part of the files of the House of Representatives, subject to its orders and rules."4 1.5 In 1934, the National Archives was established as the depository for the historic records of the Federal Government, namely all permanently valuable records of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. A preliminary survey by the Archives staff in late 1936, revealed that the Secretary of the Senate had been overwhelmed by his responsibility to protect the Senate's records. The Archives report indicated that some materials were on the floor in damp rooms where they were subject to "extensive growths of mold and fungi... Numerous signs of insect damage indicate an extensive infestation by both slow and fast moving insects. The presence of rodents was also noted in Room 5." The National Archives recommendation was to transfer all but the most recent of the Senate's records to the new Archives building. In April 1937, the Senate sent approximately 4,000 cubic feet of records to the National Archives.5 1.6 Securing the transfer of the records of the House, however, was not so easy. In late 1936, the Archivist of the United States received permission from the Clerk to examine House records. From January through March 1937, T. R. Schellenberg of the National Archives surveyed the House's historic records still stored in the Capitol building. He reported many of the same conditions that existed for Senate records, noting that some were: "exposed to extremes of heat and cold, to an accumulation of dust, to neglect, and accessible for pilfering." In another instance: "Room contains a slop sink, and has a leaking joint causing partial destruction of records of the 47th Congress. Room dirty and ill-kept. Records infested with vermin." To buttress its case the Archives sent a photographer to record these conditions. The photographs and the examiner's report were sent to the Clerk. A draft resolution authorizing the transfer, identical to the Senate resolution, was prepared by the Archives and delivered to the chairman of the House Committee on the Library. The Committee obligingly reported out a resolution and report to the Archives liking. For a variety of reasons, however, the House chose not to transfer its records to the National Archives until nearly a decade later.6 1.7 Although the transfer of House records awaited the passage of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, records storage continued to be a problem for the House. In late 1944, the Washington Post reported that the House was in a quandary as to what to do about the mountains of records created by a number of special committees, such as the House Un-American Activities Committee. Representative Everett Dirksen of Illinois suggested that Congress should establish "an archives bureau for the preservation of the voluminous records of the special committees." Archivist Solon J. Buck suggested meeting with Dirksen to offer assistance if Congress really wanted a separate archives. "On the other hand," he continued, "the interested members of Congress should know," that the National Archives could be used "effectively for their purposes, with confidential records under seal and to be consulted only under authorization of specified officers of Congress." Shortly thereafter, Thad Page, the National Archives legislative liaison, contacted Dirksen and others offering the Archives help in setting up a separate congressional facility. Page noted that: "We feel that since Congress has already provided facilities here that would insure their preservation it would be the part of economy to use them." He enclosed copies of the 1937 resolution and report from the House Committee on the Library favoring the transfer of House records to the National Archives. A day later, Dirksen announced that he would introduce a bill to effect the transfer.7 1.8 In December 1944, Congress formed a joint committee to study the organization of Congress. This gave the National Archives and the historical community a chance to present its case on a whole range of congressional records problems. On the Senate side the inadequacies of Rule 32 were, of course, paramount. A change in the rule giving the Secretary authority over all committee records, not just those that were referred, was recommended. Also recommended was the transfer of the records of the House to the National Archives. The results of the joint committee's deliberations was the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946.8 1.9 The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 became a milestone for the archives of Congress. First it required committees to maintain a record of their proceedings, providing for the first time in history a continuous record of committee votes and hearings. In addition, the act provided that a legislator's committee staff and personal staff had to remain separate, thereby reducing the possibility that personal papers and committee records would become intermixed. Finally, the Secretary was given greater authority over all Senate committee records and the House was required to transfer all of its records for the first 76 Congresses (through 1941) to the National Archives. The section of the statute governing the records of Congress directed that: The Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, acting jointly, shall obtain at the close of each Congress all the non-current records of the Congress and of each congressional committee and transfer them to the National Archives for preservation, subject to the orders of the Senate or the House of Representatives, respectively.9 The traditions of the House concerning committee records had been codified and extended to the Senate. 1.10 The passage of the Federal Records Act of 1950, completed the legal structure that currently governs the records of Congress. This act empowered the Administrator of General Services (an authority since transferred to the Archivist of the United States) to accept for deposit with the National Archives "the records of any Federal agency or of the Congress of the United States that are determined by the Archivist to have sufficient historical or other value to warrant their continued preservation by the United States Government."10 Back to Top Records of Congress in the National Archives Textual Records 1.11 The textual records of the Congress, nearly 50,000 cubic feet of material, are administered by the Center for Legislative Archives of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). The Center has custody of eight record groups three of them composed of the records of the Congress, itself, four composed of the records of legislative organizations, and one composed of the record set of U.S. Government publications—sometimes referred to as the Government Printing Office (GPO) collection. They are: The records of the U.S. Senate (Record Group 46), the records of the U.S. House of Representatives (Record Group 233), the records of Joint Committees of Congress (Record Group 128), the operating records of the Government Printing Office (Record Group 149), the records of the Temporary National Economic Committee (Record Group 144), the records of various congressionally created commissions (Record Group 148), the records of the Government Accountability Office (GAO), 1921- (Record Group 411), and the publications of the U.S. Government (Record Group 287). 1.12 The overwhelming majority of the records, over 46,000 as of 1987, comprise the records of the Senate and House of Representatives. In general, they span the years 1789 to the present with no fixed cutoff dates for either the House or the Senate. They include materials referred to and generated by the many committees of Congress, as well as the records of the offices of the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives. Few private papers of Senators and Representatives are included among the records. Organization of the Records of the House and the Senate 1.13 An understanding of the arrangement of the records is crucial in formulating a strategy for locating relevant materials. The National Archives has organized the records of each major administrative unit of government into record groups. As stated above, the records of Congress in the National Archives comprise three record groups: Records of the U.S. Senate (Record Group 46), Records of the U.S. House of Representatives (Record Group 233), and Records of Joint Committees of Congress (Record Group 128). 1.14 Below the record group level the records of the House, 1789-1962, and the records of the Senate, 1789-1946, are arranged primarily by Congress, thereunder by activity and type of records or series, and thereunder by committee. This basic arrangement is reflected in the classification scheme developed by the National Archives in the late 1930's. Under this scheme each series of records was given an alpha-numeric file number that signified where the records stand in relation to the entire body of congressional records. All of the file numbers assigned to the general records of the House through 1946 are listed in the following National Archives publication: Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the United States House of Representatives, 1789-1946 (2 vols.). Senate file numbers are listed in a loose leaf inventory available from the Center for Legislative Archives. These finding aids are invaluable for anyone doing extensive research in congressional records. 1.15 Because many of the documents cited in the chapters of this guide are identified by file numbers, the following analysis of the various elements comprising a file number, such as HR 34A-G17.2, is provided. In general the letters and numbers to the left of the hyphen identify the Congress and congressional activity involved, while the ones to the right of the hyphen indicate the series and file segment within the records of an individual Congress in which a file is located. 1.16 The first element of the file number is either HR or SEN, which indicates that the record is either a House or a Senate record. The next number identifies the Congress in which the record was either created or referred. Beginning in 1789 with the First Congress, a new Congress has convened every two years. To determine the Congress in session for a given time period, consult Appendix F. 1.17 The next letter in the file number signifies the category of congressional activity with which the record was involved. These letters are common to all Congresses and do not change. For House records the categories are: "A" records of legislative proceedings, "B" records of impeachments, and "C" records of the Clerk of the House. The most voluminous category of records relate to legislative proceedings. Legislative proceedings include the consideration of bills and resolutions, the referral of petitions and memorials, the recording of this activity in minute books and journals, the receipt of messages from the executive branch, and election records. Records of impeachments document Congress' constitutional prerogatives to impeach and convict certain officials in the executive and judicial branches. The Clerk of the House performs numerous responsibilities, such as maintaining the Journal, examining legislation for accuracy, and in the 20th century, processing filings by lobbyists and candidates for Congress. 1.18 Senate records are arranged into similar categories. "A" still designates records of legislative proceedings, but "B" stands for records of executive proceedings, which relate to the consideration of treaties and nominations. Senate records relating to impeachments are therefore labelled category "C." The Senate official who performs duties similar to the Clerk of the House is the Secretary of the Senate, whose records are filed in category "D." 1.19 Within each category records are further arranged by record type or series. These series include journals, petitions referred to committees, committee reports and papers, and papers accompanying specific bills and resolutions. In the file number, the letter following the hyphen designates the series. Unlike the letters signifying the category of activity, which do not change from Congress to Congress, the letters designating the series change because new types of records or series have been created. Consequently, the "G" designation for the 34th Congress stands for Petitions and Memorials, but the same series under the 50th Congress is designated "H." 1.20 The records within each series are arranged in various ways depending on the nature of the records. The three most prominent and heavily used series—committee papers, papers accompanying specific bills and resolutions, and petitions and memorials referred to committees—are usually arranged alphabetically by the name of the committee to which the action was referred. In the case of these three series, records are often further delineated by subject. The "17.2" portion of the file number, therefore, signifies the committee and subject. Entries for the 34th Congress in the preliminary inventory of the House records, for example, show that the Committee on Public Lands is the 17th committee listed alphabetically under the series heading for petitions and memorials. Petitions received by that committee are organized under seven topical headings, the second of which concerns "land laws in respect to bounty, graduation, and redemption." 1.21 Use of the classification scheme for Senate records was discontinued in 1947 and for House records in 1962 although a modified version is used for some records of the House through the 90th Congress. In general records received after those dates are arranged first by Congress, and then by committee or subcommittee. Records below the committee or subcommittee level are arranged by series such as legislative files, nomination files, subject files, hearings, and Presidential messages received. More detailed information about the records can be found in the appropriate chapters of this guide. Organization of the Records of the Joint Committees 1.22 The Records of Joint Committees of Congress (Record Group 128) are organized into two groups, depending upon whether they were transferred to the National Archives by the House or by the Senate. Both "House" and "Senate" joint committee records are further arranged by Congress and thereunder alphabetically by the name of the committee. Prior to World War II, allocation of the records followed no clear pattern. Consequently, records for the same committees may be among joint committee records received from both the House and Senate presumably because House members of a joint committee retired their records through the Clerk of the House, while Senate members retired their records through the Secretary of the Senate. After 1946, administrative responsibility for each joint committee, its staff and its records, was specifically assigned to either the House or the Senate. This action affects users in one important way: the rules of access of the Chamber that transferred the records to the National Archives prevail. Non-Textual Records 1.23 Cartographic Records: Most of the cartographic records of the Congress were prepared by executive agencies such as the General Land Office and the Army's Office of the Chief of Engineers for use as exhibits or as appendixes accompanying reports to Congress. Some were published by private concerns under contract with the government. Some of the original manuscript maps form the basis for later published versions. While most congressional cartographic materials were transferred to the Cartographic and Architectural Records Branch of the National Archives, many maps are still found among textual holdings of the Center for Legislative Archives. 1.24 The major series of cartographic records of the Senate include: Manuscript maps, 1807-1907 (278 items); published maps, 1790-1958 (777 items); maps relating to internal improvements, 1826-35 (244 items); and Senate committee maps, 1791-1866 (6 items). The major series of cartographic records among the records of the House include: Published maps, 1828-1930 (377 items); manuscript maps, 1807-1907 (278 items); and House committee maps, 1889-1985 (317 items). For detailed descriptions of maps published through 1843, see Martin P. Claussen and Herman R. Friis, Descriptive Catalog of Maps Published by Congress, 1817-1843 (Washington: Privately published, 1941). These records are in the custody of the Special Media Archives Service Division, Maps and Plans Group (NWCS), National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, MD 20740-6001; specific inquiries about them should be directed to that branch. 1.25 Photographic Records: The Senate has not transferred any still picture series to the National Archives. The House transferred about 300 items dating from 1880 to 1896. A few photographs are scattered among textual holdings of the Senate and House. The activities of individual Members of Congress, groups of Members, and scenes of the Capitol Building have been recorded by photographers working for other Government agencies and may be among the photographs accessioned by the National Archives from other Government agencies. The photographs mentioned in this section are in the custody of the Special Media Archives Services Division, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, Maryland 20740-6001; specific inquiries should be directed to that branch. 1.26 Electronic Records: Among Senate records in the National Archives, there are electronic records from the following committees: Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities (Ervin Committee), 1973-74; Committee on Governmental Affairs, Majority Office, 99th Cong. (1986); Committee on Governmental Affairs, Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations, Majority Office, 99th Cong. (1986); and impeachment trial committee (trial of Judge Harry E. Claiborne), executive session, 99th Cong. (1986). Among House records in the National Archives, there are electronic records from the following committees: Select Committee on Assassinations, 1979, and the Judiciary Committee's inquiry into the impeachment of President Richard Nixon, 1974. These records, except those records from the Select Committee on Assassinations concerning the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, are in the custody of the Center for Electronic Records, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, MD 20740-6001; specific inquiries should be directed to the center. Records concerning the assassination of President Kennedy are now part of the John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, Access and FOIA Staff, Room 6350, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, MD 20740-6001. 1.27 Motion Picture and Audio Records: Among Senate records in the National Archives, there are motion picture and/or sound recordings from the following administrative units: Committee on Education and Labor, 1936-38; Commission on the Operation of the Senate, 1975-76; Special Committee of the Senate to Investigate the National Defense Program at Philadelphia Signal Depot, 1946; and the Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, 1972-1974. Among House records in the National Archives, there are motion picture and sound recordings from the following units: Select Committee to Investigate Communist Aggression Against Poland and Hungary, 1954; Office of the Clerk, 1979-1986; and the Select Committee on Assassinations, 1963-1978 (records concerning the assassination of President Kennedy are now part of the John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, Access and FOIA Staff, Room 6350, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, MD 20740-6001). Among the records of joint committees in the National Archives, there are motion pictures from Joint Congressional Committees on Inaugural Ceremonies, 1965-81. The materials mentioned in this section are in the custody of the Special Media Archives Services Division, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, Maryland 20740-6001; specific inquiries should be directed to that branch. 1.28 Videotapes of Floor Proceedings: In 1979, the House initiated televised coverage of its floor proceedings; the Senate began its coverage in 1986. The National Archives maintains videotape copies of House proceedings from 1983 to the present and it has Senate tapes from 1986 to the present. Videotapes of House proceedings from 1979-82 are not extant. The materials mentioned in this section are in the custody of the Special Media Archives Services Division, National Archives at College Park, 8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, Maryland 20740-6001; specific inquiries should be directed to that branch. Access to the Records 1.29 The Congress is specifically exempted from the provisions of the Freedom of Information and Privacy Acts (5 USC 552 and 552a). Access to the records of Congress in the National Archives is instead governed by certain House and Senate rules. Senate Resolution 474, 96th Congress, covers most Senate records. Access to House records is governed by House Rule VII. 1.30 House of Representatives: House Rule VII opens most records of the House for research after they have been in existence for 30 years. 1.31 Exceptions to the rule are investigative records containing personal data; administrative records relating to personnel; records from hearings which are closed under rule 11; and records for which access is specifically designated by order of a committee. The rule specifically states that any record that was made public before it was transferred to the Archives is to be considered open. The rule provides for restrictions on access to House records in order to protect the personal privacy of individuals, the public interest, or the privileges and rights of the House. Records that may contain national security classified information will be subject to the same declassification procedures that apply to all records at the National Archives. 1.32 Senate: Senate Resolution 474, 96th Cong., defines access to most Senate records at the National Archives, with a few exceptions; such as the records of the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, 94th Congress (the Senate Watergate Committee). Access to the latter is covered by S. Res. 393, 96th Cong., and Senate Report 96-647. 1.32 S. Res. 474, 96th Cong., provides that records that have previously been opened remain open to researchers. Most other records are open to researchers after 20 years. Investigative records relating to individuals that contain personal data, personnel files, and records of nominations will open 50 years after their creation. Certain other records are closed by statute or Executive order of the President, such as income tax returns and national security classified information. Senate committees can change the rules of access to their own records. An example of this is access to the records of the Senate Watergate Committee which is governed by the guidelines set forth in Senate Report 96-647. 1.33 Although the Senate and House are exempt from the Freedom of Information Act, it noted in its committee report on the S. Res. 474 that the spirit of the Act should govern decisions on access. Therefore, the Center for Legislative Archives screens modern Senate records primarily to ensure protection of individuals' privacy. The staff determines whether the records contain information that is personal, whether this is public knowledge, and whether release of the information would be an invasion of privacy. For records containing national security classified information, the Center for Legislative Archives can initiate declassification action. 1.34 Joint Committees of Congress: Although joint committees have members from both houses of Congress, in practice one House assumes responsibility for the administration of the committee's records. The rules of access that correspond to the controlling House are observed. Access to the records of the Joint Committee on Taxation is controlled by the House. Access to the records of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy and the Joint Committee on the Investigation of the Pearl Harbor Attack is controlled by the Senate. For more information on the records of joint committees, see Chapter 23 of this guide. Back to Top Research Strategies for Using the Records of Congress Unpublished Documents 1.36 Researchers who are considering using congressional records should first ask themselves if Congress was concerned with the subject of their research. If so, how did it deal with the issue and when? To locate materials among the records of Congress it is important to know the committee or other body that dealt with the problem; the Chamber, House or Senate; and the time period. Researchers who have tightly focused subjects with a specific time frame should consult the indexes and text to the Congressional Record and its antecedents (see paras.1.91-1.94) to identify the committees or other offices that had jurisdiction over the subject of their study as well as any bills or resolutions that may have been introduced. Researchers who do not know if Congress was concerned with their subject, or who have less well defined topics or topics that span a great number of years should examine the Congressional Information Service (CIS) index to the Congressional Serial Set (see paras. 1.102, 1.113). The serial set is a massive publication of congressional committee reports, documents referred to Congress from the executive branch, and other materials that can help researchers quickly identify the time periods and committees of Congress that considered problems relevant to their research. Leads gained from the serial set and this guide could be pursued in the Congressional Record and its antecedents for additional information. Common Searches Among Congressional Records 1.37 The most common uses of congressional records have been legislative histories, popular opinion, claims filed before Congress, information from investigative files, treaties, and nominations. This section discusses the kinds of information researchers can expect to find among the records described in this guide as well as the information researchers need before requesting records. 1.38 Legislative Histories: Many historians and legal professionals have used congressional records to determine the legislative intent behind specific Acts of Congress. Traditional legislative histories have concentrated on the published sources of congressional activity, such as the Congressional Record and its antecedents, congressional hearings, and committee reports. However, the unpublished records of committee activity among the records of Congress can shed important additional light on the legislative process. 1.39 Description of the Records: While legislative files may include such published items as copies of the bill or resolution, amendments, the committee report, and hearings, they can also include the chairman's correspondence, transcripts of unpublished hearings, committee prints, correspondence indicating the administration's position on the proposal, and internal staff correspondence. In general, files created after the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, which authorized professional committee staffs, contain more of these kinds of documents. 1.40 Information Needed to Conduct a Search: Researchers need to know the chamber involved in the legislation, the Congress in which it was introduced, the committee to which it was referred, and the bill or resolution number. This information may be found in the index to the Congressional Record and its antecedents or the Journals of the House and the Senate. Any bill or resolution that was considered by both chambers probably generated a file in both. 1.41 During every Congress, each piece of legislation is assigned a unique number roughly in the order in which it is introduced. Bills introduced in the Senate are captioned S. __, while House bills are captioned H.R. __. Senate and House resolutions, joint resolutions, and concurrent resolutions are captioned S.Res. __ and H.Res. __, S.J. Res. __ and H.J. Res. __, and S. Con. Res. __ and H. Con. Res. __, respectively. House and Senate resolutions are merely expressions of the sentiment of the parent body and as such do not carry the force of law. Senate and House concurrent and joint resolutions require the approval of the other chamber. In addition, joint resolutions, except for those that propose an amendment to the Constitution, require the consent of the President and have the force of law. Even when the bill or resolution is referred to the other chamber, it retains the initiating chamber's bill or resolution number throughout its legislative life. Each bill or resolution must secure passage before the end of the Congress in which it is introduced or it must begin the legislative process anew in the next Congress. 1.42 On popular issues, many legislators may introduce their own bill or resolution to address the problem. All such measures are then referred to a committee, which settles on one as the basis for legislative activity and incorporates or ignores provisions from the others. In general, the file of the bill that became the legislative vehicle is the one with the richest documentation. 1.43 Related Records: The first place to look for material on a bill or resolution is in the legislative files of the committee, but it is also worth looking in the committee's correspondence and subject files for additional information. In pre-World War II Congresses, these records are combined under a series of records called "committee papers." After 1946, committees often maintained separate series of unpublished hearings that may relate to legislation as well as transcripts of business meetings, and markup sessions (where the committee considers each section of a measure). Because executive branch agencies closely track legislation that is of interest to their programs, researchers should also consult the records of relevant agencies for legislative files. 1.44 To review the various versions of bills and resolutions as they passed through the legislative process, researchers should consult the printed bills and resolutions of the Congress, 1830's-1962, in the custody of the Center for Legislative Archives (for more information, see para. 1.114). Among congressional records are the drafts of bills and resolutions that were returned to Congress from the printer; they are in several series labelled "original bills and resolutions" (for more information, see Chapter 24 of this guide). The final version of enacted bills and joint resolutions are published in the United States Statutes at Large (for more information, see paras. 1.115-1.118). To obtain the most complete legislative history of any measure, researchers should consult the publications described in paras. 1.88 through 1.118, as well as the holdings of the Center for Legislative Archives. 1.45 Popular Opinion: Studying petitions submitted to Congress is often a profitable way to understand popular opinion. The records of Congress contain thousands of original petitions from individuals and groups, ample proof that Americans exercise their constitutional right to petition the government. They cover the entire span of congressional history and relate to an extremely wide range of issues, such as pensions for veterans of the Revolutionary War, antebellum antislavery reform, woman suffrage, establishment of post offices and post roads, annexation of Hawaii and the Philippines, the League of Nations, prohibition, and Sabbath observance. These petitions are of two broad types: those in which the petitioner sought individual indemnification from the government, and those for which the petitioner drew attention to a larger social problem. The former category is described below under claims filed before Congress. 1.46 Description of the Records: Congress receives petitions on the floor and usually refers them to the committee whose jurisdiction most closely matches the subject of the petition. A major exception to this procedure was in the case of antislavery petitions presented during the antebellum period. According to a "gag rule" in effect in the House from the 1830's through the 1850's, these petitions were neither received nor referred to a committee; however, many are extant among congressional records. 1.47 As historical documents, petitions have been used in different ways. Some researchers are interested in viewing petitions submitted by prominent Americans, such as Abraham Lincoln, Susan B. Anthony, John C. Fremont, or Frederick Douglass. Others, attempting to trace the activities of certain groups or individuals from a particular locale, have examined all petitions received from that group over time. Another approach has been to examine all petitions on a given subject received from all groups over time. In addition to the names of the signers, petitions often show the name of their town or county of residence, along with an expression of opinion on the problem. Depending on the subject and the time period, the statements may be preprinted or individualized. 1.48 Information Required to Make a Search: For most topics, petitions were referred to the same committee for any given Congress, but for particularly contentious or otherwise complex topics, petitions on seemingly similar topics may have been referred to more than one committee. For example, researchers who want to review all antislavery petitions for a given Congress may find some among the records of the Committee on the Judiciary (if the petitioners advocated a constitutional amendment); the Committee on the Territories (if the petition related to slavery in the Territories); the Committee on the District of Columbia (if it related to the slave trade in the District); a select committee (if one was formed relating to the subject); or among those petitions "received," meaning "gagged"; in the Senate such petitions were considered "tabled." Information needed to locate the petitions can be obtained from either the indexes to the Congressional Record and its antecedents (see paras. 1.91-1.94) or the Journals of the House and the Senate (see para. 1.95). 1.49 Researchers looking for all petitions from a particular locale on one topic or on many topics, face several problems. The indexers of the Congressional Record and its antecedents were not consistent in identifying the States from which the petitions were received. One means of surmounting this problem might be to examine petitions introduced by legislators from the locale under study, since most legislators tended to introduce petitions from their own district or State. Some caution should be exercised in employing this strategy, however, since a few Members who were interested in particular issues introduced related petitions from many States. For example, John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts submitted antislavery petitions from many States. Further, petitions referred to each committee are usually arranged chronologically by the date introduced on the floor or, in the case of claims, alphabetically by the surname of the petitioner, but rarely are they arranged alphabetically by State or town. 1.50 Those researchers who want more refined indexing, such as the gender, occupation, or the race of the petitioners, will probably be disappointed. For example, when petitioners described themselves as "fifty women from Vermont praying that Congress make liquor trafficking illegal," the compilers of the Congressional Record would probably describe them in those terms in its index and text. But in other cases where the petitioners' group affiliation was less clear, they were likely to be described more generically. Researchers may determine more about the petitioners by consulting other sources, such as census and probate records. 1.51 Researchers looking for all petitions signed by an individual, perhaps for a biographical study, may need to employ several of the strategies listed above. As the sole signer of a petition, the individual would most likely be listed by name in the index to the Congressional Record and its antecedents. In this case the researcher needs only to know the Congress in which the petition was submitted to make a search, since the Record and its antecedents are indexed by Congress (see paras. 1.91-1.94 for details). If the individual were one of many signers of a petition, an educated guess must be made as to the type of petition the individual would have signed. One researcher, for example, located a Lincoln signature by correctly guessing that as postmaster of New Salem, Illinois, in 1834, Lincoln might have signed a petition praying for Congress to establish a post road in his area. 1.52 Related Records: For the period 1789 through the 1850's, some petitions were published in American State Papers. See paras. 1.104-1.105, for more information on American State Papers. 1.53 Private Claims Filed Before Congress: Individuals have asked for congressional intervention in their behalf on a wide range of issues, such as compensation for serving in the armed forces, eligibility for pensions, rights to land, damages to persons or property committed by representatives of the United States, of foreign governments, or Indians, and the removal of political disabilities for certain former Confederate officials after the Civil War. 1.54 Description of the Records: Such files can include the original petition, the congressional committee's report, a bill introduced to alleviate the problem, a report from an appropriate executive branch official, and depositions from friends and neighbors in support of the petitioner's plea. These records can be quite informative, because they provide a description of the complaint, usually in the words of the individuals involved, and the judgment of the Congress. 1.55 Information Needed to Conduct a Search: In order to retrieve original documentation on these claims, researchers need to know the name of the claimant, the chamber in which the claim was filed, the Congress or Congresses in which it was introduced, and the committee to which the claim was referred. Fortunately the Congress produced a number of indexes that provide the information necessary to access the records. Indexes to private claims brought before the Senate and House were periodically published as part of the Congressional Serial Set (see paras. 1.100-1.103). Each index is arranged alphabetically by the surname of the claimant and shows the object of the claim, the Congress and session before which it was brought, the committee to which it was referred, the nature and number of any committee reports or bills, the dates when the bill was passed by both Chambers, and the date that the bill was approved by the President. These lists were compiled from the Journals of the House and Senate. A listing of these indexes is available in the Chapter 6 of this guide. 1.56 Several words of caution are appropriate for researchers interested in using these indexes. Not all of the documents listed in them are extant. In the case of those claims that were repeatedly submitted, the index indicates that a claimant submitted numerous petitions on the same subject, giving the impression that multiple documents exist. In fact, the same document was usually resubmitted numerous times. Finally, the indexes are best suited to researchers looking for information on specific individuals. 1.57 Those researchers interested in examining all claims on a particular topic or all claims submitted by specific groups, will find the indexes less satisfying. If all claims on a certain subject are sought, researchers may identify the committee of referral by examining this guide, as well as the indexes to the Congressional Record and its antecedents. The indexes are less useful in determining the group identification of claimants. (See paras. 1.49-1.51, for a further discussion of this point.) 1.58 Related Records: Over the entire course of American history, many agencies of the United States Government processed different kinds of claims. These claims files are described in some detail in Chapter 16, National Archives Trust Fund Board, Guide to Genealogical Records in the National Archives (Washington: National Archives and Records Service, 1982). 1.59 Southern Claims Commission: Genealogists and social historians have found that the records of the Commissioners on Claims, popularly known as the Southern Claims Commission, provide a wealth of detail about the lives of southerners in the 1860's and 1870's. The Commission met between 1871 and 1880 to examine the claims that those people who had lived in the former Confederate States had against the United States Army or Navy for property used, taken, or damaged during the Civil War. The Commissioners judged each claimant's loyalty to the United States during the war, certified the amount, value, and nature of the property taken or furnished, and reported their judgment on each claim presented to the House. The Commission received 22,298 claims for over $60 million dollars towards which about $4.6 million was paid. 1.60 Description of the Records: Only the barred or disallowed case files—that is, ones in which the Government made no payment at all—are among the records of the House of Representatives. Those records have been reproduced as National Archives Microfilm Publication M1407, Barred and Disallowed Case Files of the Southern Claims Commission, 1871-1880. For a more detailed discussion of these records, see Chapter 6 of this guide. 1.61 These files constitute a rich source of Civil War and Reconstruction history of the South. Each claimant and witness was required to answer a long, detailed questionnaire. Frank W. Klingberg, author of The Southern Claims Commission (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1955), estimates that as many as 220,000 witnesses gave testimony for the claimants or the Government in the process of the Commission's work. But because the Commission could compensate only those individuals who could prove their loyalty to the Union during the War, the testimony should be used with caution. 1.62 Information Needed To Conduct a Search: Researchers interested in finding an individual claim should consult the Consolidated Index of Claims Reported by the Commissioners of Claims to the House of Representatives from 1871-1880 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892), which is arranged alphabetically by the surname of those persons who filed claims before the Commission. The Consolidated Index also gives the office number and report number, the amount claimed, amount received, a brief description of the property involved, and whether the case was barred (failed to be submitted on time). 1.63 Researchers interested in examining all files from a geographic area should consult Gary Mills, Civil War Claims in the South: An Index of Civil War Damage Claims Filed Before the Southern Claims Commission, 1871-1880 (Laguna Hills, CA: Aegean Park Press, 1980), which lists claimants alphabetically by surname and by State. Because Mills provides the county of residence, researchers interested in all claims from one or more counties can easily compile a listing of relevant case files from Mills' index. After developing the list of individuals, however, researchers still must use the Consolidated Index to obtain the file numbers necessary to retrieve the original documents. 1.64 Related Records: Those cases that were approved in whole or in part are among the settled accounts and claims of the Third Auditor of the Treasury, in Records of the Accounting Officers of the Department of the Treasury, Record Group 217, formerly Records of the United States General Accounting Office. 1.65 In 1883 and 1887, Congress passed acts that permitted cases handled previously by the Commission to be transmitted to the U.S. Court of Claims for reconsideration. As a result, some of the barred and disallowed case files are among the Records of the U.S. Court of Claims, Record Group 123. 1.66 Those interested in the administrative files of the Commission should consult the Records of the Southern Claims Commission, part of the General Records of the Department of the Treasury, Record Group 56. Those records have been reproduced as National Archives Microfilm Publication M87, Records of the Commissioners of Claims (Southern Claims Commission), 1871-1880. 1.67 Investigative Files: Congress has the authority to investigate perceived problems in any area of American society, but particularly within the Federal Government. For example, Congress has investigated the national military establishment from the Indians' defeat of Arthur St. Clair in 1792, to the manner in which the Civil War was prosecuted in the 1860's, to the dismissal of General Douglas MacArthur in the 1950's. In the 20th century, Congress has examined various facets of the economy through investigations of the banking community in 1912 and 1933, labor unions' organizational difficulties in the late 1930's, and the munitions makers of World War I. Congress also reviewed the activities of organized crime and subversion through committees such as the House Un-American Activities Committee (1945-1975). 1.68 Description of the Records: Often a tremendous amount of data is compiled on the subject of an investigation. Among the records of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, for example, are files on individuals who were considered security risks. The files of a number of investigative committees of the 20th century contain copies of the financial records of many large corporations and other economic data of interest to students of the business community. Because some information contained in the records of 20th century investigative committees may be considered sensitive, the National Archives staff must screen these materials prior to their release. Researchers interested in using investigative records should therefore contact the Center for Legislative Archives well in advance of their proposed research visit. 1.69 Information Needed to Conduct a Search: The records of each investigation are organized by the administrative unit that conducted the investigation, usually subcommittees of a standing committee or select or special committees. See Chapters 2-25 of this guide for more detailed information on the records of House committees. 1.70 Treaties: The Constitution provides that the President must seek the advice and consent of the Senate on all treaties. The concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators present when a treaty is considered by Congress is necessary. 1.71 Description of the Records: Treaty files may include a copy of the proposed treaty, a message from the President, a copy of the committee's report, transcripts of hearings, committee prints, correspondence of committee chairman, correspondence indicating the administration's position, internal staff communications, and for treaties relating to taxation, a statement from the Joint Committee on Taxation and the Department of the Treasury. Treaty files that postdate the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, which authorized the creation of professional staff for committees, are more likely to contain fuller documentation. The records are in two series: Indian treaties, 1789-1870, and foreign treaties, 1789-present. 1.72 Information Needed to Conduct a Search: Researchers need to know the Congress in which the treaty was disposed of by the Senate and the parties to the treaty. This means that if the President submitted a treaty before one Congress and it was neither accepted nor rejected until the next Congress, records of the treaty are in the latter Congress. This disposition information can be located in either the Congressional Record and its antecedents or the Senate Executive Journal (see para. 1.89 for more information on the Journal). 1.73 Related Records: Related records are also available in other record groups in the National Archives. Many of these records have been filmed. Ratified Indian treaties are located in Record Group 11, General Records of the U.S. Government and are filmed as National Archives Microfilm Publication M668, Ratified Indian Treaties, 1722-1869. The treaties were published in Vol. II of Charles J. Kappler's, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904). Supporting documents pertaining to the negotiation and ratification of Indian treaties are in Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and they have been filmed as National Archives Microfilm Publication T494, Documents Relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties with Various Indian Tribes, 1801-1869. Researchers should also consult John H. Martin's compilation: List of Documents Concerning the Negotiation of Ratified Indian Treaties, 1801- 1869, Special List 6 (Washington: National Archives, 1949), which identifies documents that are not included in Microfilm Publication T494. Researchers interested in international treaties and conventions should consult the inventories of General Records of the U.S. Government, Record Group 11, and General Records of the Department of State, Record Group 59. 1.74 Nominations. As with treaties, the Senate must provide its advise and consent on the nomination of a number of presidential appointments, such as cabinet officers, Federal judges, postmasters, and officers in the Armed Forces. 1.75 Description of the Records: A nomination file may include such documents as a transcript of the nomination hearing, resume of the nominee, letters of recommendation from individuals and professional organizations, financial disclosure information, correspondence from the administration, committee vote tallies, petitions from interested citizens, and internal staff memoranda. The records are arranged in two series: Messages of the President (placing a candidate's name in nomination) and the nomination files. 1.76 Information Needed to Conduct a Search: Nomination files are arranged by the Congress in which the appointment was made and then alphabetically by the surname of the candidate. Beginning with the 80th Congress (1947-49), the records are arranged by the Congress, thereunder by the committee to which the nomination was referred, and thereunder alphabetically by the surname of the nominee. The appropriate Congress and committee can be located in either the Congressional Record and its antecedents or the Senate Executive Journal. The National Archives has published a listing of all of the nomination files from 1789-1901: George P. Perros, James C. Brown, and Jacqueline A. Wood, compilers, Papers of the United States Senate Relating to Presidential Nominations, 1789-1901 Special List 20, (Washington: National Archives and Records Service, 1964). 1.77 Related Records: There may be additional documentation among the records of the government agency to which the candidate was nominated and the records of the Office of the President. Citing Unpublished Congressional Documents 1.78 In citing unpublished governmental records, researchers are encouraged to consult NARA's General Information Leaflet 17: "Citing Records in the National Archives of the United States." In line with this Leaflet, the following specific guidance is provided for researchers citing unpublished congressional materials. 1.79 The Elements of a Citation: The purpose of any citation is to promote the easy retrieval of the materials cited. To facilitate retrieval, researchers are encouraged to identify the following elements in their citations to unpublished congressional records: record, file unit, series, Congress, record group, and repository. Obviously, in subsequent notes some of this information can be abbreviated. Each element of the note should be separated by a semicolon to avoid confusion. In general it is not necessary to cite the session of Congress since few unpublished congressional records are arranged by session. What follows is more precise guidance on each of the elements of a citation. 1.80 Record: A record is a unit of information, regardless of physical form. The citation should identify the document, its date and, where appropriate, its author and recipient. For many 18th-and-19th-century documents the identifying data is found in the document's endorsement. The endorsement, written on the back of a document, shows when the item was received and what actions were taken on the subject of the document. If the date of the document differs from the endorsement date, which is usually the case, cite the document date and in parentheses indicate the date of the first endorsement. The endorsement date is important, because it is often the date that is used for filing these documents. 1.81 File Unit: A file unit may be a single record, a bound volume, or an envelope or file folder that contains various types of records. In some series of congressional records, such as committee papers, petitions referred to committees, treaty files, and Indian treaty files, there are important subdivisions that need to be noted for ease of retrieval. For committee papers, committee reports and papers, petitions referred to committee, papers accompanying specific bills and resolutions: Identify the committee to which the matter was referred (for papers accompanying specific bills and resolutions, include the bill or resolution number as well). For foreign and Indian treaty files: Identify the specific treaty. For nominations: Identify the name of the nominee. 1.82 Series: A series may be a single file or several files brought together because of their common arrangement, source, use, or physical form. Many congressional records are organized in the following series: Original journals Original bills and resolutions Committee papers Committee reports and papers President's messages Reports and communications submitted to the [House or Senate] Petitions and memorials referred to committee Petitions and memorials that were tabled Election records Records of impeachments Records of the Clerk of the House 1.83 For House records, 1789-1962, and Senate records, 1789-1946, researchers should cite the file number in parentheses immediately after the series title. The file number bears a HR or SEN designation, depending on whether it was a House or Senate record, an initial number indicating the Congress, and other letters and numbers, such as HR 69A-H6.13, which indicate the series and subgroups to which the records belong. See paras. 1.20-1.26, for a more detailed explanation of the file numbers. 1.84 Congress: A new Congress begins every two years, following the congressional elections. Each has been numbered sequentially beginning with the First Congress, which met from 1789 to 1791. 1.85 Record Group: The record groups for congressional materials are listed below with accepted abbreviations in parentheses: Record Group 46—Records of the U.S. Senate (RG 46) Record Group 233—Records of the U.S. House of Representatives (RG 233) Record Group 128—Records of Joint Committees of Congress (RG 128) Record Group 287—Publications of the U.S. Government (RG 287) 1.86 Repository: All records of the Congress in the custody of the National Archives and Records Administration are in the National Archives, Washington, DC. This element may be abbreviated as NA. 1.87 Examples of Notes: Below are examples of how to cite congressional materials. All of the documents are fictitious Fifty women from Vermont praying an end to slavery in the District of Columbia, Jan. 15, 1838 (endorsed Feb. 7, 1838); Committee on the District of Columbia; Petitions and Memorials Referred to Committees (HR 25A-G4.1); 25th Congress; Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, Record Group 233; National Archives, Washington, DC. President's message, March 10, 1808 (endorsed March 12, 1808); Treaty with the Cherokees; Indian Treaty Files (SEN 12B-C1); 12th Congress; Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46; National Archives, Washington, DC. Original Legislative Journal, Dec. 6, 1847, page 3; First Session (SEN 30A-A2); 30th Congress; Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46; National Archives, Washington, DC. Petition of Robert W. Smith, Apr. 17, 1874; Report 4, Office 123; Disallowed Claims Files; Records of the Commissioners on Claims; Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, Record Group 233; National Archives, Washington, DC. William Smith to Walter Jones, Jan. 5, 1956; Hanford Power Plant; unclassified subject files; Records of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Record Group 128; National Archives, Washington, DC. Hearings on the Situation in Cuba, Jan. 9, 1963, page 56; formerly classified hearings; Committee on Foreign Relations; 88th Congress; Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46; National Archives, Washington, DC. James Jones to Jay Sourwine, July 7, 1952; Owen Lattimore file; Individuals files; Subcommittee on Internal Security; 82d Congress; Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46; National Archives, Washington, DC. John Doe to Alexander Smith, Dec. 3, 1946; Individuals: Philip Murray; Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program, 1941-48; Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46; National Archives, Washington, DC. Published Congressional Documents 1.88 More than any other agency of the Federal Government, the Congress publishes an extensive record of its activities. The most important examples of this effort are listed and described below. These publications are available in the Library and Printed Archives Division of the National Archives and may also be available in Government Depository Libraries located around the United States. Additional information about the depository library system is provided in Appendix E of this guide. 1.89 Congressional publications fall into two categories: those that record activities conducted on the floor of Congress and those that record activities in its committee. Records of Floor Proceedings 1.90 The quality of the record of debates and actions that take place on the floor of Congress have varied widely throughout the history of Congress. The Constitution stipulates in Article I, section 5, that Congress simply maintain a journal of its proceedings. Production of an accurate record of the actual speeches and debates developed slowly. In part this was due to congressional traditions. All Senate proceedings held during the period 1789 to December 1795, for example, were closed to the public. Senate proceedings on its executive business (treaties and nominations) were also closed to the public until the 1920's. House deliberations on the other hand have, except on rare occasions, always been open to the public. Because of the poor quality of early efforts at transcription, legislators insisted on the right to edit their remarks. This is permitted for the style but not the substance of remarks. In order to expedite business, Members of Congress have also been permitted to submit materials for incorporation into the record that they did not actually read on the floor. 1.91 Annals of Congress (1789-1824): During its first 3 decades, Congress did not produce its own transcription of its proceedings. In the 1830's, two pioneers in reporting congressional activity, Joseph Gales and William Seaton, used contemporary newspaper and other sources to reconstruct congressional debates from the earlier period. The Annals of Congress reproduced the speeches and debates as abstracts written in the third person. Each volume is indexed. Gales and Seaton were also publishers of the newspaper the National Intelligencer, which specialized in congressional coverage. 1.92 Register of Debates (1824-1837): Gales and Seaton published this contemporaneous abstraction of congressional floor debates. Each volume is indexed. 1.93 Congressional Globe (1833-1873): Francis P. Blair and John C. Rives, publishers of the Congressional Globe, became the authorized printer of congressional debates in 1833. In its later years the Globe reconstructed what appeared to be a verbatim transcription (done in the first person) rather than printing primarily third person abstracts. 1.94 Congressional Record (1873-present): While the Congressional Record has always looked like a verbatim transcription, members can edit their remarks and submit remarks that were not delivered on the floor. These remarks appear in the text as if they were delivered on the floor. Beginning in March 1978, remarks that were not actually delivered were indicated by a printer's "bullet" in the margin. However, Members can circumvent this device. For instance, if the first sentence of a speech is actually delivered on the floor and the rest is turned in for printing, the "bullet" does not appear in the margin. Most recently those remarks not delivered on the floor are printed in a different type face. In 1947, the Congressional Record produced a new publication: the Daily Digest. The Daily Digest records floor and committee proceedings each day. The Congressional Record is indexed by subject and by bill and resolution number. 1.95 House and Senate Journals (1789-present): The Journals are the only constitutionally mandated record of floor proceedings. The Journals record actions taken on the floor, such as the receipt of messages, the introduction of bills, the referral of petitions or bills to committees, and all roll call votes. All of these activities are also recorded in the publications noted above. The Journals reproduce none of the debates and speeches. While the House produces one Journal, the Senate publishes the Senate Legislative Journal to record its legislative proceedings and the Senate Executive Journal to record proceedings on treaties and nominations. Each volume is indexed by subject and by bill or resolution number. The Senate Executive Journal is indexed by the surnames of individuals whose names were placed in nomination. Beginning in 1829 geographical place names are also indexed. Later volumes also divide the personal names section into segments for the agencies or Departments to which the individuals had been nominated. 1.96 House and Senate Manuals: Those interested in understanding the fine points of transacting business on the floor of Congress should consult the House Manual and Senate Manual appropriate to the time period under study. The Manuals are published in the Congressional Serial Set. In addition researchers should consult the compilations of precedents listed below for information on how each Chamber was organized and how its business was conducted. These precedents were developed over time by each House of Congress through rulings from the chair and actions of the entire body. 1.97 House and Senate Precedents: In 1907, Asher C. Hinds produced the first systematic codification of House precedents. Published by the Government Printing Office as Hinds' Precedents of the House of Representatives of the United States, they are organized into categories such as the meeting of Congress, the presiding officer at organization, procedure and powers of the Members-elect in organization, polygamy, disqualifications, irregular credentials, and impeachment. There is also a subject index. Revisions to Hinds appeared in the 1930's and 1970's: Clarence Cannon, Cannon's Precedents of the House of Representatives of the United States (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1935) and Lewis Deschler, Deschler's Precedents of the United States House of Representatives, H. Doc. 94-661 (Serial 13151-1). 1.98 A similar, but much less extensive, work for the Senate was compiled by Charles Watkins and Floyd Riddick and was based on earlier editions by editors such as Henry Gilfrey (1909). The most recent version is: Senate Procedure, Precedents, and Practices, S. Doc. 101-28. Records of Committee Actions 1.99 As Congress evolved during the 19th and 20th centuries, increasingly more of the workload was transferred from the floor of Congress to its committees and subcommittees. Published records of committee activity include hearings, both published and unpublished, reports, other documents that committees thought deserved wider circulation, and staff studies. 1.100 Congressional Serial Set: The Congressional Serial Set is a publication of United States Government documents authorized by Congress in December 1813. The set began with the 15th Congress (1815-17). It includes the Journals, committee reports, a wide variety of reports and messages from the executive branch, the Congressional Directory, and other documents Congress deemed worthy of wider distribution. 1.101 The volumes of the serial set are numbered sequentially from 1815 to the present. The volumes are organized by Congress, by Senate and House publications, and for most of its history by "reports" and "documents." At times during the 19th century, the documents were divided into "executive documents" and "miscellaneous documents" the former being documents of the executive branch and the latter being other documents. During the early 20th century the serial set was divided into Journals, reports, and documents. 1.102 Although the serial set is an excellent source of information on the Congress and the entire government, its use was hindered by the poor quality of its indexes until the Congressional Information Service, Inc. (CIS), a private publisher headquartered in Bethesda, MD, published its CIS U.S. Serial Set Index, 1789-1969. The CIS Index is divided into the following sections: subjects, names and organizations for whom private relief was considered, a numerical listing of reports and documents, and a shelf list of publications contained in each serial volume. For serial set documents from 1969 to the present, consult the CIS indexes and abstracts. CIS has also produced a microfiche edition of the serial set. 1.103 The Congressional Serial Set is a key source of documentation on the activities of the Congress. Committee reports, for example, are prepared by a committee in conjunction with the presentation of the committee's version of a bill or resolution to its parent body. The committee report is the committee's argument in favor of passing the measure; it is sometimes accompanied by a minority view. In other cases the committee report is simply its version of the bill as it emerged from committee deliberations. Committee reports have, therefore, become key documents in determining the intent of Congress in its passage of legislation. In the case of investigating committees, the committee report is usually a presentation of its findings and recommendations for correcting the problems the committee was established to study. 1.104 American State Papers: The only publication comparable to the serial set for documents created before 1815 is American State Papers. From 1832 to 1861, publishers Gales and Seaton reproduced in this series a wide variety of early government documents, such as congressional committee reports, and messages and reports from the executive branch, that date roughly from 1789 to the 1830's. While American State Papers was an impressive undertaking for its day, its editors only published what they considered to be the most important reports and messages. 1.105 Gales and Seaton, the publishers, divided these documents into ten subject classes: Foreign relations, 1789-1828; Indian affairs, 1789-1827; finance, 1789-1828; commerce and navigation, 1789-1823; military affairs, 1789-1838; naval affairs, 1789-1836; Post Office Department, 1789-1833; public lands, 1789-37; claims, 1789-1823; miscellaneous, 1789-1823. Within each class, each document was assigned a sequential number which was roughly in chronological order. Each volume is indexed. 1.106 Published Congressional Hearings: During the 19th century, particularly after the Civil War, congressional committees began to hold hearings on the wide variety of issues that confronted them. For 20th century committees, hearings have become a standard mechanism for gathering information relevant to their main functions: considering legislation, investigating wrongdoing, and overseeing the activities of executive branch agencies. Congressional hearings were not published as a separate series until the 1890's. Hearings published before the 1890's were included in the Congressional Serial Set, often as a part of the committee's report. Congress did not require that its committees systematically transcribe their hearings until the passage of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946. 1.107 Committee hearings record the comments of witnesses and legislators on different issues and, more importantly, they record interesting exchanges between them. Witnesses and legislators may edit their remarks, but any corrections are supposed to be stylistic rather than substantive. Because each committee member may question a witness, the same issues may be covered several times in response to questions posed by different legislators. Individual hearings are rarely indexed, although a table of contents is normally provided indicating the names of witnesses. 1.108 The Congressional Information Service, Inc., has produced the most complete index to the published hearings of Congress in its CIS U.S. Congressional Committee Hearings Index, 1833-1969. The Hearings Index is arranged in the following sections: by subject, by names of witnesses, by committee or subcommittee holding the hearing, by the popular names of bills and laws, by titles of the hearings, by the Superintendent of Documents classification numbers, and by the report or document number (for those hearings that were published in a report or a document in the serial set). For hearings held from 1969 to the present, consult the CIS indexes and abstracts. CIS has also produced a microfiche edition of the published hearings of Congress. 1.109 Unpublished Congressional Hearings: Committees decide whether their hearing transcripts should be published. The decision not to publish usually is made because of the costs involved, the subject matter of the hearing (too controversial, too sensitive, too routine, or classified for reasons of national security), or committee idiosyncrasies. Consequently, a large body of unpublished transcripts of hearings exists principally in the National Archives and to a lesser extent in congressional committee offices. The content and format of these hearings is the same as those of hearings that were published. 1.110 Until recently no bibliographic control over these hearings transcripts existed. The Congressional Information Service, Inc., made an extensive search of the holdings of the National Archives, congressional committee offices, and a number of other repositories to locate all unpublished Senate hearings through 1964. The results are published as CIS Index to Unpublished U.S. Senate Committee Hearings, 1823-1964. This Index is organized in the same way as the CIS index to published congressional hearings. CIS has also produced a microfiche edition of the unpublished hearings of the Senate. CIS is currently searching for all unpublished hearings of the House through 1937 and it plans to publish an index and microfiche edition of these hearings as well. The cutoff dates of the CIS publications are dictated by access rules: unpublished records of the Senate are closed for 20 years and unpublished records of the House are closed for 50 years. 1.111 Committee Prints: Unlike the hearings, reports, and documents, committee prints are a heterogeneous category of publications intended primarily for the use of congressional committees. They often are printed in small quantities (less than 100 copies) and, unlike published hearings and serial set documents, they are not always preserved or distributed in any systematic way. Committee prints usually fall into one of the following categories: Monographs, investigative field reports, analyses of bills, confidential staff memoranda and reports, executive branch comments on legislation, reference materials, statistical compilations, hearings publications, and drafts of bills and reports. 1.112 The Congressional Information Service, Inc., conducted a major survey of congressional records at the National Archives, Library of Congress, Senate and House libraries, and large Government depository libraries throughout the country to prepare a collection of congressional committee prints. The CIS published its work as CIS U.S. Congressional Committee Prints Index, from the Earliest Publications through 1969. CIS has also produced a microfiche edition of the these committee prints. For more recent prints, see the CIS indexes described below. 1.113 CIS Indexes, 1970-present: Since 1969, CIS has published a single index to most of the different forms of congressional publications (reports, documents, hearings, prints, executive reports and documents, and public laws) but not to the Congressional Record. CIS produces a monthly index that permits users to access documents by subject; by names of witnesses; by titles of publications; by bill, report, hearing, print and Superintendent of Documents numbers; and by committee or subcommittee name. Citations in the index direct researchers to the CIS Annual Abstracts, which summarize each congressional committee publication. In addition to providing full bibliographic information, the abstractions of hearings lists all witnesses who testified, summarizes their testimony, and notes any supporting material they submitted for inclusion in the record. The index is published monthly and issued in a single volume every four years, while the Abstracts for a year are published annually in a single volume. The indexing database is also available on-line through DIALOG Information Services, Inc. The documents themselves are available in microfiche from CIS. 1.114 Bills and Resolutions: The Center for Legislative Archives has approximately 1,000 linear feet of the printed versions of House and Senate bills and resolutions from 1807 to 1954. A more complete collection is in the Law Library of the Library of Congress. Portions of the bills and resolutions have been microfiched by the Congressional Information Service, Inc.: CIS Congressional Bills, Resolutions, and Laws, 1943-84. 1.115 Acts of Congress: Acts of Congress, both private and public, treaties and conventions before 1950, proclamations, reorganization plans, and concurrent resolutions are published in the United States Statutes at Large. Each volume of the Statutes, except the first, is indexed alphabetically by subject. 1.116 The Statutes have been indexed in the following publications: A Synoptical Index to the Laws and Treaties of the United States of America from March 4, 1789 to March 3, 1851 (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1852); George Winfield Scott and Middleton G. Beaman, Index Analysis of the Federal Statutes, 1873-1907 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1908); Walter H. McClenon and Wilfred C. Gilbert, Index to the Federal Statutes, 1874-1931 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1933). 1.117 Periodically the laws of the United States are codified. The first such codification took place in 1873 and was published in the Statutes at Large, but other codifications have been published in the United States Code. The Code is arranged by major subject areas of the law, called titles, such as agriculture (title 7), patents (title 35), and veterans benefits (title 38). The most recent version of the Code shows laws in force through the date of the publication of the Code. To find out if the Code is current for the particular subject of interest, researchers should consult volumes of the Statutes that postdate the Code. 1.118 A helpful version of the Code is the United States Code Annotated (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Company, 1973). This publication contains extensive notes for each section of the Code, indicating any previous laws that were changed. This is particularly useful in tracing the evolution of Federal law in a given subject area. Other Publications of Congressional Materials 1.119 The Territorial Papers of the United States: Pursuant to several acts of Congress passed in the 1920's, the Department of State was directed to collect, edit, and publish the official papers of Territories of the United States. In the 1930's, the National Archives assumed this responsibility. As of this writing, the papers of all of those territories east of the Mississippi River, plus Arkansas and Missouri, have been published in a letterpress version, supplemented in many cases by microfilm editions; only a microfilm edition exists for Iowa. 1.120 Because Congress played such a vital role in establishing Territories by legislating on a wide range of pertinent issues, and passing the acts admitting Territories to statehood, the records of Congress are an important source of territorial history. Numerous records of Congress relating to the Territories were therefore published in this series. Included, for example, are petitions from territorial residents, as well as various versions of the bills that eventually became acts granting statehood, and versions of proposed State constitutions. In addition many records of the Senate that related to the Territories were microfilmed as National Archives Microfilm Publication M200, Territorial Papers of the United States Senate, 1789-1873. 1.121 The Documentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United States of America, March 4, 1789-March 3, 1791: Since the mid-1960's, this project has sought to locate and publish all documents that relate to the First Congress. The First Federal Congress project has performed a comprehensive search of all extant materials, at the National Archives, the Library of Congress, and private or public repositories with collections in the 1789-1791 time span. 1.122 To date, the project has published the most authoritative versions of the Senate Legislative and Executive Journals, and the House Journal for the First Congress, as well as three volumes of legislative histories of all bills and resolutions introduced during the First Congress. In forthcoming volumes the project will reproduce petitions, the debates of Congress, the diary of Senator William Maclay (1789-1791), and other letters and papers of members of the First Congress. 1.123 This project is one of more than 250 historical documentary editions sponsored by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). 1.124 The Documentary History of the First Federal Elections, 1788-1790: The NHPRC also sponsors this project which anticipates the publication of a four-volume edition of documents and correspondence concerning the first congressional elections. The editors have selected for publication official records of the States as well as private correspondence and newspaper sources. The first two volumes have been published. 1.125 Other NHPRC Projects: In addition to the above NHPRC sponsored publications projects, congressional documents have been published in such projects as the Papers of John Adams, John Quincy Adams, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Albert Gallatin, Joseph Henry, John Marshall, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, James K. Polk, Jefferson Davis, Ulysses S. Grant, and Andrew Johnson. Some congressional documents also are reproduced in the National Archives Federal Documentary Microfilm Edition No. 1, Papers Relating to the Administration of the U.S. Patent Office During the Superintendency of William Thornton, 1802-1828. 1.126 National Archives Microfilm Publications: The Legislative Archives Division is filming the records of the first 14 Congresses, 1789-1817. The documentary record for this period is slight, but the extant records are of unusually high intrinsic value. The records after 1817 have been more systematically published in the Congressional Serial Set. The records will be filmed in two series: records that are bound and records that are unbound. In addition the barred and disallowed claims files of the Southern Claims Commission have been microfiched. See Appendix H for a complete listing of these microfilm publications. Citing Published Congressional Materials 1.127 Because the unpublished records of Congress bear such a close relationship to published congressional materials, a section on how to cite them is also included. This is based on The Chicago Manual of Style, 13th edition. Note: These are all fictitious documents. 1.128 Floor Proceedings: Senate Journal, 14th Cong., 1st sess., 7 Dec. 1819, 9-19. Annals of Congress, 2d Cong., 1st sess., 215. Congressional Globe, 39th Cong., 2d sess., 1867, 39, pt.9:9505. Congressional Record, 71st Cong., 1st sess., 1930, 72, pt.10:10828-30. 1.129 Published Committee Documents: American State Papers, Class V-Military Affairs, 2:558. Malcolm to Calhoun, 2 Nov. 1818, Report of the Secretary of War Relative to Roads and Canals (7 Jan. 1819), 15th Cong., 2d sess., H. Doc. 87. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, The Mutual Security Act of 1956, 84th Cong., 2d sess., 1956, S. Rept. 2273, 5. House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Background Materials on Mutual Defense and Development Programs: Fiscal Year 1965, 88th Cong., 2d sess., 1964, Committee Print, 24. 1.130 Published Congressional Hearings: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Hearings on the Situation in China, 80th Cong., 1st sess., July 19, 1947, 57-68. Back to Top Other Sources Textual Records in the National Archives Relating to the Records of Congress 1.131 Continental and Confederation Congresses, 1774-1789: The immediate predecessors to the modern Congress were the Continental and Confederation Congresses. The First and Second Continental Congresses met from 1774 through 1781; these bodies organized resistance to the British, drafted the Declaration of Independence, and managed the war effort during the Revolution. The Articles of Confederation, approved in 1781, established a new central government, the primary feature of which was a Congress. The Confederation Congress lasted from 1781 to 1789, when the new government established by the Constitution took effect. The records of the Continental and Confederation Congresses have been reproduced as National Archives Microfilm Publications M247, Papers of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 and M332, Miscellaneous Papers of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. The original records are part of Record Group 360. 1.132 Original Enrolled Bills: The final version of a bill or joint resolution that is signed by the President, making it an Act of Congress, is called the enrolled version. These are published in the United States Statutes at Large. The originals, 1789-present, are among the General Records of the U.S. Government, Record Group 11. Portions of these records have been microfilmed as National Archives Microfilm Publications M337, Enrolled Original Acts and Resolutions of the U.S. Congress, 1789-1823, and M1326, Enrolled Acts and Resolutions of Congress, 53d Congress, 2d Session—84th Congress, 2d Session, 1893-1956. Related Records and Materials Outside the National Archives Private Papers and Newspapers 1.133 Papers of Congressmen and Senators: There is often a close relationship between the private papers of legislators, particularly those who were committee chairmen, and official congressional committee records at the National Archives. Before the end of World War II, the amount of staff available to legislators was limited to several individuals and committee staffs were also extremely small by modern standards. Because the distinction between committee and personal staff available to legislators remained unclear until the passage of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the distinction between the committee records and personal papers the staff maintained was also ambiguous. The result is that original committee records and copies of committee records are often in the private collections of individual legislators. 1.134 By tradition the papers of Members of Congress are considered the private property of the legislator. These collections have sometimes been destroyed, retained by the family, or donated to a repository. The Senate Historical Office produced the following publication that lists the locations of the extant papers of all senators who served from 1789-1982: Kathryn Allamong Jacob, editor, Guide to Research Collections of Former United States Senators, 1789-1982 (Washington: Senate Historical Office, 1983). Copies are available free of charge from the Senate Historical Office, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC 20510. The House Office for the Bicentennial has prepared a similar compilation for House members: Cynthia Pease Miller, editor, A Guide to Research Collections of Former Members of the House of Representatives, 1789-1987 (Washington: Office of the Bicentennial of the U.S. House of Representatives, 1988). 1.135 The greatest concentration of papers of former legislators is in the Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. The Library has published a listing of their congressional materials: John J. McDonough, compiler, Members of Congress: A Checklist of Their Papers in the Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (Washington: Library of Congress, 1980). 1.136 Newspapers: Because members of Congress have long drawn the attention of political journalists, newspapers remain an excellent source of information on the opinions and activities of members. Often information that may not appear among the official records of Congress or the private papers of legislators can be gleaned from newspaper sources because many journalists enjoyed ready access to the politicians. While excellent as sources, newspapers have to be used with caution, since many of them, in the past particularly, have been overtly partisan in their point of view. 1.137 For the 1790's, researchers should consult the National Gazette (1791-93), published by Philip Freneau; the Gazette of the United States (1789-94), published by John Fenno; and the Philadelphia Aurora (1790-1835), published by Benjamin Franklin Bache and William Duane. The National Intelligencer, ultimately published by Joseph Gales and William Seaton, is probably the most authoritative source for the period from 1800 to the 1860's. By the mid-19th century a number of new papers devoted extensive coverage to Congress: New York Tribune (New York Herald Tribune), 1841-1964; New York Times, 1851-present; Boston Journal, 1833-1903; New York World, 1860-1931; Baltimore Sun, 1837-present; and the Washington Post, 1877-present. While all of these newspapers have been microfilmed, only The New York Times has been completely indexed. The Times Index will provide the dates of episodes that can be used to search other newspapers. Office Records 1.138 Architect of the Capitol: The records of the Architect of the Capitol consist of textual, photographic, and cartographic materials concerning the Capitol Building and grounds and other related buildings. These records date from the early 19th century to the present. In addition, because the Architect has had responsibility for a number of other buildings in the Washington, DC area, there are materials on the Supreme Court; the Library of Congress; Union Station; Gallaudet University; Columbia Hospital for Women; St. Elizabeths Hospital; the Washington, DC Jail; the Botanic Garden; the Patent Office; the Post Office; the Washington Aqueduct; and statues, monuments, and memorials. 1.139 Textual Records: The Architect's textual materials amount to about 500 linear feet that date from the 1800's to the present. Important correspondents include Benjamin Henry Latrobe, Frederick Law Olmsted, Robert Mills, David Lynn, Thomas U. Walter, George Stewart, Carrere & Hastings, William Strickland, Edward Clark, Montgomery C. Meigs, Jefferson Davis, and Joseph Henry. There is also extensive correspondence with such artists as Thomas Crawford, Constantino Brumidi, Vinnie Ream Hoxie, Clark Mills, Randolph Rogers, and William Rinehart. 1.140 Photographic Records: The Architect maintains a collection of approximately 70,000 original photographic negatives that date from the 1850's to the present. These photographs relate principally to the Capitol itself (particularly construction projects), works of art (both paintings and sculptures), interiors of rooms, and pictures of ceremonial events such as inaugurals, joint sessions and meetings of Congress, and the unveiling of art works. 1.141 Architectural Records: The Architect also maintains approximately 70,000 architectural drawings that relate to the Capitol Building and its grounds, and other buildings under the jurisdiction of the Architect, such as congressional office buildings, Library of Congress buildings, and the Supreme Court Building, as well as several other public buildings in Washington, DC. 1.142 For further information researchers should write to: Curator for the Architect of the Capitol, the Capitol, Washington, DC 20515. 1.143 Senate Historical Office: The Senate Historical Office has collected from a number of institutions approximately 30,000 photographic copies of images that relate to the Senate. The collection is organized into the following categories: portraits of senators; committees, caucuses, and meetings; groups of senators; special events; presidents and vice presidents; cartoon collections and graphic prints; demonstrations, rallies, parades, visitors; officers and employees of the Senate; Senate photographer's prints; Capitol/Senate buildings and grounds; Arthur Scott negatives; Senate photographic studio negatives; Democratic Party negatives; King Library contacts and negatives; unprinted Historical Office negatives and contacts. 1.144 Researchers interested in viewing or obtaining copies of these materials should write to: Senate Historical Office, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC 20510. 1.145 Office of Senate Curator: The Office of the Senate Curator maintains a collection of approximately 400 original prints and cartoons that relate to the Senate. The collection dates from the 1840s to the early 20th centuries. For more information contact the Office of Senate Curator, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC 20510. Back to Top Notes 1. For the report on House records, see T. R. Schellenberg to Thomas Owen, Apr. 9, 1937, Memoranda from Deputy Examiners, Accessions Division, Records of the National Archives, Record Group 64, National Archives, Washington, DC (hereafter referred to as Schellenberg, RG 64, NA). For general works on the subject, see Buford Rowland, "Recordkeeping Practices of the House of Representatives," National Archives Accessions, Jan. 1957, pp. 1-19; Richard A. Baker, "The Records of Congress: Opportunities and Obstacles in the Senate," and Anna Kasten Nelson, "Disorder in the House: The Inaccessible Record," both in The Public Historian (Summer 1980), pp. 62-72 and 73-83, respectively; Patricia Aronsson, "Congressional Records as Archival Sources," Government Publications Review, 1981, pp. 295-302. [Back to text] 2. Rowland, "Recordkeeping Practices of the House," pp. 3-4; American State Papers, Class X-Miscellaneous, 2: 245. [Back to text] 3. Thad Page, "Memorandum Re Records of the Congress," Jan. 21, 1946, Legislative Records Branch, RG 64, NA (hereafter referred to as LRB, RG 64, NA); Rowland, "Recordkeeping Practices of the House," pp. 7-8. [Back to text] 4. 31 Stat 642; Rowland, "Recordkeeping Practices of the House," pp. 11-13. [Back to text] 5. 48 Stat 1122-24; Public Law 73-432; Arthur Kimberly to the Director of Archival Service, Dec. 21, 1936, LRB, RG 64, NA; Frank McAlister, Accession Inventory no. 59, Apr. 1, 1937, LRB, RG 64, NA; S. Res. 99, 75th Cong. [Back to text] 6. Schellenberg, RG 64, NA; Administrative Secretary to the Archivist, July 5, 1938, LRB, RG 64, NA; House Report 917, 75th Cong.; the photographs are in H. Res. 222, Committee on the Library, Legislative Files (HR 75A-D22), 75th Cong., Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, Record Group 233, NA. [Back to text] 7. Washington Post, Nov. 19, 1944, attached to Archivist's note to Administrative Assistant, Nov. 20, 1944, LRB, RG 64, NA: Page to Alfred Elliot, Nov. 28, 1944, LRB, RG 64, NA; Page to Dirksen, Nov. 28, 1944, LRB, RG 64, NA; Dirksen to Buck, Nov. 29, 1944, LRB, RG 64, NA. [Back to text] 8. Harold Hufford to Page, Jan. 18, 1945, LRB, RG 64, NA; Buck to George Galloway, Feb. 19, 1946, LRB, RG 64, NA; Page, "Memorandum Re Records of Congress," Jan. 21, 1946, LRB, RG 64, NA. [Back to text] 9. 60 Stat 812. [Back to text] 10. 44 USC 2118 and 2107. [Back to text] Bibliographic note: Web version based on Guide to the Records of the United States House of Representatives at the National Archives, 1789-1989: Bicentennial Edition (Doct. No. 100-245). By Charles E. Schamel, Mary Rephlo, Rodney Ross, David Kepley, Robert W. Coren, and James Gregory Bradsher. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1989. This Web version is updated from time to time to include records processed since 1989.